If they don’t refine themselves, if they don’t strictly monitor their workers, they will lose their public connection soon. AB: During the interim period, we saw a dangerous normalization of violence, where mobs could torch media offices and walk away with total impunity, knowing no one would touch them. Do you feel that same current is flowing through this new administration? RF: It’s a disgrace, and it’s deeply alarming. The mob violence you’re talking about isn’t just a series of isolated incidents; it’s a manufactured culture. When I was attacked, those people had that exact sense of invulnerability in the back of their minds. And frankly, the government’s silence has only proven them right. To this day, no one from the administration has even bothered to reach out to me, let alone talk about justice. There is no oppressor more terrifying than a former victim who finally gets a taste of power. After fifteen years of being suppressed, BNP cadres have become completely unhinged. They won’t tolerate any dissent. The tragedy is that the Bangladeshi bureaucracy and the police force remain as nakedly politicized as ever.


They’ve just changed colors. If this lawlessness isn’t brought under control immediately, the BNP is going to find itself facing a very grim future. You can’t govern a country through the whims of a mob. AB: What are the biggest challenges ahead of the BNP government? RF: The first is undoubtedly the economy. It’s catastrophic. We’re looking at over 600,000 Crore Taka in defaulted loans, with the total national debt likely hitting the 40 Lakh Crore mark. Recovering the economic infrastructure from is going to be a massive uphill battle. The second is law and order. What happened to me on 21st February is just a small snapshot of the current state of security. Bringing stability back to the streets is easily one of the government’s toughest jobs right now. Thirdly, as I said before, the government itself is its own biggest challenge. Having a two-thirds absolute majority is a double-edged sword; it’s dangerous for any organization. To keep that many party workers and activists in check, you need a highly professional, proactive police force.


We don’t have that level of professionalism yet. If we did, the mob that had attacked me right in front of the police, would have been caught then and there. The BNP administration has to put an end to this mob culture, otherwise they will simply get eaten by their own people. Lastly, it’s the commodity prices. With Ramadan right around the corner, prices for essentials have already taken a massive leap. Although people are staying quiet for now but that patience won’t last forever. Apart from these there are plenty of other challenges as well. Let’s see how the government deals with them. AB: As a Member of Parliament, what will your priorities be? RF: My first priority is infrastructure, especially roads. Secondly, ensuring gas supply in Brahmanbaria. We have gas fields here, yet many households do not have access to gas. I want to ensure that the people of Brahmanbaria benefit first. Thirdly, I want to modernise health centres, schools and colleges, madrasas, temples and mosques, as well as other educational and social institutions.


Ashuganj is a commercial hub, with gas resources, power plants, a fertiliser factory, and a river port. I want to utilise these potentials to increase investment and create employment opportunities. AB: Do you think your victory will inspire more women to join politics? RF: I hope so. As of now, I’m already feeling a shift. But I do have a concern. Many women in Bangladesh internalize a permanent victim identity. I haven’t seen this pattern as strongly in the West or even in India. This likely stems from years of oppression that have embedded deep insecurities within them. The next generation must move beyond this mindset. Dear girls, trust your own strength, fix your gaze on your target, and be prepared for the sheer level of patience, labor, and sacrifice required to get there. Bangladesh’s political culture suffers from a chronic lack of well-educated people. Even when such individuals do enter, they get systematically sidelined . If we want to change the trajectory of this nation, we need more educated individuals, especially women, to step into politics.


From Gaza to Lebanon and Iran: The normalization of atrocity

For two years, as the genocide in Gaza was unfolding live in front of the world’s eyes, we have warned. For decades, we have documented the hypocrisy that underpins international law and the selective outrage that defines global responses to conflict, which only serve to feed these conflicts. Today, those warnings are no longer theoretical — they are playing out in real time across West Asia, as the war crimes normalized in Gaza now serve as the blueprint for new theaters of destruction in Lebanon and Iran. Gaza as precedent Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza was never an isolated incident. It was the extreme iteration of a doctrine that has been developing for decades and facilitated by decades of impunity. Israel’s “ Dahyieh doctrine , ” unleashed on the Lebanese capital during the 2006 war, was explicitly about destroying civilian infrastructure or “ domicide ” to pressure governments through collective punishment of the civilian population.


This doctrine, named after the southern Beirut suburb known as “Dahyieh” (literally “suburb”), established a dangerous precedent: collective punishment of civilian populations could be publicly presented as legitimate military strategy without consequences. Gaza represented the extreme version of this approach . Now, with the wars on Lebanon and Iran by the U.S. and Israel, we see the same pattern. The tactics are familiar, the rhetoric is consistent, and the international response — or lack of it — is predictably skewed. A dangerous pattern Lebanon became the second major theater in 2024 and now again in 2026, mirroring the Gaza playbook but with some regional adaptations. The displacement of populations from Dahyieh, southern Lebanon and the Bekaa valley, nearly 1 million people , follows the same demographic engineering strategy seen in Gaza — forcing civilian populations, in this case predominantly the Shia community, to flee, then destroying the territory, including infrastructure, homes, and poisoning soil so that life can no longer exist. Medical workers in Lebanon have faced deliberate targeting, with reports of hospitals being threatened and having to be evacuated.


This echoes the systematic targeting of healthcare infrastructure in Gaza, where ambulances, medical personnel, and hospitals became frequent targets. Israeli attacks on United Nations peacekeepers in southern Lebanon represent another dangerous escalation, undermining international humanitarian law and the protections afforded to peacekeeping forces, though again met with little repercussions on the attackers. In Iran, attacks on civilian infrastructure have created environmental disasters of catastrophic proportions. The bombing of oil storage facilities in Tehran and other Iranian cities has unleashed environmental crises that will affect generations. These attacks on civilian infrastructure — desalination plants , oil facilities, media outlets, public utilities, among many others — represent clear violations of international humanitarian law and are also met with little repercussions on the aggressors. Article 54 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibits attacks on objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, including foodstuffs, crops, livestock, drinking water installations, and irrigation works. The rhetoric of terror Perhaps most disturbing has been the public rhetoric from U.S. and Israeli officials.


A recent post by U.S. President Donald Trump on Truth Social threatened that “we will take out easily destroyable targets that will make it virtually impossible for Iran to ever be built back, as a Nation, again — Death, Fire, and Fury will reign upon them.” Such statements represent not just inflammatory rhetoric but explicit threats of collective punishment. This is not a single occurrence; we hear it from Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, for instance, when he says that “the only ones who need to worry are the Iranians who think they’re gonna live.” Or senior United States senator from South Carolina, Lindsey Graham, and one of Trump’s closest advisors and staunchest Israel supporters, who said: “We flattened Berlin, we flattened Tokyo. Were we wrong to drop an atomic bomb to end the Japanese reign of terror? … If I were Israel, I would have probably done it the same way.” This is added to the countless documented statements by Israeli officials blatantly announcing intent to commit genocide and, more recently, explicitly stating their intent to repeat their crimes in Gaza, this time in Beirut and Tehran. These public statements are not mere bluster; they serve as advance notice of intended violations.


When officials announce their intentions to make living conditions unbearable for a group of people, they are essentially admitting to plans that violate fundamental principles of international law and literally the definition of genocide, including “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.” We have seen this again and again in Gaza, and later in Lebanon and now also in Iran, with Israeli and U.S. officials boasting their intended crimes before committing them. Selective outrage While condemnations of Iran and Hezbollah are issued with predictable regularity, imposing sanctions and unleashing armies, there is deafening silence about the aggressors who are not only responsible for starting the ongoing war in the first place, but whose war crimes are immeasurably larger and certainly more deadly. This includes the murder of over 175 Iranians, most of them little schoolgirls, on the first day of attacks by the U.S. The international community’s selective outrage reveals the hypocrisy that underpins the so-called “ rules-based international order ,” and only confirms to those who feel unprotected by it that they need to seek alternative ways to protect themselves.


What makes this double standard particularly glaring is the economic calculus driving the silence. All that matters, it seems, is keeping the Hormuz Strait open so that oil continues flowing and money continues to change hands. The lives of civilians in Lebanon and Iran, and elsewhere in the region, for that matter, appear to be secondary to economic interests. The end of international law’s façade What we are witnessing is not just the escalation of conflict; it is the death of international law as a meaningful constraint, however limited, on powerful states. When war crimes are announced in advance and committed openly, when civilian displacement becomes a stated objective, and when environmental destruction is treated as collateral damage, we have moved beyond the realm of legal gray areas into a world where might makes right. The international community’s failure to act, its selective condemnation, and its economic complicity all point to that same conclusion.


European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas openly acknowledged the collapse of the international legal order when they called on Europe to adapt to a “chaotic, coercive world order” amid “mounting violations of international law.” In her March 2026 speech, von der Leyen admitted that “we cannot solve every global issue or perfectly reconcile our values and our interests on each occasion,” effectively signaling the EU’s acceptance of a post-international-law reality. This admission of powerlessness comes as the European Union itself bears significant responsibility for the current destruction. Through decades of appeasement toward Israeli occupation policies, complicit silence on collective punishment in Gaza, and prioritization of energy security over human rights, the EU has actively enabled the normalization of war crimes that are now being replicated in Lebanon and Iran. The bloc’s strategic interests, including maintaining access to Hormuz Strait oil flows, have consistently overridden its professed commitment to international law, making von der Leyen’s call for adaptation less an acknowledgment of external circumstances and more an admission of the EU’s own role in dismantling the very legal framework it claims to uphold.


In a recent speech during the Munich Security Conference, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called on his European allies to “not be shackled by guilt and shame” over their “culture and heritage,” and called for a return to “the West’s age of dominance.” Rubio continued: “This is what we did together once before, and this is what President Trump and the United States want to do again now, together with you.” The speech was met not with horror about a call for reviving one of humanity’s most brutal centuries of colonialism and slavery, but with a standing ovation from the European leaders in the room. A future of normalized atrocity Unless there is a dramatic shift in global consciousness and political will when people in the countries that produce the world’s most advanced weapons and unleash wars abroad react not because gas prices are rising but because bankrolling war crimes committed in their names is wrong, we can expect this pattern to continue. The normalization of these war crimes has created a dangerous precedent — or return to a tradition of brutal colonialism — that could be applied anywhere, anytime, yet again.


When powerful states can act with impunity, when they can announce their intentions to commit atrocities and then follow through without consequence, the entire framework of international law becomes meaningless, even as a smokescreen. The warning issued over two years ago — that Gaza was the blueprint for a bleak future for the whole world — was not hyperbole. It was a factual observation of where we were headed. Today, that future is not just closer; it is already here. The question no longer is whether these actions are war crimes; we have enough evidence to make that determination. The question is whether the world will finally muster the courage to acknowledge the truth and hold the powerful accountable by applying sanctions to the criminals and practical measures to pressure them, or whether it will continue down the path of complicity through silence and selective outrage. The answer will determine not just the fate of Lebanon, Iran and Palestine, but the future of a planet reeling under the pressure of human-made destruction.


Authorities push back against International Women’s Day march in Pakistan

This year, on March 8, International Women’s Day , participants of the Islamabad chapter of the Aurat March (Women’s March) faced extreme brutality and arrests by the authorities after attempting to hold their annual rally in Pakistan’s capital. Organizers from the feminist collective Hum Aurtein say police used force to disperse the gathering and arrested more than 35 women, including several well-known activists. Authorities accused the group of violating Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, a legal provision that bans public assemblies in designated areas. The detainees were released later that evening after nearly 10 hours in custody. For the past eight years , Aurat March organizers have marked International Women’s Day (March 8) with creative demonstrations to raise awareness against patriarchy and advocate for the rights of women and marginalized communities in Pakistan. Over the years, marches have been typically organized in several major cities, including Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi, and Multan, where the four chapters are based.


While the rallies have often faced pushback from authorities and conservative religious groups, organizers say this year’s detentions in Islamabad marked an unusually severe response. On the morning of March 8, Aurat March organizers and participants gathered at a supermarket in Sector F-6, intending to march toward the Islamabad Press Club located downtown. Before the rally could begin, police detained the group and transported them in prison vans. Their mobile phones were confiscated, and they were taken to the Women’s Police Station in G-7. Witnesses said that friends and family members who arrived at the station seeking information about the detainees were also threatened with arrest. Global Voices reporter at the scene observed police officers baton-charging people gathered outside the G-7 Women’s Police Station. Anyone standing near the station risked being detained. The area had been placed under heavy security, with a large police presence surrounding the building. And when members of the Global Voices reporting team attempted to document the situation, officers warned that they could also be arrested if they did not leave.


Several individuals who tried to approach or enter the station were taken into custody. According to a list issued by security authorities, a copy of which was obtained by Global Voices, at least 27 men and 34 women were taken into custody. Section 144 imposed in Islamabad Police said the participants were detained for violating Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, a legal order that restricts public gatherings and had been in place in Islamabad since the previous week. Authorities imposed the measure after protests erupted following reports that Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, had been killed in strikes reportedly carried out by Israel and the United States. Police also circulated a document stating that Aurat March organizers had been informed in advance about the Section 144 restrictions. However, participants disputed this claim, saying they had not received any such notice. Journalist Azaz Syed shared the document on X (formerly Twitter): The Global Voices team spoke to several people who had been detained outside the G-7 Women’s Police Station.


Many said they had been held together in cramped conditions in a single cell. Mavra Bari, a sociologist and activist, said nearly 80 women and children were confined in a small cell with a nonfunctional washroom and little space to sit. She noted that girls as young as 14 were among the detainees and that they were not allowed to contact their families. Bari said she had gone to the station only to check on her mother and sister, not as a march participant, and alleged that police violently snatched phones, pushed and shoved people, and even pulled some women’s hair and clothing. Male allies who accompanied them were beaten with batons, with one suffering fractures. According to Bari, the arrests of about 34 women and 34 men took place despite no violation of Section 144, as many were simply outside the station inquiring about detained organizers. “The treatment was inhumane,” she said, adding that many detainees were released only after signing undertakings related to Section 144.


She emphasized that Aurat March is intended as a “creative celebration of International Women’s Day,” designed to highlight issues such as gender-based violence and the persecution of activists. “The arrests stood in stark contrast to official messages celebrating women’s rights on the same day,” she said. One woman, who requested anonymity, told Global Voices that detainees were pressured to sign an affidavit containing threatening language. According to her, the document stated that they had caused a “disturbance to the police” and committed various legal violations, and included a clause requiring them to pledge that they would not participate in similar events again. Even journalists were not spared. Those who went to cover the incident and speak with the families of the participants were reportedly detained and manhandled. Condemnations Freedom Network, an organization that monitors press freedom violations, issued a statement condemning the crackdown on both the Aurat March participants and the journalists. Aurat March organizers, alongside the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, held a press conference at the Islamabad Press Club to protest the police’s handling of the march.


They spoke out against the manhandling, threats, and the pressure to sign what they described as unreasonable affidavits. The organizers demanded an investigation into the incident and called for accountability for those responsible. During the conference, they acknowledged that Section 144 had been in effect in the federal capital but emphasized that civil society does not accept laws that violate citizens’ fundamental rights. They also said that authorities had warned of a potential suicide bomber threat. Meanwhile, friends and family members who went to the police stations to check on the detainees were reportedly detained themselves and faced threats. Human rights activists criticized the government’s response. Nishat Maryam told Global Voices that state pressure around the march has intensified over the years, but this year’s crackdown was unprecedented. She added that it reflected the state’s priorities: “Rapists roam freely, yet the state targets unarmed, peaceful protesters. As a woman, I condemn this behavior — it generates deep anger and frustration,” she said. Syeda Kashamala, a lawyer detained while checking on colleagues, questioned the legality of the arrests.


“Article 16 of the Constitution guarantees the right to peaceful assembly, while Article 19 protects freedom of expression,” she said, noting that Section 144, a colonial-era provision historically used to curb dissent, restricts public gatherings. “It is troubling that such a law is still used in a constitutional democracy where assembly is a fundamental right,” Kashamala added. Articles 9 and 10 provide safeguards against arbitrary detention and protect the grounds of arrest. Police initially sought to apply Sections 188 and 352 of the Pakistan Penal Code, which relate to disobedience of orders issued by public servants and interference with government operations. However, after several hours of negotiations between authorities, senior activists, and political representatives, those detained were released after signing a written undertaking. The incident was raised in Pakistan’s parliament the following day. Minister of State for Interior Talal Chaudhry defended the arrests , accusing the march participants of deliberately attempting to create a law-and-order situation. Meanwhile, lawmakers Shazia Marri and Nafeesa Shah of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) from the ruling coalition criticized the police response and condemned the treatment of the activists.


Journalist Ali Hamza reported this on X: The ongoing challenges for Aurat March The march has consistently faced resistance from authorities and religious groups in previous years, and this year, the Islamabad chapter experienced an unusually harsh response, creating uncertainty for the other planned Aurat March events for this year. Like last year , the Aurat March is planned to be held on different dates across different cities. The march is scheduled to be held in Karachi on Mother’s Day on May 10. However, the Lahore chapter announced on March 8 that it will not hold a march this year, due to the observance of the holy month of Ramadan (a holy month for Muslims). Laiba Zainab, from the Aurat March Multan chapter, told Global Voices that the organizers are monitoring the ongoing Iran war situation and will announce the march date soon. The march is planned to be dedicated to human rights lawyer Imaan Mazari and Hadi Chatta, both of whom were sentenced to ten years in prison on charges of “cyber terrorism” and spreading “false information” for posts on the social media platform X, in which they expressed solidarity with Baloch and Pashtun activists and criticized the Pakistan military.


Lost in translation: How AI models impact low-resource language communities

Companies behind products powered by artificial intelligence (AI) have packaged and sold them as a way for consumers to get ahead. The reality is that countless would-be customers outside the global north are being left behind. A 2025 paper published by the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence (HAI) noted that many popular large language models (LLMs) often fail to perform in languages other than English. Researchers drew attention to how LLMs available to the public, including those developed in part by the likes of Google and Meta , generate responses that are ill-suited to users in the global majority. As a result, these individuals must make do with AI tools that are biased and unreliable, lending credence to the notion that prominent firms view their needs as an afterthought. Speakers of low-resource languages, referring to those that do not have sufficient data to properly train AI-based solutions, have been unable to reap the rewards of this innovation.


The predominance of English language content online has significantly shaped the development of tools currently on the market, which in turn has created a barrier to access for non-speakers interested in AI across the globe. Applications enhanced by AI also produce outputs reflecting the norms and values of a select few in the international community; attempts to address this issue by generating low-resource language data have, at times, done more harm than good. If the status quo stays unchanged, communities of non-English speakers will continue to lose ground in the race to unlock AI’s potential. Perpetuating digital exclusion Inadequate data in low-resource languages is not just a concern for AI engineers. Ordinary people who are part of the global majority will miss out on the technology’s myriad benefits because of this glaring gap. The New York Times highlighted that the AI industry’s concentration in wealthier countries, such as the United States, has exacerbated this problem.


The existing infrastructure in hubs like Silicon Valley, coupled with the ample data companies in these areas have at their disposal, has tilted the scales in the global north’s favor. Consequently, the millions who speak languages like Kurdish and Swahili are effectively deprioritized , along with the sizable markets they represent. Lacking the resources of their counterparts, non-English speakers may remain overlooked by AI-focused firms well into the future. The implications of this language disparity are far-reaching. While those in the English-speaking world have grown accustomed to using AI for a variety of tasks, individuals from low-resource language communities have not been afforded the same opportunity. As Wired pointed out, users in the global majority may find that turning to an LLM like ChatGPT for assistance provides answers that are unhelpful at best and worthless at worst. Requesting that the model compose an email in Tamil, for instance, may lead to a muddled, error-filled draft in English. These users may conclude that flawed AI tools are more trouble than they are worth.


As AI becomes more ubiquitous across sectors and disciplines, non-English speakers may be thrust into navigating an increasingly interconnected and monolingual economy. Marginalizing diverse cultures AI’s bias for English also impacts low-resource language communities in ways that go beyond dollars and cents. Specifically, the worldview revealed in responses churned out by widely used AI tools mirrors that of English speakers located in the global north. The Atlantic called attention to this pattern, noting that it exemplifies how beliefs from well-resourced countries become seen as universal. Non-English perspectives are cut out because of their minimal representation in training data fed to AI solutions. Individuals from these communities may feel shortchanged by notable AI developers, especially in light of their promises that the technology will be an asset to humanity . Although tools made by these industry titans will only grow in sophistication, the attitudes reflected in their outputs will likely stay the same. Some in the AI space have sought to correct this imbalance by creating more digital material in low-resource languages. Results from these efforts have been far from ideal.


The MIT Technology Review examined how much of this content, which is scraped from the web to improve products like LLMs, is rife with errors. This is because certain sites used to upgrade an AI’s multilingual capabilities are themselves filled with machine-translated mistakes. In some cases, well-intentioned individuals looking to narrow the language gap are behind them. Yet many lack the expertise needed to assess whether their work is accurate. Their content remains on the web unaltered, becoming data that AI uses to improve its “fluency.” At this stage, low-resource language communities may determine that the damage is done. Changing the conversation Despite these concerns, AI firms in the global north are moving at full speed to dominate this lucrative industry. It is worth slowing down to consider the broader consequences of their actions. For instance, low-resource language communities have been seemingly neglected by product developers, placing them at a disadvantage compared to English speakers. Reports from the sector also show how a cultural hierarchy has emerged that privileges those in the English-speaking world, and how dismantling this burgeoning system must be pursued with thoughtfulness and intention.


Taken together, these trends underscore how the “move fast, break things” ethos, which defined the tech sector for years, is alive and well in the age of AI. Both then and now, non-English-speaking populations will deal with the repercussions. Steps can be taken to level the playing field. It starts with working alongside communities who have been sidelined in the sprint to unleash AI. Major developers must seek out collaborative partnerships with low-resource language communities to address this emerging inequality. Integrating inputs from these populations when building solutions like LLMs, all while reviewing outputs to ensure they are both accurate and authentic, should be at the top of the agenda for companies looking to make a difference. Furthermore, they could also join forces with grassroots AI leaders determined to create tools that are more attuned to the needs of low-resource language speakers. By taking this culturally sensitive approach, AI can be developed and refined in ways that uplift the many, not just the few.


How artificial intelligence and synthetic reality shaped Bangladesh’s 2026 election

A photograph began circulating across Bangladeshi social media on December 14, 2025, that would majorly influence the national election on February 12 — the first election since the July 2024 student-mass uprising toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government. The high-stakes vote was considered a penultimate test of whether Bangladesh could rebuild and realize its hopes for a free and fair democracy following the uprising. The image showed Shadik Kayem , 27th Vice-President of Dhaka University Central Students’ Union , sitting across a small table from another man, apparently sharing tea in what looked like a casual meeting between acquaintances. The timing made the photograph explosive: just three days earlier, Osman Hadi , the coordinator of Inqilab Moncho (Revolution Platform), a cultural organization formed by people associated with the July 2024 student-mass uprising , had been shot in Dhaka, triggering immediate political controversy about who orchestrated the attack. The man sitting with Kayem in the photograph was allegedly Hadi’s shooter . However, all was not as it appeared. The fact-checking organization FactWatch determined that this photograph was fake and had been generated using artificial intelligence (AI). Welcome to Bangladesh’s first AI-saturated election, where seeing was no longer believing.


The scale of synthetic reality Between December 2025 and February 2026, as Bangladesh prepared for its national elections on February 12 , a study identified 72 cases in which AI-manipulated content, specifically designed to manufacture false narratives and shape electoral outcomes, gained significant momentum online. This study reviewed fact-checks on AI-generated content targeting political parties, political figures, and the electoral process to understand how these false narratives were being leveraged. Nearly half of all AI-generated content involved claims of false activities and statements. Forty-nine percent of AI manipulations created entirely fictional realities about what political leaders were doing, saying, or experiencing during the campaign. Twenty-eight percent of cases deployed AI to create false statement attributions — putting specific words into the mouths of political figures through AI-edited photocards mimicking trustworthy media outlets. The dominant AI tactic involved generating synthetic images of political figures in false contexts. AI-generated photographs showed newly elected Prime Minister Tarique Rahman digging in a field with a spade alongside a constituent during supposed campaign activities. Synthetic images showed him shaking hands with children at events he never attended.


Each manipulation created false impressions about his campaign, his priorities, and his public persona. AI-generated images and videos also circulated showing his mother, Khaleda Zia (the former Prime Minister of Bangladesh from 1991 to 1996 and 2001 to 2006) walking, claiming the seventy-six-year-old BNP chairperson was moving freely despite known serious health conditions. Additional AI content about Khaleda Zia addressed strategic questions about her political capability, potentially affecting BNP’s electoral prospects. Meanwhile, despite being banned from participating in the election, the previous ruling party, Awami League , remained a target for AI manipulation. Deepfake videos showed former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina making statements from her exile in India that she never actually made. Additional AI video manipulations attempted to create impressions that she maintained governmental authority despite her exile, serving narratives that the election lacked legitimacy without Awami League participation. Perhaps most audacious, an AI-generated video appeared showing former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad endorsing Hasina as Bangladesh’s legitimate leader. The deepfake leveraged international authority to support the Awami League’s exile position. Mahathir never made such statements . The video was entirely synthetic.


Falsified photocards Political actors exploited this fragmented media landscape by creating or editing photocards (graphic news cards) that appeared to originate from established outlets like Somoy TV , Channel i , Jugantor , or Kaler Kantho . False quotes attributed to the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami party candidate Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher appeared in fabricated Somoy TV photocards. Channel i photocards surfaced with similarly altered quotes from the same Jamaat leader. When voters saw inflammatory quotes appearing across several trusted media brands, the multi-source validation made the fabricated quotes more credible than isolated false claims. Edited photocards supposedly from the news site Barta Bazar about the Jamaat in Mirpur propagated hyper-specific, false narratives targeting particular constituencies. Fact checkers encountered twenty separate cases involving AI-edited fake quotes. When photocards showed National Citizen Party chairperson Nahid Islam making incendiary comments, the manipulation used media brand logos to add credibility to the fabrications. Additional modified photocards targeting political personalities demonstrated the systematic nature of this strategy across several parties and candidates. The Osman Hadi falsehood Three days after Inqilab Mancha coordinator Osman Hadi was shot on December 11, political actors began weaponizing his tragedy.


AI-generated images claimed to show Hadi opening his eyes in his hospital bed, manipulating the public’s desperate hope for his recovery. The fabricated photographs spread rapidly across social media, each share intensifying a manufactured moment that his family and doctors could only contradict with denials — denials that were never as compelling as emotional, visual “proof.” The incident didn’t die down. As February’s election neared, altered photocards using Barta Bazar’s name emerged, falsely claiming that the Jamaat-e-Islami party had sponsored the attack. Opponents fabricated evidence of Jamaat’s involvement, potentially swaying uncertain voters. This exploitation continued months after the shooting. A rise in conspiracy theories Conspiracy theories that once circulated as whispered speculation gained sudden credibility when an onslaught of AI-manufactured proof emerged to support them. An image appeared, claiming to document a secret meeting in Delhi between Bangladeshi activist Pinaki Bhattacharya, Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, and politician Krishna Nandi. The synthetic image transformed unproven theories about foreign interference into apparent visual documentation. No such meeting happened. The image was entirely artificial. Meanwhile, AI-generated images claimed to show Awami League protest marches in Bhola, suggesting the banned party could still gather supporters despite legal prohibitions.


Fabricated images of Jamaat assemblies served dual purposes — either demonstrating overwhelming popular support or raising alarms about dangerous Islamist mobilization, depending on which narrative benefited the circulator. Additional synthetic images depicting massive political support and gatherings were released to reinforce these narratives. The war between parties Examining who attacked whom reveals the election’s underlying dynamics. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) absorbed the heaviest assault, with forty-seven cases targeting the party that would ultimately secure a landslide victory. Opponents clearly identified BNP as the threat requiring maximum firepower. Jamaat-e-Islami confronted thirteen separate AI attacks. Edited photocards spread fabricated quotes from Jamaat figures , often questioning the party’s Islamic credentials or exploiting religious themes. When hackers compromised a Jamaat leader’s account and attributed false comments to him, the attack merged traditional cybersecurity breaches with AI-amplified distribution. The Awami League persisted relevant enough from exile to warrant six counter-campaigns. Deepfake videos featuring Sheikh Hasina and fabricated photocards sought to challenge whatever legitimacy claims the banned party maintained. The National Citizen Party’s youth leadership was targeted through multiple edited photocards that falsely attributed statements to convener Nahid Islam.


Opponents sought to influence younger voters who’d participated in the July Uprising by releasing heavily edited images with inflammatory language, attributing them to Nahid Islam, attempting to alienate the very constituency that elevated NCP into relevance. Another AI-generated video circulated, claiming to show police releasing election survey results , fabricating official statements about electoral prospects. The manipulation attempted to shape voter expectations. Edited photocards showed fabricated interactions between political figures, creating entirely fictional political relationships designed to confuse voters about actual coalition dynamics. AI-generated videos even purported to show Tarique Rahman asking for money during campaigning, suggesting vote-buying or financial corruption. The volume alone overwhelmed fact-checking capacity. Blueprint for regional democracy What happened in Bangladesh’s 2026 election represents something categorically different, wherein AI overhauled the political battlefield . Bangladesh’s experience provides the first comprehensive documentation of AI weaponization in South Asian electoral democracy. India faces elections regularly. Pakistan’s political landscape remains volatile. Nepal and Sri Lanka conduct their own democratic processes. All now face the prospect of similar AI-driven misinformation campaigns. The patterns documented here: temporal escalation toward election day, deployment of synthetic images and edited photocards, exploitation of sensitive political events, all represent tactical knowledge that political operatives throughout the region are certainly studying.


From Vietnam to Geneva, activist Hue Nhu fights for freedom and human dignity

Vietnamese anti-corruption activist and former political prisoner Dang Thi Hue, nicknamed Hue Nhu, spoke about human rights and the state of freedom in her home country at the Geneva Summit on Human Rights and Democracy on February 18th. The Geneva Summit is an annual event organized by around 25 organizations on the eve of the United Nations Human Rights Council’s main annual session. Hue Nhu’s participation in the summit was a big win not just for the campaign promoting human rights in Vietnam but also for her, who endured years of persecution for her commitment to upholding social justice. Hue Nhu was a public school teacher for 16 years. In 2018, she joined a nationwide movement criticizing corruption-tainted toll projects. Her offline and online advocacy earned the ire of authorities and private companies behind these controversial projects, which led to her incarceration from 2019 to 2023. She continued her activism after her release from prison. She was abducted in May 2024 but found a way to escape to Thailand. Since June 2025, she has lived in Germany as a political refugee.


During her speech at the Geneva Summit, she shared her reason for speaking out even in exile: I’m telling my own story, a victim of dictatorship, and my wish is not to be silenced. Because when someone is forced into exile simply for speaking out, it's not just a failure of a nation, but a test of the conscience of the international community. She narrated the harassment she faced when she started criticizing abuse of power in 2018 and 2019. My frequent critique and demands for transparency have become a crime. I am being monitored. I am being summoned for questioning. I am being interrogated constantly. She said that her right to due process was violated during the trial that led to her sentencing. During the trial, four lawyers defended me, but the court did not allow me or my lawyers to speak. The trial was open to the public, but hundreds of police officers were deployed to prevent my family, friends, and supporters from attending. They jammed the cell phone signals throughout the entire courtroom area. The court imposed a sentence that was unconstitutional, a sentence that not only deprived me of my personal freedom, but also sent a broader message: Citizens are forbidden from speaking out.


She recalled that after her release from prison, authorities targeted not just her but also her friends and fellow activists. “Security forces throughout Vietnam have been relentlessly pursuing me,” she said. “My friends who spoke out with me have also been implicated. The most severely affected was detained for three days and beaten with electric batons until he fainted.” In an email interview with Global Voices, Hue Nhu reflected on her journey from Vietnam to Geneva: “ My journey in the struggle for democracy and human rights is not just the story of an individual, but a reminder that freedom and human dignity are always worth protecting.” Looking back on her own experience, she gave this piece of advice to fellow human rights advocates. If you dare to fight for others, millions of others will come to stand with you Even in the most critical moments, I did not stop my activities, even expanding my reach and strengthening my online presence, regardless of the danger, seeking connections and readily contacting human rights organizations to have my voice heard. Hue Nhu’s activism and the state-backed intimidation she faced drew global attention in recent years. PEN America issued a statement in 2024 expressing solidarity with Hue Nhu.


The persecution of Dang Thi Hue is a stark reminder of the risks faced by those in Vietnam who dare to speak out and challenge the government’s authoritarian rule. No one should be subjected to threats or reprisals for expressing their views, online or offline. In an email interview, Michel Tran Duc, advocacy director of human rights group Viet Tan, highlighted the significance of Hue Nhu’s presence at the Geneva Summit. Outside of Vietnam, the human rights violations perpetrated by the Vietnamese authorities are largely unknown to the general public. For the vast majority of people, Vietnam is a popular tourist destination, or even a place to do business. It is therefore crucial to shine a light on the victims of the regime and to hold those responsible accountable. The Geneva Summit on Human Rights and Democracy is an invaluable platform to give victims a voice, to share their stories, to acknowledge their suffering, and to ensure they receive the support they deserve. Despite living in exile, Hue Nhu remains at risk due to the incidents of transnational repression allegedly perpetrated by Vietnamese state forces. Here’s a video of Hue Nhu’s speech at the Geneva Summit.


Unpacking the political complexities of the Benue killings in Nigeria

Benue state in Nigeria, a geographical entity situated in the volatile middle belt region intersecting the Muslim north and the larger Christian south, has become the epicenter of a religious and political crisis . While this crisis dates back decades, it has intensified since 2015 and entered a new, more violent era in recent months, posing an existential threat to the Indigenous people of Benue. Violent attacks have become all too common, with over 10,000 people killed by armed groups since President Bola Tinubu took power in 2023. Benue has been the worst affected by these attacks, with over 7,000 deaths to date, according to reports by Amnesty International . Some groups claim this violence is religiously motivated, with Open Doors , a Christian watchdog group, ranking Nigeria as the most violent country for Christians for eight consecutive years. An attack in June 2025, now dubbed the Yelwata Massacre , m arked a paradigm shift in the ongoing violence.


The attack took place in the wee hours of the night, with over 200 Indigenous people killed in their sleep in the Yelwata community, prompting Pope Leo VI to weigh in , calling it a terrible massacre. The Pope’s remark drew international attention and spurred the Nigerian government — which had largely been ineffectual in curbing the violence — to address the matter. Multifaceted nature of the crisis Benue, dubbed the “ food basket of the nation ,” is predominantly inhabited by agricultural workers and plays a pivotal role in food production and distribution across Nigeria; ho wever, it is now grappling with a large number of internally displaced persons and facing other security challenges. Much of the violence within Benue state is the result of armed Islamic groups expanding southward to the middle belt from the Sahel. These assailants are predominantly nomadic pastoral groups, known as Fulani herdsmen, who have been driven southward due to the climate crisis, which has dessicated grazing land and dried up water sources across the region.


This has compelled the Fulani herdsmen into an increasingly desperate search for arable land, bringing them into violent conflict with the sedentary farming communities of Benue and other middle-belt states. Yet these incursions are also shaped by long-standing political dynamics — and the Nigerian government’s notably restrained response to the violence has drawn widespread criticism from observers. Benue is 98 percent Christian , leading many to infer the attacks were religiously motivated , but this oversimplifies the intricate political and multifaceted nature of this crisis. On June 17, 2025, the then-Nigerian Chief of Defense Staff, General Christopher Gwabin Musa, during a press briefing , suggested that land disputes, indiscriminate cattle grazing, and animal rearing are the main causes of the Benue killings . Many Nigerians share these sentiments and attribute the massacres to a land-grab campaign disguised as a religious conflict. The governor of Benue State , Hyacinth Alia, on the same day, reported that 17 out of 23 local government areas in Benue State are under siege, noting that federal intervention is helping to reduce that number.


However, renewed attacks in 2026 in Agatu, Gwer West, and Guma local government areas suggest that officials have yet to reach a lasting solution. A week later, during a plenary session, Terseer Ugbor, a member of the Nigerian House of Representatives of Kwande/Ushongo Federal Constituency, raised the alarm that Fulani herdsmen have taken over 40 percent of the land in Benue state, displacing thousands of Indigenous people in the process. Despite the existential nature of these attacks, security responses have not been prompt or decisive, raising questions of culpability within the military ranks. To defend themselves, Benue communities have had to take matters into their own hands, forming vigilante groups in an attempt to resist these incessant attacks. However, the vigilante groups are pitifully ill-equipped and severely disadvantaged because their assailants are in possession of sophisticated weapons and have the added advantage of secret information networks. This is a literal case of bringing a knife to a gunfight; hence, the community vigilante groups and, by extension, the Indigenous population are largely at the mercy of their assailants.


The government’s response to recent attacks After the Pope’s appeals, Nigerian officials began to address the issue of violence in Benue. Three days after the Yelwata massacre , Nigeria’s President, alongside his service chiefs, paid a commiseration visit to Benue, where they were greeted with a strong address by James Ayatse, the paramount ruler of the Indigenous Tiv people, who emphasized the misinformation and misrepresentation of the security crisis in Benue state. He said: It is not herder/farmer clashes, it is not communal clashes, it is not reprisal attacks, or skirmishes. What we are dealing with here in Benue is a calculated, well planned, full-scale genocidal invasion and land grabbing campaign by Herder terrorists and bandits, which has been ongoing for decades and is worsening every year. The visit ended with the President questioning the Inspector General of Police on why arrests have not been made in the wake of the attack. He did not receive a coherent answer at the time. A few arrests were made in the days that followed, but as of the publication of this article, eight months after the attacks, none of the culprits had been tried or sentenced.


This halfhearted reaction further indicates the disparity within the Nigerian jurisprudence. The evidence suggests that distinct ethnoreligious bias determines the level of enforcement and/or dissuasion of the law. This is not the first time the Abuja government has overlooked Central Nigeria . Benue state, by virtue of its geography and distinct ethnicities, is a minority and therefore considered politically expendable, leaving it at the mercy of larger ethnic groups with more political clout. Hence, the strong dissonance between the people of Benue and the Fulani’s ongoing expansionist campaign. This is an underlying factor that has led to the seemingly unending killings in Benue. A fragile coexistence Cases of the Nigerian government showing more sympathy for the herdsmen than the targeted populations are well-documented. For instance, the special adviser on media and publicity to the former president of Nigeria, Femi Adesina, said while addressing the press : Villagers should willingly give up their ancestral lands for ranching because they can only have ancestral attachments if they are alive.


His press address was met with strong public disapproval, contributing to the declining reputation of the late President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration. Moreover, before his rise to office, in what would steer further rounds of controversy, President Bola Tinubu also publicly stated that the absence of cattle at the scene of an attack absolves the Fulani herdsmen of any culpability . These controversial positions, along with several other speeches in which key government officials seemed to victim-blame, have not only eroded trust between Benue communities and the Nigerian government but also raised questions about how various ethno-religious groups in Nigeria could possibly continue to coexist. They also strengthen claims of collusion between the government and other vested interests within the Nigerian political sphere. This sort of partisan rhetoric only increases tension in an already volatile sociopolitical landscape and encourages chaos rather than calm. It is exactly the rhetoric that consequential political figures should look to discourage, as that will only fuel the start of engendering a lasting solution to the senseless violence against the people of Benue.


African women make economic gains through global gig economy

At 9:00 a.m. in Lagos, Nigeria, when traffic starts easing from its daily rush-hour gridlock, Vivian opens her laptop. Her commute is just twelve steps from her bedroom to the adjoining room that doubles as her office. Inside, a large desk anchors the space, paired with an ergonomic chair, a gaming computer, a wide monitor, and two compact laptops. She does not clock in, and there is no supervisor waiting behind a glass partition. Instead, there is a dashboard with Slack notifications from a U.S.-based startup she supports as an operations manager, a ClickUp dashboard waiting for updates from Singapore, a Trello board with tasks that must be cleared before California wakes up, and an app tracking how long she stays “active.” Vivian’s workday will stretch across time zones. She will answer emails for a company whose headquarters she has never seen and negotiate electricity outages with a 3.5 kWh inverter with batteries loaded behind her door. By evening, she will have earned in dollars what amounts to a dozen times Nigeria’s minimum wage .


Vivian is part of a generation redefining what work looks like across Africa — independent, connected, and unmistakably global. At 6 a.m., before the humidity settles over Ghana’s capital of Accra, Diana Akumkadoa starts her car and opens her ride-hailing app. She steps into a job that still surprises people. Even though ride-hailing has become a familiar part of life in many African cities, women behind the wheel remain rare globally . Diana describes the brief pause when riders realize their driver is a woman. Then the ride begins, and the surprise usually turns into conversation. By mid-morning, she has already spent hours navigating traffic that surges and stalls without warning. On some days, she drives 14 hours. On others, cancellations stack up, and she closes the app and goes home. “It gives me a chance to be independent,” says Diana. “But it comes with its own risks. If something happens to you, you are on your own.” For Diana, flexibility means she can structure her hours around her child’s school schedule. It also means absorbing the costs of fuel, maintenance, and platform commissions, which can reach 30 percent per trip.


However, she says driving allows her to “earn on her own terms” while navigating the demands of life in a fast-growing city. Gig work in Africa Online gig work began gaining real traction around 2015 due to widespread smartphone adoption across Africa . The transformation accelerated dramatically from 2020 onward, when the COVID-19 pandemic further pushed millions toward digital gig work. Estimates from the World Bank suggest that more than 21 million Africans now earn part- or full-time income through gig work, with growth rates of roughly 11 percent each year , outpacing most other regions. The global industry is valued at USD 556.7 billion as of 2024, and projected to triple to USD 1.8 trillion by 2032. Cities like Lagos, Accra, and Nairobi, Kenya, have become regional hubs for both in-person gig work, such as delivery, logistics, and transport, and borderless digital labor, including design, marketing, coding, and virtual operations, for companies around the world. In Nigeria, 35 percent of young people are engaged in freelance work in some capacity. Africa’s workforce is remarkably young, with many of its platform workers under the age of 30 .


Women make up an increasingly visible part of this shift, accounting for about 27 percent of the continent’s online gig workforce. Cindy Sally’s path to gig work In Accra’s City Galleria Mall, Cindy Sally leads a finance team for a U.S.-based firm operating partly in the Democratic Republic of Congo . Her “office” is a rented desk at a co-working hub, where she pays GHS 200 (about USD 18.50) per day. Her colleagues exist mostly as rectangles on a screen. Unlike Diana, Cindy Sally earns in foreign currency. Her workday begins late morning to accommodate U.S. time zones and often stretches into the evening. Her path to global gig work began after leaving a demanding role at a local firm in Ghana, where she says the pace, economic uncertainty, and heavy workload made the job unsustainable. She then turned to freelance platforms and began building a client base abroad through Upwork. That shift would eventually allow her to earn in dollars while living in Accra. Online gig work has grown continuously across Africa’s digital workforce.


As global companies grow more comfortable hiring remotely, a new generation of African professionals is collaborating with teams thousands of miles away while remaining firmly based at home. The price of going global Gig platforms make global work possible, but they also take their share. On sites like Upwork, freelancers can lose 10 to 15 percent of their earnings in platform fees, according to Faith Abiodun Uwaifo, a Nigerian virtual assistant who transitioned into remote work after five years in journalism. She manages projects for clients spread across the United States, Canada, Thailand, and the United Kingdom. Like many freelancers, her workday runs from 3 p.m. to 9 p.m. in Nigeria, aligned with clients based in Pacific Standard Time. Moving money across borders also introduces another layer of deductions. Even the tools required to stay competitive, like high-speed internet, cloud services, and digital productivity platforms, represent a constant cost. She recalls upgrading from a 3G hotspot to a 5G router just to keep her jobs: “Some clients won’t even consider you if your connection isn’t strong.” Despite those challenges, she describes the experience as transformative. Working with clients across continents, she says, has reshaped how she thinks about work itself.


Faith describes the psychological strain of platform work, such as the silence after submitting proposals, the weight of negative reviews, and the awareness that some clients associate Nigerian IP addresses with fraud. “Sometimes you feel like you’re fighting stereotypes before you even start the job,” she says. To cushion against uncertainty, she runs a small food-processing business on the side, a diversification strategy common among gig workers who understand that digital income can fluctuate abruptly. Women, work, and the borderless future Africa’s population has grown from 283 million in 1960 to more than 1.5 billion today, and is projected to reach 2.5 billion by 2050. Every year, an estimated 10 million young people enter the labor market, far more than the available traditional jobs. For decades, economic opportunity was often tied to migration. Today, millions of Africans are plugging directly into global commerce from their homes and building careers that span continents. For women in particular, gig work offers entry without permission. It gives flexibility and access to global markets that once seemed out of reach. This reporting project was supported by Africa No Filter.


From manuscript to market: Navigating South Asian literary representation at the London Book Fair

Ambar Sahil Chatterjee is a literary agent from A Suitable Agency based in Delhi, India, who has worked in publishing for over a decade. He previously served as a senior commissioning editor at one of India’s leading publishing houses, where he acquired and published a prestigious classics list as well as an eclectic selection of contemporary fiction. Over the years, he has worked closely with a diverse range of writers and translators. During his visit to the London Book Fair (LBF), Sangita Swechcha from Global Voices met Chatterjee at the fairgrounds and spoke with him about the role of literary agents and how events such as the London Book Fair help South Asian writers navigate literary representation. Sangita Swechcha (SS): From your perspective as a literary agent from South Asia, what makes the London Book Fair particularly important, and how does it differ from, say, Frankfurt, or other fairs closer to home?


Ambar Sahil Chatterjee (ASC): The London Book Fair is important because London is a major hub of literary and publishing activity. The fair provides an excellent opportunity to meet publishers, and as literary agents we present the work of writers to the international publishing community. In comparison, the Frankfurt Book Fair is much larger and has its own significance in the global publishing calendar. However, book fairs in general whether London, Frankfurt, or those closer to home, create valuable opportunities for connection. For instance, today I have several meetings scheduled with publishers, and the manuscripts we represent may soon find a home with the right publisher. SS: Have you noticed a genuine shift in how international agents and publishers engage with South Asian writers over the past few years, or does it still feel like interest comes in waves? ASC: From my understanding, there is definitely interest in voices from South Asia because publishers want their lists to be more diverse. However, there are also challenges.


When publishers speak of South Asia, they often treat it as a single entity, while in reality the region has many facets — Nepali, Sri Lankan, Pakistani, and within India itself, which abounds in so much regional diversity. I am also not referring only to South Asian literature written in English, but literature in regional languages that could be translated into English. For international publishers, however, there are limited slots, and South Asia is often seen broadly as one category. Individual editors may recognize these differences, but decisions are rarely made by editors alone. Sales teams and acquisition teams are also involved, and questions about market suitability or logistics often arise. So while there is genuine interest, there are structural constraints as well. SS: When you attend the London Book Fair, are your priorities more about closing rights deals, discovering co-publishing opportunities, or simply strengthening relationships with editors and agents in Western markets? ASC: I don’t think these priorities can really be separated because they tend to work together. Each aspect supports the others.


One is always looking to discuss rights, explore collaborations, and strengthen professional relationships. SS: What should emerging South Asian writers understand about how opportunities actually emerge at a fair like LBF? Is it really the place where careers are made, or is most of the groundwork laid long before anyone boards a flight to London? ASC: The London Book Fair offers an opportunity for agents or publishers from South Asia to showcase the writing and literary talent on their lists to editors and publishers internationally. These opportunities remain important and continue to grow as participation expands. SS: What usually makes you decide to take on a manuscript, and how much editorial shaping happens on your end before a book is presented to international publishers or agents? ASC: I used to be an editor before becoming an agent, so my editorial instincts are activated when I consider signing a writer. It’s important that the work speaks to me in some way or makes an impact.


Because of my editorial background, I do look at whether a manuscript might need editing or polishing before it is sent to a publisher, whether in India or internationally. Ultimately, the work needs to speak to me because we all respond to stories as readers first. If something has a strong impact, it becomes something I want to explore further. I don’t necessarily look for specific genres. Personally, I focus more on fiction than non-fiction, though we have another editor who works on non-fiction. As a literary agency, however, we are genre-agnostic. Writers can send us what they have, and if the writing or concept appeals to us, we are interested in taking it further. We usually take on books where we see clear potential and where we feel we can do justice to the work. It would be unfair to take on something if we did not believe we were the right fit for that book. SS: How do you work with literary translators, and do you think translation is still undervalued in the pipeline between South Asian literature and global readership?


ASC: I don’t think translation is undervalued. Increasingly, publishers and readers recognize its importance in bringing stories to a wider audience. Prizes such as the International Booker Prize (formerly Man Booker International Prize) have helped highlight translated works, and two Indian books have already won the award. The mood around translation is optimistic. The primary challenge is finding the right translator for the right project. If they are not well matched, all other constraints and challenges, of which there are many, will be exacerbated. SS: What are the biggest structural challenges South Asian writers face when trying to reach international publishing markets? Is it about marketing budgets, network access, or something more fundamental about how Western publishers perceive South Asian stories? ASC: These challenges exist across publishing in many parts of the world. As agents, we try to remain true to the books we represent and present them as authentically as possible. At the same time, we try to understand what publishers are looking for through ongoing conversations. If there is a match, it works; if there isn’t, it doesn’t.


In many ways, it becomes a process of trial and error. But one has to keep sustaining these efforts, because publishing can seem like one long endurance test and so determination is key. SS: Are there particular genres or narratives from South Asia that you feel are gaining more attention globally, and what advice would you give a writer who wants to build an international readership? ASC: Fiction in translation has certainly received more attention than non-fiction, and within that, literary fiction tends to travel more easily than commercial fiction. Publishing is a long game, and writers need patience. Conversations with publishers often take a long time before anything materializes. Sometimes, after months of discussion, a publisher may still decide they cannot take the project, and then the process begins again elsewhere. Occasionally things fall into place more quickly, but that is not the norm. Writing a book itself takes a great deal of time, effort, and energy, and the publishing journey can take just as long. Patience and persistence are essential.


Silence between two fires: The psychological reality inside Iran

In Iran today, while Israeli and U.S. missiles and airstrikes hit the country, daily life unfolds under a visible security presence. Since the protests that erupted last December 28, human rights groups have reported an increase in armed patrols and checkpoints along major roads and city intersections. Soldiers and members of the Basij militia stand with military rifles, stopping cars, questioning pedestrians, and in some cases asking people to unlock their phones so messages, photos, and social media accounts can be inspected. Many Iranians today live between two converging fires: From above comes the threat of indiscriminate bombs and missiles from the escalating war waged by Israel and the United States; from below, the constant pressure of a state that continues to arrest, execute, and tighten its control over the population. What often disappears in geopolitical debates is the psychological environment created by these conditions. When civilians live under both war and authoritarian rule, behavior reorganizes around survival. People learn to calculate risk constantly.


They consider what to say, where to go, whom to trust, and when to remain silent. What appears from the outside as passivity may instead be the quiet logic of living under conditions where a single message, conversation, or association can carry life-altering consequences. Under such conditions, silence can spread through society in ways outsiders often misunderstand. When expressing dissent may bring punishment or isolation, many people remain quiet even when they privately disagree. Over time, this creates the appearance of public consensus where none actually exists. Statements broadcast on state television by Iran’s judiciary chief warned : “Those who say or do anything in line with the will of America and the Zionist regime are on the enemy’s side and must be dealt with on revolutionary, Islamic principles and in accordance with the time of war.” Further warnings have been directed at the diaspora, suggesting Iranians abroad who “ sympathise, support, or cooperate” with the US-Israeli war on the country could face seizure of property inside Iran and legal consequences if they return.


The lives behind geopolitics Much of the international conversation about Iran focuses on geopolitics and regional power struggles. Inside the country, however, daily life is shaped by something far more immediate. People must navigate war and repression while living in a strained economy and facing growing difficulty obtaining basic necessities. Moments like this are not only geopolitical crises. They are psychological ones. The decisions made by governments and militaries reshape the environment in which millions of ordinary people must think, speak, and survive, while their fate is being shaped by decisions far outside their control Over time, environments like this reshape behavior. People learn to scan their surroundings for risk, avoid conversations that might attract attention, and measure their words carefully. Sociologists describe this as adaptive survival behavior . Individuals adjust their actions not because they agree with power but because the cost of defiance becomes too dangerous. Despite the state’s efforts to project domestic unity during the ongoing war, large segments of the population continue to reject the Islamic Republic.


Yet in a country where dissent can carry the risk of imprisonment or execution, silence cannot be mistaken for consent. Compounded fear by repression and war suppresses public expression. Between two dangers In most wars, civilians fear the battlefield. Under authoritarian rule, they fear their own government. In Iran today, both dangers exist at once. The Iranian state has provided virtually no meaningful protection for civilians during the conflict. There are no widespread public shelters, no functioning national system of bomb shelters, and in many areas, no warning sirens to alert people when missiles are approaching. For many residents, the first indication of an incoming strike is seeing or hearing the explosion itself. In some cities, residents describe gathering on rooftops at night to watch missiles cross the sky, believing open air may offer a greater chance of survival than being trapped inside collapsing buildings. These are the kinds of calculations civilians are forced to make when the U.S. and Israeli bombing is indiscriminate, and the state offers no protection.


The country is also still absorbing the shock of the killings that took place during the January and February protests , when security forces opened fire on demonstrators across multiple cities . Families are still mourning. Communities are still processing the violence. In that atmosphere, fear and grief shape how people respond to the new dangers of war. For many Iranians, the bombs falling today may eventually stop. Wars end. Airstrikes cease. But the threat posed by the Islamic Republic has persisted for nearly half a century. The state has repeatedly responded to crises with arrests, executions, and intensified control. For those living inside the country, this history shapes how the present moment is experienced. Outside the country, their silence is often misunderstood. Across global media and online commentary, the absence of visible opposition protests in Iran during wartime, while government-organized rallies are amplified by the state’s total control over domestic broadcasting, has been interpreted by some as evidence that Iranians are not seeking political change and are rallying behind the government in the face of an external enemy.


But public silence rarely signals agreement. When expressing dissent carries the risk of imprisonment, violence, or death, people often conceal their views in public while holding very different beliefs in private, especially in times of war. Political scientists describe this dynamic as preference falsification. Danger and uncertainty Since the beginning of the war, the government has repeatedly imposed communication blackouts and severe internet restrictions. Many people have little access to information beyond what is happening in their immediate neighborhoods. In this environment, even basic awareness becomes fragmented. Much of the information leaving Iran now travels in small pieces: a short video, a voice message sent quietly through a trusted contact, a brief text confirming that someone is safe. The information environment surrounding the conflict has fractured. Public conversation has hardened into competing narrative camps shaped by different assumptions and loyalties. Commentators often interpret events through ideological frames, highlighting facts that reinforce their position while overlooking those that complicate it. Complex events are reduced to simplified stories designed to mobilize audiences rather than inform them.


In this process, the suffering of civilians can become secondary to the narratives built around it. Debates unfolding abroad can feel distant from daily life. Inside Iran, people navigate blackouts, militarized streets, economic strain, and the constant uncertainty of what the next day might bring. Families worry about relatives in different cities they cannot reach. Messages fail to deliver. Rumors travel faster than reliable information. Behind these debates are the lives of ordinary people, rarely visible in geopolitical discussions. A child in Bushehr going to school carries the quiet anxiety that her classroom could become the target of an Israeli or U.S. missile strike. A mother in Tehran moves from pharmacy to pharmacy searching for chemotherapy medication that once kept her child alive but has now become impossible to find or afford. For many families, these are not abstract policy debates. They are the realities shaping each day. The people living inside Iran today are not characters in a geopolitical argument. They are human beings navigating extraordinary danger and uncertainty. For Iranians today, life is lived in exactly this psychological space.


How Bad Bunny brought the issue of Puerto Rico’s power grid into world view

Super Bowl halftime shows are always a spectacle, but at Super Bowl LX , Puerto Rican artist Bad Bunny did something unusual: he crafted a compelling masterclass in energy communications by turning electricity infrastructure into perfectly timed choreography. As he performed his song “ El Apagón ” (“The Blackout”), dancers dressed as line workers climbed utility poles while sparks flickered along power lines. For millions watching around the world, it was a striking visual moment. For Puerto Ricans, it reflected an everyday reality, a fragile electricity grid and recurring power outages that have — for years — shaped daily life on the island. As Diana Hernández, professor and co-director of the Energy Opportunity Lab at Columbia University, later noted to Straight Arrow News, “For the public that might have forgotten, Bad Bunny climbing the poles gave voice and visibility to an unforgettable instance of being powerless in Puerto Rico in a very literal sense.”


Without once referring to terms like “ climate change ,” the performance illustrated a moment of energy communication that millions could immediately comprehend, not just locally but globally: Because of the urgent and far-reaching nature of the issue, climate science and the resulting communication about the situation are often linked to an increase in existential anxiety. Yet, programs like the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and children’s books by authors like New York-based writer Ian Hunt, aim to tackle the problem at a systemic level. Strained grid Puerto Rico’s electricity system has faced repeated crises since Hurricane Maria devastated the island in 2017. The storm destroyed much of the grid and triggered the longest blackout in modern U.S. history, leaving some communities without power for nearly a year. Nearly nine years later, outages still remain a routine occurrence. Federal data show that between 2021 and 2024, Puerto Rican customers experienced roughly 27 hours of electricity interruptions annually, excluding major storms — far higher than mainland U.S. averages. In 2024 alone, residents averaged more than 70 hours without power, including storm-related outages.


Meanwhile, electricity prices also remain among the highest in the United States, ranging from USD 0.24 to 0.49 per kilowatt-hour in recent years, significantly above mainland averages. These figures reflect decades of underinvestment, ageing infrastructure, and a grid exposed to intensifying climate risks — but numbers alone cannot capture what a blackout means in lived terms: spoiled food, stalled dialysis machines , closed businesses, and children slouching under the flashlight to complete school homework. Dying energy systems Puerto Rico’s electricity system relies heavily on centralised fossil-fuel generation plants located in the south of the island. Electricity must travel long distances across mountainous terrain to reach major population centres in the north. These transmission corridors are particularly vulnerable to hurricanes, landslides, and extreme weather events. Meanwhile, the American Society of Civil Engineers’ 2019 Puerto Rico Infrastructure Report Card gave the island’s energy system a grade of F , citing deteriorating equipment, insufficient redundancy, and limited resilience planning. Energy scholar Cecilio Ortiz García described the system bluntly: “The grid that Maria found was already on its knees.” Climate change has since intensified the risks.


Warmer ocean temperatures contribute to stronger storms, and subsequent hurricanes such as Fiona in 2022 again triggered widespread outages. In a system already weakened by decades of underinvestment, even smaller disturbances can trigger cascading failures for locals. Investment challenges In 2021, Puerto Rico transferred management of its transmission and distribution network to LUMA Energy, a U.S.–Canadian consortium, in an attempt to modernise operations. However, the privatisation effort has been controversial . Locals have protested frequent outages and rising electricity bills, while critics argue that improvements in reliability have been slow. Supporters counter that rebuilding an ageing grid requires time and sustained investment. Financial constraints further complicate the situation. Puerto Rico’s public power utility, PREPA, carries billions of dollars in debt , making large infrastructure upgrades difficult to finance. Federal assistance has also fluctuated. In 2023, the U.S. Department of Energy launched a USD 1 billion Puerto Rico Energy Resilience Fund aimed at expanding rooftop solar and battery storage for vulnerable households, but later reporting indicated that portions of this funding were delayed or redirected. Despite these challenges, a transformation is underway, and rooftop solar and battery storage have expanded rapidly across Puerto Rico.


By mid-2025, the island had installed more than one gigawatt of rooftop solar capacity, supplying a growing share of electricity demand. Communities step up Community-led initiatives have also emerged. In the mountain town of Adjuntas, the nonprofit Casa Pueblo has pioneered solar microgrids that allow neighbourhoods and businesses to continue operating even when the central grid fails. One local business owner described the change simply: “Now I have stability. I don’t run out of power, and I can continue to provide service.” Engineers increasingly advocate what they call a “bottom-up grid” approach, building resilience through distributed energy systems that connect households, neighbourhoods, and eventually larger networks. For island regions vulnerable to hurricanes and extreme weather, distributed systems offer both decarbonisation and energy security. Pop culture as climate communication This is exactly what made Bad Bunny’s halftime show so critical. Climate communication often relies on statistics, policy debates, or projections about future risks. While important, those messages can feel abstract — but cultural storytelling works differently. By placing “linieros” — the workers who repair Puerto Rico’s power lines — at the centre of a global performance, Bad Bunny made the island’s infrastructure and its failings visible.


Transmission poles became stage props; blackouts became lyrics. As Hernández observed , the moment represented “an ascension to power despite all the challenges, and really in many ways against all odds.” Millions watching the Super Bowl suddenly saw what was usually hidden: the physical systems that keep societies running, and the consequences when they fail. Meanwhile, Puerto Rico’s energy future remains uncertain . Debates continue over privatisation, fossil-fuel dependence, renewable deployment, and how quickly the island can transition to a more resilient energy system, but the halftime show revealed something unexpected: infrastructure can capture cultural attention. The electricity grid — normally invisible to the public — briefly became the focus of a global conversation. Puerto Rico’s grid crisis is not unique . Around the world, energy systems face mounting pressures from climate change, outdated infrastructure, and rising demand. The difference is that most grids do not get a Super Bowl moment. Bad Bunny did not lecture audiences about climate change or energy policy. Instead, he showed what vulnerability looks like — and sometimes, that’s the most powerful communication of all.


Cameroonian rice farmers caught between national ambition and rural realities

In January 2023, the Cameroonian government announced a policy of rice self-sufficiency, the population’s staple food. In the country’s northwest region, rice farmers combine courage with determination to fulfil these national promises. In Cameroon, rice is one of the most consumed foods in cities and rural areas alike, as evidenced by the national demand among this country’s population of over 30 million . In 2023, Cameroon’s rice consumption was 25 kilograms per capita, while the estimated national demand was more than 600,000 tons per year . Although consumption figures are increasing significantly, national production remains largely insufficient. Over the first 10 months of 2022, the country imported more than 650,000 tons of rice for FCFA 162.5 billion ( USD 282 billion), compared to 580,000 tons in 2021. The quest to end rice dependency As such, rice accounts for more than half of foreign grain supplies , mainly coming from India and Thailand.


In May 2023, the government adopted a rice self-sufficiency strategy with the specific goal of increasing production rates, backed by a budget of FCFA 385 billion (USD 677 million). The ambitious objective is to triple national production to 460,000 tons by 2027, then 750,000 tons by 2030. According to projections, this volume should help achieve a 97 percent self-sufficiency rate within Cameroon. However, rice farmers, who grapple with dilapidated roads, insufficient seed supplies, and market disruptions every day, have mixed feelings about these ambitious objectives. Felix Mangwa, Ayong Odette, and Tanchia Ngwendoline are rice farmers who own vast rice cultivation fields. In an interview with Global Voices, they shared their hopes for achieving food security for their country and challenges in getting there. Reform as a turning point In the humid lowlands of northwest Cameroon, people’s lives are oriented around the rhythm of the rainy season, which lasts from March/April to October . Cultivations, primarily coffee, potatoes, corn, beans, yams, taro, rice, and palm oil , are rotated throughout the year, depending on the season.


But since the national rice self-sufficiency policy was announced, there has been a significant change in how farmers in the region plan their crop output. Félix Mangwa explained that rice farming has become his top priority: Depuis la mise en place de cette politique, la riziculture est devenue l'activité principale de mes journées, avant toute autre tâche agricole. Davantage de membres de ma famille y participent désormais, ce qui allège la charge de travail. Since the introduction of this policy, rice farming has become the main focus of my days, taking priority over all other agricultural tasks. More members of my family are now involved, lightening the workload. This family’s enthusiasm for rice exemplifies a deeper transformation. For Ayong Odette, a farmer by trade for many years, this is a validation of her life choices, as she was involved in rice farming long before this government announcement. She explained: La politique a eu un effet positif sur mes activités. Elle m'a encouragée à continuer de miser sur la riziculture comme source de revenus durable.


This policy had a positive impact on my work. It encouraged me to continue focusing on rice farming as a sustainable source of income. For Tanchia Ngwendoline, another rice farmer, the most tangible impact is on her family’s budget, where there has been a modest but real improvement in their income: Cette politique a amélioré mes revenus, ce qui a contribué à améliorer les conditions de vie de ma famille. This policy has improved my income, helping me improve my family’s living conditions. Daily shortages and impassable roads However, behind this enthusiasm, the three farmers describe a production environment fraught with difficulties. The challenges are technical, logistical, and economic, which starkly overlap from one farm to another. Felix Mangwa provided a detailed picture of these obstacles. Paddy rice prices are too low to sustain motivation; access to certified seeds and tractors is insufficient; and water management is poor due to the lack of developed plots. But it’s the road conditions that concern him most: En saison des pluies, les routes qui relient nos champs aux marchés deviennent impraticables.


Transporter la récolte relève alors du défi. Et quand on finit par trouver une décortiqueuse (machine utilisée pour enlever les enveloppes des grains de riz paddy ), la qualité du riz blanc obtenu est souvent médiocre, loin des standards du riz importé. During rainy seasons, the roads connecting our fields to the markets are impassable. Transporting the crops is, therefore, challenging. And when we finally find a husker (a machine used to remove the husks from paddy rice ), the quality of the white rice is often poor, far from the standard of imported rice. Ayong Odette also raised two fundamental issues: La pénurie d'eau affecte la production. Et il n'existe pratiquement aucun système de commercialisation organisé, ce qui rend très difficile la vente du riz à un prix juste et stable. Water shortages impact production. And there’s practically no orderly marketing system, making it very difficult to sell rice at a fair and stable price. Labor resources are another challenge. Without machinery, production remains confined to manual labor. Post-harvest losses, exacerbated by poor storage systems, further undermine their efforts.


Tanchia Ngwendoline summarized the challenges: L'accès limité aux intrants agricoles améliorés (engrais ou produits phytosanitaires), une infrastructure médiocre qui entraîne d'importantes pertes après récolte, la dépendance à la main-d'œuvre manuelle et l'état dégradé des routes. Limited access to high-quality agricultural inputs (fertilizers or phytosanitary products), poor infrastructure that leads to significant post-harvest losses, dependence on manual labor, and extremely poor road conditions. Insufficient institutional support Since announcing the new rice policy, association programs and non-governmental organizations operating in the farming sector have stepped in to support Cameroonian rice farmers. The Upper Nun Valley Development Authority (UNVDA) provides certified seeds to farmers in this northwest region, and the Commodity Value Chain Development Support Project (PADFA II) provides technical support and regular training. Although this support is welcome, it is not enough to overcome the challenges expounded upon above. For instance, significant environmental issues relating to water and land use persist. Rice farming is water-intensive, and in northwest Cameroon, water management is a major daily challenge for farmers far beyond their individual plots. A preventive strategy is, therefore, required for these farmers to manage environmental issues and, most importantly, ensure healthy crops.


Félix Mangwa explained: Je commence les cultures tôt afin de réduire les problèmes liés à l'eau. Je participe également aux activités locales d'entretien des ressources en eau organisées par le comité de gestion agricole et la coopérative rizicole. De plus, nous renforçons les berges des champs avec de l’ herbe à éléphant afin de prévenir l'érosion. I start growing early to reduce water-related problems. I also participate in local water resource maintenance activities organized by the agricultural management committee and the rice cooperative. What’s more, we reinforce field banks using elephant grass to prevent erosion. Tanchia Ngwendoline has a more forward-looking vision, focusing on climate resilience. She calls for the construction of formal irrigation canals and the distribution of resistant varieties, such as Nerica L56 (an interspecific hybrid rice variety specifically developed for Africa’s rainfed and irrigated lowlands). What it will take for this policy to deliver on its promises When asked what tangible measures could bring lasting change to their situation, all three rice farmers made proposals with a similar vision.


Felix Mangwa calls for investment in basic infrastructure: the development of new rice fields, input subsidies, the construction of storage depots, and rural road tarring. He emphasized the need for a formal market and protective minimum prices, as well as the modernization of processing units. Ayong Odette focused on marketing. She calls for more accessible markets and formal sales channels for the sector’s long-term sustainability. For Tanchia Ngwendoline, self-sufficiency cannot be imposed, but built: Le gouvernement doit prendre des mesures fortes pour réduire les importations de riz et encourager la consommation du riz local. Il faut aussi promouvoir la mécanisation pour améliorer la productivité. Pour moi, la durabilité, c'est garantir de la nourriture en permanence et créer des emplois. The government must implement vigorous measures to reduce rice imports and encourage local rice consumption. It must also foster machinery to improve productivity. For me, sustainability means consistently guaranteeing food and creating jobs. The testimonies of these rice farmers provide an overview of an ever-changing Cameroonian rice sector, supported by political will but weakened by decades of underinvestment in rural infrastructure.


How did an Afghan woman journalist’s writing resonate in China?

When Afghan journalist Khadija Haidary fled the Taliban, she never imagined that her writing would reach readers thousands of miles away in China. Yet it did — prompting small but meaningful acts of support that empowered her to move forward amid her uncertain situation. In China, where civil society is tightly regulated and spontaneous cross-border humanitarian support is rare, her letters, which evolved into a book titled “ A Letter from an Afghan Woman ,” sparked an unexpected cross-border solidarity with the oppressed women from far away. Rather than forming a visible movement, these responses took shape as quiet, individual acts, revealing how solidarity adapts under constraint. The story began in October 2024, when a Chinese journalist, Weilin Hong (洪蔚琳), translated and published her month-long email correspondence with “ Haidary on Positive Links ” (正面連結) , a medium-sized WeChat account covering social issues to enlighten Chinese readers on the transformation of Afghan society under the Taliban .


The Islamic militant organization, which ruled the region between 1996 and 2001, recaptured Kabul in 2021, after the U.S. withdrew its troops . Through emails, Haidary explained how women lost their rights between 2021 and 2024: they were forced out of their jobs and forbidden from walking the streets alone; women were not allowed to be treated by male doctors , even as women were blocked from attending medical schools; girls were barred from schools, parks, and swimming pools, and many were forced to marry before reaching adulthood; journalists were imprisoned and in some cases killed for telling the truth. These accounts are not abstract statistics — they are Haidary’s lived experiences. She lost her job, male friends, social life, and bore witness to the harassment of women every day. In China, where civil society is limited , and media coverage of foreign crises is selective , such storytelling carries particular weight. Haidary’s personal narrative on gender oppression in Afghanistan quickly went viral online and generated emotional resonances among female Chinese readers.


One Chinese reader wrote on Weibo , addressing the subtle connection among women across the border: 人类跨越国界高墙，其本质相似，心灵相通 / 他们想封住女人的嘴，她就成为劈开黑夜的光。 Across borders and walls, human nature remains the same, and hearts are connected / They want women shut up; she becomes the light that cuts through the darkness at night. Haidary was writing for Zan Times, an Afghan women’s media outlet, and taking refuge in the countryside to avoid the Taliban when the Chinese journalist first reached out to her in September 2024. The email exchanges encouraged Haidary to consider leaving the country: 我第一次清晰地感受到：我的故事、我的斗争、我的苦难，是重要的；我必须找到一个能够自由说话的地方，去讲述发生在我们身上的一切。 你知道吗， 洪蔚琳 的邮件让我意识到，世界上确实有人在关心我们的痛苦。我知道自己必须鼓起全部勇气，尽一切可能离开这里。 For the first time, I realized that my story, my struggles, and my suffering matter; I had to find a place where I could speak freely and tell everything that had happened to us. You know, Hong Weilin’s email made me aware that there are people in the world who care about our pain. I knew I had to muster all my courage and do everything in my power to get out of here. By early October 2024, Haidary and her family were settled in Pakistan.


As her letters gained public attention, a Chinese publisher reached out to offer her a publishing contract and a royalties advance , which could help her family end their status as exiles in Pakistan and resettle in Canada. The book was eventually published in August 2025, and within months, more than 10,000 copies were sold. Knowing that the book's royalties would help Haidary’s family resettle in a less precarious environment, many Chinese have helped promote her book through reviews and reflections on social media. In one widely circulated post on the Instagram-like Xiaohongshu, the user “WOMEN’s view on the world” (WOMEN看世界) contrasted historical images of empowered, free Afghan women with today’s restrictions, accompanied by the following caption: “They, too, once lived vivid and vibrant lives.” The main text of this post says: 翻开这本书，倾听最真实的声音，以18篇短篇小说，揭开最伤痛的回忆 / 跨越过界与偏见，看见本身，就是一种力量。 Opening the book, readers encounter some of the most authentic voices, as 18 short stories unveil deeply painful memories / To look beyond borders and prejudice, and to truly see people as they are, is in itself a form of strength.


In this sense, Afghan women’s stories function not only as distant narratives but as a mirror through which Chinese readers negotiate their own unarticulated experiences. Some readers have drawn parallels between Afghan women’s experiences and ongoing gender-related conversations in China, particularly around restrictions on personal autonomy, social expectations, and the shrinking space for feminist expression . These reflections can be seen in discussions among overseas Chinese students and feminist communities on platforms such as WeChat and Telegram, where participants related Haidary’s accounts to their own experiences. These perspectives are also reflected, though less explicitly, in mainstream media discourse. A book review published in the state-sponsored outlet Beijing Daily noted that Haidary’s story is not only read as a distant narrative of suffering but also interpreted through readers’ own social realities: 尽管故事发生在遥远的阿富汗，但其中所蕴含的恐惧、挣扎，以及对家庭的牵挂，是人类共通的情感。它提醒着我们，和平与自由并非与生俱来，而是需要珍惜与守护。 Although the stories take place in Afghanistan, the fear, the struggles, and the family ties are universal sentiments. It [the book] reminds us that peace and freedom is not given, but something that we have to treasure and safeguard. Some also lauded the resilience of Afghan women living in an oppressive environment.