Recently, I have been enriched by the styles of emerging writers in world literature. Sangita Swechcha (SS): Many of your works have been translated and are included in school curricula. How do you navigate the balance between local cultural specificity and universal appeal? Mani Lohani (ML): As I said earlier, as the world moves forward as a global village, translation has made world literature accessible in every country and language. I was born in a village near Kathmandu and spent my childhood and later years in the Kathmandu Valley. The Kathmandu Valley is a cultural city. Its architecture and culture can become meaningful material for world literature. I try to incorporate local cultural distinctiveness into my writing and experiment with my style. Even amid local cultural diversity, the human mind and its loneliness are the same everywhere. People have become lonely. I use local culture and love to connect that loneliness with the collective. I believe my creations can help fill the emptiness of the human heart. Loneliness is universal, but if understood, it can be transformed into joy.


Globally, we face sufferings — climate change, coronavirus, terrorism, and frustrations from growing technology use. Improvement cannot happen through individual effort alone. Cooperation across society is necessary. Sports, literature, and creative expression can help connect people and foster understanding worldwide. Sangita Swechcha (SS): What do you hope your readers, both in Nepal and abroad, take away from your poetry and stories, especially regarding life’s deeper questions? Mani Lohani (ML): I hope readers, both in Nepal and abroad, come away with a deeper understanding of life through my exploration of love and death, the two forces that shape our most profound human experiences. Through the emotional world of relationships, their beauty, fragility, and struggle, I wish to remind readers that much of human suffering grows from love and its absence, and that a harmonious society can exist only when love is nurtured. At the same time, I reflect on death to encourage a more peaceful acceptance of its inevitability. Rather than despair, I hope readers choose awareness, kindness, joy, and a desire to serve others. Ultimately, I want my work to inspire people to live more consciously, lovingly, and meaningfully.


Is it useful to talk to a dictator? Belarusian opposition have doubts

The latest US-negotiated release of political prisoners from Belarus in December 2025, included high level political figures from the 2020 Belarus protests, and among them, Maria Kalesnikava . Who is Maria Kalesnikava? Kalesnikava had for a long time been the second after Sviatlana Tsikhanovskaya , a symbolic figure of Belarusian protests and opposition forces. She entered Belarusian politics shortly before the 2020 presidential election by joining the campaign team of banker and philanthropist Viktor Babariko , who was considered Lukashenka’s main rival in the upcoming vote. In June 2020, writes Meduza , a month and a half before the election, Viktor Babariko and his son Eduard were detained. After that, Kalesnikava became the face of Babariko’s campaign. She teamed up with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the only opposition candidate allowed to run,and together they traveled around the country holding rallies (permitted as part of the official campaign). The presidential election 2020 in Belarus took place on August 9. Lukashenka was declared the winner; Tsikhanouskaya was forced to leave for Lithuania; large protests started and were suppressed by force in Belarus.


In September 2020, security forces attempted to deport Kalesnikava to Ukraine, but she tore up her passport right at the border, Meduza reminds us. Kalesnikava was arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison in a case over an alleged attempt to seize power. Kalesnikava and Babariko both served their sentences under extremely harsh conditions , in isolation from the outside world, under pressure from prison authorities and without access to proper medical care. It was reported that the elder Babariko was beaten, hospitalized, and sent to a punishment cell. Kalesnikova was also hospitalized in prison. The release of Kalesnikova and Babariko sparked enthusiasm:. But disputes quickly followed. Kalesnikava calls for negotiations with Lukashenka The thing is, Maria Kalesnikava made several statements that go against the ‘traditional’ policies of both the Belarusian opposition in exile as well as the EU politicians. On January 19, 2026, in an interview with the Financial Times , she said: “The more Belarus is isolated from Europe, the more it is forced to move closer to Russia. This makes Belarus less safe and less predictable for Europe.”


This is part of her argument that the EU should have a dialogue with Lukashenka. “Lukashenka is a pragmatic person. He understands the language of business. If he is ready to take humanitarian steps in response to sanctions relief, including the release of prisoners and allowing independent media and NGOs into Belarus, this should be discussed,” Kalesnikava said . On February 3rd, at the meeting with the Lithuanian prime minister, Kalesnikova called for increasing the mobility of Belarusian citizens between Lithuania and Belarus, stressing the importance of more intensive movement with Europe and proposing the restoration of passenger rail service on the Minsk–Vilnius route, as well as bus routes. The response by Prime Minister Inga Ruginienė, was that she currently sees no opportunities for this. She said: It is understandable that the opposition wants to give people in Belarus more opportunities to see a different system, a democratic system, but for now we definitely do not see opportunities to allow more travel. We do not yet see opportunities to make relations warmer, while we see an unequivocal position from Belarus: hybrid attacks, balloons, our carriers not getting their vehicles back.


Read more: Poland plans to close the last border crossings with Belarus as migrant crisis continues In an interview with a popular Russian journalist in exile, Yury Dud , Maria Kalesnikova explained why she thought it was necessary to talk to Lukashenka. “If dialogue liberates people, that's good. If dialogue ends repression and stops punishing people for expressing their opinions, that's very good,” she said. History has never seen eternal dictators, right? But it has happened before that dictators were followed by scorched earth. Why do we need scorched earth? We don't need it. We need people to feel free, to be able to strive for that However, the position of other Belarusian political figures in exile, including Tsikhanovskaya, has always been against any talk with Lukashenka . And, as the Financial Times notes , Kalesnikava’s approach runs counter to the EU’s current policy: maintaining contacts with Belarusian democratic forces in exile, minimizing interaction with the Lukashenka regime, and preserving economic sanctions, the ban on air travel, and stricter visa rules for Belarusian citizens. Many other Belarusians in exile do not think it is a good idea Belsat media , currently working from Poland, had published some opinions of other Belarusians in exile.


Politician Pavel Latushko , who served as Belarus’s minister of culture before 2020, said that under the approach Kalesnikava proposes , Belarusian democratic forces would be excluded from the dialogue between Minsk and Brussels. Politician Anatoly Lebedko highlighted that , during more than 30 years of Lukashenka’s rule, Europeans have repeatedly tried to establish contact with him, offering not only sanctions relief but also investments. This did not lead to systemic changes and ended roughly the same way each time: protests flared up again in Belarus, Lukashenka again responded with violence and imprisoned people, and then released them in exchange for the easing of restrictions by Western countries. Several other commentators, as Meduza mentions , expressed their views in social media channels. Activist and former political prisoner Nikolai Dedok , representative of the opposition association of Belarusian security officials BelPol Vladimir Zhigar , and former head of the fund that helped victims of repression BySol Andrei Strizhak noted that Europe abandoned dialogue with official Minsk not only because of the repression after 2020, but also because of Belarus’s complicity in Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.


In particular, Dedok said: Dialogue with a dictator in itself is not yet a disaster. Especially if it is currently impossible to isolate him completely. And of course it is important for us to free our people, who are increasingly dying in prisons. The only question is on what terms this will be done. The position ‘free political prisoners at any cost’ is clearly a losing one, at least because recruiting new ones for Lukashenko is a matter of days. Therefore, the best dialogue with a villain always comes after pressure has been increased. Radio Liberty political observer Valery Karbalevich told Belsat that disagreements over which approach toward Lukashenko is more effective, hardline (as in Europe) or flexible (as with the current US Trump administration), have existed for a long time, but have intensified. He said: Perhaps with the release of Viktor Babariko and Maria Kolesnikova, this current [in favor of negotiations] will become even stronger. But to what extent does it influence Europe’s position? I would not yet say that it does. How does Lukashenka treat political prisoners?


Meanwhile, the regime in Belarus does not go easy on its opponents. Belarusian human rights movement Viasna has described the horrible conditions that people detained for political dissent face in a state temporary detention center (called Akrescina) while awaiting trial. They report that the detention conditions at Akrescina amount to torture. Detainees are kept in inhumane conditions without access to basic hygiene products or clean clothes for the duration of their 28-month detention. Read more: Ways of punishing dissent in Lukashenka’s Belarus Human Rights Watch, while supporting the latest release of political prisoners in Belarus, notes that over 1,100 people are still imprisoned for peacefully exercising their rights in Belarus. Among them are human rights orgnization Viasna's board member and human rights defender Valiantsin Stefanovic ; Viasna activist and volunteers’ coordinator Marfa Rabkova ; and Nasta (Anastasia) Lojka , a prominent human rights advocate. All are serving draconian prison sentences in Lukashenka's Belarus.


Nigeria confronts growing climate risks with rising droughts, heatwaves, and flooding

I was walking on the pedestrian pavement, and my skin shimmered, not because of any cream, but because of the sun’s rays reflecting off it. Sweat rolled down my face, and the only reason I didn’t cry was that my body would have generated even more heat. The 3:00 p.m. sunlight in Abuja, Nigeria, that Tuesday afternoon was unbearable, and I truly felt helpless. But how about other northern regions ? If temperatures are sweltering in the north-central zone, imagine the intensity in the arid and semi-arid areas further north, closer to the Sahara Desert. How can those of us in heat-affected regions cope with the seemingly worsening climate conditions? Climatic implications of Nigeria’s location Nigeria, a country known for its distinctly young population , shares borders with Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Benin, and the Atlantic Ocean . While these borders facilitate trade and ethnic connectivity, they also have climatic implications. Rainfall volume varies significantly across regions.


The southeastern states of Nigeria record the highest levels , while the northeastern states receive the least. The south regularly receives heavy downpours because of rising air masses from the Atlantic Ocean and the orographic effects of the Cameroon Highlands . Meanwhile, the north receives little rainfall because it is relatively far from the Atlantic Ocean, and is affected by dry winds from the Sahara Desert , the hottest desert on Earth, which extends into Nigeria via Chad and Niger. Nigeria is largely characterized by a tropical climate . Among 234 countries, it ranks 41st in average yearly temperature, with 27.3 degrees Celsius (81.1 degrees Fahrenheit) recorded between 1991 and 2020 . While rising temperatures contribute to drought in northern regions, extreme rainfall can also cause devastating impacts on lives and property, particularly in the south. Although Nigeria does not rank among the 10 countries with the highest flood risk globally, its exposure remains significant, with flood risk scores ranging from 31.62 to 100.00 and flood exposure ranging from 40.97 to 100.00, according to World Risk Report estimates.


In 2025, Nigeria ranked 60th among 193 countries on the World Risk Index, a metrics report that showcases the intensity and frequency of environmental hazards such as flooding, earthquakes, tsunamis, coastal and river cyclones, droughts, and sea-level rise. While these are partly human-driven, they are also increasing due to the exacerbation of climate change. In 2024, Nigeria ranked 61st , indicating that the situation is worsening, both in disaster severity and official preparedness. While Nigeria does not face all the listed hazards, those that do affect the country often occur at extreme levels. Such hazards impact both individuals and the economy. Climate change and its adverse effects Climate change has far-reaching effects on human lives, which in turn affect living standards and economic productivity. In 2022, Nigeria recorded the third-highest internal displacement rate in Africa , primarily due to conflict and flooding. While environmental disasters are less common causes of internal migration, they remain significant in certain states. For instance, Northcentral and Northwest Nigeria accounted for seven percent of disaster-related migration .


Disaggregated data shows particularly high percentages in some states : Kogi (90 percent), Katsina (15 percent), Nasarawa (14 percent), Kano (12 percent), and Kaduna (12 percent). The climate crisis remains the largest driver of the increasing severity of natural disasters . Among these disasters, flooding is the most prominent in Nigeria. Climate disasters can also adversely affect people’s livelihoods. Having accounted for over 31 percent of the GDP in the third quarter of 2025, agriculture remains a critical part of Nigeria’s economy, and disruptions in human capacity and livelihoods directly affect output, food availability, and employment. The result is increased dependence on imports, declining living standards, and shrinking employment opportunities. Women are disproportionately affected because they constitute a significant percentage of Nigeria’s agricultural sector. A typical example is Kano State , a northern hub for trade and agriculture, known for producing groundnuts, millet, cowpeas, maize, sorghum, and rice. Flooding in 2024 caused damage to over 25 percent of the state’s expected agricultural output , and the disaster resulted in 26 deaths, 50 injuries, and the destruction of over 1,000 houses.


Between June and September 2024, flooding across Nigeria led to 280 deaths , 2,504 injuries, 122,330 homes destroyed, 17,000 acres of farmland damaged, and approximately 641,500 people displaced. Other climate-related disasters in Nigeria include drought and heat waves , which are most severe in northern regions. The way forward Despite the tremendous negative impacts of the climate crisis, Nigerians are finding ways to mitigate its effects. Several innovative solutions have been adopted. For example, Green Quest , a gamification and community action approach founded by Grace James, empowers communities to address flooding through education, engagement, and sustainable practices. While the government is also stepping in with collaborative policies and infrastructure initiatives, more needs to be done to reduce risk and suffering. Innovation is crucial, and everyone’s personal engagement can collectively lead to substantial positive results. Findings by the Climatic Research Unit (CRU) indicate that 2024 was the hottest year on record globally, based on analysis comparing data from 1850 to 2024.


The report stated: Each of the last four decades has been successively warmer than any decade that preceded it since 1850. Human influence has warmed the climate at a rate that is unprecedented in at least the last 2,000 years. Several activities, such as increased gas flaring , oil spills , carbon emissions from transport vehicles, agricultural emissions , and others, have contributed to Nigeria’s changing climate. Sadly, intense solar radiation is something we often adapt to, but climate change, including its effects like flooding and drought, must be addressed if future generations are to avoid its extreme effects. Human activity has contributed significantly to the extreme effects of climate change, but humans also hold the power to implement solutions. All hands must be on deck to bring about the change we wish to see.


Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai receives a 20-year jail sentence

The Hong Kong High Court sentenced pro-democracy media tycoon Jimmy Lai, the founder of now-defunct Apple Daily, to 20 years on February 9, 2026, following his conviction on foreign collusion and sedition charges last December. Lai's case marks the harshest punishment among all prosecutions under the 2020 National Security Law, enacted by Beijing in Hong Kong. The city’s chief executive, John Lee, hailed the severe sentence as a manifestation of the rule of law, while Lai’s daughter, Claire Lai, described it as a “heartbreakingly cruel” sentence that would make her father “die a martyr behind bars.” Since Jimmy Lai is a British national, the UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper described, through a public statement , that the legal action against Lai was a “politically motivated prosecution” to “silence China’s critics” and stressed that the UK government will engage with the highest level of the Chinese government over Lai’s case. The U.S Congressional-Executive Commission on China urged for Jimmy Lai’s immediate release and compared the human rights conditions of Hong Kong to those of Myanmar and Venezuela, where arbitrary detention of political prisoners is commonly seen.


International and human rights organizations also spoke out for Jimmy Lai. United Nations’ Human Rights Commissioner Volker Turk said the court’s verdict should be “quashed” as the allegations were “incompatible with international law.” The office stressed the conspiracy to foreign collusion charge “ risks capturing legitimate activities of civil society organizations and journalists, including engagement with international human rights mechanisms.” Elaine Pearson, Asia Director at Human Rights Watch, decried that, for the 78-year-old publisher, 20 years of imprisonment is effectively a death sentence. Lai will be over 95 if he serves his full jail term. Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director, Sarah Brooks, slammed the sentence as “a cold-blooded attack on freedom of expression,” while Jodie Ginsberg of the Committee to Protect Journalists described the court’s decision as “the final nail in the coffin for freedom of the press in Hong Kong.” China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian stressed that Lai was a “key planner” in a series of anti-China and disruptive activities in Hong Kong, and that “there is no room for argument” over the court’s ruling.


Lai was arrested after the police’s raid on Apple Daily on August 10 2020, weeks after the National Security Law was enacted in Hong Kong following a series of massive protests in 2019 against the amendment of a law that allowed the extradition of criminal suspects to China. The publisher was formally charged with foreign collusion on December 11, 2020. A few months later, on June 17, 2021, the police raided the news outlet a second time and arrested five senior executives. On November 22, 2022, six senior executives of Apple Daily and its parent company, Next Digital, pleaded guilty to foreign collusion charges. Lai was accused of using his tabloid to lobby foreign governments to impose sanctions or other hostile acts upon China and Hong Kong. His published opinions served as evidence for inciting hatred against the authorities. His trial was adjourned multiple times as the city's Committee for Safeguarding National Security barred Timothy Owen, a UK lawyer, from defending Lai’s case. On December 15, 2025, Lai was found guilty of two counts of conspiring to collude with foreign forces and a third count of sedition under colonial-era legislation.


The 78-year-old pro-democracy advocate has been in jail for more than five years since December 31, 2020, as he was first denied bail and then, while in custody, convicted of multiple charges over illegal assemblies and fraud. His lawyers pleaded for leniency , citing his age and health problems during a mitigation hearing on 12 January 2026. In a reasons-for-sentence document, the three designated judges for national security cases — Alex Lee, Esther Toh, and Susana Maria D’Almada Remedios — wrote that Lai was “no doubt the mastermind” of the conspiracies. They said that while an offender’s life expectancy, age, health, and prospect of dying behind bars were factors for consideration, they “had to be balanced against the gravity of the offence, and the public interest in seeing adequate punishment for serious crimes.” Commenting on the court's heavy sentencing, Steve Li, Chief Superintendent of the police’s National Security Department, said that Lai’s health issue was “exaggerated.” He stressed the court’s heavy sentence demonstrated the grave nature of his crime and told the reporters : Obviously, he [Lai] has done nothing good for Hong Kong that could serve as a basis for his mitigation… As for whether he will live out the rest of his years behind bars, none of us would know.


But what I can say is that his sentence is certainly deserved. John Lee, the city's leader, described Lai’s crime as “ evil deeds were beyond measure,” adding that Lai used Apple Daily to “poison the minds” of Hong Kong citizens. He stressed that the 20-year sentence brought “great relief to all.” Among the eight co-defendants of Lai’s case, three of the ex-staff members (Ryan Law, former editor-in-chief of Apple Daily; Lam Man-chung, former executive editor-in-chief of Apple Daily; and Fung Wai-kong, former managing editor of Apple Daily’s English version), who did not testify in court, received 10-year sentences. The other three (publisher Cheung Kim-hung, former associate publisher Chan Pui-man, and editorial writer Yeung Ching-kee) received shorter sentences varying from 6 years and 9 months to 7 years and 3 months. Two other activists, Wayland Chan and Andy Li, who were involved in publishing “Stand with Hong Kong” advertisements on international news outlets, were jailed for 6 years and 3 months, and 7 years and 3 months, respectively.


Women politicians face tech-facilitated violence in Uganda’s 2026 elections

Since gaining independence from the UK in October 1962, Ugandan women have played a critical role in shaping politics and governance throughout the country. From Joyce Mpanga , who served as Minister of Women in Development from 1988 to 1989, to Winnie Byanyima , who played a critical role in framing the 1995 Ugandan Constitution , women have shaped the political and governance landscape in Uganda, paving the way for countless young girls and women. The 1995 Constitution introduced affirmative action. Article 21 of the Ugandan Constitution reserves one-third of local government seats and parliamentary positions for women, ensuring their active participation in the country’s decision-making processes. In January 2026, Uganda held its general elections, and several women ran as candidates. However, women campaigners have to worry about more than giving speeches and rallying voters — they also have to navigate online violence that manifested as deepfakes, AI-generated images, gendered disinformation, and harmful narratives that were weaponised to target Ugandan women politicians during this year’s election. Recent attacks on Ugandan women in politics Nawaya Gloria, a human rights lawyer, Global HIV advocate, and an aspiring youth Member of Parliament (MP) for the Central region in Uganda, found herself in an online battlefield of misogynistic attacks.


She tweeted about her intention to contest for the Youth MP seat: I am going to be the first HIV-positive living young person to represent Youth Voices in Parliament. Nawaya says that she was born with HIV through mother-to-child transmission and that when she was growing up, she was hopeless, but later used her story to champion the rights of persons living with HIV. This tweet, meant to inspire, was instead met with harsh comments and attacks from even “respected” people in Ugandan social circles. A former Vice Chancellor of Makerere University , the first and largest University in Uganda, quoted the tweet and said: This was promoting the narrative that young women seek parliamentary positions just to have sex with male members of parliament. Nawaya responded with a picture of herself saying, “I am sending a smile to Professor Vernacious Baramureeba , and I want to let you know that I am not going to parliament to sleep around but rather to create change…” In response, he doubled down on his attacks. “Nobody is stigmatizing you.


All we are saying is stop using your HIV status as a vote card. Youth should vote for you on merit.” Nawaya was not the only one targeted; One post insulted another woman politician from the National Unity Platform party, Joyce Bagala : “Meet Joyce Bagala, who chose susu over her party.” In this context, the primary meaning of the word “susu” in Luganda is “urine,” but it also suggests that she chose to sleep around and abandon her party. Another implied she was the mistress of the Democratic Front party leader , Mathias Mpuuga . It is Joyce’s right to back whoever she wants to back, and the violent attacks on her agency play into the patriarchal handbook that women are prostitutes because of the choices that they make. Yvonne Mpambara, who was an aspiring presidential candidate for the 2026 elections, also wrote about how she was harassed online: I faced online harassment where men constantly called me ‘the makeup president incapable of leading anyone’ … I was accused of being a Rwandan spy who was sleeping with (Rwandan) President Kagame and trying to destabilize the Ugandan government.


AI-generated deepfakes and disinformation An AI-generated image on TikTok claimed that Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga , the former speaker of the Ugandan parliament, had been airlifted to Aga Khan Hospital in Nairobi. This was a completely fake story, but most commentators wished the former speaker a quick recovery, without noticing that the photos were doctored. The former speaker responded to the rumors: The misogyny has been widespread across parties, even those that were seeking to dethrone the 40-year presidency of President Yoweri Museveni . AI-generated Deepfakes by opposition members about Anita Among , the current speaker of parliament, spreading “hate speech,” are circulating on TikTok. Additionally, National Unity Platform (NUP) supporters began attacking one of their own members who had defected to the breakaway party, the “Democratic Front.” YouTuber, Dean Lubowa Sava , reportedly said, “Joyce Bagala must give sex to NUP top boss who thinks she gave it to Matthias Mpuuga or else she should forget about NUP reconciliation.” Mpuuga is the founder of the Democratic Front. Technology is amplifying Gender Based Violence Violence against women has always existed in Uganda; technology has just amplified it.


A UN Women report mentioned that 95 percent of Ugandan women had experienced physical and/or sexual violence , according to the Ugandan Bureau of Statistics. The findings revealed that 49 percent of citizens say violence against women and girls is a common occurrence in their community. Meanwhile, 62 percent see domestic violence as a private matter to be resolved within the family rather than a criminal matter requiring the involvement of law enforcement. A majority, 54 percent, say it is likely that a woman who reports gender-based violence (GBV) to the authorities will be criticized, harassed, or shamed by others in the community. There is no specific law that is specific to tech-facilitated gender-based violence. While the law that is supposed to protect women online is the Computer Misuse Act 2011, before it was amended , it has instead been used to attack feminist dissenters like Stella Nyanzi. Therefore, as Uganda grapples with its political future, it is clear that women in Uganda have a long way to go in breaking barriers that hinder political participation, and that tech-facilitated violence against women is another tactic that serves to silence women.


’A reading group produces conversation, surprise, challenge, emotional commitment‘: Reading in the AI Era

Technology and online life have changed reading habits and, sometimes, the immediacy screens provide has displaced printed books which are a slower and more selective space. Although it's true that digital access has increased the possibilities of reading, it's also true that it has broken up attention, and has make the act of reading compete with multiple simultaneous stimul i , that sometimes are more attractive Even so, fans of reading, whether on paper or on screens, still exist, and they look for spaces to share their love for reading and discuss what they read, aiming to expand their perspective and generate community. One of those spaces is Leamos (Let's read), a group that brings together friends, and sometimes friends we haven't met yet, to talk about books and good literature , to motivate their careers or reflect about their lives. We spoke with Benjamín Edwards , a specialist in marketing and the creator of Leamos, about this and other initiatives. Global Voices (GV): In a context where artificial intelligence (AI) offers immediate information and content. What spaces do you think deep reading occupies? Or reading, in general?


Benjamín Edwards (BE) : La lectura es un espacio donde el tiempo cronológico es reemplazado por otro, un tiempo mental que se entrega al ritmo de lo que se lee. La imaginación busca poner contexto, olores, colores, intenciones a un relato con sus personajes. Cuando es un texto de estudio, la mente se configura para comprender y ampliar los límites de conocimiento. En ambos casos, el tiempo cronológico es el gran perdedor y el mental el gran ganador. Benjamín Edwards (BE) : Reading is a space where chronological time is replaced by another one, a mental time that surrenders the rhythm of what's read. Imagination aims to put context, scents, colors, intentions to a narration with its characters. When it's an academic text, the brains get set up to understand and broaden the limits of knowledge. In both situations, chronological time is the big loser, and mental time, the big winner. GV: What does a reading group provide — conversations, shared interpretation — that no AI can replace? BE : La conversación, el aporte, la sorpresa, el desafío, el compromiso emocional.


En esencia, un grupo humano tiene cualidades como la contención emocional. El grupo puede sentir entusiasmo, lo que incentiva la participación, o, también, aburrimiento, lo que obliga al moderador usar estrategias para reactivarlo. La IA puede simular o sintetizar, lo que es muy útil para el trabajo o satisfacer la curiosidad de corto plazo. Hay quienes usan su capacidad de simulación para hacerle preguntas personales sin exponerse a un comentario humano, algo que es parecido a hablar con un espejo. Un grupo humano como el club de lectura genera espacios donde se sincronizan pensamientos y conversaciones, donde existe solidaridad, donde proponen ideas que parecieran salir de un sombrero de mago. La IA no es capaz de hacerlo, por lo menos por ahora. BE : Conversation, contribution, surprise, challenge, emotional commitment. In short, a human group has qualities such as emotional restraint. The group can feel enthusiasm, which encourages participation, but also boredom, which forces the moderator to use strategies to reactivate it. AI can simulate or sum up, and that's very useful for a job or to satisfy short term curiosity.


There are people who use their own simulation abilities to ask personal questions without exposing themselves to human comment, something similar to talking to a mirror. A human group, such as this reading group, creates spaces where thoughts and conversations are synchronized, where there is solidarity, a space to propose ideas that seem to come out of a magician hat. AI is unable to do that, at least, for now. GV: From your perspective as a marketing and advertising specialist, is reading still a key tool for critical thinking in the algorithm era in a world increasingly mediated by AI? BE : Sí, claro. Muchos indican que la clave en la IA a nivel de uso personal y cotidiano es el prompt , la instrucción en un texto expresado en lenguaje natural que describe la tarea que debe realizar una IA. Y puede ser cierto, alguien que sabe hacer preguntas es alguien que presenta pensamiento crítico. Pero esto no reemplaza la capacidad de trabajar una idea, desarrollarla, ponerla a prueba, y en ese proceso corregir, cambiar, replantear. La respuesta no es el único objetivo, el proceso de descubrimiento es igualmente importante.


La IA, trabaja el desarrollo, nos aleja de nuestra idea, se convierte en “su idea”, entonces “esa” idea ya no es nuestra y nos la apropiamos, sin haber participado del proceso. La IA es una gran ayuda, pero no reemplaza nada de lo más profundo de nuestro potencial crítico y creativo, y si buscamos que lo reemplace, perdemos algo de nuestra humanidad. BE : Yes, sure. Many people note that the key to AI on personal use level is the prompt , the instruction in text expressed with natural language that describes the task an AI must do. And it can be true, someone who knows how to ask a question is someone with critical thinking. But that doesn't replace the ability to work on an idea, elaborating it, testing it, and in this process, correcting it, changing it, and raising it again. The answer is not the only goal; the process of discovery is just as important. AI works on development, it estranges us from our idea, which becomes “its idea,” and then “that” idea is not ours anymore, and we take it, without having being part of the process.


AI is a lot of help, but it doesn't replace anything from the deepest of our critical and creative potential. And if we look to replace that potential, we lose a part of our humanity. GV: How did the idea of Leamos come up? BE : Soy lector desde hace mucho tiempo, leo y escribo. Resumo algunos libros en unas libretas y reflexiono sobre esos resúmenes. Siempre supe que hay muchos libros por leer. Los lectores no somos visibles, básicamente porque leer es una actividad solitaria. Existen clubes, sí, pero siempre centrados en un libro y los análisis y comentarios corren a su alrededor. Existe, además, el estigma de que existen lectores y lecturas sesudas y otros que son livianos. Un día en septiembre de 2024, escribí una invitación en LinkedIn a todos aquellos que les gusta leer, sin sesgos de estilos ni nada y propuse hacer un club. Ese día se armó el Club Leamos. BE : I'm a long-time reader; I read and write. I sum up some books in notepads and reflect about those summaries.


I always knew that there are many books to be read. We, readers, are not visible, basically because reading is a lonesome activity. There are clubs, yes, but always focused in one book, and analysis and comments revolve around that book. There also exists the stigma that there are sensible readers and sensible readings, and other light ones. Somewhere in September 2024, I wrote an invitation on LinkedIn for people who love reading, without style bias, and I proposed creating a club. That day Club Leamos was created. GV: What activities the group has? BE : El fundamento del club son sesiones semanales, no presenciales, en la que participan personas de cualquier país, normalmente en el rango de huso horario de Perú. En cada sesión, tres o cuatro participantes presentan un libro al resto de los asistentes y comentan, y tras hacer un resumen responden tres preguntas: de qué se trata, por qué te gustó el libro y por qué todos deberían leerlo. La clave, por lo tanto, es que la comunidad participa activamente en las presentaciones y los comentarios.


También tenemos otras actividades que han ido surgiendo por iniciativa de los participantes: amigo secreto literario, reuniones presenciales en librerías y bares, visitas a lugares con historia literaria, etc. BE : The base of the club are weekly online sessions, where people from any country can participate, usually in Peru time. In each session, three or four participants present a book to the rest of participants, and, after a brief summary, they answer three questions: what's the book about, why did you like it and why should everybody read it? Therefore, the key is that the community participates actively in presentations and comments. We also have other activities that have emerged from the community members: literary secret friend (an event we had for Christmas similar to a secret Santa, but with books), real-life meetings in bookshops and cafés, visits to places with literary history, etc. GV: Tell us about the podcast La biblioteca imaginaria (The imaginary library). BE : Es una evolución natural, el podcast tiene un formato de conversación en el que participan dos invitados que elijo de entre los miembros del club.


Ellos presentan un libro y hablamos sobre eso y las relaciones que van emergiendo. BE : It's a natural evolution, the podcast has the format of a conversation in which two guests, who I choose from the club, participate. They present a book and we talk about it and the relationships that emerge from that. GV: What plans do you have for Leamos? BE : Me encantaría que creciera en Latinoamérica. Los lectores son sorprendentes, no solo en sus recomendaciones y aportes, sino en sus proposiciones para crear ideas que potencian la relación en la comunidad entre ellos y los libros. BE : I'd love for it to expand in Latin America. The readers are stunning, not only in what they suggest and recommend, but also in their proposals about creating ideas that enhance the relationship in the community, between them and the books. GV: If someone wants to join the group, what do they have to do? BE : Contactarme a través de mi perfil de LinkedIn . BE : Contact me via my profile on LinkedIn .


The paradox of Bangladesh’s democratic rebirth: A critical analysis of the 2026 election’s promise and pitfalls

On February 12, 2026, Bangladesh held an election that many are calling a landmark democratic exercise , the first truly competitive vote the country has seen in nearly two decades. But beneath all the talk of a democratic fresh start and the restoration of electoral choice, there’s a tricky question lurking: what kind of democracy is this, really, and who gets to decide if it’s legitimate? As the results started coming in after the voting ended, the center-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led alliance pulled off a landslide victory , picking up at least 212 out of the 299 seats counted. The far-right Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI)-led alliance followed as the second-largest bloc with around 77 seats, while the National Citizen Party , started by leaders of the 2024 uprising, made its parliamentary debut with six seats. However, the BNP’s commanding victory with its two-thirds parliamentary majority raises fundamental questions not just about who won, but about what kind of democracy is actually taking shape.


It might be called a “ democracy of subtraction ” — an election that achieved procedural fairness partly by excluding the party that governed for the previous fifteen years, but creates a paradox at the heart of claims about democratic legitimacy. Participatory democracy restored: The numbers behind electoral engagement What unfolded across 42,779 polling centres that day was nothing less than a remarkable institutional achievement — a testament to coordinated state machinery, technological innovation, and the resilience of democratic aspirations in a nation long starved of genuine electoral choice. The night before the election, Chief Adviser of the Interim government Dr. Muhammad Yunus went on television and urged everyone to make February 12 the “ birthday of a new Bangladesh” , mentioning that it was the voters themselves who would write the country’s future. In what marked the largest security mobilisation in Bangladesh’s electoral history, nearly 970,948 security personnel from every branch of law enforcement and the armed forces were stationed at polling centres and strategic locations nationwide.


Every branch of the government’s security forces was involved, including over 100,000 from the army, around 5,000 from the navy, 3,730 air force personnel, more than 37,000 border guard troops, and close to 188,000 police officers. On top of that, 1,051 executive magistrates were empowered to conduct mobile courts, creating immediate legal consequences for violations rather than waiting for post-election adjudication. In about 25,700 of the 43,000 polling centers, police wore body cameras , creating visual documentation of what happened, which helped keep both officials and security personnel accountable in real time. With 127.7 million registered voters — including 64.8 million men, 62.9 million women, and 1,234 third-gender voters — this election represented one of the largest global democratic exercises of the year. Fifty registered political parties fielded 1,755 candidates, while 273 independent candidates also contested seats, providing voters with substantive choice. Among party nominees, 63 women candidates and 20 female independents participated. Voter turnout landed at 59.44 percent — not quite the 80 to 87 percent seen in truly competitive elections decades ago, but still a significant jump from the disputed 41.8 percent reported in 2024 .


More importantly, it reflected real choice: people voted because they wanted to, not because they were persuaded or their ballots were fabricated. The competitive arena: A binary contest with meaningful stakes The contest itself came down to a straight fight between the BNP and a Jamaat-e-Islami-led coalition that included the student-founded National Citizens Party. Simple as this setup was, voters still had a clear choice between two very different visions for the country. Read More: The upcoming election will determine the future of Bangladesh’s democracy and reform agenda When the results rolled in, the BNP-led alliance didn’t just win — they won big, grabbing 212 seats and a solid two-thirds majority. The Jamaat-e-Islami alliance’s 77 seats represented the best electoral performance in Jamaat’s history , positioning them as the main opposition. Crucially, Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman demonstrated democratic maturity by gracefully conceding defeat , despite some objections. He mentioned that his party would “respect the results of the election, whatever they may be” and would not engage in obstructive opposition politics.


The arithmetic of victory: When two-thirds doesn’t tell the whole story To really understand why the BNP won so convincingly, you have to look beyond electoral dynamics to how the votes actually played out. Bangladesh uses a first-past-the-post system, meaning candidates need only win more votes than their nearest competitor, not an absolute majority. It’s a setup the country inherited from British colonial rule, and it tends to give the winning party a major boost while smaller parties with scattered support get left behind. As several analysts have noted, the final vote share will tell us a lot more about what really happened. In this kind of system, a party that pulls in 40 to 45 percent of the national vote can easily walk away with 65 to 70 percent of the seats if their support is efficiently distributed across constituencies. On the flip side, a party with 30 to 35 percent of the vote might end up with only 20 to 25 percent of the seats if their voters are geographically concentrated or spread too thinly.


So the BNP’s landslide in seats doesn’t necessarily mean they won every voter’s heart; it means they won where it counted. This mathematical reality means that the Jamaat-e-Islami alliance, despite achieving its best electoral performance in history , may have won a substantially larger share of popular support than its 77 seats suggest. If indeed the alliance captured 30-35 percent of the national vote as some projections indicate, it means millions of Bangladeshi voters supported parties that will exercise only limited influence in a parliament where the BNP commands two-thirds of seats. Read More: The social media battlefield: Political campaigns in Bangladesh’s national elections These voters’ preferences will shape parliamentary debates and opposition strategies, but they have little prospect of influencing actual policy outcomes when the governing coalition can pass any legislation, including constitutional amendments, without opposition support. The referendum dimension: Constitutional legitimacy through popular mandate The parallel referendum on the July National Charter added another layer of complexity and legitimacy to the electoral exercise.


The charter proposed switching Bangladesh to a bicameral parliamentary system, putting two-term limits on future prime ministers, strengthening judicial independence, and building real checks on executive power. The reported 65.5 percent support for the Charter in unofficial results suggests that voters engaged substantively with questions about bicameral systems, term limits, and institutional safeguards rather than simply rubber-stamping proposals. The more revealing statistic might be the 34.5 percent who voted against constitutional reforms despite the overwhelming momentum in favour — a figure that likely represents hard-core opposition to the interim government’s entire project. By tying the election to bigger questions about how the country should be run, it turned the energy of the 2024 July uprising into actual plans on paper, instead of letting it fizzle out as revolutionary talk. The Jamaat paradox: Democratic inclusion of anti-democratic forces Here’s where things get complicated. One of the strangest outcomes of this election is Jamaat-e-Islami’s comeback. The party that opposed Bangladesh’s independence back in 1971 and was banned for years has now turned in its best performance ever, becoming the main parliamentary opposition .


The fact that Bangladesh let Jamaat back into the political fold while keeping out the Awami League — a party that played a vital role in the country’s 1971 independence movement, but was banned from elections following a 2024 student-led uprising that toppled Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina — appears to be an uneven accommodation that reflects the political mood of the moment more than any consistent democratic principle. With the Awami League barred from participating, Jamaat positioned itself as the main alternative for voters seeking a “new political force”. In a more inclusive electoral environment, Jamaat might have won substantially fewer seats; however, the particular circumstances of 2026 created opportunities the party exploited effectively. The road ahead With the referendum passed , big constitutional changes are expected to be on the way, though actually making it happen will require dedicated constitutional work. The fact that the BNP holding a two-thirds majority means the party will basically have the chance to write the rules however they want. However, the first-past-the-post system’s distortions suggest that the distribution of parliamentary seats may not accurately reflect the popular will of the voters.


A rose by any other name? How one Trinidad Carnival band’s intimate gesture has sparked controversy

As Trinidad and Tobago Carnival continues to evolve, this year’s music has been paying homage to veterans of the Carnival arts. Several steelbands have chosen classic tunes as their Panorama pieces as opposed to new soca offerings, soca king Machel Montano’s road march bid, “ Encore ,” is a nod to mas designer extraordinaire Peter Minshall , Kes the Band has resurrected the concept of “Rum and Coca-Cola,” first written by Lord Invader as social commentary about World War II era Trinidad — a song made even more well known after The Andrews Sisters’ 1940s remake . Mical Teja has done “ Last Train ,” his own take on 1957’s calypso “ Last Train to San Fernando ,” and one of the most popular songs for the season, Full Blown’s “ Respectfully Yours ,” samples a bit of Crazy’s classic, “ Cold Sweat .” Yet, it is a decidedly more modern issue that is captivating the local blogosphere ahead of the national festival — the inclusion of an adult toy in the goody bags of a popular band’s women masqueraders.


The move by Tribe to gift a rose to this demographic was reviewed in unboxing videos on social media and soon drew the attention of Roman Catholic Archbishop Jason Gordon, who criticised the move on the pulpit, saying it had “gone too far.” Stressing that guard rails need to be put in place to protect young people, he continued, “Just as I’ve asked the government to regulate social media for the sake of our children, if Tribe cannot pull back on its own, I think the government will have to regulate it.” Tribe’s band leader Dean Ackin told the Trinidad Express , “Carnival is about freedom, expression, fun and a little mischief, and as pioneers of the modern mas experience, we’re always looking for ways to keep things fresh, playful and memorable.” With each side firmly in their corners, social media users soon began to weigh in. In a widely shared post, Facebook user Darryn Dinesh Boodan referenced an op-ed by the Trinidad and Tobago Guardian that “makes the argument that Tribe including a ‘Rose’ sex toy in an adults only goodie bag isn’t just a lapse in judgement, but a sign Carnival has become culturally hedonistic.”


As someone who doesn’t participate in the festival, this surprised Boodan, as he thought “hedonism was the most fun part of Carnival and, frankly, the whole point.” Adding that the editorial “treats the Archbishop’s comments as a calm moral nudge,” Boodan drew people’s attention to the fact that Gordon “also floated the idea of state intervention if bands don’t ‘dial it back’” — a claim he categorised as “a clear warning shot: regulate yourselves, or we’ll invite the Government to regulate you.” In a piece for Wired868, Jessica Joseph made the point that Carnival — derived from the Latin “Carne Vale” or “Farewell to the Flesh” — “speaks to its original cultural function: a deliberate release of excess, desire, music, dance, food, and freedom before the restrictions of Lent […] Calling it mere ‘hedonism’ is reductionist when it has always been celebration with protest at its core.” In both African and Indian cultures, Joseph added , “Public joy is experienced through symbolic acts of reclaiming space, selfhood, pleasure and the playful blurring of what is sacred to pre-colonial culture and profane to the colonizers.


To pretend now that Carnival is meant to mirror church decorum is to misunderstand what Carnival has always been, even when it was strictly a Roman Catholic festival.” Far from being preoccupied with women’s masturbation habits, she went on , Trinbagonians were more concerned about everyday realities, including economic recession, unemployment, mental stress, violence, corruption and police brutality, not to mention “an entire ecosystem of unchecked sexual crimes particularly against little children (for which the RC Church plays a major role).” In that vein, several other netizens took issue with Archbishop Gordon speaking out on this topic, but remaining comparatively silent on other critical issues , including the recent killing of a young man by police that was caught on camera; his girlfriend was also shot and remains paralysed from the incident. Meanwhile, cultural activist Tillah Willah quipped , “I love how people think this is about sex (I mean, the mas has been a circle jerk for a good few years now, why shouldn't women get a happy ending???) and not about how capitalism — ie your unlimited access to resources determines how much airtime, attention and visibility your brand gets.


Outrage marketing is the most valuable type of attention these days and we know the many many ways that sex sells. Full marks for ingenuity and all the hand wringing and fake moral panic putting more millions in that bank.” Over at Wired868, Joseph agreed : “Many [bands] leverage female beauty, female sensuality, female freedom in their marketing promotion, leading to women contributing significantly to Carnival revenue. The more money that is generated the more elaborate their Carnival commodity becomes and yes, there is a serious discussion about capitalism, classism and cultural erasure to be had about this.” She also commented on the fact that the demographic of women who play mas with Tribe are “cognizant of The Orgasm Gap in heterosexual intercourse and unlike previous generations, aren’t going to meekly accept [it]. These women currently exist in an era where hook-up culture is officially dead and buried. They are living in the 4B Movement Era where partnered sex is not being generously handed out. Even the soca music reflects it. ‘Bad gyal doh need no man!’ [ sing ] Patrice and Nailah.”


“Additionally,” she continued , “solo sexual activity carries no pregnancy risk, which also reduces abortions, and no STI transmission risk — and in a society such as ours rife with GBV in intimate partner relationships, solo sexual activity is also safer than partnered sex.” Gabrielle Hosein, senior lecturer at the Institute for Gender and Development Studies at the University of the West Indies’ St. Augustine Campus in Trinidad, added , “More than anything else, women are enjoying being women without men, enjoying their erotic power communally with other women. Multi-ethnic tens of thousands are in the streets nearly naked, drinking alcohol, being ribald with each other — and putting money on insisting they are safe from male sexual violence to do so […] The Archbishop is pitting women against traditional Carnival, despite this always being where women have sought sexual self-determination. He is making sexual playfulness a moral panic. He is opposing something that does not in any way lead to vulnerability to unwanted STIs, unplanned pregnancy, sexual coercion or unsafe sexual practices.


It is unclear who really is being harmed by women doing something they always have done — in and out of relationships, with or without men, with other women or by themselves, during or beyond Carnival time.” “To scold Carnival is easy,” suggested Bryan St. Louis in another Wired868 post. “To demand accountability from leaders is dangerous. And so, the sermon is directed at the people, never at the powerful. […] Real morality must carry thorns as well as petals. It must be willing to prick power, not just perfume the air with easy condemnations. Without that edge, it is nothing more than roses without thorns: fragile theatre, not morality but masquerade.” At the other end of the debate, Tricia Leacock, mother of a young masquerader, asked , “What gives you the right to purposefully plant ideas and concepts contra to the values that I choose to uphold in my household, under the guise of a surprise in a goody bag for a Carnival costume, especially without my consent! We need to call a spade a spade. This is absolutely unacceptable.


Many Trini mothers are already struggling with the bath suits and beads instead of costumes. […] What exactly are parents supposed to be telling their children who received these ‘toys’ in their goody bags? What does this say about what is expected of our young women? […] This is not the Carnival we want, and this does not represent who we are!” The blog ChatterBox jumped in on the discussion to emphasise that “Skin does not equal sex. The gaze does. And it is usually the gaze of men […] The rose does not invent sexuality in Carnival. Sexuality has always existed within it. What the rose symbolises is something different: female pleasure centred, not merely female bodies displayed. That shift stings.” The post concluded , “You may dislike the choice. You may find it unnecessary. But to declare that it denigrates culture is to flatten centuries of complexity into a single anxious conclusion. Every rose has its thorns. The rose is not the rot. The thorns are the tension that reminds us culture is alive, argued over, evolving in real time. Carnival is art. Carnival is resistance. Carnival is commerce. Carnival is sensuality. Carnival is faith in dialogue with freedom.”


Nearly 200 people massacred by gunmen in Kaiama LGA, Nigeria

The residents of Woro and Nuku villages in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State went to bed on the night of February 2nd, expecting the next day to be like any other. This was not the case. At 5 pm on February 3rd, gunmen carried out a deadly attack against their villages, terrorizing the community for nearly 24 hours, until 3 pm on February 4th. The gunmen killed about 200 villagers , abducted many others, looted shops, and razed numerous houses. According to an Amnesty International post on X : Villagers of the affected Kwara state communities are still searching and finding dead bodies, with hands tied from behind and slit throats. Some were shot while tied at the hands and feet. Gory images show corpses on the streets in pools of blood. Several people were also abducted. Nigerian President Bola Tinubu condemned the attacks via a press statement released by Special Adviser to the President, Bayo Onanuga. Officials identified the Boko Haram sect as the terror group behind the attack.


While the Emir of Kaiama, Alhaji Muaza Sheu Omar (a traditional ruler in Kwara State, Nigeria), told the Kwara State governor that the attackers are followers of Mahmuda , a splinter group of the Boko Haram sect that emerged in North-central Nigeria last year. Followers of Mahmuda reportedly preach a fringe Islamic ideology and attack people who reject their doctrine. The deadly terror group is believed to be hiding out in the Kainji Lake National Park . According to reports , this group has been carrying out a series of deadly attacks against rural communities in Niger and Nigeria . There was a report that the leader of the group, Abubakar Abba Mahmuda , was arrested by Nigeria’s Department of State Service (DSS) in 2025. However, the arrest of their leader has not demoralized the group. Their recent attacks have shown that they are becoming bolder every day, and if the government does not provide adequate security, the group will overrun many communities in the region. Waves of killings across northwest and north-central Nigeria The attacks on villages and communities across Kwara State, and north-central Nigeria at large, have been going on for years.


Amnesty International published a report on a series of attacks and abductions that happened across the region in 2020. In 2025, Global Voices reported about the wave of attacks , kidnappings, and killings that communities in north-central Nigeria were facing. The wave of attacks has continued in 2026. Just on February 3rd, 2026, three deadly attacks happened in Nigeria. Aside from the Kaiama attack, suspected armed bandits killed 19 villagers in Doma town in Tafoki district of Faskari Local Government in Katsina State . Armed bandits also killed a police officer and four villagers at Abande Community in Kwande Local Government of Benue State on the same day. On January 18, 2026, a total of 163 worshippers were kidnapped during Sunday services from two churches in Kaduna state . Reason for the recent attack in Kaiama The governor of Kwara State, Alhaji Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq , in the company of service chiefs and government officials, paid a condolence visit to Woro on Thursday, February 5th. He said 75 Muslims were massacred because they rejected extremist ideology. In his statement at the palace of the Emir of Kaiama, the governor said: We are very sad.


We are here today to commiserate with your Royal Highness over the death of 75 of your subjects. May Allah grant them Al-jannah Firdaus. Your Emirate is versatile and from the information we have been getting, these victims were massacred because they refused to succumb to a strange Islamic doctrine… This is different from what we used to see, where subjects were being kidnapped for ransom. This was a pure massacre. We commiserate with you. The governor said the insecurity is difficult to tackle because it goes beyond Kwara state and stretches across communities around the Kainji National Park in Niger State . He promised to increase security in the area and appointed a seven-person committee to provide humanitarian support for the victims. Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu also ordered the deployment of an army battalion to Kaiama. According to a press statement released by the spokesperson to the president, Bayo Onanuga: It’s commendable that the community members, even though Muslims, refused to be conscripted into a weird belief that promoted violence over peace and dialogue.


Factors contributing to Nigeria’s security failure Security experts and human rights organizations have linked the cause of the attacks to porous borders, a reactive security approach, and the spillover of extremist groups. Amnesty International blamed the government for the “stunning security failure” in rural communities in the north. The human rights organization said its findings indicate that the terror group had been sending warning letters and pamphlets to the affected communities in Kaiama for over five months and as recently as two weeks ago. In their post on X page, they said the government has neglected rural communities, which has made them vulnerable to terror attacks. The organization urged the Nigerian authorities to effectively investigate the attacks and take additional actions to protect the lives of the people living in the area. Currently, the government is making efforts to provide support for the victims and restore calm and order to the area. The president has launched Operation Savanna Shield and commanded the new military command deployed to the area to “checkmate the barbaric terrorists and protect defenceless communities.”


Community micro-hydropower plants revolutionise isolated areas of the Dominican Republic

According to the 2022 World Small Hydropower Development Report (WSHPDR), the Dominican Republic ranks among Caribbean countries with 98 percent access to electricity in rural areas, leaving a two percent gap without supply. “Only Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti have large hydropower plants,” the report said, “while Grenada and Saint Lucia lack hydropower capacity altogether. In the remaining countries of the region, all existing hydropower capacity corresponds to small plants.” The DR in particular has an installed hydropower capacity of 623 megawatts. Many of the isolated areas in the DR receive electricity from community micro-hydropower plants, a model that has made the country a benchmark over the past 27 years. As part of the Luz de Agua programme , 48 projects are currently operational. Other state-supported projects based on the same model, but linked to different organisations, bring the total number of micro-hydropower plants in the country to just over 50 .


Luz de Agua, a development model aimed at providing electricity to communities difficult to reach by conventional power grids, has been in operation for nearly three decades, driven by communities in isolated mountainous areas. It emerged from the vision of U.S. engineer Jon Katz, who was in the DR in the late 1990s, with a focus on social and development support. From its inception, the Small Grants Programme (SGP) of the Global Environment Facility (GEF) has promoted the initiative, which the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) then globally implemented with the aim of providing financial and technical support to civil society and community projects to “conserve and restore the environment, improve livelihoods, and achieve global environmental benefits through local actions.” Although the project is carried out mainly in the eastern part of the island, some Haitian communities in border areas have also benefitted: electricity access for more than 22,000 people in over 5,000 households, a more than 60 percent decrease in energy expenses, and the absorption of more than 25,000 tons of carbon dioxide (CO₂) per year through the use of renewable energy.


This information is based on reporting by Guakía Ambiente , one of the organisations supporting the project. The first micro-hydropower plant to be successfully installed , in 1998, was the “El Limón Community Hydropower Plant” in the province of San José de Ocoa. Spearheaded by the El Limón Community Council, the plant has a capacity of 3.5 kilowatts (kW) and reaches 70 households in the area. Environmental sciences graduate Michela Izzo, who is the current executive director of Guakía Ambiente — the leading non-profit organisation involved in the programme — explained that El Limón residents coined the popular phrase “Luz de Agua” to describe how, from a small water source, they finally managed to access an electricity supply. Izzo joined the project in 2006 as head of practical feasibility studies, a role she held until 2019. “Everything started as a pilot, something new that no one had really worked on, especially at the community level here in the country. [T]here were other micro-hydropower experiences, but they were developed directly by companies or by the state, without direct involvement from local residents,” she explained.


“From the first plant, similar areas began to be identified, and from there emerged the survey of another 30 or 35 rural communities across the country, where water sources with the potential to meet the energy needs of the communities were preliminarily identified.” According to Izzo, there are currently 10 projects in the execution phase, with progress ranging from 35 to 90 percent. Over time, the micro-hydropower plants of Tres Cruces, Pescado Bobo, Palma Herrada, La Vereda, Los Lirios, Los Mangos, and La Lomita were connected to the national power grid as a complementary source of generation to address reductions in water flow, especially during periods of extreme drought. The model represents more than local growth: it promotes territorial development and protection by preventing indiscriminate exploitation. In addition, it encourages the decentralisation of electricity generation away from the conventional fossil-fuel–based regime and diversifies the management of generation sources within the framework of national energy security. “The value of these projects,” concluded Izzo, “is associated with a different model of natural resource use, and represents a boost to sustainability.


It is truly a great asset that the Dominican Republic can offer to the world, and for this reason it has become a global benchmark for this type of community-based model, fostering exchanges with several Latin American countries such as Colombia, Haiti, Mexico, and Venezuela, which have sought to learn more about this model of community management that has endured and demonstrated sustainability for more than 20 years.” One of the challenges resulting from climate change is drought, which has become more intense and prolonged and directly impacts micro-hydropower plants. Because the operation of these structures depends on the water sources where they are installed, some — after periods of drought — are only operated during wet seasons. For such systems, hybrid generation solutions are currently being implemented to complement micro-hydropower production and ensure continuity of service. What makes micro-hydropower plants different from large-scale projects? Hydropower transforms water’s kinetic energy into electrical energy by taking advantage of the fall of water — the height difference between two points — to generate movement. “The fundamental mechanism of any hydropower plant,” Izzo explained, “[is that] moving water drives a turbine, similar in principle to a bicycle dynamo.


This turbine spins a generator containing a coil within a magnetic field; as it rotates, an electric current is produced.” For the system to function, you need a constant water flow and a sufficient elevation difference between the intake point and the turbine installation point. In the specific case of a micro-hydropower plant, Izzo noted, the kind of “high negative environmental impacts usually associated with large hydropower plants” is not observed, since the power levels are usually below 500 kW. Additionally, no dams are built, thereby avoiding flooding. “In micro-hydropower plants, only a portion of the available river water is diverted and channeled, using only a percentage of the flow, while maintaining an ecological flow that allows the water source to remain alive. The same water is returned to the source after passing through the turbine, at a distance not exceeding 2.5 kilometres from the intake point.” The average duration of the construction process — which can take up to six years — depends largely on economic factors, equipment availability, technical training and, of course, the willingness of the local community.


Micro-hydropower plants in the Dominican Republic serve from as few as five families to more than 280. The Arroyo Frío Hydropower Plant, for example, supplies the communities of El Arraiján, La Ciénaga, and Arroyo Frío, all located in the La Vega province. Investment costs can also vary significantly, ranging from USD 13,800 to 1,350,000, while generation equipment expenses range from USD 3,600 to 180,000, according to data reported by Guakía Ambiente. Eighty-five percent of the total 48 installed hydropower plants are currently in operation, some with more than 25 years of service, and are fully managed by local communities. Before micro-hydropower plants became operational, some families used other energy sources, like fossil fuel-based generators or solar panels. “In the communities where we work,” Izzo stated, “we establish a baseline at the beginning, and really, very few families have generators. In the less poor communities, there may be one or perhaps two, and they are usually turned on only once a week to wash clothes using a washing machine, but this is not common, since poverty levels are very high.”


Complementary photovoltaic systems as drought alternatives In instances where droughts affecting water sources prevent the use of micro-hydropower plants, complementary photovoltaic systems can generate solar energy. This is especially useful when, because of climatic conditions, the use of existing plants is not possible. Among the communities with photovoltaic systems under construction are Vuelta Larga in María Trinidad Sánchez province, Fondo Grande in Dajabón, El Jengibre in Santiago Rodríguez, and Los Naranjales in Peravia. A collaboration between the Ministry of Finance and Economy (MHE) and the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) is currently looking at the implementation of solar photovoltaic systems in at least eight communities in Elías Piña province, where conditions do not allow for the installation of hydropower plants. While there are currently no community wind projects in train, Izzo acknowledged the potential of wind and other renewables as supply sources. “Essentially,” she explained, “this is a model based on empowering local communities — working with people, ensuring they are part of the process, involved at every stage, assuming responsibilities, contributing labour and their own resources, and ultimately retaining the capacity to manage the system both administratively and technically.”


As for the continuation of this line of renewable generation and distribution, there is the possibility that, following the gradual expansion of the national electricity grid, once-isolated communities would be able to interconnect their existing systems to the national grid using a bidirectional meter. Not only would this allow them to receive electricity even when there is insufficient water, but they could also sell surplus electricity to the grid. The community energy transition of El Palero The El Palero Community Hydropower Plant , inaugurated on December 14, 2023, supplies energy to the predominantly agricultural communities of El Palero, Auqueyes, La Sierrecita, Cenoví, and La Cabirma, in Santiago Rodríguez province. The Council for the Community Development of El Palero (CODECOPA), which is responsible for the micro-hydropower plant, supplies electricity to 180 households, rural micro-enterprises, a school, a church, and public lighting. Built by residents over the course of a decade, the plant is part of the Luz de Agua programme that, despite economic limitations, allowed them to remain in their community, motivated by family roots, love for their inherited land, and the desire for local development.


Despite poor infrastructure, limited basic services, and scarce economic resources, access to electricity has helped the community achieve significant progress. Among the most urgent needs are improvements to the water supply system, the construction of a polyclinic, and the definitive repair of the road, as trips to health centres are long and dangerous. Guakia Ambiente reported that the total cost for the construction of this particular plant was RD 84,767,311.40 (USD 1,353,037.18). Elvin Collado, one of the plant’s key maintenance technicians, said that residents contributed sweat equity to the project. Registration for each family wishing to participate was RD 1,000 (USD 15.96) and a monthly fee of RD 100 (US 1.60). In addition, each family contributed at least 180 days of unskilled labour, ultimately worth RD 20,659,271.99 (USD 329,758.75). Other private and public entities contributed financially to the project, to the tune of RD 64,108,039.41 (USD 1,023,278.43). These funds went towards the purchase of pipes, installation of electrical networks, and domestic installations by the state, which, according to Collado, took up to two years to cover only some parts of the community.


CODECOPA then took on the responsibility of properly managing the system and respecting usage regulations, so that future energy demands can be met according to installed capacity. On the other hand, some families chose not to participate and to this day, remain disconnected from the energy provided by the micro-hydropower plant. Based on the approved usage regulations, these families have the possibility of benefiting if, after requesting it, they pay the established amount through a payment agreement signed with both the hydropower committee and the community organisation. The established payment tariff for each family’s energy use, which extends to domestic, educational and other productive activities as well as public lighting, ranges from RD 400.00 (USD 6.38) to RD 700.00 (USD 11.17) per month. For tourism establishments, this may increase to RD 1,500.00 (US D 23.94) per month. According to Collado, the condition for obtaining energy was labour. “Anyone who wants electricity must work,” he stated. Recounting how difficult it was for the community to carry pipes uphill, transporting them in parts and by hand through the mountains, the community needed as many hands on deck as possible.


Access to the communities is via a paved road up to the La Leonor sector, followed by a stone pavement from there onward; a dense network of rural paths — traversable on foot or on animals — connects other settlements on both sides of the country’s central mountain range. Each household was equipped with a wiring and distribution network system tailored to its specific needs, ensuring safe and reliable energy use, with a 4- or 6-amp breaker depending on individual requirements. The micro-hydropower system allows the community to have electricity 24 hours a day, significantly facilitating household tasks, with particular benefits for women. It also enables food refrigeration, keeps appliances operating, and expands access to resources such as the internet, enhancing educational development. A small team of community technicians oversees plant operations, and the communities have been trained in efficient energy use and various environmental topics, such as climate change, natural resource management, reforestation, and watershed management, strengthening their scientific knowledge of the environment and contributing to the reduction of climate risks.


Cambodian police arrest journalist for reporting on online scam center

Online journalist Hem Vanna was arrested on February 3 after posting a video report on an alleged scam compound in Cambodia. His arrest highlighted the growing number of journalists facing harassment for reporting on online scam centers in the country and the government’s crackdown efforts. Scam centers are a well-established problem in Cambodia as organized crime networks create illegal scam offices and kidnap people — often migrant workers who they lure to the country under false promises of job opportunities — and force them to conduct elaborate online scams. The operations are especially insidious as they victimize both the scam targets and those who are forced to work as slaves under threat of torture or death. Cambodian officials have been working to crack down on the practice since it began attracting international attention in 2021 . On January 30, Hem Vanna, a publisher behind HVNN TV Online , posted a video report on a suspected online scam compound located near a police station in Poipet. Officials summoned him to the Poipet police station on February 3rd and accused him of “attempting to tarnish the reputation of the institution.” In an interview with Kiripost news, Khun Dim, a colleague of Vanna, narrated their experience at the station.


“We went together, and they accused us of our published reporting. They said we reported inaccuracies, saying that the building is not 100 meters but 700 meters away from the military police station,” he said. Before his arrest, Vanna appealed to authorities not to threaten journalists, asserting that they serve as “a mirror of society” connecting leaders and citizens. Vanna was charged under Articles 301 and 495 of the Cambodian penal code, which criminalize intercepting or recording private conversations and incitement. If convicted, he faces a maximum sentence of three years in prison. Several civil society organizations signed a statement condemning Vanna’s arrest. The arrest and charging of this journalist is yet another incident that demonstrates the government’s tendency to silence members of the press through the misuse of criminal law. Authorities could have sought clarification or requested a correction, if necessary, through lawful and proportionate means under the Press Law. Am Sam Ath, operational director of the Cambodian human rights group Licadho , bemoaned the weaponization of laws to intimidate journalists. “If we look at the space for press freedom, it seems to be shrinking, especially since Cambodia has a press law, but they don’t seem to prioritize using this law for journalists,” he said.


According to media watchdogs, five Cambodian journalists were arrested in 2025 in connection with their reporting. In the past two months alone, six journalists were arrested and charged with criminal offences for their reporting on escalating tensions at the Thailand-Cambodia border and suspected online scam compounds. Thousands of Cambodian and foreign individuals have been rescued after being forced to work at alleged online scam centers across the country. The Cambodian government has vowed to conduct more raids and arrests to save migrant workers and stop the proliferation of the scam centers suspected of having ties with organized criminal networks. The arrest of Vanna and the targeting of journalists reporting on the scam center issue drew concern from global media groups. Shawn Crispin, senior Southeast Asia representative of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), urged authorities to focus on addressing cybercrime rather than policing those who draw attention to it. Hem Vanna’s arrest is a clear act of retaliation for reporting on Cambodia’s cyberscam industry. Journalism is not a crime, but cyberscamming is. Authorities must stop using vague criminal laws to silence critical reporting on an issue of national and global importance.


Cédric Alviani, Asia-Pacific bureau director of Reporters Without Borders (RSF), said authorities should not silence journalists reporting on public interest issues. Journalist Hem Vanna simply did his job by exposing acts of violence and the existence of a cyber-scam compound. His reporting is clearly in the public interest, and it is shocking that the authorities are trying to silence him. Sebastian Strangio, Southeast Asia editor of The Diplomat online magazine, wrote that authorities should welcome media scrutiny of online scam centers if they wanted the crackdown to succeed. Given the credible allegations of elite collusion with Cambodia-based scam syndicates, and several years of ineffectual crackdowns, it is natural — indeed, necessary — to question the nature and extent of the current anti-scam campaign. The same is true of the government’s treatment of the press. If the scam crackdown was genuine, the government would presumably welcome unbiased media coverage. Its apparent allergy to scrutiny invites suspicions that the current crackdown may not be all as it seems. On February 11, human rights group ADHOC submitted an intervention letter to the Banteay Meanchey Provincial Court requesting it to intervene in the release of journalist Vanna.


Iran’s digital prison was built with the help of Russians

Iran’s protests of December 2025 into January 2026, the longest in the country’s history of internet shutdowns, have shown the world how authoritarian countries are prepared to enforce their own concept of “digital sovereignty.” According to Mikhail Klimarev , who heads the NGO For Internet Freedom, when the internet gets shut down by those in power for such a long time, there are usually rivers of blood already flowing through the streets. While the exact number of Iranian citizens who have become victims at the hand of their own government remains unknown, sources like UN Special Rapporteur Mai Sato suggest it is at least 5,000, but could be as many as 20,000. As earlier reported by Global Voices , as the protests grew, Iranian authorities imposed a total internet shutdown on January 8, which NetBlocks confirmed as a near-complete collapse of connectivity that affected mobile networks, fixed-line services, and international gateways. This continued for several days until limited access began returning on January 23. Iran Insight reports that as of February 23, despite the absence of a comprehensive ban, access to major platforms remains restricted.


Most users, the publication claims, are now relying on virtual private networks (VPNs). Meta’s messenger WhatsApp, which had previously been accessible, has also faced restrictions ; at the same time, the government continues to expand policies granting limited access to selected users. Iranian digital rights organization Filter Watch confirmed that Iranian authorities have switched to a “white-listed model” — a system whereby the global internet is blocked by default and only resources included in “white lists” are accessible. Foreign Policy’s analysis , printed on January 14, reports a significant Russian influence in the Iranian shutdown — specifically, that Russia helped Iran to deploy strategically managed connectivity. Vis email correspondence with Global Voices, Miaan Group ’s Director of Digital Rights and Security Amir Rashidi explained, “Previously, during internet shutdowns, the creation of whitelist mechanisms was mostly implemented at the service level. For example, certain SIM cards were whitelisted and not subject to censorship, or specific news and non-news websites were granted connectivity. But now we are witnessing whitelisting being enforced at the infrastructure level as well.


As you can see, we are still not fully connected to the internet, and the limited inbound and outbound traffic is entirely the result of infrastructure-level whitelisting.” This more sophisticated internet censorship system relies on DPI inspection packages, a technology that Russia began to slowly introduce at the start of 2020. Foreign Policy and other media outlets claim that at the core of this system in Iran is Russian-assisted network control architecture built around DPI, which allows identification and censorship not only by specific applications, but also by the type of traffic — for example, blocking all messengers and all video streaming traffic. The publication adds that Protei , with a head office in Jordan but roots in St.Petersburg, Russia , has supported Iran’s efforts in introducing interception, monitoring, and traffic management systems, and integrating DPI into the network architecture. It was not made clear exactly how Protei assisted the Iranian authorities, whether by supplying the hardware necessary for the system to function, training locals in internet censorship, or something else entirely. Global Voices found documentation available for download on Protei’s domestic website, which describes in detail the DPI platform software the company has offered since 2020.


It is widely known that previously, Russia had to use other commercial vendors, such as Sandvine , which after Bloomberg’s 2020 investigation into the Belarusian government’s internet blocking during the 2020 protests — and the agency’s 2022 investigation into sales of DPI solutions to Russia — was blacklisted by U.S. authorities. The company was only recently removed from the blacklist. However, according to the openly available documentation , Protei’s own domestic DPI platform can provide a perfect censorship mechanism. The PDF provided states: “The PROTEI DPI system provides extensive capabilities that can be used to implement network-level censorship and traffic control. By performing deep packet inspection at the application layer, the platform can identify specific services and protocols (such as messaging, file sharing, VoIP, gaming and others) and selectively block, throttle, or prioritize them.” It continued: “It supports URL and domain blacklisting and whitelisting, including scheduling at what time of the day they need to be implemented. It also enables operators to deny access to designated websites or allow only approved resources. The system can also filter traffic based on externally supplied lists of prohibited resources and enforce DNS whitelists, blocking responses from non-approved DNS servers.”


It is important to note that the Jordan-based company of the same name, Protei, which has a similar website design, euphemizes it as “traffic management and policy control,” but includes DPI platform in its list of services. Jordan’s Protei, as a commercial vendor of DPI and other surveillance solutions, includes in its client list MTN Irancell, Iran’s largest telecom provider. MTN Irancell is an Iranian telecommunications company that operates the country’s largest 2, 3, 4, 4.5 and 5G mobile network, as well as fixed wireless TD-LTE internet services. According to Filter Watch, Irancell installed a new director on January 18, who would be ready to implement a shutdown whenever needed. Among others, Protei’s other clients include Tcell, the leading mobile operator in Tajikistan; Uztelecom, one of the largest telecommunications companies and mobile network operators in Uzbekistan, and Ucell, the country’s biggest mobile network brand, owned and operated by COSCOM which is itself owned by the State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan; the Jordan Armed Forces; Zong 4G, Pakistan’s top data and communications network; a Nigerien national telephone and telecommunications carrier; Safaricom’s mobile services in Kenya; Telecom Namibia Limited, a state-owned telecommunications and ICT service provider; and the Qatar Public Telecommunications Corporation.


It is not easy to identify clients, as they are mostly represented by logos without any description : Irancell, for instance, is shown as MTN, which does not immediately suggest any affiliation with Iran. Hovewer, the logo is an exact copy of one of the logos used by Irancell MTN: Canada’s Citizen Lab investigated Protei in 2023, and discovered that it was helping build a mobile surveillance system for Iran. Through leaked Iranian emails, it found that Protei had been selected, as indicated in the reviewed documents, to provide core network components in support of user authentication, data management and Deep Packet Inspection (DPI), SMS delivery, and mobile network signaling by Iran’s largest mobile service provider, Ariantel. Citizen Lab sent questions to Mena’s branch of Protei, which covered, among other things, whether the company’s exports were subject to any sanction regimes in Iran and if so, how the company has ensured compliance with these regimes in either the sale of technology, or technical assistance and services to Iranian authorities or companies. An answer still has not been received. Meanwhile, as at the time of publishing, all three branches of Protei are functioning.


The Estonia location has a LinkedIn page and submits yearly financial reports; Jordan has a LinkedIn page and a website boasting clients from many authoritarian countries on which it claims that it “provides services to over 400 esteemed customers in over 46 countries supporting a subscriber base exceeding 300 million subscribers worldwide”; and Russia exhibits documentation on surveillance and censorship solutions on both its website and a LinkedIn page with 64 followers. According to the newspaper Kommersant , in 2024, the main Russian telecommunication company Rostelecom , which is state-owned, entered into a joint venture with Protei. In the report, a local telecom expert suggested that Rostelecom would own 100 percent of Protei in the future. Based on Kommersant’s report, the limited liability company STC Protei is owned by Anton Pinchuk (28.56 percent), Yuri Kolobkov and Vladimir Freinkman (18.57 percent each), and Maxim Maslov and CEO Nina Apostolova (17.15 percent each). The company’s revenue for 2022 — the most recent data published in the database — amounted to RUB 2.88 billion (USD 43 million), with a net profit of RUB 398 million (USD 5.9 million). STC Protei is the co-founder of Protei ST, TPK Optima, Protei TL, Sigurd IT, Protei Lab, and Protei IT Engineering.


Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine has now lasted 1,462 days. 48 months. 4 years.

The Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine has now lasted 1462 days. That's 48 months, or four years. As of February 24, 2026, this is already 44 days longer than the Second World War (Eastern Front) lasted for the Soviet Union. People in Ukraine live under constant shelling, they are freezing in their houses without electricity and heat, because Russia has bombed civilians and destroyed civil infrastructure practically every day of this war. Ukrainians are separated from their families and friends; many have lost not only their homes but also their home towns that were bombed to the ground . This war so far has brought hundreds of thousands of military casualties and tens of thousands of Ukrainian civilian deaths. As of February 2026, Russian forces occupy about 20 percent of Ukraine. Out of a prewar population of 41 million, around 8 million Ukrainians have been displaced within Ukraine, and around 7 million have became refugees.


Today, NGOs the Help Desk Media , Memorial, Kronika, and Zimin Foundation published online an archive of testimonials by the eyewitnesses to the Russian invasion gathered during the period 2022 –2024. The testimonials were previously published on Help Desk’s Instagram page but the archive could not depend on a platform. Now it is available at online with descriptions and monologues in Ukrainian, Russian and English. Here are links to some of the stories. Oleksandr: I kept bragging to all my friends in my dreams: “See, Ira is alive.” A resident of Dnipro lost his wife in an apartment building strike. His story continues two years later. Maria: “ I was told to my face that we invited Russia ourselves, that it’s our own fault.” A resident of Sievierodonetsk on evacuation through Russia and Poland to Germany Tetiana and Zauri: “ Our house in Kherson still stands — that gives us strength. The house in Abkhazia — nothing’s left but the foundation.” The story of a Ukrainian woman and a Georgian man who 30 years ago fled the war Abkhazia and now flee the war in Ukraine. Explore the website and see the archive of testimonies recorded there.


How far-right ‘fear tactics’ affect girls seeking legal abortion in Brazil

In a video posted by Chris Tonietto in early November 2025 on Instagram, the right-wing member of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies celebrated a vote that put a brake on a resolution that she claimed “facilitated abortion up to nine months of pregnancy for underage girls who are victims of violence, without the knowledge or consent of their parents.” The resolution in question was published by the National Council for the Rights of Children and Adolescents ( Conanda ), part of the Ministry of Human Rights, following a court decision in January, 2025. It did not modify any existing legislation, only establishing protocols for health professionals to follow in order to ensure minors’ access to legal abortion , a right already guaranteed under Article 128 of the Brazilian penal code . As the author of the legislative decree proposal against the resolution, Tonietto shared in the caption of her video that blocking it would “protect life” and “defend Brazilian democracy.” “We just prevented the civilizational setback that was being promoted by [it],” she told her followers after the potential block was approved.


Despite the celebration from right-wing politicians, the proposal still needs to pass through the Senate to make the suspension effective — the majority of the house is now right and centre-right. A mixed parliamentary front “against abortion and pro-life” was created, gathering 172 deputies and 10 senators in 2023, with Tonietto as its coordinator. In response to Global Voices over email, Tonietto said her proposal was a “legitimate legal criticism of an infralegal act that exceeds its jurisdiction.” According to the Chamber’s website , among other points, the proposal referred to the resolution not requiring a police report as mandatory for underage girls seeking to terminate a pregnancy believed to be a result of sexual violence. In Brazil, 14 years is the legal age for consent , meaning girls under this age have a legal right to interrupt a pregnancy. However, barriers such as stigma, lack of information, limited services, and inadequate training of health professionals often hinder access to safe abortion. Conanda’s resolution was a response to the high rates of pregnancy among girls under 14 years old and the low uptake of legal abortion, says Conanda president Deila Martins.


Almost 14,000 girls aged 10 to 14 got pregnant in 2023, but only 154 had access to a legal abortion — 1.1 per cent, reports Agência Brasil . The politicians opposing the document also criticized the proposed protocol for situations where the victim and their legal guardian disagree on whether to terminate a pregnancy. Arguing that the resolution establishes “a decision mechanism that is not supported by Brazilian law,” Tonietto told Global Voices that the resolution “substitutes the general rule of family autonomy.” But Martins defends the protocol that seeks to protect the autonomy of the pregnant minors who are victims of sexual assault. “Most of the time, over 60 per cent of abusers, and in some territories, almost 80 per cent, are part of the victim’s family,” Martins told Global Voices, citing fathers, mothers, uncles, and stepfathers as offenders and enablers. “Parental consent cannot be demanded because it revictimizes the victim, and often impedes that child from getting access to her right to abortion.” Tonietto did not respond to a question about the predominance of familial abusers and revictimization in a document sent to Global Voices.


This is the latest example of the Brazilian far-right using abortion to leverage their agenda. Using democratic tools, such as bills of law and legislative blocks, as platforms, right-wing politicians in the last decade have advocated for fetal personhood , spread misinformation about a non-recognized medical condition called “ post-abortion syndrome ,” and threatened sexual violence victims seeking abortion rights with criminalization . How misinformation mobilizes the electorate Although the history of attacks on legal abortion in Brazil is extensive, the current wave can be traced back at least to 2007, when federal deputies proposed a law that would amend the Brazilian penal code to classify abortion as a heinous crime , banning it in all cases, as well as prohibiting the freezing, disposal, and trade of human embryos. The law did not pass, but it became a blueprint for anti-choice legislation as well as political moves that seek to curtail legal abortion rights. Currently, Brazilian law authorises abortion in three cases: when the pregnancy is a result of rape, when it presents a risk to the woman’s life and in cases of anencephaly .


During the far-right government of President Jair Bolsonaro , federal public servants were suspected of attempting to prevent a 10-year-old girl from accessing abortion services , while Conanda experienced a decline in its members and faced attempts to hinder meetings. “He cut the funding for in-person meetings [during the pandemic],” Martins recalls. Despite the election of a left-leaning government in 2022 , with Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva , the attacks against constitutionally protected rights to abortion have continued. The false narrative that Lula was pro-abortion was exploited by his opponents to sway Christian voters, becoming a key issue during the campaign. Months before the election, however, he supported abortion as a public health matter . Meanwhile, evangelical leader Silas Malafaia called him “ stupid and dumb ,” defending fetal personhood on his YouTube channel. In an attempt to appease the evangelical camp a few weeks before the election, Lula published an open letter pledging not to expand abortion rights. According to a report published in 2024 by the news organization AzMinas , bills of law seeking to restrict legal abortion rights in Brazil have been growing at the municipal, state, and federal levels.