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The Commonwealth is far from achieving gender equality when it comes to women in political decision-making roles. Although Commonwealth Africa has some of the best- performing countries in this context, on average women’s representation is still only 23.3 per cent. Elections are a critical process through which polit...
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However, for gender inclusiveness to become a reality, it is necessary to specifically address the hurdles to women’s participation in all three stages of the electoral cycle, the pre-electoral, electoral and the post-electoral periods.
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A Handbook for Gender Inclusive Elections in Commonwealth Africa: Achieving 50:50 by 2030 reviews the systems, legislation and best practice that will need to be implemented and effectively monitored to get more women into politics and help to realise Sustainable Development Goal 5 – achieve gender equality and empower...
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A Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections in Commonwealth Africa Achieving 50:50 by 2030 Commonwealth Secretariat C O M M O N W E A L T H S E C R E T A R I A T A H A N D B O O K F O R G E N D E R - I N C L U S I V E E L E C T I O N S I N C O M M O N W E A L T H A F R I C A P15717_EYSD_Gender_Inclusive_Elections_COVERS_...
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No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or otherwise without the permission of the publisher.
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Published by the Commonwealth Secretariat Typeset by Nova Techset Private Limited, Bengaluru & Chennai, India Printed by xxxx Views and opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors and should in no way be attributed to the institutions to which they are affiliated or to the Commonwealth ...
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Copies of this publication may be obtained from Publications Section Commonwealth Secretariat Marlborough House Pall Mall London SW1Y 5HX United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)20 7747 6534 Email: publications@commonwealth.int Web: www.thecommonwealth.org/publications A catalogue record for this publication is available from the B...
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Member countries took a significant stance on this in 1996 in Trinidad and Tobago, when senior officials at the frontline of promoting gender in their countries recommended that Commonwealth members should be encouraged to achieve a target of no less than 30 per cent women in decision-making in the political, public an...
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Collectively, Commonwealth African countries have since led in achieving, and in some cases surpassing, this target. When it comes to parliamentary gender equality, seven of the top ten performers in the Commonwealth are from Commonwealth Africa – and Rwanda remains the global leader. All have ratified the Convention...
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The Commonwealth Charter recognises that gender equality and women’s empowerment are not only essential components of human development and basic human rights, they are also critical preconditions for sustainable development. Likewise, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development underscores women’s full and effective ...
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This is aligned with the African Union’s focus on gender equality as reflected in various commitments, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (‘the Maputo Protocol’), as well as Africa’s Agenda 2063. In effect, all Commonwealth countries are challenged to progress f...
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This is the essence of this first edition of the Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections in Commonwealth Africa. Focusing on elections as the main doorway for attaining elective office, it examines the roles of the key players in this space who iv Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections are poised to contribute to the...
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It shares good practice and further examines what has not worked, and why, in each of these categories. I commend the generosity of Commonwealth leaders who have shared their personal experiences in this handbook: HE Samia Suluhu Hassan, Vice President of Tanzania; Hon. Rebecca Kadaga (MP), first woman Speaker of the...
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I appreciate contributions from our Commonwealth Electoral Network of election officials and experts. Their responses to surveys and interviews have enriched the findings and shaped the recommendations provided. Commonwealth Africa can achieve 50:50 by 2030.
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Commonwealth Africa can achieve 50:50 by 2030. As this handbook underscores, it will take political will, the steadfast implementation of national, regional and international gender rules, and a commitment by all the aforementioned stakeholders to this goal, including women themselves, who must not tire of stepping fo...
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The Rt Hon. Patricia Scotland QC Secretary-General of the Commonwealth Acknowledgements v This handbook takes advantage of existing reports from the Commonwealth’s 25-year election observation history, to gain an appreciation of the trends in women’s participation in electoral processes and politics more generally in ...
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As a starting point, all available Commonwealth Observer Group reports (COGs)1 were examined for an overview of trends and recurring themes on women’s political participation over the organisation’s 25-year election observation history. In total, 34 COG reports on Commonwealth Africa were then examined in greater deta...
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To date, the Commonwealth has observed one election each in Botswana, South Africa and Namibia, and is yet to observe an election in Mauritius. The COG reports reflect a mixture of presidential, parliamentary and local government elections observed by the Commonwealth Secretariat in this period. This body of work was...
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Relevant publications generated by the Commonwealth Secretariat’s Gender Unit provided secondary evidence to affirm the findings of the COG reports. The outcomes of two separate surveys of Commonwealth election management boards (EMBs), including of members of the Commonwealth Electoral Network, provided further valid...
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This handbook benefits from the voices of women in politics, parliaments, civil society and EMBs, who have generously contributed their own experiences on some of the issues raised, referenced in the text: Samia Suluhu Hassan, Vice-President of Tanzania; Honourable Rebecca Kadaga (MP), first woman Speaker of the Parlia...
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Geraldine Joslyn Fraser-Moleketi, former Special Envoy for Gender at the African Development Bank and former Minister of Public Service and Administration, South Africa, moderated a joint Commonwealth and African Union gender dialogue vi Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections in New York in March 2015, which spurred t...
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A reference group comprising representatives of Commonwealth Africa High Commissions, experts and civil society organisations reviewed and validated the handbook at a meeting in London on 7 July 2017.
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The group comprised: Her Excellency Ms Yamina Claris Karitanyi, High Commissioner of Rwanda to the United Kingdom; Honourable Emma Kowa, Member of Parliament, Republic of Sierra Leone; Advocate Notemba Tjipueja, Chairperson, Electoral Commission of Namibia; Reverend Bongani Finca, Commissioner, Electoral Commission of ...
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Dr Josephine Ahikire conducted the initial research for the handbook, with additional research by Lindsey Adjei. Gender Links’ CEO Colleen Lowe Morna edited and contributed to the handbook, with assistance from Gender and Governance Manager Mariatu Fonnah, Media Coordinator Tarisai Nyamweda and Alliance Coordinator Lu...
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Yvonne Apea Mensah, Adviser and Head of Africa at the Governance and Peace Directorate of the Commonwealth Secretariat, conceptualised and managed this project, providing oversight and strategic guidance with Kemi Ogunsanya, Adviser, Gender Section in the Secretary-General’s Office. Note 1 For convenience, the termino...
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These include smaller teams, sometimes constituted by staff only, whose reports are not made public, such as Commonwealth Expert Teams (CETs) and Commonwealth Observer Missions (COMs). COGs and CETs are constituted by the Commonwealth Secretary-General at the request/ invitation of a member country. Observers’ terms ...
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Contents Foreword Acknowledgements Acronyms and Abbreviations Executive Summary Contributors 1 Introduction 1.1 Why gender-inclusive elections matter vii iii v xi xv xxi 3 4 1.2 Women in Commonwealth African parliaments 7 1.3 Ministerial level 1.4 Presiding officers of legislatures 1.5 Heads of State/Government 1.6 Wha...
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1.7 Barriers to women’s political participation across the electoral cycle 1.8 Keys to gender-inclusive elections 1.9 Checklist Notes References 2 Normative Frameworks 2.1 National instruments on gender 2.2 Checklists References 3 The Legislature, Electoral Systems and Temporary Special Measures 3.1 Electoral systems 3...
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Political party allegiance 4.8 Women’s wings 4.9 Checklists for political parties References 5 Gender and Election Management Bodies 5.1 Challenges in recruiting women to senior positions 5.2 How EMBs are mainstreaming gender institutionally 5.3 Pre-elections 61 64 64 66 66 66 67 69 73 74 79 81 Contents 5.4 Elections 5...
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of CSOs 6.4 Support to women candidates ix 85 86 87 89 92 92 95 96 97 98 98 6.5 Capacity-building for newly elected leaders 100 6.6 Election watchdogs 6.7 Media monitoring 6.8 Budget monitoring 6.9 Monitoring gender violence during elections and promoting peace 6.10 Checklist References 7 The Media and Social Media 7.1...
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Initiative for the Advancement of Women ECN Electoral Council of Namibia ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EFF EISA EMB EU FIDA FPTP FRELIMO GBV GFP GMMP IDEA Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa) Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa election management body European Union Federatio...
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Monitoring Project International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance xii Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections IEC IFES IFP IPU LCD MCP MDGs MMP MP NEPAD NGO NRM PF PoA PR RDPC RGB SADC SDF SDGs Electoral Commission (of South Africa) International Foundation for Electoral Systems Inkatha Freedom Party (S...
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on women’s political participation in March 2015 (Commonwealth Secretariat 2015a).
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Convened to commemorate 20 years of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, as well as the AU’s theme for 2015, ‘The Year of Women’s Empowerment and Development towards Agenda 2030’, the dialogue recognised that, while modest gains have been made, much remains to be done to achieve gender equality in decision-...
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Themed ‘Beyond Numbers: Women’s Political Leadership in Delivering Democracy and Development in Africa’ (Ibid), participants identified gaps and shared good practices in promoting the proportion of women in decision-making positions across the governance spectrum and improving the impact they make on development and de...
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It also underscored the central role that election management bodies (EMBs), political parties and legislatures play in ensuring gender-inclusive elections. The AU and the Commonwealth Secretariat affirmed their commitment to strengthening the capacity of these stakeholders to enhance the participation of women in ele...
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Together with the Commonwealth Gender and Elections Checklist (see Annex A), the handbook further responds to one of the four priorities for gender equity endorsed by ministers at the 11th Commonwealth Women’s Affairs Ministerial Meeting held in Apia, Samoa, in September 2016 – namely, enhancing women’s political leade...
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Drawing on the rich pool of resources on elections in Commonwealth Africa, this handbook targets the following players in the electoral cycle: • political parties • legislatures xvi Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections • election management bodies • civil society • media and social media • election observer missions...
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The definition of the electoral cycle that the handbook uses is well established among signatories to the Declaration of Principles for Election Observers (i.e. the pre-electoral, electoral and post-electoral periods) (Commonwealth Secretariat 2005). The electoral cycle has mainly been utilised to guide standard acti...
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The handbook recommends that, for gender inclusiveness to become a reality, it is necessary to specifically address the hurdles to women’s participation in all the three stages. In the pre- election period, there are actions for the EMBs such as training, planning and voter registration. EMBs should ensure that all t...
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Parliaments can also make laws or amend existing laws to address the obstacles. This stage is also a period for preparation on the part of political aspirants. Women political aspirants need to master the standard stages that apply to everybody, but additionally appreciate the significance of the ‘gender template’ on...
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Women’s candidatures face hurdles both in nomination and in campaigns. For women to get elected, they need to pass through three crucial barriers: first, they must put themselves forward for elections; second, they need to get selected as candidates by their party; and third, they need to get selected by the voters (s...
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A variety of factors produce aspirants from all eligible people: parties as gatekeepers convert aspirants into candidates, while the community, as voters, turns candidates into office-holders. Executive Summary xvii Although the post-election period is like the ‘calm after the storm’ (or more of ‘the storm’, if the el...
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Where women have been under-represented in electoral processes for various reasons, Heads of State committed to gender equality have the opportunity to change some of that through their cabinet appointments. Leaders are also selected and announced in parliaments and (in the case of local government) in councils.
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In addition, this is the period when all parties, but especially the EMBs, media and election monitoring groups, analyse and reflect on the outcomes of the elections: it is a critical moment for making recommendations on improving gender outcomes. The checklist follows the three stages of the elections, providing a gu...
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The checklist can also be used to conduct stand-alone gender audits of elections, by civil society watchdogs, gender commissions and any groups that have a specific gender brief in the elections. is The handbook, meanwhile, structured around key commitments and role players, with relevant sections of the checklist at ...
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The reason for this is to ensure that it is as relevant as possible to these stakeholders, while recognising the overlapping and mutually reinforcing nature of these roles. Chapter 1 (Introduction) provides an overview of where women are in political decision-making in the Commonwealth, what prevents women from enteri...
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Chapter 2 (Normative Frameworks) covers the key international, Commonwealth, African, subregional and national commitments to achieving gender equality. Chapter 3 (The Legislature, Electoral Systems and Temporary Special Measures) focuses on the role of the constitution and the legislature, especially in determining t...
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Chapter 4 (Political Parties) concerns gender in the visions, missions and manifestos of political parties; the role of political parties in grooming women for leadership in their xviii Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections own structures; nominations of, and support for, candidates, including in top positions; and t...
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The chapter also covers the dilemmas faced by women who must choose between commitment to their parties and to causes dear to them as women. It looks at the role and experience of inter-party caucuses in helping women bridge this divide. Chapter 5 (Gender and Election Management Bodies) concerns gender mainstreaming ...
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This chapter also covers the many facets of elections – from voter registration, to running the elections on the day, to announcing election results – for which the EMBs are primarily responsible. Chapter 6 (Civil Society) focuses on the role of civil society lobbying and (especially women’s rights organisations) in a...
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Chapter 7 (The Media and Social Media) breaks new ground by including the media as a key player in either excluding women or promoting gender-inclusive elections. Moving with the times, this chapter also includes a section on new media, a tool with many possibilities, but also many potential pitfalls, in the quest for...
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Chapter 8 (Election Observers) touches on election observation generally (domestic, regional and international), but with a strong focus on what has been learned through Commonwealth Observer Mission reports from a gender perspective, and how these can be strengthened in the future.
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Chapter 9 (Conclusions and Recommendations) ties together the diverse threads in the handbook by suggesting how all the different actors can contribute to gender-inclusive elections and offers reflections and recommendations from a gender perspective. Each chapter begins with an overview, based on facts and figures as...
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It draws out the key gender issues overall and for specific actors, ending with a summary of key points and the relevant sections of the checklist. The following icons assist in the navigation of the handbook. Executive Summary xix Key points: This is a summary at the beginning of each chapter. Case study: The best ...
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The handbook shares examples, but also encourages users to find their own case studies. Quick facts: The handbook has some quick facts where these help explain current realities and prompt us to think about how we can approach things differently.     Checklist: This is an action-oriented handbook that ends with q...
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The checklist directed at each stakeholder and overall (Annex A) is the main ‘take away’ from the handbook, with practical applications to upcoming elections in each country. References Commonwealth Secretariat (2005), ‘Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation and Code of Conduct for Internatio...
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Commonwealth Secretariat (2015a), Beyond Numbers: Women’s Political Leadership in Delivering Democracy and Development in Africa, available at: http://thecommonwealth.org/sites/default/files/news-items/documents/ Meeting%20Report_Women’s%20Political%20Leadership_0.pdf (accessed 6 December 2017). Matland, RE (1998), ‘E...
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Contributors xxi Colleen Lowe Morna, CEO Gender Links – Editor and Contributor Dr Josephine Akhire, Professor and Dean, School of Women and Gender Studies, Makerere University, Uganda Yvonne Apea-Mensah, Adviser and Head of Africa, Governance and Peace Directorate, Commonwealth Secretariat Kemi Ogunsanya, Adviser, Gend...
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Commonwealth Africa has recorded the greatest increase in the levels of women’s representation in parliament: from 19.0 per cent in 2004 to 26.6 per cent in 2016, a variance of 7.6 percentage points. Women lead 53 of the 193 parliaments globally; 19 of these are Commonwealth countries. Research indicates that there i...
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Post-elections, ministerial appointments present a ‘quick win’ for gender equality in political decision-making. They are also a litmus test for political will and commitment to gender equality. There are significant disparities between Commonwealth African countries regarding women’s representation in parliament and...
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The Commonwealth Charter not only promotes human rights, it also commits governments to eliminating ‘all forms of discrimination, whether rooted in gender, race, colour, creed, political belief or other grounds’ (Commonwealth Secretariat 2013). Gender equality and women’s empowerment, in particular, are recognised as ...
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Yet nowhere, says the report of the United Nations (UN) to the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, ‘is the gap between de jure and de facto equality among men and women greater than in the area of decision-making’ (UN 1995, p.12). This fact rings true today, despite progress.
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This fact rings true today, despite progress. The 2016 World Economic Forum (WEF) Gender Gap Report (WEF 2016) noted that, while the gender gap in political participation was the widest that year, it exhibited the most progress, narrowing by 9 per cent since 2006. According to the WEF, on the 2016 trends, it could be...
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in political decision-making, 4 Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections This chapter of the handbook explains why gender is a key issue in elections. It provides key facts – where women are (or are missing) in parliament, local government, cabinet and the top leadership of their countries. The chapter analyses why wo...
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1.1 Why gender-inclusive elections matter Democracy is about the fair representation of all interest groups in society. The fact that women are not represented in proportion to their presence in the population is a violation of this principle. In short, women have a right to equal participation in political decision-...
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But democracy is not just about representation. It is also about participation and citizenship, which give people a say in their lives, making for better policies and service delivery, and holding those who make such decisions and take such actions more accountable.
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The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) maintains that democracy will only assume true and dynamic significance when women and men participate equally in policy formulation and in national legislatures, reflecting the interests and aptitudes of both halves of the population (IPU 1994).
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The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPFA) adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 states: ‘Women’s equal participation in decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy, but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be considered.
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Achieving the goal of equal participation of women and men in decision-making will provide a balance that more Box 1.1 African women struggle for political space ‘In Uganda and many post-colonial African countries, women’s political leadership has come a long way.
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At independence, while the continent celebrated the great milestones from Ghana to Kenya, Uganda to Malawi, women were quietly bracing themselves for the second independence – the struggle for a woman’s space in political life of post-colonial Africa. Most independence struggles always highlighted men at the forefront...
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Many decades later, Africa now has two female heads of state and many other women occupy key decision- making positions. Even with these achievements, many analysts believe that women’s involvement in post-colonial state governance has been painfully slow.’ Hon.
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Rebecca Kadaga (MP), first woman Speaker of the Parliament of Uganda, January 2017 Introduction 5 accurately reflects the composition of society and is needed in order to strengthen democracy and promote its proper functioning’ (UN 1995, para 181).
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The BPFA called on governments to take measures to ensure women’s equal access to, and full participation in, decision-making by creating a gender balance in government and administration; integrating women into political parties; increasing women’s capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership; and increas...
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The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), a Swedish-based research institute, drew attention to this gap in the book Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers. The authors point out that: in today’s Although women remain significantly under-represented parliaments, women are no...
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They are learning the rules of the game and using the knowledge and understanding to promote women’s issues and concerns from inside the world’s legislatures. In so doing, they are not only increasing the chances of their success, but they are also paving the way for a new generation of women to enter the legislative ...
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The book carries findings from a research study in Norway that involved tracking legislation as well as interviews with male and female Members of Parliament (MPs). The study concluded that: ‘In Norwegian politics, there is unquestionably a mandate of difference attached to women politicians’ (Skjeie 1998, pp.183–189)...
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Following the ‘lost decade’ of the 1980s, when a combination of stumbling commodity prices, conflict, war, Box 1.2 Women and the 2030 Agenda ‘For Tanzania, gender equality and women’s economic empowerment underlie the true spirit of the 2030 Agenda and are inextricably linked to our vision of inclusive and sustainable ...
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Great progress has been made but we are not there yet.’ HE Samia Suluhu Hassan, Vice President, United Republic of Tanzania 6 Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections political instability and mismanagement led to major economic decline, the continent is slowly but surely on an upward trajectory.
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The pillars of ‘good governance’ are now generally agreed to include: the responsibility of the government (that is, the executive and its administration) to manage; the role of the judiciary, statutory bodies, the media and civil society to provide checks and balances; and the role of the private sector, working in a ...
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There are two dimensions of governance: ‘good governance’ are accountability, transparency, • economic and corporate governance, increased investment, improve efficiency and productivity, and reduce poverty through macroeconomic management, public financial management, banking supervision, financial services regulation...
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Within the above context, elections are generally regarded as one of the hallmarks of democracy. An Afrobarometer report released in November 2016 found a direct correlation between the quality of elections and the demand for democracy in 36 African countries surveyed: African countries with high- quality elections ar...
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The report’s findings that ‘popular demand for democracy still exceeds citizen perceptions of the available supply of democracy in most African countries (26 out of 36 in 2015)’ augurs well for the future of elections in Africa, as the preferred mode for Africans to select their leaders. This is even more reason why w...
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It also underscores the need for constant scrutiny and strengthening of institutions that play a role in the process to enhance inclusivity (Afrobarometer 2016). Numerous Commonwealth Observer Group (COG) reports have highlighted the under-representation of women in elections and electoral process.
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It is quite telling that the Afrobarometer survey finds a gender gap even in the demand for democracy across the continent, with women (39 per cent) significantly less likely to demand democracy than men (49 per cent). This under-representation, and incidents of apathy towards participation, is reflected in the gender...
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Yet, as earlier illustrated, emerging hard evidence affirms that women’s participation in decision-making policies translates into increased gender equality policies and reforms in areas like family law and land rights (African Development Bank 2015).
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1.2 Women in Commonwealth African parliaments Since the introduction of the Commonwealth Plan of Action for Gender Equality (PoA) in 2005, Commonwealth member countries have made important strides in increasing the number of female parliamentarians within its six official regions.
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The PoA target of 30 per cent or more women in decision-making in parliament and local government has been achieved through the introduction of affirmative action measures such as temporary special measures (TSMs) and reserved seats in some Commonwealth countries.
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As reflected in Table 1.1, which compares the proportion of women in parliament in the different regions of the Commonwealth from 2004 to 2016, the overall proportion for all Commonwealth regions in 2016 is 21.1 per cent, close to the global average of 22.7 per cent. This represents a 4.3 percentage point increase on ...
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At 14.5 per cent, Asia has the lowest proportion of women in parliament in the Commonwealth. Commonwealth Africa has recorded the greatest increase in the levels of women’s representation in parliament: from 19.0 per cent in 2004 to 26.6 per cent in 2016, a variance of 7.6 percentage points (Morna et al. 2013).
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2013). The 2015 Ibrahim Index on African Governance (IIAG), which includes a ‘women in politics’ indicator, further affirms that the majority of African countries (37) have improved in the gender subcategory. Table 1.1 Women in parliament in the Commonwealth by region (2016) Region 2004 (%) 2016 (%) Variance (%) The ...
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(2013) 31.2 % 26.6 % 21.7 % 24.2 % 16.3 % 14.5 % 21.1 % 6.8 % 7.6 % 4.3 % 4.5 % 1.4 % 3.7 % 4.3 % 8 Handbook for Gender-inclusive Elections Box 1.3 Scandinavia is no longer the model ‘Before Rwanda came onto the scene, Scandinavian countries consistently topped the world in terms of women’s numbers in public elective o...
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Answers to this question have been found in the reality of structural changes within these countries, which include secularisation, the strength of social democratic parties and the development of an extended welfare state, women’s entrance into the labour market in large numbers in the 1960s, the educational boom of t...
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The Scandinavian experience took 80 years. Today, the women of the world are not willing to wait…’ Ballington (2004) Notably, African countries comprise six of the top ten performers when it comes to the proportion of women in parliament in the Commonwealth. These top performers have either met or exceeded the 30 per...
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These gains have resulted from many actions, including electoral reforms, legislated and voluntary temporary special measures (TSMs), as well as advocacy and mobilisation by civil society actors, including women’s movements.
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Figure 1.1 Women in parliament and local government in Commonwealth Africa in 2016 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 64% 48% 49% Parliament Local government 44% 42% 42% 38% 40% 33% 37% 36% 34% 30% 31% 28% 25% 28% 30% 21% 20% 17% 19% 13% 13% 12% 11% 12% 8% 7% 11% 10% 13% 10% 7% 6% 6% 0% S outh Africa R w anda M oza m bique N ...
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¾ At 64 per cent, Rwanda has the highest proportion of women in parliament in the world, the Commonwealth and Commonwealth Africa. ¾ Seven of the 18 Commonwealth African countries (Cameroon, Rwanda, South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda) have achieved a proportion of 30 per cent or more for women in p...
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¾ Seven of the 18 Commonwealth Africa countries (Zambia, Sierra Leone, Mauritius, Ghana, Botswana, Swaziland and Nigeria) have a proportion of 15 per cent or lower for women in parliament. ¾ Lesotho (49 per cent) has the highest proportion of women in local government. ¾ Three Commonwealth African countries (Rwanda, ...
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This reflects the conservative nature of these societies on the ground, where forces of custom, culture and tradition remain stronger than at the national level. ¾ Four Commonwealth African countries have a significantly higher proportion of women in local government than in parliament (Uganda, Lesotho, Mauritius and ...
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Except for Botswana, this reflects the fact that where Commonwealth African countries have been willing to adopt TSMs (see Chapter 4) they have been more willing to do so at the local level (often seen as ‘community affairs’ rather than ‘real politics’) than at the national level. ¾ Four Commonwealth African countries...
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