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Update model card with generalization findings

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@@ -76,8 +76,39 @@ The model is steerable - changing attitudes while holding demographics constant
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  | Attitude Config | Predicted Ideology |
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  |-----------------|-------------------|
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- | Satisfied + Economy better + More immigration | 5 (center) |
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- | Dissatisfied + Economy worse + Fewer immigration | 7 (center-right) |
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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  ## Citation
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  | Attitude Config | Predicted Ideology |
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  |-----------------|-------------------|
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+ | Satisfied + Economy better + More immigration | 2 (left) |
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+ | Dissatisfied + Economy worse + Fewer immigration | 6 (center-right) |
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+ **4-point ideology swing** from attitude changes alone, holding demographics constant.
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+ ## Generalization to Unseen Questions
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+ We tested the model on CES questions it was **never trained on**:
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+ | Question Type | Example | Correlation (r) |
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+ |--------------|---------|-----------------|
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+ | **High-salience (Identity)** | COVID satisfaction | **0.60** |
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+ | **High-salience (Identity)** | Carbon tax position | **0.49** |
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+ | Low-salience (Policy) | Defence spending | 0.12 |
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+ | Low-salience (Policy) | Environment spending | -0.12 |
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+ ### Key Finding
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+ The model learned **political identity**, not policy platforms:
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+ - **Carbon Tax** (r=0.49) vs **Environment Spending** (r=-0.12) — both are "about the environment" but carbon tax is a tribal identity marker while spending is a technocratic detail
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+ - The 3 psychographic variables compress the "culture war" aspects of Canadian politics
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+ - Model excels at identity/affect prediction, struggles with budget details
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+ ### Implications
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+ This model is ideal for:
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+ - Simulating political discourse and polarization
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+ - Agent-based models of partisan sorting
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+ - Studying affective political identity
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+ Not suitable for:
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+ - Predicting specific policy preferences
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+ - Budget allocation modeling
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  ## Citation
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