Datasets:

License:
abdullah8580 commited on
Commit
0d3881f
·
verified ·
1 Parent(s): 8e0c4a2

Marx's Main Folder

Browse files
This view is limited to 50 files because it contains too many changes.   See raw diff
Files changed (50) hide show
  1. Data in JSON/0124-feig-benhanford.json +8 -0
  2. Data in JSON/A Book of Verse.json +586 -0
  3. Data in JSON/A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.json +57 -0
  4. Data in JSON/A review of Past and Present, by Thomas Carlyle, London, 1843.json +100 -0
  5. Data in JSON/A_CONTRIBUTION_TO_THE_CRITIQUE_OF_POLITI.json +0 -0
  6. Data in JSON/An Evening.json +27 -0
  7. Data in JSON/An Outing to Bremerhaven.json +31 -0
  8. Data in JSON/Berlin Miscellany.json +8 -0
  9. Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-I.json +0 -0
  10. Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-II.json +0 -0
  11. Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-III.json +0 -0
  12. Data in JSON/Capital.json +0 -0
  13. Data in JSON/Cologne, May 1843.json +24 -0
  14. Data in JSON/Comments on James Mill, Éléments D’économie Politique.json +96 -0
  15. Data in JSON/Continental Movements.json +9 -0
  16. Data in JSON/Continental Socialism.json +10 -0
  17. Data in JSON/Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.json +0 -0
  18. Data in JSON/Critque_of_the_Gotha_Programme.json +25 -0
  19. Data in JSON/Deutsche-Französische Jahrbücher.json +14 -0
  20. Data in JSON/Economic & Philosophic Manuscripts.json +0 -0
  21. Data in JSON/Economic-Philosophic-Manuscripts-1844.json +0 -0
  22. Data in JSON/F. W. Andreä and the High Nobility of Germany.json +13 -0
  23. Data in JSON/French Communism.json +13 -0
  24. Data in JSON/Housing_Question.json +0 -0
  25. Data in JSON/Joel Jacoby.json +13 -0
  26. Data in JSON/Kreuznach, September 1843.json +19 -0
  27. Data in JSON/Landscapes.json +21 -0
  28. Data in JSON/Letter from Engels to Marx.json +37 -0
  29. Data in JSON/Letter from Marx To his Father In Trier.json +75 -0
  30. Data in JSON/Letter to the editor of the Allgemeine Zeitung (Augsburg).json +10 -0
  31. Data in JSON/M. to R. Marx to Ruge.json +9 -0
  32. Data in JSON/Manifesto.json +0 -0
  33. Data in JSON/Manifesto_of_the_Communist_Party.json +0 -0
  34. Data in JSON/Marx & Engels Collected Works Volume 1_ Ka - Karl Marx.json +0 -0
  35. Data in JSON/Marx to Heinrich Bornstein.json +17 -0
  36. Data in JSON/Marx to Heinrich Heine In Paris.json +19 -0
  37. Data in JSON/Modern Literary Life.json +62 -0
  38. Data in JSON/On Anastasius Grün.json +10 -0
  39. Data in JSON/On Freedom of the Press.json +24 -0
  40. Data in JSON/On The Jewish Question.json +193 -0
  41. Data in JSON/On the Death of Immermann.json +15 -0
  42. Data in JSON/On the Invention of Printing.json +22 -0
  43. Data in JSON/Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy.json +87 -0
  44. Data in JSON/Platen.json +10 -0
  45. Data in JSON/Poverty-Philosophy.json +0 -0
  46. Data in JSON/Progress of Social Reform On the Continent - 2.json +23 -0
  47. Data in JSON/Progress of Social Reform On the Continent.json +29 -0
  48. Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany - 2.json +12 -0
  49. Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany - 3.json +23 -0
  50. Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany.json +17 -0
Data in JSON/0124-feig-benhanford.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "feigenbaum: ben hanford a song and a sword [jan. 24, 1920] 1",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "feigenbaum: ben hanford a song and a sword [jan. 24, 1920] 1 ben hanford a song and a sword by william m. feigenbaum 1published in the miami valley socialist [dayton, oh], v. 7, whole no. 412 (jan. 30, 1920), pg. 4. note: saturday, january 24, 1920, was the 10th anniversary of the death of one of the nest souls that everserved the working class, ben hanford. hanford was morethan a socialist agitator. he was a living flame, his soulwas on re every moment of the years from his conversionto socialism to the time of his death. since that day, injanuary, 10 years ago, a whole new generation of socialists hasentered the movement who didnot know hanford; and toomany things have happened inthe world and in the socialistmovement that 10 years agoseems like another age. but hewas such a great man, his devo-tion was so ne and loyal andbeautiful, his spirit is so muchneeded now that it is well topause for a moment and con-sider his services to our cause. ben hanford, whose life and great services are beingcommemorated now on the10th anniversary of his death,was one of the most devoted souls who ever made him-self happy by serving in the socialist movement. hewas a writer, an orator of rare powers, and indefati-gable worker in the party, a man who deliberately gavehis life with full knowledge of the fact that he wasgiving his life to the working class movement. but he was more than that. he was an inspiration; his life was a sword and a song. he was a living flame, and those who came intocontact with him, those who felt the touch of his handupon their shoulders, those who knew his clean, nelife, can never forget him, will never lose the influence that that wonderful personality exercised over them. hanford was a plain workingman. he had no particular education. he never went to school. he wasa wanderer, a rolling stone, for the rst 30 years of hislife., everything in this life militated against him. but there was something thatcame into his life when he hadnothing to live for, there wasa light that penetrated theemptiness that hitherto haddwelt in his soul, that madethe last years of his life singu-larly sweet and wonderful. he became a socialist. that was all. ben hanford (no one could ever call him benjamin)was born in cleveland in1861, of pure american stock.his mother died very early in his life, and after several yearshis father married again, andhe attributed much of his loveof books and of truth to the teaching of the ne woman whom he always knew asmother. he early learned the printers' trade, the same trade that franklin professed, and william deanhowells, and mark t wain, and other lovers of liberty and haters of sham. at the age of 17, he went to workin the ofce of the marshalltown (iowa) republican, and after a few years he moved to chicago. his life was that of a journeyman printer until the early '90s, when the invention of the linotype threwmany printers out of work. that, together with the",
5
+ "feigenbaum: ben hanford a song and a sword [jan. 24, 1920] 2 industrial crisis of the period, gave him ample time to think. he was working in washington then; he onceattended an open meeting in the typographical templeon g street, and took part in the debate after the lec-ture. after the adjournment of the meeting, someonesaid, \"why, hanford, i never knew you were a social-ist!\" hanford denied it. he was not until he mettwo great men who changed the course of his life. they were fred long, of philadelphia, another printer, and abraham cahan. cahan made hanford asocialist, and long nished the job. and from that time he denitely made up his mind that he belongedto the cause, his whole life was changed. \"i was in the gutter,\" he used to say, \"when so- cialism came and gave me something to live for.\" \"so-cialism is life,\" he said, \"next to having socialism, thegreatest thing in the world is to work for socialism.\" and it was true. there wasn't anything he would not do. he would tour the country for socialism. hewould write articles and leaflets. he would sit in com-mittees and conventions. he would lug the platform.he would erect the street stand. and he wrote the story of jimmie higgins, that glorious comrade who was to hanford what hanfordwas to the movement. hanford was a great orator. there never was a man, with the exception of gene debs, who so cap-tured the imagination of the workers. he was clear,and logical, and burning. his slight gure, his physi-cal frailties would be forgotten as his piercing eyeswould bore through you, as his eloquent words wouldring out, \"the working class, may it ever be right, butright or wrong, the working class,\" were the words withwhich he would close his greatest speeches. it was in 1896 that the comrades heard that over in brooklyn there was a little union printer who wasmaking pretty good socialist speeches at union andforum meetings. it was julius gerber, one of his clos-est friends, who found him. he was fetched across theriver. the comrades soon realized that his mind was assound as his enthusiasm was great. he was nominatedfor governor of new york in 1898, and then he im-pressed the whole socialist movement with his worth. he joined the dissenters from the destructive deleon policies, and helped organize the socialist party in 1899 and 1900. in 1900 and 1902 he ran for governor again, and in 1904 and 1908, he was candi-date for vice president, both times with eugene v. debs at the head of the ticket. in 1901, he was candi-date for mayor of new york. in 1904, he toured the country again and again, and broke down in california from the excessive workthat he set himself to do. from that time, it was a racewith death. in 1908, although on the national ticket,his principal campaigning was done through the me-dium of letters to the comrades, written from a hospi-tal cot. it was about 1900 that he began to write. his jimmie higgins will live as long as there are socialists. thousands of comrades who never heard of benhanford know all about jimmie higgins. his book- let, railroading in the united states, comparing the piker methods of the james boys, jesse and frank, withthe larger methods of the hills and harrimans, was amasterpiece of ironic reasoning. his class war in colo- rado, written after a visit to the strike elds in 1904, was a historic booklet of real value. and the book ofarticles, letters, leaflets, gathered together and entitledfight for your life is a socialist masterpiece. and there were many more. in 1908, the new york comrades established the new york call, and in that work hanford threw every ounce of his waning energy; in its rst years of its lifeit was known that it might pass away for lack of sup-port at any time, and hanford determined that itshould live, if it cost him his life. he knew that he hadbut little more strength. he knew that he could nursethat strength along for a few years or spend it atonce. he deliberately elected to spend it at once. heused up every ounce of life in his appeals for the call. he taunted the workers; he urged them; he ordered them to keep the call alive. his latest effort was a one day's wage fund for the call in november 1909. his appeals, written lit- erally with his last heart's blood, with a pen tippedwith glorious re, netted $6,000, enough to keep thespark of life alive in the call, and then his hand fell beside him, his work nearly done. then ben hanford weakened. he came to the ofce of the call from day to day, and with faltering step, with his voice now thin and cracked and highpitched, he would joke with the boys on the desk. andthose boys who loved him made believe that their heartswere not broken, and they bandied back witticism for",
6
+ "feigenbaum: ben hanford a song and a sword [jan. 24, 1920] 3 witticism, keeping back their tears. as the weeks wore on he knew that he was dy- ing. he was conned to his bed, and his beard grewlong and white. he joked about his death, and he askedjulius gerber to nd him a cheap undertaker. \"i have been fleeced so much in life,\" said he, \"that i don'twant my people to be fleeced in my death.\" on january 24 [1910], he grew delirious. there were with him his 3 closest friends, julius gerber, john a behringer, and sam hurok. he began to sink. heimagined he was on a platform, swaying great multi-tudes of workers with his eloquence. he was speakingagain. then he grew < illeg.> a while as his mind be- came lucid. he signalled hurok for an envelope one of the long yellow envelopes in which he had beenin the habit of bringing his \"copy\" to the ofce of the call and with a pencil his dying ngers wrote this message to the call: i would that my every heart's beat should have been for the work-ing class, and through them for allhumanity. ben hanford. published by 1000 flowers publishing, corvallis, or, 2007. non-commercial reproduction permitted. http://www.marxisthistory.orgedited by tim davenport.and then he died. we took his body and draped it with our red flags. we sang deant revolutionary songs over it. wesang, while we wept, for we had loved that ne, simple,flaming soul. then we took his body and cremated it,and went back to our task of ghting the ght as benhanford had taught us to ght, proud and glad and happy that he had lived, and that we had known him. ben hanford is dead. his voice has been stilled for these 10 long years. his cheery laugh, his mag-netic presence are no longer with us. men like benhanford and gene debs do not come into the world too often. but he has lived, and we knew him. and we have caught some of his re. and we have with us his cre-ation, jimmie higgins and we know that hanfordwhen he wrote jimmie higgins, might have been writ-ing of himself. we, who knew ben hanford, know that there is something holy, something almost divine in humannature because we know what manner of man he was,and in what manner he served the cause. and we inour turn will be content if we can serve as honestly, asfaithfully and unselshly in the spirit of jimmie hig-gins as ben hanford comrade."
7
+ ]
8
+ }
Data in JSON/A Book of Verse.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,586 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "a book of verse",
5
+ "of the year 1837 dedicated to my dear father on the occasion of his birthday as a feeble token of everlasting love k. h. marx, berlin",
6
+ "i creation",
7
+ "creator spirit uncreated sails on fleet waves far away, worlds heave, lives are generated, his eye spans eternity. all inspiriting reigns his countenance, in its burning magic, forms condense.",
8
+ "voids pulsate and ages roll, deep in prayer before his face; spheres resound and sea-floods swell, golden stars ride on apace. fatherhead in blessing gives the sign, and the all is bathed in light divine.",
9
+ "in bounds self-perceived, the eternal silent moves, reflectively, until holy thought primordial dons forms, words of poetry. then, like thunder-lyres from far away like prescient creation's jubilee:",
10
+ "\"gentler shine the floating stars, worlds in primal rock now rest; o my spirit's images, be by spirit new embraced; when to you the heaving bosoms move, be revealed in piety and love.",
11
+ "\"be unlocked only to love; eternity's eternal seat, as to you i gently gave, hurl you my soul's lightning out. 'harmony alone its like may find, only soul another soul may bind.'",
12
+ "out of me your spirits burn into forms of lofty meaning; to the maker you return, images no more remaining, by man's look of love ringed burningly, you in him dissolved, and he in me.\"",
13
+ "ii poetry",
14
+ "flames creator-like once poured streaming to me from your breast, clashing up on high they soared, and i nursed them in my breast. shone your form like aeolus-strains above, shielded soft the fire with wings of love.",
15
+ "i saw glow and i heard sound, heavens onward sweeping far, rising up and sinking down, sinking but to soar the higher. then, when inner strife at last was quelled, grief and joy made music i beheld.",
16
+ "nestling close to forms so soft stands the soul, by spells enchained, from me images sailed aloft by your very love inflamed. limbs of love, by spirit once released, shine again within their maker's breast.",
17
+ "the magic harp",
18
+ "a ballad",
19
+ "so strangely in the ear it sings, like thrilling harp, like trembling strings, it wakes the minstrel sleeping. \"why beats the heart so fearfully, what are those sounds, like harmony of stars and spirits weeping?\"",
20
+ "he rises, springs from off his bed, towards the shadows turns his head and sees the cords of gold. \"come, minstrel, step you up and down, high in the air, deep in the ground, those strings you cannot hold.\"",
21
+ "he sees it growing, branching wide, his soul is troubled deep inside, the sound swells in the air. he follows, and it lures him on, by ghostly stairways up and down, here, there and everywhere.",
22
+ "he stops. a gate swings open wide, a burst of music from inside would carry him away. a lyre in golden splendour bright sounds forth in song all day and night, but no one's there to play.",
23
+ "it grips him like desire, like pain, his bosom swells, his heart within beats high beyond control. \"the lyre plays from my own heart, it is myself, its pangs--the art that gushes from my soul.\"",
24
+ "in ecstasy he plucks the strings, the sound trills high as mountain springs, dives booming, like the abyss. his blood leaps wild, far swells his song, was never yearning's pain so strong, he saw the world no more.",
25
+ "a romance",
26
+ "\"why sighs your breast, why glows your gaze, why are your veins all burning, as if night weighs, as if fate flays down into storm your yearning?\"",
27
+ "\"show me the eyes, like ringing bells, that glow in rainbows high, where brightness streams, where music swells, where stars go swimming by.",
28
+ "\"i dreamed this dream, so troublesome, past all elucidating. my head is void, my heart is numb, my grave shall soon be waiting.\"",
29
+ "\"what dream you here, what dream you there, what lures to distant lands? here booms the tide, here hope rides fair, here's fire in true love's bonds.\"",
30
+ "\"here naught rides fair, here is no fire, but see what glimmers yonder, i'm blinded, burning with desire, and i would fain sink under.\"",
31
+ "he stares aloft, his eyes shine bright, he shakes in every limb. his sinews swell, his heart's alight, his soul departs from him.",
32
+ "i. the fiddler",
33
+ "the fiddler saws the strings, his light brown hair he tosses and flings. he carries a sabre at his side, he wears a pleated habit wide.",
34
+ "\"fiddler, why that frantic sound? why do you gaze so wildly round? why leaps your blood, like the surging sea? what drives your bow so desperately?\"",
35
+ "\"why do i fiddle? or the wild waves roar? that they might pound the rocky shore, that eye be blinded, that bosom swell, that soul's cry carry down to hell.\"",
36
+ "\"fiddler, with scorn you rend your heart. a radiant god lent you your art, to dazzle with waves of melody, to soar to the star-dance in the sky.\"",
37
+ "\"how so! i plunge, plunge wihout fail my blood-black sabre into your soul. that art god neither wants nor wists, it leaps to the brain from hell's black mists.",
38
+ "\"till heart's bewitched, till senses reel: with satan i have struck my deal. he chalks the signs, beats time for me, i play the death march fast and free.",
39
+ "\"i must play dark, i must play light, till bowstrings break my heart outright.\"",
40
+ "the fiddler saws the strings, his light brown hair he tosses and flings. he carries a sabre at his side, he wears a pleated habit wide.",
41
+ "ii nocturnal love",
42
+ "frantic, he holds her near, darkly looks in her eye. \"pain so burns you, dear, and at my breath you sigh.",
43
+ "\"oh, you have drunk my soul. mine is your glow, in truth. my jewel, shine your fill. glow, blood of youth.\"",
44
+ "\"sweetest, so pale your face, so wondrous strange your words. see, rich in music's grace the lofty gliding worlds.\"",
45
+ "\"gliding, dearest, gliding, glowing, stars, glowing. let us go heavenwards riding, our souls together flowing.\"",
46
+ "his voice is muffled, low. desparate, he looks about. glances of crackling flame his hollow eyes shoot out.",
47
+ "\"you have drunk poison, love. with me you must away. the sky is dark above, no more i see the day.\"",
48
+ "shuddering, he pulls her close to him. death in the breast doth hover. pain stabs her, piercing deep within, and eyes are closed forever.",
49
+ "a ballad",
50
+ "the wave, soft murmuring, with the wind frolicking, leaps up into the air. you see it tremble, hover, tumble and topple over, it is the sirens' lair.",
51
+ "they pluck the lyre to enthrall in heavenly festival, in melody divine. they draw both near and far, earth and distant star into their song sublime.",
52
+ "its charm is so profound one cannot chide the sound that soars so radiantly. as if great spirits there would lure the listener into the dark blue sea.",
53
+ "as if there swells and grows from waves a world that flows loftily, secretly. as if in waters deep the gods are all asleep down in the dark blue sea.",
54
+ "a little boat draws near, the waves are charmed to hear a gentle bard exalted, his looks so frank and free, image and melody like love and hope transfigured.",
55
+ "his lyre rules o'er the deep. naiads that were asleep lend him their song-charmed ear. and all the waves resound with song and lyre's sweet sound and dance high in the air.",
56
+ "but hear the sad refrains, the sirens' far-off strains of sweet melodiousness. the poet to enthrall, the goddesses shine all in sound and loveliness.",
57
+ "\"o youth, soar up and play, rule o'er the listening sea; the goal you seek is high, your breast swells rapturously.",
58
+ "\"here, sumptuous water-halls your song alone surprises, and as the great tide falls, ev'n so your music rises.",
59
+ "\"sportive waves bear it up and send it surging high. the eye, bright, full of hope, encompasses the sky.",
60
+ "\"enter our spirit-ring; magic your heart shall gain, hear the waves dance and sing, they sound like true love's pain.",
61
+ "\"worlds came from the ocean, spirits were borne on the tide which dared to cradle the high ones, while the all was void.",
62
+ "\"as heaven and star-glow look downwards, ever glancing into the waves below, into the blue waves' dancing--",
63
+ "\"as droplets, shivering, shaking, enfold the worlds in pride, the spirits' life, awaking, emerges from the tide.",
64
+ "\"seeking the all inspires you? you'd burn in song away? the lyre's sweet music stirs you? you'd blaze in heaven's ray?--",
65
+ "\"then come down to us all, and tender us your hand; your limbs shall spirit be, you'll see the deep, deep land.\"",
66
+ "they rise up from the sea, hair weaving in roundelay, heads resting on the air. their eyes flash blazing fires, and, shooting sparks, their lyres glow through the waters fair.",
67
+ "the youth yields to delusion, his tears flow in profusion, his heart pounds in his breast. he cannot turn away, held captive in love's sway, to burning passion lost.",
68
+ "deep thoughts stir in his soul, it fights to gain control, soars higher, ever higher, looks up with prideful bearing, in god's own image daring, and this the sirens hear:",
69
+ "\"in your cold depths below nothing that's high can go, nor god burn deathlessly. you glitter but to ensnare, for me you have no care, your songs are mockery.",
70
+ "\"you lack the bosom's beat, the heart's life-giving heat, the soul's high flight so free. the gods in my breast rule, and i obey them all; i mean no treachery.",
71
+ "\"you shall not captivate me, nor my love, nor hate, nor yet my yearning's glow. it shoots like lightning shafts that gentle power uplifts in melodies that flow.",
72
+ "the sirens all sink down before his blazing frown in weeping springs of light. they seek to follow him, but ah, the flood so grim engulfs them all from sight.",
73
+ "the little old man of the water",
74
+ "a ballad",
75
+ "the waters rush with an eerie sound, the waves are swirling round and round. they seem to feel no pain at all, as they break and fall, cold of heart, cold of mind, rushing, rushing all the time.",
76
+ "2",
77
+ "but down in the depths where the waters rage sits a mannikin, white with age. he dances about when the moon appears, when little star through cloudlet peers. eerily hopping and skipping, he'd try to drink the little streamlet dry.",
78
+ "3",
79
+ "waves are his murderers, every one, they gnaw his ancient skeleton, it cuts through his marrow and limb like ice to see them gambol in this wise; his face is a grimace of sorrow and gloom till sunshine stops the dance of the moon.",
80
+ "4",
81
+ "the waters then rush with an eerie sound, the waves are swirling round and round. they seem to feel no pain at all, as they break and fall, cold of heart, cold of mind, rushing, rushing all the time.",
82
+ "the first elegy",
83
+ "ovid's tristia freely rendered",
84
+ "the madwoman",
85
+ "a ballad",
86
+ "there dances a woman by moonlight, she glimmers far into the night, robe fluttering wild, eyes glittering clear, like diamonds set in rock-face sheer.",
87
+ "\"come hither, o blue sea, i'll kiss you tenderly. wreathe me a willow crown, weave me a blue-green gown!",
88
+ "\"i bring fine gold and rubies red wherein there beats my own heart's blood. on warm breast 'twas by lover worn, into the ocean he was drawn.",
89
+ "\"for you, my songs i'll sing, that wind and wave must spring, high in the dance i'll leap, and wind and wave must weep!\"",
90
+ "she grasps a willow with her hand and binds it with a blue-green band. she eyes it in the strangest way, and bids it lightly step away.",
91
+ "\"now lend your wings to me to echo down the sea: mother, have you not known how fair i've wreathed your son?\"",
92
+ "so nightly here and there went she, decked every willow by the sea. proudly she danced there up and down, until her magic course was run.",
93
+ "flower king",
94
+ "a fantastic ballad",
95
+ "the awakening",
96
+ "i",
97
+ "when your beaming eye breaks enraptured and trembling, like straying string music that brooded, that slumbered, bound to the lyre, up through the veil of holiest night, then from above glitter eternal stars lovingly inwards.",
98
+ "ii",
99
+ "trembling, you sink with heaving breast, you see unending eternal worlds above you, below you, unattainable, endless, floating in dance-trains of restless eternity; an atom, you fall through the universe.",
100
+ "iii",
101
+ "your awakening is an endless rising, your rising an endless falling.",
102
+ "iv",
103
+ "when the rippling flame of your soul strikes in its own depths, back into the breast, there emerges unbounded, uplifted by spirits, borne by sweet-swelling magical tones, the secret of soul rising out of the soul's daemonic abyss.",
104
+ "v",
105
+ "your sinking down is an endless rising, your endless rising is with trembling lips- the aether-reddened, flaming, eternal lovekiss of the godhead.",
106
+ "invocation of one in despair",
107
+ "so a god has snatched from me my all in the curse and rack of destiny. all his worlds are gone beyond recall! nothing but revenge is left to me!",
108
+ "on myself revenge i'll proudly wreak, on that being, that enthroned lord, make my strength a patchwork of what's weak, leave my better self without reward!",
109
+ "i shall build my throne high overhead, cold, tremendous shall its summit be. for its bulwark-- superstitious dread, for its marshall--blackest agony.",
110
+ "who looks on it with a healthy eye, shall turn back, struck deathly pale and dumb; clutched by blind and chill mortality may his happiness prepare its tomb.",
111
+ "and the almighty's lightning shall rebound from that massive iron giant. if he bring my walls and towers down, eternity shall raise them up, defiant.",
112
+ "lucinda",
113
+ "a ballad",
114
+ "life seems wed to gaiety as the dancers tread the measure. each feels chosen specially for the sacred vows to pleasure.",
115
+ "rosy cheeks flush ever higher, faster still the heart's blood races, and the longings of desire lift the soul to heavenly places.",
116
+ "kiss fraternal and hearts' union close all in a circle round, gone the clash of rank, opinion, love is lord and in command.",
117
+ "but it is an idle dream that enfolds warm hearts, and flies from this dust and earthly scene, surging to aethereal skies.",
118
+ "gods can never bear to see man, to his own folly blind, blissfully believing he may span heaven with an earth-born mind.",
119
+ "through the lines a sombre guest creeps with sword and knife, apart, envy's fire consumes his breast, and disdain his wretched heart.",
120
+ "she, now in the bridal wreath, once was love and life to him; pledged him once her solemn troth, and her heart she gave to him.",
121
+ "so, to battle for the good, trusting her, he went away, and his quest was crowned by gods; deed and valour won the day.",
122
+ "wreathed in glory, he returns to the township, quiet and still, where his lovely jewel burns, where desire and bliss do call.",
123
+ "now he sees the battlements, and his heart beats violently, soon he shall win all he wants, dream shall turn reality.",
124
+ "to the threshold now he races of the house that he loves so. bright with many lamps it blazes, guests are streaming to and fro.",
125
+ "but the footman there, aloof, halts him with restraining hand. \"stranger, would you climb the roof? whither leads this rush so blind?\"",
126
+ "\"man, i seek lucinda fair!\" then the footman, open-eyed: \"anyone may find her here, for lucinda is the bride!\"",
127
+ "stunned, the stranger stands and sways in his full athletic height, stands with wide and staring eyes, staggers up towards the gate.",
128
+ "\"you should look your festive best for this gay and brilliant place, if you want to be a guest!\" calls the footman's uncouth voice.",
129
+ "proud and grim, he turns in haste, takes the long-familiar way. heart with rage and grief obsessed, fury darting from his eye.",
130
+ "to the place of his abode flies he like the storm wind rushing, and the door bursts open wide at his kicking and his pushing.",
131
+ "grabs the candle from the maid, stays his hand, lest tremor show; with cold sweat the brow's bedewed that beats in silent woe.",
132
+ "on his shoulders lets unfold cape of purple, wondrous fair, decks himself with clasps of gold, loosens and lets fall his hair.",
133
+ "to his bosom's sanctuary presses he the gold-chased sword that he wielded to the glory of the one whom he adored.",
134
+ "back he flies on wings of wind to the place of revelry, heart beyond all bridling, deadly lightning in his eye.",
135
+ "trembling, steps he through the door to the brilliant hall within. parcae name their victim, pour curses hissing after him.",
136
+ "draws he nearer, sad and bowed, prideful in his stately cloak. all the guests are frightened, cowed, by his awe-inspiring look.",
137
+ "like a ghost he seems to stride lonely through the crowded hall. onward still the partners glide, foams the festive goblet full.",
138
+ "many dancers throng the rows, but lucinda shines the best. from the filmy froth of gauze swells voluptuous her breast.",
139
+ "each is filled with silent yearning, gripped by power all-pervading, longing all their eyes are turning on that form in beauty gliding.",
140
+ "and her eyes, full of caprice, laugh in undimmed radiance; on she moves with body's grace in the many-coloured dance.",
141
+ "past the man she lightly dances, neither does he yield nor quail; clouded are her glowing glances, and her rosy cheeks turn pale.",
142
+ "she would mingle with the crowd, from the stranger turn away, but a scornful hiss is heard and a god holds her in sway.",
143
+ "grim, he looks her up and down, ominously closes on her. all the dancers, turned to stone, questioningly eye each other.",
144
+ "but lucinda's throat and breathing seem as if by gods pressed tight. with her soul for respite striving, clutches she her maid in fright.",
145
+ "\"ha! so i must find you faithless, who once pledged yourself to me, you, lucinda, you a traitress, you another's bride i see!\"",
146
+ "then the crowd would rush upon him for his conduct in that place, but he hurls the assailants from him, and like thunder sounds his voice.",
147
+ "\"let no one dare interfere!\" menace in his eyes is plain. and all present, cowed, must hear, listen to the voice of pain.",
148
+ "\"never fear, i shall not harm her, she shall not be hurt this night. she need only watch the drama that i stage for her delight.",
149
+ "\"let the dancing not be over, carry on your revelry. soon you shall embrace your lover, soon you shall be free of me.",
150
+ "\"i, too, shall the nuptial bond celebrate this eventide. but another way i've found- night and blade shall be my bride.",
151
+ "\"from your eyes but let me suck sensuous passion, sensuous glow. ah! now i have seen your look; you shall watch my life's blood flow!\"",
152
+ "swiftly through him go the blades long held ready in his hands, snapped are all life's quivering threads, darkness on his eyes descends.",
153
+ "with a heavy crash he falls, every muscle breaks in twain. death his prideful limbs enfolds, and no god wakes him again.",
154
+ "then without a word she seizes sword and dagger, quivering. with the iron her skin she pierces, and the purple life's blood springs.",
155
+ "in a trice, the watchful maid, shuddering at the bloody spray, wrests from her the deadly blade, pulls the fatal steel away.",
156
+ "then in pain lucinda sinks on the corpse with grievous moan. from his heart the blood she drinks, to his heart lets flow her own.",
157
+ "and the drapes of gauzy white that her slender body cover, redden now with bloodstains bright, frothing, bubbling all over.",
158
+ "long she moans there, hanging, clinging on to him who lies in death. he might live, if only longing soul back into clay could breathe.",
159
+ "pale and bloody then she rises from the one she chose at last. slowly back the whole crowd presses, murmuring, horror-struck, aghast.",
160
+ "and a goddess, tall, uprearing, her own doom's artificer, turns her gaze, destructive, searing, on the man who married her.",
161
+ "and a smile, ice-cold and mocking, on the pale lips starts to play. anguished wailing tells its shocking tale of madness on the way.",
162
+ "broken up the merry revels, fled the dancers, one and all, silent now the clashing cymbals, desolate the empty hall.",
163
+ "the last judgment",
164
+ "a jest",
165
+ "ah! that life of all the dead, hallelujahs that i hear, make my hair stand on my head, and my soul is sick with fear.",
166
+ "for, when everything is severed and the play of forces done, when our sufferings fade for ever. and the final goal is won,",
167
+ "god eternal we must praise, endless hallelujahs whine, endless hymns of glory raise, know no more delight or pain.",
168
+ "ha! i shudder on the stair leading to perfection's goal, and i shudder when i hear, urging me, that death-bed call.",
169
+ "there can only be one heaven, that one's fully occupied, we must share it with old women whom the teeth of time have gnawed.",
170
+ "while their flesh lies underground with decay and stones o'ershovelled, brightly hued, their souls hop round in a spider-dance enravelled.",
171
+ "all so skinny, all so thin, so aethereal, so chaste, never were their forms so lean, even when most tightly laced.",
172
+ "but i ruin the proceedings as my hymns of praise i holler. and the lord god hears my screamings, and gets hot under the collar;",
173
+ "calls the highest angel out, gabriel, the tall and skinny, who expels the noisy lout without further ceremony.",
174
+ "i just dreamed it all, you see, thought i faced the court supreme. good folk, don't be cross with me, it was never sin to dream.",
175
+ "two singers accompanying themselves on the harp",
176
+ "a ballad",
177
+ "\"what brings you to this castle here to breathe song's radiant aureole? seek you a loving comrade dear for whom in longing yearns your soul?\"",
178
+ "\"know you him who soulful dwells therein, ask you if he set my heart a-burning? can you tell me if the sight of him ever favoured mortals drawn by yearning?",
179
+ "\"never have i seen that shine of his, yet the gleam of precious stone burning on that splendid edifice surely needs must lure me on.",
180
+ "\"truly, it might be my place of birth, here might be my native land. ah! 'twas chosen by the gentle south, turned towards the glow it stands.",
181
+ "\"here my melody more free resounds, and my breast the higher swells. sweet the golden lyre's music sounds, as in joy of grief it wells.",
182
+ "\"and i do not know that high master, him who strikes the heart-strings powerfully, nor the heavenly spirits that the castle harbours in its womb so secretly.",
183
+ "\"and in vain is my desire's hot burning, not for me the fair gates opening. i lean on the columns, sadly yearning, here love's tribute i must sing!\"",
184
+ "in despair her jet black hair she shakes, bursts into a flood of tears, and the other kisses dry her cheeks, clasps her to her bosom's warming fires.",
185
+ "\"i too am drawn by secret bonds to this divine and holy fane. i quested wandering through the lands, was pierced, as if by lightning's flame.",
186
+ "\"but why the burning dew so spill, the tears of bitter sorrow weep? we may enjoy the view at will, on flowery meadow dance and leap!",
187
+ "\"the heart may glow more full in us, and sorrow may more sweetly come. the looks may shine more luminous, here the most beautiful's soon won!",
188
+ "\"a humble cottage let us find where we our songs of praise may sing, where the sweet west may play around in spirits' secret struggling.\"",
189
+ "full many a day they lingered there, at eventide the strings were heard that held entranced with sad allure full many a flower and many a bird.",
190
+ "once, as they both lay fast asleep, arms clasped the gentle bodies round on bed of moss full soft and deep, a demon wondrous tall was found.",
191
+ "he bore them up on wings of gold; they were as bound in magic bonds, and where that cottage stood of old a wondrous melody resounds.",
192
+ "epigrams",
193
+ "harmony",
194
+ "know you that magic image sweet when souls into each other go, and then in one soft breath outflow, melodious, loving, mild, replete? they flame up in one rose-bloom, blushing red, and coyly hide deep in some mossy bed.",
195
+ "roam far and wide throughout the land, the magic image you'll not find that talisman can never bind, nor sun's fierce rays portend. the light of no sun ever gave it birth, it never knew the nourishment of earth.",
196
+ "ever resplendent there it stays, though time its rapid pinions beats, though bright apollo guides his steeds, though worlds fade into nothingness. alone its own true power did it create that neither world nor god can dominate.",
197
+ "perhaps 'tis like the cithern sounding, as played on one eternal lyre, in endless glow, in endless fire, in yearning's lofty urge resounding. once hear within yourself those strings that play your steps to wander shall not further stray.",
198
+ "distraught",
199
+ "a ballad",
200
+ "i",
201
+ "all decked with finery she stands, in purple dressed; a satin ribbon coy is hidden in her breast.",
202
+ "and playfully there glow sweet roses in her hair, some are like flakes of snow, the others--blood and fire.",
203
+ "but never a rose is playing upon her pallid face. she sinks, distressful, bowing, as hart shot in the chase.",
204
+ "tremulous, pale she looks in diamonds' full display. the blood drains from her cheeks into her heart away.",
205
+ "\"i have been driven again to gaiety's false allure, my heart oppressed with pain, my wavering steps unsure.",
206
+ "\"o'er soul's high-billowing sea other desires have called. enough of this display, so loveless and so cold.",
207
+ "\"i cannot understand it, within my breast this flame; heaven alone can grant it, no mortal speak its name.",
208
+ "\"i would bear suffering even, willingly i would die, that i might merit heaven, a better land might see.\"",
209
+ "she lifts her tearful gaze to heaven's radiance, her bosom's fantasies in sighs give utterance.",
210
+ "quietly she lays her down and says a heartfelt prayer. sleep folds her gently round, an angel watches her.",
211
+ "ii",
212
+ "years have flown swiftly by, hollow her cheeks have grown. quieter, sadder she, more distant, more withdrawn.",
213
+ "she struggles, but in vain, fighting great agony, those mighty powers to tame; her heart leaps violently.",
214
+ "dreaming, one day she lies in bed, but not asleep, drowning in nothingness... the blow has struck full deep.",
215
+ "her look becomes a stare, hollow, and void, and numb. she raves, all unaware, in wild delirium.",
216
+ "and from her eye there streams the blood that nothing stays. the pain now quieter seems, now flash the spirit's rays.",
217
+ "\"the gates of heaven yield, and i am moved with awe. my hopes shall be fulfilled, nearer the stars i'll draw.\"",
218
+ "trembling on lips so pale, the soul would seek to roam. the gentle spirits sail to their aethereal home.",
219
+ "striving profound has drawn her, lured by a magic bond. too cold has life been for her, too poor this earthly land.",
220
+ "human pride",
221
+ "when these stately halls i scan and the giant burden of these houses, and the stormy pilgrimage of man and the frenzied race that never ceases,",
222
+ "pulse's throbbing do i sense and the giant flame of soul so proud? shall the waves then bear you hence into life, into the ocean's flood?",
223
+ "shall i then revere these forms heavenward soaring, proud, inviolate? should i yield before the life that storms towards the indeterminate?",
224
+ "no! you pigmy-giants so wretched, and you ice-cold stone monstrosity, see how in these eyes averted burns the soul's impetuosity.",
225
+ "swift eye scans the circles round, hastens through them all exploringly, yearning, as on fire, resounds, mocking through the vast halls and away.",
226
+ "when you all go down and sink, fragment-world shall lie around, even though cold splendour blink, even though grim ruin stand its ground.",
227
+ "there is drawn no boundary, no hard, wretched earth-clod bars our way, and we sail across the sea, and we wander countries far away.",
228
+ "nothing bids to stay our going, nothing locks our hopes inside; swift away go fancies fleeing, and the bosom's joy and pain abide.",
229
+ "all those monstrous shapes so vast tower aloft in fearfulness, feeling not love's fiery blast that creates them out of nothingness.",
230
+ "no giant column soars to heaven in a single block, victorious; one stone on the other meanly woven emulates the timid snail laborious.",
231
+ "but the soul embraces all, is a lofty giant flame that glows, even in its very fall dragging suns in its destructive throes.",
232
+ "and out of itself it swells up to heaven's realms on high; gods within its depths it lulls, thunderous lightning flashes in its eye.",
233
+ "and it wavers not a whit where the very god-thought fares, on its breast will cherish it; soul's own greatness is its lofty prayer.",
234
+ "soul its greatness must devour, in its greatness must go down; then volcanoes seethe and roar, and lamenting demons gather round.",
235
+ "soul, succumbing haughtily, raises up a throne to giant derision; downfall turns to victory, hero's prize is proud renunciation.",
236
+ "but when two are bound together, when two souls together flow, each one softly tells the other no more need alone through space to go.",
237
+ "then all worlds hear melodies like the aeolian harp full sighing, in eternal beauty's rays wish and soul's desire together flowing.",
238
+ "jenny! do i dare avow that in love we have exchanged our souls, that as one they throb and glow, and that through their waves one current rolls?",
239
+ "then the gauntlet do i fling scornful in the world's wide open face. down the giant she-dwarf, whimpering, plunges, cannot crush my happiness.",
240
+ "like unto a god i dare through that ruined realm in triumph roam. every word is deed and fire, and my bosom like the maker's own.",
241
+ "scenes from oulanem",
242
+ "a tragedy",
243
+ "characters:",
244
+ "oulanem, a german traveller lucindo, his companion pertini, a citizen of a mountain town in italy alwander, a citizen of the same town beatrice, his foster-daughter wierin perto, a monk",
245
+ "the action takes place inside or before pertini's house, alwander's house, and in the mountains.",
246
+ "act i",
247
+ "a mountain town",
248
+ "scene 1 a street. oulanem, lucindo; pertini before his house.",
249
+ "pertini. sirs, the whole town is crowded out with strangers, attracted to the spot by fame, to see the wonders of the neighbourhood. in short, i offer you my home. for at no inn will you find room. so all i can provide with my small means i shall be glad to place at your disposal. truly, i am drawn to friendship with you. that's no flattery.",
250
+ "oulanem. we thank you, stranger, and i only fear lest your opinion of us be too high.",
251
+ "pertini. good ... good.... then let us leave the compliments.",
252
+ "oulanem. but we intend to make a lengthy stay.",
253
+ "pertini. each day the less you spend in pleasure here will be my loss.",
254
+ "oulanem. once more we thank you warmly.",
255
+ "pertini (calling a servant). boy! see the gentlemen up to their room. they wish to take some rest after their journey; they also want to be alone and change their heavy travelling clothes for lighter wear.",
256
+ "oulanem. we take our leave, but we shall soon return.",
257
+ "(oulanem and lucindo go out with the servant.) pertini (alone, cautiously looking round).",
258
+ "it's he, by god, it's he; the day has come; he, the old friend i never could forget, any more than my conscience gives me rest. that's excellent! now i'll exchange my conscience; he shall be it henceforth, yes, he, oulanem. so, conscience, now may it go well with you. for every night you stood before my bed, you went to sleep when i did, rose with me-- we know each other, man, my eyes upon it! what's more, i know that there are others here; they are oulanem also, also oulanem! there's death rings in that name. well, let it ring till in its owner vile it rings its last. but wait, i have it now! as clear as air, firm as my bones, it comes up from my soul. his oath stands up in arms before my eyes! i've found it, and i'll see he finds it too! my plan is made--you are its very soul, yes, you, oulanem, are its very life. would you work destiny as 'twere a puppet? make heaven a plaything for your calculations? fabricate gods out of your old spent loins? now, play your part off pat, my little god; but wait--wait for your cue--leave that to me!",
259
+ "(enter lucindo.)",
260
+ "scene 2 pertini, lucindo.",
261
+ "pertini. pray, why so much alone, my dear young sir?",
262
+ "lucindo. curiosity. the old find nothing new.",
263
+ "pertini. indeed! your time of life!",
264
+ "lucindo. no, but if ever my soul cherished a strong desire, if ever my heart was moved by a presentient yearning, it was to call him father, be his son, that one's whose manly and impassioned spirit can drink in worlds entire; whose heart streams forth the radiance of the gods. did you not know him, then you might not conceive that such a man could be.",
265
+ "pertini. it sounds indeed most fine and tender, when from the warm voluptuous lips of youth the praise of age streams forth like tongues of fire. it sounds so moral, like a bible sermon, just like the story of the dame susannah, or like that tale about the prodigal son. but dare i ask you if you know this man with whom your heart would seem so closely bound?",
266
+ "lucindo. seem? only semblance-- semblance and delusion? you hate mankind?",
267
+ "pertini. well, at the very least i am a man!",
268
+ "lucindo. forgive if i've offended. you are full well disposed towards the stranger, and he who goes in friendship to the wanderer, his spirit is not locked within itself. you seek an answer. answer you shall have. we are together bound in a strange union deep woven in the bottom of our hearts which, even as bright blazing brands of fire, the spirits of his breast weave round with radiance, as if well-wishing demons of the light with thoughtful tenderness had matched us both. thus have i known him since long, long ago-- so long ago, that memory scarcely whispers of our first meeting. how we found each other, i know it not.",
269
+ "pertini. it sounds indeed romantic. and yet, my dear young sir, it is but sound that sounds only to parry a request.",
270
+ "lucindo. i swear to it.",
271
+ "pertini. what do you swear to, sir?",
272
+ "lucindo. i do not know him, yet indeed i know him. he hides some mystery deep within his breast, which i may not yet know--not now ... not yet ... these words repeat themselves each day, each hour. for see, i do not know myself!",
273
+ "pertini. that's bad!",
274
+ "lucindo. i stand here so cut off, so separate. the poorest wretch takes pride in what he is when, smiling, he tells of the line that bore him, cherishing in his heart each little detail. i cannot do this. men call me lucindo, but they could call me gallows too, or tree.",
275
+ "pertini. what do you want, then? friendship with the gallows? kinship, even? well, i can help you there!",
276
+ "lucindo (earnestly). play not with empty syllables and sounds when i rage inwardly.",
277
+ "pertini. rage on, my friend, till rage is spent.",
278
+ "lucindo (indignantly). what do you mean?",
279
+ "pertini. mean? nothing! i am a dry house philistine, no more, a man who simply calls each hour an hour, who goes to sleep at night-time, just to rise when morning comes again; who counts the hours until he's counted out and the clock stops, and worms become the hands that show the time; and so on till the final judgment day when jesus, with the angel gabriel, pronouncing sentence on his wrathful trumpet, reads out the list of our recorded sins, and stands us on the right or on the left, and runs his god-fist over all our hides to find out whether we are lambs or wolves.",
280
+ "lucindo. he'll not name me, because i have no name.",
281
+ "pertini. well said! that's how i like to hear you speak! but since i'm just a plain house philistine, my thoughts are homely, and i handle thoughts as you do stones and sand. so if a man cannot name his own family, but turns up with another, he's an off-shoot--born on the wrong side of the blanket.",
282
+ "lucindo. what was that? think sooner black the sun and flat the moon, and neither sending forth one shaft of light, but here a sound--a surmise--and life weighs it.",
283
+ "pertini. my friend, you must not improvise so wildly. believe me, i'm not prone to nervous fits! but off-shoots are quite often green and messy, yes, yes, they take their own luxuriant way and shoot up shining towards the very heavens, as if they knew that they had sprung from joy, begotten by no dull and slavish union. for look you, off-shoots of this kind are satires; nature's a poet, marriage sits in a chair, its cap on, and with all the accessories, its sullen face with grimacing distorted, and, lying at its feet, a dusty parchment scrawled over with the parson's blasphemies, the church's dismal halls to give perspective, the churlish rabble gaping in the background- give me off-shoots!",
284
+ "lucindo (incensed). for god's sake, that's enough! what is it, man? what do you mean? speak out; but by the eternal i shall speak with you what do i ask? lies it not clear before me, grins not hell out of it, does it not rise before my look like death's own withered shape, to glare at me and mutter threats of storm? but, man, not easily, believe you me, have you hurled from your withered devil's fist this blazing brand of fire into my breast: for do not think you play dice with a boy, flinging the dice with shattering force straight at his childish head. you've played too fast with me. so now--and mark you this--we're gaming comrades. you've quickly made yourself familiar. out with all that's heaving in your vile snake's bosom! and be it mistrust only, or derision, then i shall throw it back into your throat, and you yourself shall choke your poison down, and then i'll play with you! but speak! i wish it!",
285
+ "pertini. you do? you think of faust and mephistopheles. you've brooded on them deeply, i dare say. i tell you, no. keep your wish to yourself, and i'll throw dust into its silly eyes.",
286
+ "lucindo. take care. don't blow upon the glowing embers until the flames blaze up and you yourself are burnt to cinders!",
287
+ "pertini. a phrase! an empty phrase! the only one they burn will be yourself!",
288
+ "lucindo. myself! so be it! to myself i'm nothing! but you, oh, you my youthful arms enfold and twine themselves in frenzy round your breast. the abyss yawns gaping night to both of us, if you sink down, smiling, i'll follow you, and whisper to you, \"down! come with me! comrade!\"",
289
+ "pertini. it seems you're gifted with imagination. you have dreamed much already in your life?",
290
+ "lucindo. just so. i am a dreamer, yes, a dreamer. what knowledge do i want from you who have none? you've only seen us, but you know us not, yet hurl against me scorn and blasphemy. what am i waiting for? still more of you? you have no more ... but i have more for you. for me--guilt, poison, shame--you must redeem it. you've drawn the circle, and it leaves no room for two of us. now use your jumping skill. as fate draws, so it draws. so let it be.",
291
+ "pertini. you must have read that ending out in class from some dry, dusty hook of tragedies.",
292
+ "lucindo. true, this is tragedy that we are playing. come on, now. where and how you want. you choose.",
293
+ "pertini. and when, and everywhere, and any time, and none!",
294
+ "lucindo. coward, don't make a mockery of my words, or i'll write coward across your very face, and shout it out through each and every street and thrash you publicly, if you'll not follow, if you dare crack your feeble hackneyed jokes when my heart's blood runs cold within my veins. not one word more; follow or do not follow, your sentence is pronounced, you coward, you knave!",
295
+ "pertini (incensed). say that again, boy! say those words again!",
296
+ "lucindo. why, if it brings you joy--a thousand times; if it stirs up your gall and sets it flowing until the blood starts furious from your eyeballs, then here it is again: you knave, you coward!",
297
+ "pertini. we'll have this out. write that upon your brain. there's still one place to knit us two together, and that is hell--hell not for me, but you!",
298
+ "lucindo. why count the syllables, if it can be settled here on the spot. then fly away to hell, and tell the devils it was i that sent you!",
299
+ "pertini. just one more word.",
300
+ "lucindo. what is the use of words? i hear them not. blow bubbles in the wind, draw lineaments on your face to match your words, i see them not. bring weapons, let them speak, i'll put my whole heart into them, and if it breaks not, then-",
301
+ "pertini (interrupting him). not quite so bold, my lad, and not so callow! you, you have not a thing to lose, no, nothing! you are a stone that's fallen from the moon, that someone somewhere scratched one single word you spelled the letters out: they read \"lucindo\". see! on that empty tablet i'll not dare wager myself, my life, my honour, all. you want to use my blood for artist's colour? am i to be the brush that lends you tone? we are too far removed in rank and station. am i to stand against you as you are? i know what i am. tell me, what are you? you know not, are not, you have naught to lose! thief-like, you seek to pledge to me an honour that never in your bastard's bosom glowed? you seek to swindle, lay your empty ticket against my sterling worth, my friend? not so! first get you honour, name and life- you are still nothing--then i'll gladly stake my honour, name and life against your own!",
302
+ "lucindo. so that's it, coward! you want to save your skin? you've worked the sum out so ingeniously, oh, so ingeniously, in your dull brain? do not deceive yourself: i'll change your answer, and i shall write down \"coward\" in its place. i'll scorn you as i would a maddened beast; i'll shame you, yes, shame you before the world, and then you can explain, with all the details, to aunts and uncles, children, everyone, i call myself lucindo, yes, lucindo, that is my name; it might have been some other; i go by it, though it could have been different. what men call being, i do not possess; but you are what you are, and that's a coward!",
303
+ "pertini. that's nice, that's very pretty. but supposing i could give you a name--you hear, a name?",
304
+ "lucindo. you have no name yourself, and yet you'd give one, you who have never seen me, save this once; and seeing's a lie, the eternal mockery that hounds us down: we see, and that is all.",
305
+ "pertini. good. but who grasps more than is seen?",
306
+ "lucindo. not you. you've seen in all things what you are: a scoundrel.",
307
+ "pertini. true; i'm not easily fooled by the first glance. but that man--he was not born yesterday! believe me, he has seen a thing or two. what if we knew each other?",
308
+ "lucindo. i don't believe it.",
309
+ "pertini. but is there not a poet, wondrous strange, a gloomy aesthete, butt of ridicule, who spends his hours in subtle meditation, who would make rhymes of life, and would most gladly himself be author of the poem of life?",
310
+ "lucindo. ha! it might well be chance. you don't deceive me!",
311
+ "pertini. chance! such is the language of philosophers when reason doesn't come to rescue them. chance--it's so easily said--one syllable, a name is also chance. anyone's name might be oulanem if he had no other. and so it is pure chance if i so call him.",
312
+ "lucindo. you know him? heavens! speak! in heaven's name!",
313
+ "pertini. you know the boys' reward? its name is--silence.",
314
+ "lucindo. it sickens me to ask of you a favour, but i beseech you, by all you hold dear!",
315
+ "pertini. dear? you think that i am going to bargain? a coward, you know, is deaf to all entreaty.",
316
+ "lucindo. you must, then, if you would wipe out the taunt of coward, you must speak without delay.",
317
+ "pertini. let's duel now, i'll fight you as you are. you're good enough for me, so let us fight.",
318
+ "lucindo. don't drive me to the extreme, not to that verge where there are no more bounds, where all things end.",
319
+ "pertini. listen to him! we want to try extremes, as fate draws, so it draws. so let it be!",
320
+ "lucindo. ha! is there no way out, no hope at all? his breast as hard as iron, all feeling withered, cankered and dried with scorn, he mixes poison and rubs it in for balsam. and he smiles. this may be your last hour, man, yes, your last, seize it, absorb it, for in less than no time you'll stand before your judge; so break the chain of your life's vicious actions with one last, one last good deed, one solitary word, as lightly breathed as air!",
321
+ "pertini.'twas chance, good friend. believe me, i believe in chance myself.",
322
+ "lucindo. in vain! -- all-- all -- but stop, you shallow fool, it won't be settled that way, no, by god! your sharp eye has deceived you once again. i'll call him here in person. then you may stand, before him, face to face and eye to eye, just like a little boy caught doing wrong. you cannot hold me, man! out of my way!",
323
+ "(he rushes off.)",
324
+ "pertini. a greater plan now rescues you, my lad; pertini can't forget, believe you me!",
325
+ "pertini (calls). lucindo, ho! in heaven's name, come back!",
326
+ "(lucindo returns.)",
327
+ "lucindo. what would you? off with you!",
328
+ "pertini. there's honour for you! go, tell the worthy gentleman we quarrelled; you challenged me, but being a good boy a good boy and a very pious child!- repented, begged forgiveness, were forgiven. then shed a pious tear, and kiss his hand, and cut the rod for your repentant back!",
329
+ "lucindo. you drive me to it.",
330
+ "pertini. you let yourself be driven. this sounds as moral as a children's primer. do you believe in god?",
331
+ "lucindo. confess to you?",
332
+ "pertini. don't you demand that i confess to you? i shall. but say, do you believe in god?",
333
+ "lucindo. what's that to you?",
334
+ "pertini. it's hardly fashionable, so i'd much like to hear you tell me plainly.",
335
+ "lucindo. i don't believe with what is called belief, and yet i know him as i know myself.",
336
+ "pertini. we'll talk of that when mood and moment suit; how you believe is all the same to me, at least you do believe. good. swear by him.",
337
+ "lucindo. what? swear to you?",
338
+ "pertini. yes, swear you must that never will your tongue blab a single syllable.",
339
+ "lucindo. by god, i swear it.",
340
+ "pertini. then swear you'll cherish only friendship for me. see, i am not so bad--only outspoken.",
341
+ "lucindo. by god, i would not swear it for a world that i loved you or held you in esteem. i cannot and i will not ever swear it, but what is past, let that be all wiped out as if it were a loathsome, evil dream. i'll plunge it down where all dreams disappear to, deep in the rolling waves of oblivion. that i will swear to you by him that's holy, from whom the worlds come whirling up through space, who with his glance brings forth eternity, i swear! but now the guerdon for my oath.",
342
+ "pertini. come! i will lead you to a quiet place, and show you many a sight: rocky ravines, where lakes have welled up from volcanic earth, cradling in quietude their rounded waters; and where the years rush past in silent sequence, then will the storm indeed subside, and then-",
343
+ "lucindo. what's this? you speak of stones, bays, worms and mud? but rocks and crags tower upwards everywhere, in every spot a spring comes bubbling forth: whether impetuous, low, high--what matter? mysterious places still are to be found where we are held enraptured and spellbound. to see them wakes excitement in my breast, and if it bursts, why, it is jest, no more. so take me where you will, yes, to that goal! waver and falter not, but let's away!",
344
+ "pertini. the rolling thunder first must cease its din ere the pure lightning cleanse your breast within. so to a spot i'll make myself your guide where, i much fear, you'll wish too long to abide.",
345
+ "lucindo. oh, let our journey's goal lie where it may, i'll follow you, if you will lead the way.",
346
+ "pertini. mistrustful! (they both go out.)",
347
+ "scene 3 a room in pertini's house. oulanem is alone, seated at a table, writing. papers lie about. suddenly he springs up, walks zip and down, then stops abruptly and stands with folded arms.",
348
+ "oulanem. all lost! the hour is now expired, and time stands still. this pigmy universe collapses. soon i shall clasp eternity and howl humanity's giant curse into its ear. eternity! it is eternal pain, death inconceivable, immeasurable! an evil artifice contrived to taunt us, who are but clockwork, blind machines wound up to be the calendar-fools of time; to be, only that something thus at least might happen; and to decay, that there might be decay! the worlds must have had need of one thing more- dumb, searing agony to send them whirling. death comes to life and puts on shoes and stockings; the sorrowing plant, the stone's inert erosion, the birds that find no song to tell the pain of their aethereal life, the general discord and the blind striving of the all to shake itself out of itself, be crushed in quarrel- this now stands up and has a pair of legs, and has a breast to feel the curse of life! ha, i must twine me on the wheel of flame, and in eternity's ring i'll dance my frenzy! if aught besides that frenzy could devour, i'd leap therein, though i must smash a world that towered high between myself and it! it would be shattered by my long-drawn curse, and i would ding my arms around cruel being, embracing me,'twould silent pass away. then silent would i sink into the void. wholly to sink, not be--oh, this were life, but swept along high on eternity's current to roar out threnodies for the creator, scorn on the brow! can sun burn it away? bound in compulsion's sway, curse in defiance! let the envenomed eye flash forth destruction- does it hurl off the ponderous worlds that bind? bound in eternal fear, splintered and void, bound to the very marble block of being, bound, bound forever, and forever bound! the worlds, they see it and go rolling on and howl the burial song of their own death. and we, we apes of a cold god, still cherish with frenzied pain upon our loving breast the viper so voluptuously warm, that it as universal form rears up and from its place on high grins down on us! and in our ear, till loathing's all consumed, the weary wave roars onward, ever onward! now quick, the die is cast, and all is ready; destroy what only poetry's lie contrived, a curse shall finish what a curse conceived.",
349
+ "(he sits down at the table and writes.)",
350
+ "scene 4 alwander's house; first-before the house. lucindo, pertini.",
351
+ "lucindo. why bring me here?",
352
+ "pertini. for a succulent piece of woman, that's all! see for yourself, and if she softly breathes a melodious peace into your soul, then forward!",
353
+ "lucindo. what! you're taking me to whores? and at the very time when all of life comes down with crushing force upon my shoulders, and when my breast swells irresistibly in a mad frenzy craving self-destruction; when each breath breathes a thousand deaths for me, and now a woman!",
354
+ "pertini. ha! rave on, young man, breathe hellfire and destruction, breathe away! what whores? did i misunderstand your meaning? see, there's the house. does it look like a brothel? you think i want to play the pimp for you, and use the very daylight for a lantern? that's rich. but enter first and there, perhaps, you'll learn what you desire.",
355
+ "lucindo. i see your trick. the stuff you made it of is very cheap. you really seek to slip the hand that holds you. be grateful that this moment i must hear you; but temporising will cost you your life.",
356
+ "(they go into the house. the curtain falls and another is raised. a modern, elegant room. beatrice is sitting on the sofa, a guitar beside her. lucindo, pertini, beatrice.)",
357
+ "pertini. beatrice, a young traveller i bring, a pleasant gentleman, my distant kinsman.",
358
+ "beatrice (to lucindo). welcome!",
359
+ "lucindo. forgive me if i find no words, no speech to express my heart's astonishment. beauty so rare quite overwhelms the spirits; the blood leaps high, but not a word will come.",
360
+ "beatrice. fair words, young sir. you are in a pleasant mood. i thank your disposition, not the favour that nature has denied me so unkindly, when 'tis your tongue that speaks, and not your heart.",
361
+ "lucindo. oh, if my heart might speak, if it might only pour forth what you have quickened in its depths, the words would all be flames of melody, and every breath a whole eternity, a heaven, an empire infinitely vast, in which all lives would sparkle bright with thoughts full of soft yearning, full of harmonies, locking the world so sweetly in its breast, streaming with radiance of pure loveliness, since every word would only bear your name!",
362
+ "pertini. you will not take it in bad part, young lady, if i explain to you that he is german and always raves of melody and soul.",
363
+ "beatrice. a german! but i like the germans well, and i am proud to be of that same stock. come, sit here, german sir.",
364
+ "(she offers him a place on the sofa.)",
365
+ "lucindo. thank you, my lady.",
366
+ "(aside to pertini.)",
367
+ "away! there is still time; here i am lost!",
368
+ "beatrice (abashed). did i speak out of place?",
369
+ "(lucindo wants to speak, but pertini cuts in.)",
370
+ "pertini. spare us your flourishes and your flattery! twas nothing, beatrice; merely some business that i must still arrange for him in haste.",
371
+ "lucindo (confused, in a low voice). by god, pertini, you are playing with me!",
372
+ "pertini (aloud). take it not so to heart, don't be so scared! the lady trusts my word, is it not so? beatrice, he may stay, is it not so, till i am back. and please remember--prudence; you are a stranger, so no foolishness.",
373
+ "beatrice. oh, come, young sir, was then my welcome such that you could think i'd banish you, a stranger, friend of pertini, an old friend of ours, unceremoniously from this house, whose hospitable doors are open to all? you need not flatter, but you must be fair.",
374
+ "lucindo. by god, your gracious kindness overwhelms me! you speak as gently as the angels speak. forgive if overawed and overcome by the wild stream of passion long forgotten, the lips spoke what they ought to have concealed. yet see the sky all clear and luminous smile down upon us from the clouds' blue realm, and see the colours throb so sweet and bright, now wrapped in shade and now in gentle light, mingling in harmonies so soft and full, one lovely picture, one inspired soul. see this, and then be silent if your lips obey. but no! your heart enchanted leaps, prudence and circumspection vanished all. the lips must speak what holds your heart in thrall. even as the aeolian lyre is stirred to sound when zephyr wraps his fluttering pinions round.",
375
+ "beatrice. reproof i cannot find within my heart, you dress the poison, sir, with such sweet art.",
376
+ "lucindo (aside to pertini). confounded villain, yet good villain too, what shall i do? get out of here, by god!",
377
+ "pertini (aloud). it rankles in his mind, remembering how i took the words out of his mouth just now. in language beautiful he would have talked, when by my interruption he was balked. but never mind,'tis beatrice's belief you kindly wished to afford her some relief from your grand talk; like any german jest, once swallowed, it's not easy to digest. i go.",
378
+ "lucindo (in a low voice). but man!",
379
+ "pertini (aloud). think of the sympathies that from the stomach to the heart soon rise; i'll soon be back to fetch you swift away, or else in this sweet place too long you'll stay. (aside.) i must be gone. and while he pays his court, i'll see the old man brings it all to naught.",
380
+ "(exit pertini. lucindo is in confusion.)",
381
+ "beatrice. and must i yet once more bid you be seated?",
382
+ "lucindo. i'll gladly sit here if you truly wish it.",
383
+ "(sits down.)",
384
+ "beatrice. our friend pertini's often strangely moody.",
385
+ "lucindo. yes, strangely so! most strangely! very strangely!",
386
+ "(pause.)",
387
+ "forgive me, lady--you esteem this man!",
388
+ "beatrice. he has long been a true friend of the household, and always treated me most amiably. and yet -- i know not why -- i cannot bear him. he's often violent. often from his breast- forgive me, he's your friend--some secret spirit calls strangely, in a voice i do not like. it is as though some inner turbulent darkness shrank from the daylight's open look of love and feared to make response, as if he harboured an evil worse than his tongue speaks, worse even than his heart dares to think. this is but surmise, and i do wrong, confiding it so soon; it is suspicion; suspicion is a viper.",
389
+ "lucindo. do you regret confiding in me, then?",
390
+ "beatrice. were it a secret that concerned myself- but oh, what am i saying! have you won my trust already? yet it is not wrong that i should tell you everything i know; i could confide it all to anyone, since i know nothing that's not known to all.",
391
+ "lucindo. to all? well said! you would be kind to all?",
392
+ "beatrice. would you not too?",
393
+ "lucindo. o angel, o sweet being!",
394
+ "beatrice. you make me fearful, sir. what mean these words? you jump so suddenly from theme to theme!",
395
+ "lucindo. i must act quickly, for the hour is striking. why hesitate? death is in every minute. can i conceal it? it's a miracle, i have just met you; strange though it appears, we might have known each other many years. it is as if the music i heard sound within my own heart, living form had found, and into vibrant, warm reality the spirit-bond uniting us breaks free.",
396
+ "beatrice. i won't deny it: you are not to me a stranger, yet still strange you are, unknown. but as dark spirits would not let us see each other till this hour, so we must own there may be other spirits whose deceit binds us with treacherous bonds, however sweet. foresight and wisdom we must not despise; the strongest lightning strikes not from dark skies.",
397
+ "lucindo. o fair philosopher of the heart! o god, i can resist no more, for you compel me! do not imagine that i do not hold you in respect because my heart grows bold. it throbs to bursting, all my nerves are tense. i can resist no more. soon i'll be gone, far, far away from here, from you divided. then, worlds, plunge down, plunge down into the abyss! forgive me, sweet my child, forgive the hour that drives me onward with such violent power. i love you, beatrice, by god i swear it, and love and beatrice make but one word that i can utter only in one breath, and in this thought i'd go to meet my death.",
398
+ "beatrice. since good can never come of it, i pray speak no more thus. if--but this cannot be-- you were to win my heart, now, straightaway, surely you would no longer honour me. you'd say that i was just a common thing, ready, as thousands are, to have her fling. if for a moment such a notion crossed your mind, then love and honour would be lost. twould mean that you cared for me not a jot, and self-reproach would have to be my lot.",
399
+ "lucindo. tender and lovely being, hear me plead! if only in my bosom you could read, i never loved till now, by god above, and your reproaches make a mock of love. let the base merchant haggle over flaws, by shrewd delays more profit still he draws. love brings the union of the worlds about, naught is beyond, and naught else to desire. let those who bind themselves in hatred doubt. love is a flashing spark from life's own fire, magic that holds us in an open ring, so yield to it--this is the only thing that counts in love, not prudent carefulness; for love is quick to kindle, quick to bless.",
400
+ "beatrice. shall i be modest? coy? no, i must dare, however high may leap the flames' fierce flare. yet my breast tightens under fearful strain as if delight were mixed with searing pain, as if between our union there came floating a hissing sound mixed in by devils gloating.",
401
+ "lucindo. it is the fire which you do not yet know, and the old life, which now has turned to go away from us, is speaking its last word; then its reproaches will no more be heard. but tell me, beatrice, how will you be mine!",
402
+ "beatrice. my father wants to tie me to a man whom i would hate if i could hate my fellows. but be assured you soon will hear from me. where are you staying, sweet friend of my heart?",
403
+ "lucindo. why, at pertini's house.",
404
+ "beatrice. i'll send a courier. but now your name? most surely it must sound as does the music of the circling spheres.",
405
+ "lucindo (in a serious voice). lucindo is my name.",
406
+ "beatrice. lucindo! sweet, sweet rings that name to me. ah, my lucindo, he is my world, my god, my heart, my all.",
407
+ "lucindo. beatrice, that's yourself, and you are more, you are yet more than all, for you are beatrice.",
408
+ "(he presses her ardently to his breast. the door bursts open and wierin enters.)",
409
+ "wierin. a pretty sight! o beatrice! o snake! puppet of virtue, are you, cold as marble!",
410
+ "lucindo. what do you mean by this? what do you seek? by god, no ape could ever look so sleek.",
411
+ "wierin. damned boy, you'll soon enough learn what i mean. we'll speak together, you and i, o rival fashioned in human form to make it loathsome, creature puffed up with impudent conceit, a piece of blotting-paper to wipe pens on, a comic hero of some wretched jape.",
412
+ "lucindo. and as remarked, behold the complete ape! shame on you thus to bandy words with me! such courage is like barrel-organ music played to a painted picture of a battle. soon the real thing will count.",
413
+ "wierin. soon? now boy, now we'll have this matter out! b-b-by god--my very blood runs cold! beatrice, i'll finish off this paramour.",
414
+ "lucindo. silence, fellow, i'll follow you this instant.",
415
+ "(pertini enters.)",
416
+ "pertini. what's all this noise? you think you're on the street?",
417
+ "(to wierin.)",
418
+ "why do you screech, you crow? i'll stop your mouth!",
419
+ "(aside.)",
420
+ "i've come just in the nick of time. the fellow has somewhat misinterpreted my meaning.",
421
+ "(beatrice falls in a faint.)",
422
+ "lucindo. help! she swoons! o god!",
423
+ "(he bends over her.)",
424
+ "come to yourself, angel, sweet spirit, speak!",
425
+ "(he kisses her.)",
426
+ "feel you the warmth? her eyelids flutter, she breathes! beatrice, why are you so? oh, tell me, why? you want to kill me? can i see you thus?",
427
+ "(he raises her up, embracing her. wierin wants to rush upon him. pertini holds him back.)",
428
+ "pertini. come, friend crow, just a few words in your ear.",
429
+ "beatrice (in a faint voice). lucindo, my lucindo, ah, my lost one, and lost to me, my heart, before i won you.",
430
+ "lucindo. be calm, my angel, nothing shall be lost, and soon i'll see this fellow breathe his last.",
431
+ "(he carries her to the sofa.)",
432
+ "lie there a while; we cannot long remain, this holy place must bear no evil stain.",
433
+ "wierin. come, we shall speak together.",
434
+ "pertini. i'll come too. one second at a duel is something new.",
435
+ "lucindo. compose yourself, sweet child, be of good cheer.",
436
+ "beatrice. farewell.",
437
+ "lucindo. angel, farewell.",
438
+ "beatrice (with a deep sigh). i'm full of fear.",
439
+ "(curtain. end of act i.)",
440
+ "song to the stars",
441
+ "you dance round and around in shimmering rays of light, your soaring shapes abound in number infinite.",
442
+ "here breaks the noblest soul, the full heart bursts in twain, and like a jewel in gold is clasped by mortal pain.",
443
+ "it turns on you its look darkly, compellingly, from you, babe-like, would suck hope and eternity.",
444
+ "alas, your light is never more than aethereally rare. no divine being ever cast into you his fire.",
445
+ "you are false images, faces of radiant flame; heart's warmth and tenderness and soul you cannot claim.",
446
+ "a mockery is your shining of action, pain, desire. on you is dashed all yearning and the heart's song of fire.",
447
+ "grieving, we must turn grey, end in despair and pain, then see the mockery that earth and heaven remain;",
448
+ "that, as we tremble even, and worlds within us drown, no tree trunk's ever riven, no star goes plunging down.",
449
+ "dead you'd be otherwise, your grave the ocean blue, all gone, the shining rays, and all fire spent in you.",
450
+ "truth you'd speak silently, not dazzle with dead light, nor shine in clarity; and all round would be night.",
451
+ "the song of a sailor at sea",
452
+ "you may frolic and beat and roll round my boat just as you will, you must carry me to my goal; for you are my subjects still.",
453
+ "blue waves beneath that now, my little brother's there. you dragged him down below, his bones became your fare.",
454
+ "i was a boy, no more; once rashly he cast off, he seized hold of the oar, sank by a sandy reef.",
455
+ "i vowed a vow so true by the waves of the briny sea, i'd be revenged on you, lash you relentlessly.",
456
+ "soul's oath and word i've kept, them i have not betrayed. i've whipped you and i've whipped, on land have seldom stayed.",
457
+ "when booms the stormy main, the bell rocks in the tower, when blows the hurricane, when raging winds do roar,",
458
+ "i'm driven from my bed, from seat secure and warm, from cosy quiet homestead, to sail through wind and storm.",
459
+ "with wind and wave i fight, to the lord god i pray, and let the sails fill out; a true star guides my way.",
460
+ "new strength comes, with the breath of joy and ecstasy, and in the game of death song from the breast bursts free.",
461
+ "you may frolic and beat and roll round my boat just as you will, you must carry me to my goal; for you are my subjects still.",
462
+ "the pale maiden",
463
+ "a ballad",
464
+ "the maiden stands so pale, so silent, withdrawn, her sweet angelic soul is misery-torn.",
465
+ "therein can shine no ray, the waves tumble over; there, love and pain both play, each cheating the other.",
466
+ "gentle was she, demure, devoted to heaven, an image ever pure the graces had woven.",
467
+ "then came a noble knight, a grand charger he rode; and in his eyes so bright a sea of love flowed.",
468
+ "love smote deep in her breast, but he galloped away, for battle-triumph athirst; naught made him stay.",
469
+ "all peace of mind is flown, the heavens have sunk. the heart, now sorrow's throne, is yearning-drunk.",
470
+ "and when the day is past, she kneels on the floor, before the holy christ a-praying once more.",
471
+ "but then upon that form another encroaches, to take her heart by storm, 'gainst her self reproaches.",
472
+ "\"to me your love is given for time unending. to show your soul to heaven is merely pretending.\"",
473
+ "she trembles in her terror icy and stark, she rushes out in horror, into the dark.",
474
+ "she wrings her lily-white hands, the tear-drops start. \"thus fire the bosom brands and longing, the heart.",
475
+ "\"thus heaven i've forfeited, i know it full well. my soul, once true to god, is chosen for hell.",
476
+ "he was so tall, alas, of stature divine. his eyes so fathomless, so noble, so fine.",
477
+ "\"he never bestowed on me his glances at all; lets me pine hopelessly till the end of the soul.",
478
+ "\"another his arm may press, may share his pleasure; unwitting, he gives me distress beyond all measure.",
479
+ "\"with my soul willingly, with my hopes i'd part, would he but look towards me and open his heart.",
480
+ "\"how cold must the heavens be where he doesn't shine, a land full of misery and burning with pain.",
481
+ "\"but here the surging flood may deliver me, cooling the hot fire of heart's blood, the bosom's feeling.\"",
482
+ "she leaps with all her might into the spray. into the cold dark night she's carried away.",
483
+ "her heart, that burning brand, is quenched forever; her look, that luminous land, is clouded over.",
484
+ "her lips, so sweet and tender, are pale and colourless; her form, aethereal, slender, drifts into nothingness.",
485
+ "and not a withered leaf falls from the bough; heaven and earth are deaf, won't wake her now.",
486
+ "by mountain, valley, on the quiet waves race, to dash her skeleton on a rocky place.",
487
+ "the knight so tall and proud embraces his new love, the cithern sings about the joys of true love!",
488
+ "the forest spring",
489
+ "in flowery grove i lost my way where forest spring showers silver spray in murmuring fall, o'erhead the lofty bay trees spread.",
490
+ "they see it ever rushing fleet, they see it flowing at their feet, burn in sweet shadows there to mate with sea and air.",
491
+ "but when it flees the hard land's thrall, loud thundering smites the rocky wall. dizzy the flood spins round in mist-rings with no sound.",
492
+ "through flowery groves it roams again, swallowing deep draughts of death's pain, and then the tall bay trees waft down sweet reveries.",
493
+ "three little lights",
494
+ "three distant lights gleam quietly, they shine like starry eyes to see. the storm may rage, the wind may shout, the little lights are not blown out.",
495
+ "one sweetly struggles ever higher, trembling to heaven it would aspire. it blinks its eye so trustingly, as if the all-father it could see.",
496
+ "the other looks down on earth's halls, and hears the echoing victory calls, turns to its sisters in the sky, inspired with silent prophecy.",
497
+ "the last one burns with golden fire, the flames shoot forth, it sinks entire, the waves plunge in its heart and--see!- swell up into a flowering tree.",
498
+ "then three small lights gleam quietly in turn, like starry eyes to see. the storm may rage, the wind may blow, two souls in one are happy now.",
499
+ "the abduction",
500
+ "a ballad",
501
+ "the knight, he stands at the iron gate, the maiden so sweet and fair looks out. \"dear knight, however can i come down?\" and silence and darkness reign all round.",
502
+ "\"catch this i throw, and it shall be your rescue's sweetest surety. up there you can firmly bind the end, and by the rope you may descend.\"",
503
+ "\"ah, knight, i fly like a thief to you, ah, knight, for love what won't i do!\" \"dear love, you take but what's your own, we'll flee like shadows that dance and are gone!\"",
504
+ "\"ah, knight, the darkness yawns below, my senses reel, i dare not go!\" \"then you refuse; my life i'd stake, and yet at empty terrors you quake!\"",
505
+ "\"ah, knight, ah, knight, you play with fire, yet you alone are my heart's desire! farewell, ye halls, forever and ay, where never again my feet shall stray.",
506
+ "\"what lures me on i cannot fight; ye loved ones all, i bid good-night!\" no more she demurs and plays for time, she clutches the rope for the downward climb.",
507
+ "no sooner has she slid halfway, than she takes fright, her glances stray. her arms grow weak, she must let go to fall on the breast of death below.",
508
+ "\"ah, knight, warm me once more, and i blissfully in your arms may die, let me but breathe your every kiss, and i'll fade into sweet nothingness.\"",
509
+ "the knight embraces her trembling form, and to his bosom he presses her, warm. and as their souls together strain, he too is pierced by mortal pain.",
510
+ "\"farewell, my love, so true, so kind!\" \"stay, and i'll follow close behind!\" a flash, as of eternal fire,- their souls depart and they expire.",
511
+ "two songs to jenny",
512
+ "sought",
513
+ "a song",
514
+ "i rose, broke free of all that bound me; \"where would you go?\" \"a world i'd find me!\" \"are there not here lush meadows gay, below--the seas, above--star-play?\"",
515
+ "\"know, fool, i seek not to cross over, there to strike rock, or sound the aether. they bind so dumb the foot in pain, their words of love become a chain.",
516
+ "\"the world must rise out of myself and to my breast incline itself. from my life's blood its well-springs come, my soul's breath--its aethereal dome.\"",
517
+ "i wandered far as i could go, returned, held worlds above, below. within there leaped the stars and sun; the lightning flashed, and they sank down.",
518
+ "two songs to jenny",
519
+ "found",
520
+ "a song",
521
+ "why do the bushes dance and swirl, why do the may-wreaths stray to heel, why arches heaven forever higher, and vales to cloudy peak aspire?",
522
+ "if i sail on my pinions there, the echo falls from rock through air. do eye and starlight marry ever? i look, my gaze is clouded over.",
523
+ "roll forth, you waves of life, away, soar, smash those bridges in your way, by golden liberty inspired when you came from the void.",
524
+ "again the glance in recklessness stirs, sparks to bless'd forgetfulness. where should it have sought worlds? in you, into a very world it grew.",
525
+ "concluding sonnet to jenny",
526
+ "one more thing to you, child, i must tell: gay this farewell poem, my singing's end; these last waves of silver throb and swell that my jenny's breath its music lend. swift as over gulf and looming fell, through cascade and forest land, life's fleet hours shall hasten on until pure perfection's end in you they find.",
527
+ "bravely clad in flowing robes of fire, proud uplifted heart transformed by light, master now, from bonds released entire, firmly do i tread through spaces free, shatter pain before your visage bright, while the dreams flash out towards life's tree.",
528
+ "dialogue with ...",
529
+ "a singer stands in festive attire, clasps to his bosom warm a lyre, and plucks the strings, enraptured. \"how play you my tunes, how sing my refrains, how swell you, o lyre, with soul that strains as if by your own fires captured?\"",
530
+ "\"singer, think you that i am cold to bosom's light, to yearning soul, to images upwards striving? they shine as clear as the land of stars, they surge, they soar like streaming fires, they lead to a loftier living.",
531
+ "\"i knew with prescience profound when called by your word's sparkling sound, twas not your fingers touching. it was a breath from sweeter lips uprising from the heart's own depths, a subtler music teaching.",
532
+ "\"there shone a visage wondrous fair, haloed in song, in golden hair, that flashed forth rarest lays. high beat her heart, eyes glowed sublime, you were no more, you sank in dream, and i must honour and praise.",
533
+ "\"her image in me sank silently, like flower-shine rose out of me, as melting into sound. but say, it falls, it soars again, and yet for you cloud-veiled remain the sun and stars all round.\"",
534
+ "\"o wondrous lyre of magic skill, your joy's like bubbling founts that well, ringed round with may-wreaths fair. her breath inspires, her eyes invite, your tones vibrate, your light beams bright, and rolls with the dancing spheres.",
535
+ "\"one drinks, one sings of raptures blest, then love flees echoing from the breast, one's spirits no more sound. yours was the dream, yours was the life, you shine in her, afar i strive, you soar, i must bow down.\"",
536
+ "\"singer, though lulled by flower-dream, i too reach out to heaven's hem with golden stars to bind it. the music sounds, life is in tears, the music sounds, the sun shines clear, and distances are blended.\"",
537
+ "sea rock",
538
+ "marble pillar towers high, jagged summit saws the air, putrefaction, life's decay, boulders in the abyss down there. grim the cliff that upward climbs clamps the ground with iron limbs.",
539
+ "round it spreads the radiance glowing from its mad and fevered brain, sends the ocean surge a-flowing crazy, round and round again. weary moss shakes grey autumnal locks, blood seeps out from under laughing rocks.",
540
+ "midnight comes, with voices roaring crazy from the marble womb, like a thousand years' life thawing, like remembrance howling doom. should the traveler dare to eavesdrop, he turns to stone and crashes in the sea.",
541
+ "man and drum",
542
+ "a fable",
543
+ "a drum it is no man, and a man he is no drum, the drum is very clever, and the man is very dumb.",
544
+ "the drum is tied with straps, but the man is on his own, and the drum sits firm when the man falls down.",
545
+ "the angry man he beats it, and the drum goes bippety-bop, yes, the merry drum it rattles, and the man goes hippety-hop.",
546
+ "and then the man pulls faces, and the drum it laughs at him, and the man shouts up and down the house and makes an awful din.",
547
+ "\"hey, drum, he, drum, why laugh so mockingly? you take me for a fool and you stick out your tongue at me!",
548
+ "\"damn you, drum, you shame me, you jeer and you deride! why d'you rattle when i beat, why d'you hang where you were tied?",
549
+ "\"you think i raised you from a tree into a drum full-grown to carry on like that as if you'd done it on your own?",
550
+ "\"you shall dance when i beat, you shall beat when i sing, you shall cry when i laugh, you shall laugh when i spring.\"",
551
+ "the man scowls at the drum all in a sudden furious bout, he bangs and bangs and bangs it till its blood comes gushing out",
552
+ "so the drum it has no man, and the man he has no drum, and the man takes holy orders for a friar to become.",
553
+ "evening stroll",
554
+ "\"why gaze you towards the cliff-wail there, what do you softly sigh?\" \"the sun sinks glowing through the air, kissing the cliff good-bye.",
555
+ "\"and this before you've never seen the sun's orb slowly scale the morning sky, and then from noon sink down into the vale?\"",
556
+ "\"indeed i have, indeed that glow in crimson folds throbbed burning, until its eye, being loth to go, dwelt on her in its yearning.",
557
+ "\"we walked in peace. by her footfall the echoing cliffs were captured. the light wind gently kissed her shawl, soft spoke her eyes, enraptured.",
558
+ "\"and sick with love, i lisped a-sighing; she trembled, rosy red. i pressed her heart, down sank the dying sun, star-cosseted.",
559
+ "\"that draws me to the cliff-wall there, that's what i softly sigh. she waves far off as evening fire, she bows as from on high.\"",
560
+ "the magic ship",
561
+ "a romance",
562
+ "without sails or lights there flees a ship round the world without rest. the moon shines down on the seas, and weathered stands the mast.",
563
+ "a sinister helmsman steers, no blood flows in his veins, no light shines from his eyes, no thought stirs in his brain.",
564
+ "the waves beat, wild and savage; she strikes a cliff, to founder, but rides aloft, undamaged, as swift as she went under.",
565
+ "till raging sea-flood swells in blood-bath weltering. troubled, the helmsman quails; this proves an evil thing.",
566
+ "the spirits scream vengeful doom below and up on high. the helmsman's plunged in gloom, the ship goes shooting by.",
567
+ "to far-off lands she fares, where coasts and bays she sees, then flashes in mirror-fire, till kissed down by the seas.",
568
+ "the man in the moon",
569
+ "see, breathed upon by starlight's glance, swift up and down a-hopping, the man in the moon beats out his dance, his lively limbs a-bobbing.",
570
+ "soft weeping dew of heaven shines tangled in curly hair, then trickles down on to the plains till blossoms tinkle there.",
571
+ "and now it sparkles, sprouts apace in flakelets gold and pale. the flowerbells tell the earthly place the moonman's grievous tale.",
572
+ "he waves in such a friendly way but deep his sorrows smart. he would be with the sinking ray, lean to the sun's full heart.",
573
+ "he's tarried long, he's listened long to hear the rising spheres. he pines, he yearns to be a song, to thaw in dancing flowers.",
574
+ "earth's glade is covered with his pain till field and meadow ring; rapt with his own sweet shine, he then beats, reconciled, his wings.",
575
+ "night thoughts",
576
+ "a dithyramb",
577
+ "see overhead the cloud sails, lowering, around its flanks roar eagle-wings. stormwards it rushes, fire-sparks showering, night thoughts from morning's realm it brings.",
578
+ "thought blazes up, so heavy-stupendous, curse-frenzy batters the vaults of aether. blood spurts from eyeball, terror-enormous, sea-waves spit up at heaven's rafters.",
579
+ "the silent aether, tranquil-tremendous, girdles the brow with blazing brands. clash of arms. in its womb--ur-darkness, cloud swoops, howling woe to the land.",
580
+ "dream vision",
581
+ "a dithyramb",
582
+ "from my dreamings i would coax soft an image in scent-woven web; i would weave rings passing fair from the locks of my own hair; night-encompassed, heart's blood i would swell that, from waves of dream, fire-image well, image, ebbing and a-flowing, fair in love, aeolian music sighing.",
583
+ "it would soar, all golden shining, and the little house would arch up higher, and my locks would wander, curling, divinest girl in darkness furling, forth in pearly songs my blood would flow, streaming round the marble shoulders' glow, and the lamp would flicker suns, my heart would flood heaven's dome.",
584
+ "down would shake the rooms all round, but for me, grown into giant-hero, in his mighty gaze high festal fire, world-great would be storm's lyre, thunder-song my heart would beat amain suns would be its love and rock its pain, proudly-humble, i'd sink down, proud-audacious, rush unto the breast."
585
+ ]
586
+ }
Data in JSON/A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,57 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "a contribution to the critique of hegel's philosophy of right introduction",
5
+ "written: december 1843-january 1844; first published: in deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher, 7 & 10 february 1844 in paris; transcription: the source and date of transcription is unknown. it was proofed and corrected by andy blunden, february 2005, and corrected by matthew carmody in 2009.",
6
+ "for germany, the criticism of religion has been essentially completed, and the criticism of religion is the prerequisite of all criticism.",
7
+ "the profane existence of error is compromised as soon as its heavenly oratio pro aris et focis [\"speech for the altars and hearths,\" i.e., for god and country] has been refuted. man, who has found only the reflection of himself in the fantastic reality of heaven, where he sought a superman, will no longer feel disposed to find the mere appearance of himself, the non-man [unmensch], where he seeks and must seek his true reality.",
8
+ "the foundation of irreligious criticism is: man makes religion, religion does not make man. religion is, indeed, the self-consciousness and self-esteem of man who has either not yet won through to himself, or has already lost himself again. but man is no abstract being squatting outside the world. man is the world of man state, society. this state and this society produce religion, which is an inverted consciousness of the world, because they are an inverted world. religion is the general theory of this world, its encyclopaedic compendium, its logic in popular form, its spiritual point d'honneur, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn complement, and its universal basis of consolation and justification. it is the fantastic realization of the human essence since the human essence has not acquired any true reality. the struggle against religion is, therefore, indirectly the struggle against that world whose spiritual aroma is religion.",
9
+ "religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. it is the opium of the people.",
10
+ "the abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. to call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions. the criticism of religion is, therefore, in embryo, the criticism of that vale of tears of which religion is the halo.",
11
+ "criticism has plucked the imaginary flowers on the chain not in order that man shall continue to bear that chain without fantasy or consolation, but so that he shall throw off the chain and pluck the living flower. the criticism of religion disillusions man, so that he will think, act, and fashion his reality like a man who has discarded his illusions and regained his senses, so that he will move around himself as his own true sun. religion is only the illusory sun which revolves around man as long as he does not revolve around himself.",
12
+ "it is, therefore, the task of history, once the other-world of truth has vanished, to establish the truth of this world. it is the immediate task of philosophy, which is in the service of history, to unmask self-estrangement in its unholy forms once the holy form of human self-estrangement has been unmasked. thus, the criticism of heaven turns into the criticism of earth, the criticism of religion into the criticism of law, and the criticism of theology into the criticism of politics.",
13
+ "the following exposition [a full-scale critical study of hegel's philosophy of right was supposed to follow this introduction] a contribution to this undertaking concerns itself not directly with the original but with a copy, with the german philosophy of the state and of law. the only reason for this is that it is concerned with germany.",
14
+ "if we were to begin with the german status quo itself, the result even if we were to do it in the only appropriate way, i.e., negatively would still be an anachronism. even the negation of our present political situation is a dusty fact in the historical junk room of modern nations. if i negate powdered pigtails, i am still left with unpowdered pigtails. if i negate the situation in germany in 1843, then according to the french calendar i have barely reached 1789, much less the vital centre of our present age.",
15
+ "indeed, german history prides itself on having travelled a road which no other nation in the whole of history has ever travelled before, or ever will again. we have shared the restorations of modern nations without ever having shared their revolutions. we have been restored, firstly, because other nations dared to make revolutions, and, secondly, because other nations suffered counter-revolutions; on the one hand, because our masters were afraid, and, on the other, because they were not afraid. with our shepherds to the fore, we only once kept company with freedom, on the day of its internment.",
16
+ "one school of thought that legitimizes the infamy of today with the infamy of yesterday, a school that stigmatizes every cry of the serf against the knout as mere rebelliousness once the knout has aged a little and acquired a hereditary significance and a history, a school to which history shows nothing but its a posteriori, as did the god of israel to his servant moses, the historical school of law this school would have invented german history were it not itself an invention of that history. a shylock, but a cringing shylock, that swears by its bond, its historical bond, its christian-germanic bond, for every pound of flesh cut from the heart of the people.",
17
+ "good-natured enthusiasts, germanomaniacs by extraction and free-thinkers by reflexion, on the contrary, seek our history of freedom beyond our history in the ancient teutonic forests. but, what difference is there between the history of our freedom and the history of the boar's freedom if it can be found only in the forests? besides, it is common knowledge that the forest echoes back what you shout into it. so peace to the ancient teutonic forests!",
18
+ "war on the german state of affairs! by all means! they are below the level of history, they are beneath any criticism, but they are still an object of criticism like the criminal who is below the level of humanity but still an object for the executioner. in the struggle against that state of affairs, criticism is no passion of the head, it is the head of passion. it is not a lancet, it is a weapon. its object is its enemy, which it wants not to refute but to exterminate. for the spirit of that state of affairs is refuted. in itself, it is no object worthy of thought, it is an existence which is as despicable as it is despised. criticism does not need to make things clear to itself as regards this object, for it has already settled accounts with it. it no longer assumes the quality of an end-in-itself, but only of a means. its essential pathos is indignation, its essential work is denunciation.",
19
+ "it is a case of describing the dull reciprocal pressure of all social spheres one on another, a general inactive ill-humor, a limitedness which recognizes itself as much as it mistakes itself, within the frame of government system which, living on the preservation of all wretchedness, is itself nothing but wretchedness in office.",
20
+ "what a sight! this infinitely proceeding division of society into the most manifold races opposed to one another by petty antipathies, uneasy consciences, and brutal mediocrity, and which, precisely because of their reciprocal ambiguous and distrustful attitude, are all, without exception although with various formalities, treated by their rulers as conceded existences. and they must recognize and acknowledge as a concession of heaven the very fact that they are mastered, ruled, possessed! and, on the other side, are the rulers themselves, whose greatness is in inverse proportion to their number!",
21
+ "criticism dealing with this content is criticism in a hand-to-hand fight, and in such a fight the point is not whether the opponent is a noble, equal, interesting opponent, the point is to strike him. the point is not to let the germans have a minute for self-deception and resignation. the actual pressure must be made more pressing by adding to it consciousness of pressure, the shame must be made more shameful by publicizing it. every sphere of german society must be shown as the partie honteuse of german society: these petrified relations must be forced to dance by singing their own tune to them! the people must be taught to be terrified at itself in order to give it courage. this will be fulfilling an imperative need of the german nation, and the needs of the nations are in themselves the ultimate reason for their satisfaction.",
22
+ "this struggle against the limited content of the german status quo cannot be without interest even for the modern nations, for the german status quo is the open completion of the ancien rgime and the ancien rgime is the concealed deficiency of the modern state. the struggle against the german political present is the struggle against the past of the modern nations, and they are still burdened with reminders of that past. it is instructive for them to see the ancien rgime, which has been through its tragedy with them, playing its comedy as a german revenant. tragic indeed was the pre-existing power of the world, and freedom, on the other hand, was a personal notion; in short, as long as it believed and had to believe in its own justification. as long as the ancien rgime, as an existing world order, struggled against a world that was only coming into being, there was on its side a historical error, not a personal one. that is why its downfall was tragic.",
23
+ "on the other hand, the present german regime, an anachronism, a flagrant contradiction of generally recognized axioms, the nothingness of the ancien rgime exhibited to the world, only imagines that it believes in itself and demands that the world should imagine the same thing. if it believed in its own essence, would it try to hide that essence under the semblance of an alien essence and seek refuge in hypocrisy and sophism? the modern ancien rgime is rather only the comedian of a world order whose true heroes are dead. history is thorough and goes through many phases when carrying an old form to the grave. the last phases of a world-historical form is its comedy. the gods of greece, already tragically wounded to death in aeschylus's tragedy prometheus bound, had to re-die a comic death in lucian's dialogues. why this course of history? so that humanity should part with its past cheerfully. this cheerful historical destiny is what we vindicate for the political authorities of germany.",
24
+ "meanwhile, once modern politico-social reality itself is subjected to criticism, once criticism rises to truly human problems, it finds itself outside the german status quo, or else it would reach out for its object below its object. an example. the relation of industry, of the world of wealth generally, to the political world is one of the major problems of modern times. in what form is this problem beginning to engage the attention of the germans? in the form of protective duties, of the prohibitive system, of national economy. germanomania has passed out of man into matter, and thus one morning our cotton barons and iron heroes saw themselves turned into patriots. people are, therefore, beginning in germany to acknowledge the sovereignty of monopoly on the inside through lending it sovereignty on the outside. people are, therefore, now about to begin, in germany, what people in france and england are about to end. the old corrupt condition against which these countries are revolting in theory, and which they only bear as one bears chains, is greeted in germany as the dawn of a beautiful future which still hardly dares to pass from crafty theory to the most ruthless practice. whereas the problem in france and england is: political economy, or the rule of society over wealth; in germany, it is: national economy, or the mastery of private property over nationality. in france and england, then, it is a case of abolishing monopoly that has proceeded to its last consequences; in germany, it is a case of proceeding to the last consequences of monopoly. there it is a case of solution, here as yet a case of collision. this is an adequate example of the german form of modern problems, an example of how our history, like a clumsy recruit, still has to do extra drill on things that are old and hackneyed in history.",
25
+ "if, therefore, the whole german development did not exceed the german political development, a german could at the most have the share in the problems-of-the-present that a russian has. but, when the separate individual is not bound by the limitations of the nation, the nation as a whole is still less liberated by the liberation of one individual. the fact that greece had a scythian among its philosophers did not help the scythians to make a single step towards greek culture. [an allusion to anacharsis.]",
26
+ "luckily, we germans are not scythians.",
27
+ "as the ancient peoples went through their pre-history in imagination, in mythology, so we germans have gone through our post-history in thought, in philosophy. we are philosophical contemporaries of the present without being its historical contemporaries. german philosophy is the ideal prolongation of german history. if therefore, instead of the oeuvres incompletes of our real history, we criticize the oeuvres posthumes of our ideal history, philosophy, our criticism is in the midst of the questions of which the present says: that is the question. what, in progressive nations, is a practical break with modern state conditions, is, in germany, where even those conditions do not yet exist, at first a critical break with the philosophical reflexion of those conditions.",
28
+ "german philosophy of right and state is the only german history which is al pari [\"on a level\"] with the official modern present. the german nation must therefore join this, its dream-history, to its present conditions and subject to criticism not only these existing conditions, but at the same time their abstract continuation. its future cannot be limited either to the immediate negation of its real conditions of state and right, or to the immediate implementation of its ideal state and right conditions, for it has the immediate negation of its real conditions in its ideal conditions, and it has almost outlived the immediate implementation of its ideal conditions in the contemplation of neighboring nations. hence, it is with good reason that the practical political party in germany demands the negation of philosophy.",
29
+ "it is wrong, not in its demand but in stopping at the demand, which it neither seriously implements nor can implement. it believes that it implements that negation by turning its back to philosophy and its head away from it and muttering a few trite and angry phrases about it. owing to the limitation of its outlook, it does not include philosophy in the circle of german reality or it even fancies it is beneath german practice and the theories that serve it. you demand that real life embryos be made the starting-point, but you forget that the real life embryo of the german nation has grown so far only inside its cranium. in a word you cannot abolish [aufheben] philosophy without making it a reality.",
30
+ "the same mistake, but with the factors reversed, was made by the theoretical party originating from philosophy.",
31
+ "in the present struggle it saw only the critical struggle of philosophy against the german world; it did not give a thought to the fact that philosophy up to the present itself belongs to this world and is its completion, although an ideal one. critical towards its counterpart, it was uncritical towards itself when, proceeding from the premises of philosophy, it either stopped at the results given by philosophy or passed off demands and results from somewhere else as immediate demands and results of philosophy although these, provided they are justified, can be obtained only by the negation of philosophy up to the present, of philosophy as such. we reserve ourselves the right to a more detailed description of this section: it thought it could make philosophy a reality without abolishing [aufzuheben] it.",
32
+ "the criticism of the german philosophy of state and right, which attained its most consistent, richest, and last formulation through hegel, is both a critical analysis of the modern state and of the reality connected with it, and the resolute negation of the whole manner of the german consciousness in politics and right as practiced hereto, the most distinguished, most universal expression of which, raised to the level of science, is the speculative philosophy of right itself. if the speculative philosophy of right, that abstract extravagant thinking on the modern state, the reality of which remains a thing of the beyond, if only beyond the rhine, was possible only in germany, inversely the german thought-image of the modern state which makes abstraction of real man was possible only because and insofar as the modern state itself makes abstraction of real man, or satisfies the whole of man only in imagination. in politics, the germans thought what other nations did. germany was their theoretical conscience. the abstraction and presumption of its thought was always in step with the one-sidedness and lowliness of its reality. if, therefore, the status quo of german statehood expresses the completion of the ancien rgime, the completion of the thorn in the flesh of the modern state, the status quo of german state science expresses the incompletion of the modern state, the defectiveness of its flesh itself.",
33
+ "already as the resolute opponent of the previous form of german political consciousness the criticism of speculative philosophy of right strays, not into itself, but into problems which there is only one means of solving practice.",
34
+ "it is asked: can germany attain a practice la hauteur des principes i.e., a revolution which will raise it not only to the official level of modern nations, but to the height of humanity which will be the near future of those nations?",
35
+ "the weapon of criticism cannot, of course, replace criticism of the weapon, material force must be overthrown by material force; but theory also becomes a material force as soon as it has gripped the masses. theory is capable of gripping the masses as soon as it demonstrates ad hominem, and it demonstrates ad hominem as soon as it becomes radical. to be radical is to grasp the root of the matter. but, for man, the root is man himself. the evident proof of the radicalism of german theory, and hence of its practical energy, is that is proceeds from a resolute positive abolition of religion. the criticism of religion ends with the teaching that man is the highest essence for man hence, with the categoric imperative to overthrow all relations in which man is a debased, enslaved, abandoned, despicable essence, relations which cannot be better described than by the cry of a frenchman when it was planned to introduce a tax on dogs: poor dogs! they want to treat you as human beings!",
36
+ "even historically, theoretical emancipation has specific practical significance for germany. for germany's revolutionary past is theoretical, it is the reformation. as the revolution then began in the brain of the monk, so now it begins in the brain of the philosopher.",
37
+ "luther, we grant, overcame bondage out of devotion by replacing it by bondage out of conviction. he shattered faith in authority because he restored the authority of faith. he turned priests into laymen because he turned laymen into priests. he freed man from outer religiosity because he made religiosity the inner man. he freed the body from chains because he enchained the heart.",
38
+ "but, if protestantism was not the true solution of the problem, it was at least the true setting of it. it was no longer a case of the layman's struggle against the priest outside himself but of his struggle against his own priest inside himself, his priestly nature. and if the protestant transformation of the german layman into priests emancipated the lay popes, the princes, with the whole of their priestly clique, the privileged and philistines, the philosophical transformation of priestly germans into men will emancipate the people. but, secularization will not stop at the confiscation of church estates set in motion mainly by hypocritical prussia any more than emancipation stops at princes. the peasant war, the most radical fact of german history, came to grief because of theology. today, when theology itself has come to grief, the most unfree fact of german history, our status quo, will be shattered against philosophy. on the eve of the reformation, official germany was the most unconditional slave of rome. on the eve of its revolution, it is the unconditional slave of less than rome, of prussia and austria, of country junkers and philistines.",
39
+ "meanwhile, a major difficulty seems to stand in the way of a radical german revolution.",
40
+ "for revolutions require a passive element, a material basis. theory is fulfilled in a people only insofar as it is the fulfilment of the needs of that people. but will the monstrous discrepancy between the demands of german thought and the answers of german reality find a corresponding discrepancy between civil society and the state, and between civil society and itself? will the theoretical needs be immediate practical needs? it is not enough for thought to strive for realization, reality must itself strive towards thought.",
41
+ "but germany did not rise to the intermediary stage of political emancipation at the same time as the modern nations. it has not yet reached in practice the stages which it has surpassed in theory. how can it do a somersault, not only over its own limitations, but at the same time over the limitations of the modern nations, over limitations which it must in reality feel and strive for as for emancipation from its real limitations? only a revolution of radical needs can be a radical revolution and it seems that precisely the preconditions and ground for such needs are lacking.",
42
+ "if germany has accompanied the development of the modern nations only with the abstract activity of thought without taking an effective share in the real struggle of that development, it has, on the other hand, shared the sufferings of that development, without sharing in its enjoyment, or its partial satisfaction. to the abstract activity on the one hand corresponds the abstract suffering on the other. that is why germany will one day find itself on the level of european decadence before ever having been on the level of european emancipation. it will be comparable to a fetish worshipper pining away with the diseases of christianity.",
43
+ "if we now consider the german governments, we find that because of the circumstances of the time, because of germany's condition, because of the standpoint of german education, and, finally, under the impulse of its own fortunate instinct, they are driven to combine the civilized shortcomings of the modern state world, the advantages of which we do not enjoy, with the barbaric deficiencies of the ancien rgime, which we enjoy in full; hence, germany must share more and more, if not in the reasonableness, at least in the unreasonableness of those state formations which are beyond the bounds of its status quo. is there in the world, for example, a country which shares so naively in all the illusions of constitutional statehood without sharing in its realities as so-called constitutional germany? and was it not perforce the notion of a german government to combine the tortures of censorship with the tortures of the french september laws [1835 anti-press laws] which provide for freedom of the press? as you could find the gods of all nations in the roman pantheon, so you will find in the germans' holy roman empire all the sins of all state forms. that this eclecticism will reach a so far unprecedented height is guaranteed in particular by the political-aesthetic gourmanderie of a german king [frederick william iv] who intended to play all the roles of monarchy, whether feudal or democratic, if not in the person of the people, at least in his own person, and if not for the people, at least for himself. germany, as the deficiency of the political present constituted a world of its own, will not be able to throw down the specific german limitations without throwing down the general limitation of the political present.",
44
+ "it is not the radical revolution, not the general human emancipation which is a utopian dream for germany, but rather the partial, the merely political revolution, the revolution which leaves the pillars of the house standing. on what is a partial, a merely political revolution based? on part of civil society emancipating itself and attaining general domination; on a definite class, proceeding from its particular situation; undertaking the general emancipation of society. this class emancipates the whole of society, but only provided the whole of society is in the same situation as this class e.g., possesses money and education or can acquire them at will.",
45
+ "no class of civil society can play this role without arousing a moment of enthusiasm in itself and in the masses, a moment in which it fraternizes and merges with society in general, becomes confused with it and is perceived and acknowledged as its general representative, a moment in which its claims and rights are truly the claims and rights of society itself, a moment in which it is truly the social head and the social heart. only in the name of the general rights of society can a particular class vindicate for itself general domination. for the storming of this emancipatory position, and hence for the political exploitation of all sections of society in the interests of its own section, revolutionary energy and spiritual self-feeling alone are not sufficient. for the revolution of a nation, and the emancipation of a particular class of civil society to coincide, for one estate to be acknowledged as the estate of the whole society, all the defects of society must conversely be concentrated in another class, a particular estate must be the estate of the general stumbling-block, the incorporation of the general limitation, a particular social sphere must be recognized as the notorious crime of the whole of society, so that liberation from that sphere appears as general self-liberation. for one estate to be par excellence the estate of liberation, another estate must conversely be the obvious estate of oppression. the negative general significance of the french nobility and the french clergy determined the positive general significance of the nearest neighboring and opposed class of the bourgeoisie.",
46
+ "but no particular class in germany has the constituency, the penetration, the courage, or the ruthlessness that could mark it out as the negative representative of society. no more has any estate the breadth of soul that identifies itself, even for a moment, with the soul of the nation, the geniality that inspires material might to political violence, or that revolutionary daring which flings at the adversary the defiant words: i am nothing but i must be everything. the main stem of german morals and honesty, of the classes as well as of individuals, is rather that modest egoism which asserts its limitedness and allows it to be asserted against itself. the relation of the various sections of german society is therefore not dramatic but epic. each of them begins to be aware of itself and begins to camp beside the others with all its particular claims not as soon as it is oppressed, but as soon as the circumstances of the time, without the section's own participation, creates a social substratum on which it can in turn exert pressure. even the moral self-feeling of the german middle class rests only on the consciousness that it is the common representative of the philistine mediocrity of all the other classes. it is therefore not only the german kings who accede to the throne mal propos, it is every section of civil society which goes through a defeat before it celebrates victory and develops its own limitations before it overcomes the limitations facing it, asserts its narrow-hearted essence before it has been able to assert its magnanimous essence; thus the very opportunity of a great role has passed away before it is to hand, and every class, once it begins the struggle against the class opposed to it, is involved in the struggle against the class below it. hence, the higher nobility is struggling against the monarchy, the bureaucrat against the nobility, and the bourgeois against them all, while the proletariat is already beginning to find itself struggling against the bourgeoisie. the middle class hardly dares to grasp the thought of emancipation from its own standpoint when the development of the social conditions and the progress of political theory already declare that standpoint antiquated or at least problematic.",
47
+ "in france, it is enough for somebody to be something for him to want to be everything; in germany, nobody can be anything if he is not prepared to renounce everything. in france, partial emancipation is the basis of universal emancipation; in germany, universal emancipation is the conditio sine qua non of any partial emancipation. in france, it is the reality of gradual liberation that must give birth to complete freedom, in germany, the impossibility of gradual liberation. in france, every class of the nation is a political idealist and becomes aware of itself at first not as a particular class but as a representative of social requirements generally. the role of emancipator therefore passes in dramatic motion to the various classes of the french nation one after the other until it finally comes to the class which implements social freedom no longer with the provision of certain conditions lying outside man and yet created by human society, but rather organizes all conditions of human existence on the premises of social freedom. on the contrary, in germany, where practical life is as spiritless as spiritual life is unpractical, no class in civil society has any need or capacity for general emancipation until it is forced by its immediate condition, by material necessity, by its very chains.",
48
+ "where, then, is the positive possibility of a german emancipation?",
49
+ "answer: in the formulation of a class with radical chains, a class of civil society which is not a class of civil society, an estate which is the dissolution of all estates, a sphere which has a universal character by its universal suffering and claims no particular right because no particular wrong, but wrong generally, is perpetuated against it; which can invoke no historical, but only human, title; which does not stand in any one-sided antithesis to the consequences but in all-round antithesis to the premises of german statehood; a sphere, finally, which cannot emancipate itself without emancipating itself from all other spheres of society and thereby emancipating all other spheres of society, which, in a word, is the complete loss of man and hence can win itself only through the complete re-winning of man. this dissolution of society as a particular estate is the proletariat.",
50
+ "the proletariat is beginning to appear in germany as a result of the rising industrial movement. for, it is not the naturally arising poor but the artificially impoverished, not the human masses mechanically oppressed by the gravity of society, but the masses resulting from the drastic dissolution of society, mainly of the middle estate, that form the proletariat, although, as is easily understood, the naturally arising poor and the christian-germanic serfs gradually join its ranks.",
51
+ "by heralding the dissolution of the hereto existing world order, the proletariat merely proclaims the secret of its own existence, for it is the factual dissolution of that world order. by demanding the negation of private property, the proletariat merely raises to the rank of a principle of society what society has raised to the rank of its principle, what is already incorporated in it as the negative result of society without its own participation. the proletarian then finds himself possessing the same right in regard to the world which is coming into being as the german king in regard to the world which has come into being when he calls the people his people, as he calls the horse his horse. by declaring the people his private property, the king merely proclaims that the owner of property is king.",
52
+ "as philosophy finds its material weapon in the proletariat, so the proletariat finds its spiritual weapon in philosophy. and once the lightning of thought has squarely struck this ingenuous soil of the people, the emancipation of the germans into men will be accomplished.",
53
+ "let us sum up the result:",
54
+ "the only liberation of germany which is practically possible is liberation from the point of view of that theory which declares man to be the supreme being for man. germany can emancipate itself from the middle ages only if it emancipates itself at the same time from the partial victories over the middle ages. in germany, no form of bondage can be broken without breaking all forms of bondage. germany, which is renowned for its thoroughness, cannot make a revolution unless it is a thorough one. the emancipation of the german is the emancipation of man. the head of this emancipation is philosophy, its heart the proletariat. philosophy cannot realize itself without the transcendence [aufhebung] of the proletariat, and the proletariat cannot transcend itself without the realization [verwirklichung] of philosophy.",
55
+ "when all the inner conditions are met, the day of the german resurrection will be heralded by the crowing of the cock of gaul."
56
+ ]
57
+ }
Data in JSON/A review of Past and Present, by Thomas Carlyle, London, 1843.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,100 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "a review of past and present, by thomas carlyle, london, 1843",
5
+ "by frederick engels",
6
+ "written in january 1844",
7
+ "published in the deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher, 1844",
8
+ "online version: reprinted according to the journal.",
9
+ "first published in english in the collected works,",
10
+ "translation by christopher upward.",
11
+ "transcribed for the internet by director@marx.org (february 6 1996).",
12
+ "of all the fat books and thin pamphlets which have appeared in england in the past year for the entertainment or edification of \"educated society,\" the above work is the only one which is worth reading. all the multivolume novels with their sad and amusing intricacies, all the edifying and meditative, scholarly and unscholarly bible commentaries and novels and books of edification are the two staples of english literature all these you may with an easy conscience leave unread. perhaps you will find some books on geology, economics, history or mathematics which contain a small grain of novelty however these are matters which one studies, but does not read, they represent dry, specialised branches of science, arid botanising, plants whose roots were long ago torn out of the general soil of humanity from which they derived their nourishment. search as you will, carlyle's book is the only one which strikes a human chord, presents human relations and shows traces of a human point of view.",
13
+ "it is remarkable how greatly the upper classes of society, such as the englishman calls \"respectable people,\" or \"the better sort of people,\" etc., have intellectually declined and lost their vigour in england. all energy, all activity, all substance are gone; the landed aristocracy goes hunting, the moneyed aristocracy makes entries in the ledger and at best dabbles in literature which is equally empty and insipid. political and religious prejudices are inherited from one generation to another; everything is now made easy and there is no longer any need to worry about principles as one had to formerly; they are now picked up already in the cradle, ready made, one has no notion where they come from. what more does one need? one has enjoyed a good education, that is, one has been tormented to no avail with the romans and greeks at school, for the rest one is \"respectable,\" that is, one has so many thousand pounds to one's name and thus does not have to bother about anything except marrying, if one does not already have a wife.",
14
+ "and now, to cap it all, this bugbear which people call \"intellect\"! where should intellect come from, in such a life, and if it did come, where might it find a home with them? everything there is as fixed and formalised as in china woe be to the man who oversteps the narrow bounds, woe, thrice woe to the man who offends against a timehonoured prejudice, nine times woe to him if it is a religious prejudice. for all questions they have just two answers, a whig answer and a tory answer; and these answers were long ago prescribed by the sage supreme masters of ceremony of both parties, you have no need of deliberation and circumstantiality, everything is cut and dried, dicky cobden or lord john russell has said this, and bobby peel or the duke, that is, the duke of wellington, has said that, and that is an end of the matter.",
15
+ "you good germans are told year in, year out by the liberal journalists and parliamentarians what wonderful people, what independent men the english are, and all on account of their free institutions, and from a distance it all looks quite impressive. the debates in the houses of parliament, the free press, the tumultuous popular meetings, the elections, the jury system these cannot fail to impress the timid spirit of the average german, and in his astonishment he takes all these splendid appearances for true coin. but ultimately the position of the liberal journalist and parliamentarian is really far from being elevated enough to provide a comprehensive view, whether it be of the development of mankind or just that of a single nation. the english constitution was quite good in its day and has achieved a fair number of good things, indeed since 1828 it has set to work on its greatest achievement that is to say, on its own destruction but it has not achieved what the liberal attributes to it. it has not made independent men of the english. the english, that is, the educated english, according to whom the national character is judged on the continent, these english are the most despicable slaves under the sun. only that part of the english nation which is unknown on the continent, only the workers, the pariahs of england, the poor, are really respectable, for all their roughness and for all their moral degradation. it is from them that england's salvation will come, they still comprise flexible material; they have no education, but no prejudices either, they still have the strength for a great national deed they still have a future. the aristocracy and nowadays that also includes the middle classes has exhausted itself; such ideas as it had, have been worked out and utilised to their ultimate logical limit, and its rule is approaching its end with giant strides. the constitution is its work, and the immediate consequence of this work was that it entangled its creators in a mesh of institutions in which any free intellectual movement has been made impossible. the rule of public prejudice is everywhere the first consequence of socalled free political institutions, and in england, the politically freest country in europe, this rule is stronger than anywhere else except for north america, where public prejudice is legally acknowledged as a power in the state by iynch law. the englishman crawls before public prejudice, he immolates himself to it daily and the more liberal he is, the more humbly does he grovel in the dust before his idol. public prejudice in \"educated society\" is however either of tory or of whig persuasion, or at best radical and even that no longer has quite the odour of propriety. if you should go amongst educated englishmen and say that you are chartists or democrats the balance of your mind will be doubted and your company fled. or declare you do not believe in the divinity of christ, and you are done for; if moreover you confess that you are atheists, the next day people will pretend not to know you. and when the independent englishman for once and this happens rarely enough really begins to think and shakes off the fetters of prejudice he has absorbed with his mother's milk, even then he has not the courage to speak out his convictions openly, even then he feigns an opinion before society that is at least tolerated, and is quite content if occasionally he can discuss his views with some likeminded person in private.",
16
+ "thus the minds of the educated classes in england are closed to all progress and only kept to some degree in movement by the pressure of the working class. it cannot be expected that the literary diet of their decrepit culture should be different from these classes themselves. the whole of fashionable literature moves in a neverending circle and is just as boring and sterile as this blas and effete fashionable society.",
17
+ "when strauss' das leben jesu and its fame crossed the channel, no respectable man dared to translate the book, nor any bookseller of repute to print it. finally it was translated by a socialist \"lecturer\" (there is no german word for this propagandist term) a man, therefore, in one of the world's least fashionable situations a small socialist printer printed it in instalments at a penny each, and the workers of manchester, birmingham and london were the only readers strauss had in england.",
18
+ "if, by the way, either of the two parties into which the educated section of the english people is split deserves any preference, it is the tories. in the social circumstances of england the whig is himself too much of an interested party to be able to judge; industry, that focal point of english society, is in his hands and makes him rich; he can find no fault in it and considers its expansion the only purpose of all legislation, for it has given him his wealth and his power. the tory on the other hand, whose power and unchallenged dominance have been broken by industry and whose principles have been shaken by it, hates it and sees in it at best a necessary evil. this is the reason for the formation of that group of philanthropic tories whose chief leaders are lord ashley, ferrand, walter, oastler, etc., and who have made it their duty to take the part of the factory workers against the manufacturers. thomas carlyle too was originally a tory and still stands closer to that party than to the whigs. this much is certain: a whig would never have been able to write a book that was half so humane as past and present.",
19
+ "thomas carlyle has become known in germany through his efforts to make german literature accessible to the english. for several years he has been mainly occupied with the social conditions of england the only educated man of his country to do so! and as early as 1838 he wrote a brief work entitled chartism. at that time the whigs were in office and proclaimed with much trumpeting that the \"spectre\" of chartism, which had arisen round 1835, was now destroyed. chartism was the natural successor to the old radicalism which had been appeased for a few years by the reform bill and reappeared in 183536 with new strength and with its ranks more solid than ever before. the whigs thought they had suppressed this chartism, and thomas carlyle took this as his cue to expound the real causes of chartism and the impossibility of eradicating it before these causes were eradicated. it is true that as a whole the position taken by that book is the same as in past and present, though with rather stronger tory colouring, but this is perhaps merely a result of the fact that the whigs as the ruling party were the most open to criticism. at all events, everything that is in the smaller book is to be found in past and present, with greater clarity, with the argument further developed, and with an explicit description of the consequences, and therefore makes a critical analysis of chartism on our part superfluous.",
20
+ "past and present is a parallel between england in the twelfth and in the nineteenth centuries and consists of four sections, entitled \"proem,\" \"the ancient monk,\" \"the modern worker\" and \"horoscope.\" let us consider these sections in turn, i cannot resist the temptation to translate the finest of the book's often marvellously fine passages. criticism will no doubt take care of itself.",
21
+ "the first chapter of the \"proem\" is called \"midas.\"",
22
+ "\"the condition of england ... is justly regarded as one of the most ominous, and withal one of the strangest, ever seen in this world. england is full of wealth [...] in every kind; yet england is dying of inanition. with unabated bounty the land of england blooms and grows; waving with yellow harvests; thickstudded with workshops, industrial implements, with fifteen millions of workers, understood to be the strongest, the cunningest and the willingest our earth ever had; these men are here; the work they have done, the fruit they have realised is here, abundant, exuberant on every hand of us: and behold, some baleful fiat as of enchantment has gone forth, saying, 'touch it not, ye workers, ye masterworkers, ye master-idlers; none of you can touch it, no man of you shall be the better for it, this is enchanted fruit!'\"",
23
+ "this fiat falls on the workers first. in 1842 england and wales counted 1,430,000 paupers, of whom 222,000 were incarcerated in workhouses poorlaw bastilles the common people call them. thanks to the humanity of the whigs! scotland has no poor law, but poor people in plenty. ireland, incidentally, can boast of the gigantic number of 2,300,000 paupers.",
24
+ "\"at stockport assizes\" (cheshire) \"a mother and a father are arraigned and found guilty of poisoning three of their children, to defraud a 'burialsociety' of some 31. 8s. due on the death of each child: [...] and the official authorities, it is whispered, hint that perhaps the case is not solitary, that perhaps you had better not probe farther into that department of things.... such instances are like the highest mountain apex emerged into view; under which lies a whole mountain region and land, not yet emerged. a human mother and father had said to themselves, what shall we do to escape starvation? we are deep sunk here, in our dark cellar; and help is far. yes, in the ugolino hungertower stern things happen; bestloved little gaddo fallen dead on his father's knees! the stockport mother and father think and hint: our poor little starveling tom, who cries all day for victuals, who will see only evil and not good in this world: if he were out of misery at once; ... and the rest of us perhaps kept alive? it is thought, and hinted; at last it is done. and now tom being killed, and all spent and eaten, is it poor little starveling jack that must go, or poor little starveling will? what an inquiry of ways and means!",
25
+ "\"in starved sieged cities, in the uttermost doomed ruin of old jerusalem fallen under the wrath of god, it was prophesied and said, 'the hands of the pitiful women have sodden their own children.' the stern hebrew imagination could conceive no blacker gulf of wretchedness; that was the ultimatum of degraded godpunished man. and we here, in modern england, exuberant with supply of all kinds, [...] are we reaching that? \" how come these things? wherefore are they, wherefore should they be?\"",
26
+ "this happened in 1841. i would add that five months ago betty eules of bolton was hanged in liverpool; she had poisoned three children of her own and two stepchildren for the same reason.",
27
+ "so much for the poor. how do things stand with the rich?",
28
+ "\"this successful industry of england, with its plethoric wealth, has as yet made nobody rich; it is an enchanted wealth, and belongs yet to nobody. [...] we can spend thousands where we once spent hundreds; but can purchase nothing good with them. [...] many men eat finer cookery, drink dearer liquors, [...] what increase of blessedness is there? are they better, beautifuller, stronger, braver? are they even what they call 'happier'?\"",
29
+ "the masterworker is not happier, the masteridler that is, the aristocratic landowner is not happier.",
30
+ "\"to whom, then, is this wealth of england wealth? who is it that it blesses; makes happier, wiser, beautifuller, [...] better? [...] as yet no one. [...] our successful industry is hitherto unsuccessful; [...] in the midst of plethoric plenty, the people perish; with gold walls, and full barns, no man feels himself safe or satisfied. [...]",
31
+ "\"midas longed for gold, and insulted the olympians. he got gold, so that whatsoever he touched became gold, and he, with his long ears, was little the better for it. midas had misjudged the celestial musictones; midas had insulted apollo and the gods: the gods gave him his wish, and a pair of long ears, which also were a good appendage to it. what a truth in these old fables!'\"",
32
+ "\"how true,\" he continues in the second chapter, \"is that other old fable of the sphinx [....] nature, like the sphinx, [...] is a goddess, but one not yet disimprisoned\", still half encased in brutishness, in the inarticulate there is order and wisdom on the one hand, but also darkness, ferocity and fatality.",
33
+ "sphinxlike nature german mysticism, say the english, when they read this chapter has a question to put to every man and every age happy is the man who answers it aright; he who does not answer it or answers wrongly, falls a prey to that part of the sphinx which is brutish and ferocious, instead of the beautiful bride he finds a devouring lioness. and so it is with nations too: can you solve the riddle of destiny? and all unfortunate peoples, like all unfortunate individuals, have answered the question wrongly, have taken the semblance for the truth, have abandoned the eternal inner facts of the universe in favour of transient outer' appearances, and england too has done this. england, as carlyle later puts it, has fallen a prey to atheism and its present condition is the necessary consequence of that. we shall have occasion to speak of this later, for the present let us simply observe that the parable of the sphinx, if it is to be accepted in the above pantheistic sense reminiscent of the older schelling, could well have been developed somewhat further by carlyle the answer to the riddle today is, as it was in the myth: man; indeed he is the answer in the widest possible sense. that too will be settled.",
34
+ "the next chapter gives us the following description of the manchester insurrection of august 1842.",
35
+ "\"a million of hungry operative men [...] rose all up, came all out into the streets, and stood there. what other could they do? their wrongs and grief were bitter, insupportable, their rage against the same was just: but who are they that cause these wrongs, who that will [...] make effort to redress them? our enemies are we know not who or what; our friends are we know not where! how shall we attack any one, shoot or be shot by any one? o, if the accursed invisible nightmare, that is crushing out the life of us and ours, would take a shape approach us like the hyrcaniana tiger, the behemoth of chaos, the archfiend himself; in any shape that we could see, and fasten on!\"",
36
+ "but the misfortune of the workers in the summer insurrection of 1842 was precisely that they did not know whom to fight against. the evil they suffered was social and social evils cannot be abolished as the monarchy or privileges are abolished. social evils cannot be cured by people's charters, and the people sensed this otherwise the people's charter would be today the basic law of england. social evils need to be studied and understood, and this the mass of the workers has not yet done up till now. the great achievement of the uprising was that england's most vital question, the question of the final destiny of the working class, was, as carlyle says, raised in a manner audible to every thinking ear in england. the question can now no longer be evaded. england must answer it or perish.",
37
+ "let us pass over the final chapters of this section, and for the moment too the whole of that which follows, and let us straightaway take the third section which treats of \"the modern worker', so that we may have before us all of a piece the description of the condition of england which was begun in the \"proem.\"",
38
+ "we have abandoned, carlyle continues, the piety of the middle ages and acquired nothing in its place: we have",
39
+ "\"forgotten god [....] we have quietly closed our eyes to the eternal substance of things, and opened .them only to the shews and shams of things. we quietly believe this universe to be intrinsically a great unintelligible perhaps; extrinsically, clear enough, it is a great, most extensive cattlefold and workhouse, with most extensive kitchenranges, diningtables, whereat he is wise who can find a place! all the truth of this universe is uncertain; only the profit and loss of it, the pudding and praise of it, are and remain very visible to the practical man.",
40
+ "\"there is no longer any god for us! god's laws are become a greatest happiness principle, a parliamentary expediency: the heavens overarch us only as an astronomical timekeeper; a butt for herscheltelescopes to shoot science at, to shoot sentimentalities at: in our and old jonson's dialect, man has lost the soul out of him, and now [...] begins to find the want of it! this is verily the plaguespot; centre of the universal social gangrene [....] there is no religion; there is no god; man has lost his soul, and vainly seeks antiseptic salt. vainly: in killing kings, in [passing] reform bills,' in french revolutions, manchester insurrections, is found no remedy. the foul [...] leprosy, alleviated for an hour, reappears in new force and desperateness next hour.\"",
41
+ "since however the place of the old religion could not remain entirely vacant, we have acquired a new gospel in its stead, a gospel that accords with the hollowness and lack of substance of the age the gospel of mammon. the christian heaven and the christian hell have been abandoned, the former as doubtful, and the latter as absurd and you have acquired a new hell; the hell of modern england is the consciousness of \"not succeeding, of not making money.\"",
42
+ "\"true [...] we [...} with our mammongospel, have come to strange conclusions. we call it a society; and go about professinge openly the totalest separation, isolation. our life is not a mutual helpfulness; but rather, cloaked under due lawsofwar, named 'fair competition' and so forth, it is a mutual hostility. we have profoundly forgotten [...] that cashpayment is not the sole relation of human beings; [...] 'my starving workers?' answers the rich millowner: 'did not i hire them fairly in the market? did i not pay them, to the last sixpence, the sum covenanted for? what have i to do with them more?' verily mammonworship is a melancholy creed.\"",
43
+ "\"a poor irish widow [...] of edinburgh, went forth with her three children [...] to solicit help from the charitable establishments of that city.\" at every establishment \"she was refused; [...] her strength and heart failed her: she sank down in typhusfever; died, and infected her lane with fever, so that 'seventeen other persons' died of fever there in consequence. the humane physician\" who tells this story dr. w. p. alison \"asks thereupon [...] would it not have been economy to help this poor widow? she took typhusfever, and killed seventeen of you! \" very curious. the forlorn irish widow applies to her fellowcreatures [...] 'behold i am sinking, bare of help: ye must help me! i am your sister, bone of your bone; one god made us: ye must help me!' they answer, 'no; impossible: thou art no sister of ours.' but she proves her sisterhood; her typhusfever kills them: they actually were her brothers, though denying it! had man ever to go lower for a proof?\"",
44
+ "carlyle, incidentally, is in error here, as is alison. the rich have no sympathy, no interest in the death of the \"seventeen\". is it not a public blessing that the \"surplus population\" should be reduced by seventeen? if only it were a few million instead of a miserly \"seventeen\", it would be by so much the better. this is the reasoning of wealthy english malthusians.",
45
+ "and then there is the other, even worse gospel of dilettantism which has produced a government which does not govern; this gospel has deprived people of all seriousness and impels them to want to appear that which they are not the striving for \"happiness\", that is, for good food and drink; this gospel has lifted crude matter on to the throne and destroyed all spiritual substance, what shall be the consequence of all this?",
46
+ "\"but what will reflective readers say of a governing class such as ours, addressing its workers with an indictment of 'overproduction'! overproduction: runs it not so? 'ye miscellaneous [...] manufacturing individuals, ye have produced too much! we accuse you of making above twohundred thousand shirts for the bare backs of mankind. your trousers too, which you have made, of fustian, of cassimere, of scotchplaid, of [...] nankeen and woollen broadcloth, are they not manifold? of hats [...], of shoes [...], of stools to sit on, spoons to eat with nay [....] you produce goldwatches, jewelleries, silverforks [...], commodes, chiffoniers, stuffed sofas heavens, the commercial bazaar and multitudinous howelandjameses cannot contain you. you have produced, produced; he that seeks your indictment, let him look around. millions of shirts, and empty pairs of breeches, hang there in judgment against you. we accuse you of overproducing: you are criminally guilty of producing shirts, breeches, hats, shoes and commodities, in a frightful overabundance. and now there is a glut, and your operatives cannot be fed!'\"",
47
+ "my lords and gentlemen, of what do you accuse those poor workers? \"my lords and gentlemen, why, it was you that were appointed [...] to guard against 'gluts'[....] you were appointed to preside over the distribution and apportionment of the wages of work done; and to see well that there went no labourer without his hire, were it of moneycoins, were it of hemp gallowsropes: that function was yours, and from immemorial time has been [...].these poor shirtspinners have forgotten much, which by the virtual unwritten law of their position they should have remembered: but by any written recognised law of their position, what have they forgotten? they were set to make shirts. the community [...] commanded them, saying, 'make shirts'; and there the shirts are! too many shirts? well, that is a novelty, in this intemperate earth, with its ninehundred millions of bare backs! but the community commanded you\", my lords and gentlemen, \"saying, 'see that the shirts are well apportioned [...]'; and where is the apportionment? two million shirtless or illshined workers sit [...] in workhouse bastilles, five million more [...] in ugolino hungercellars; and for remedy, you say [...] 'raise our rents!' [...] you continue [...] in a [...] triumphant manner: 'will you bandy accusations, will you accuse us of overproduction? we take the heavens and the earth to witness that we have produced nothing at all. [...] in the wide domains of created nature, circulates no shirt or thing of our producing. [...] we are innocent of producing; ye ungrateful, what mountains of things have we not, on the contrary, had to \"consume\", and make away with! [...] have they not disappeared before us; as if we had the talent of ostriches [...] and a kind of divine faculty to eat? ye ungrateful! and did you not grow under the shadow of our wings? are not your filthy mills built on these fields of ours [...]? and we shall not offer you our own wheat at the price that pleases us [...]? what would become of you, if we'\" who own the soil of england \"'chose [...] to decide on growing no wheat more?'\"",
48
+ "this attitude of the aristocracy, this barbaric question, what would become of you if we did not deign to allow corn to grow, has produced the \"mad and miserable corn laws\" t93; the corn laws which are so insane that no arguments can be brought against them but such as \"must needs make an angel in heaven and an ass on earth weep\". the corn laws prove that the aristocracy has not yet learned to do no mischief, to sit still and do nothing, to say nothing of doing good, and yet this, according to carlyle, is their duty:",
49
+ "\"you are bound to furnish guidance and governance to england! that is the law of your position.\" and every worker in the workhouse has the right to ask them above all, '\"why am i here?' his appeal is audible in heaven; and will become audible enough on earth too, if it remain unheeded here. his appeal is against you\", my lords and gentlemen; \"you stand in the frontrank of the accused; you, by the very place you hold, have first of all to answer him [...]'\"",
50
+ "\"the fate of the idle aristocracy, as one reads its horoscope hitherto in cornlaws and such like, is an abyss that fills one with despair. yes, my rosy foxhunting brothers [...] through those fresh buxom countenances of yours, through your cornlaw majorities, sliding-scales, protectingduties, briberyelections and triumphant kentishfire, a thinking eye discerns ghastly images of ruin, too ghastly for words; a handwriting as of mene, mene. [...] good god! did not a french donothing aristocracy, hardly above half a century ago, declare in like manner [...] 'we cannot exist, and continue to dress and parade ourselves, on the [...] rent of the soil [...] we must have farther payment than rent of the soil, we must be exempted from taxes too,' we must have a cornlaw to extend our rent? this was in 1789; in four years more\" have you heard of \"the tanneries of meudon, and the longnaked making for themselves breeches of human skins! may the merciful heavens avert the omen; may we be wiser, that so we be less wretched.\"",
51
+ "and the working aristocracy is caught in the partridge nets of the idle aristocracy and with its \"mammonism\" eventually finds itself in dire straits too.",
52
+ "\"the continental people it would seem, are 'exporting our machinery, beginning to spin cotton and manufacture for themselves, to cut us out of this market and then out of that!' sad news indeed; [...] by no means the saddest news. the saddest news is, that we should find our national existence, as i sometimes hear it said, depend on selling manufactured cotton at a farthing an ell cheaper than any other people. a most narrow stand for a great nation to base itself on! a stand which, with all the cornlaw abrogations conceivable, i do not think will be capable of enduring.\"",
53
+ "\"no great nation can stand on the apex of such a pyramid; screwing itself higher and higher; balancing itself on its greattoe!\" \"in brief, all this mammongospel\" with its hell of \"failing to make money\", \"of supplyanddemand, competition\" freetrade, \"laissezfaire, and devil take the hindmost, begins to be [...] the shabbiest gospel ever preached on earth'.\"",
54
+ "\"yes, were the cornlaws ended tomorrow, there is nothing yet ended; there is only room made for all manner of things beginning. the cornlaws gone, and trade made free, it is [...] certain this paralysis of industry will pass away. we shall have another period of commercial enterprise, of victory and prosperity [...]. the strangling band of famine will be loosened from our necks; we shall have room again to breathe; time to bethink ourselves, to repent and consider! a [...] thriceprecious space of years; wherein to struggle as for life in reforming our foul ways; in alleviating, instructing, regulating our people [...] that something like spiritual food be imparted them, some real governance and guidance be provided them! it will be a priceless time. for our new period [...] of commercial prosperity will and can, on the old methods of 'competition and devil take the hindmost', prove but a paroxysm: [...] likely enough, [...] our last. [...] if our trade in twenty years [...] double itself, yet then also [...] our population is doubled: we shall then be as we are, only twice as many of us, twice and ten times as unmanageable!'\"",
55
+ "\"ah me, into what [...] latitudes, in this timevoyage, have we wandered; [...] where the men go about as if by galvanism, with meaningless glaring eyes, and have no soul, but only a beaverfaculty and stomach! the haggard despair of cottonfactory, coalmine [operatives], chandos farmlabourers, in these days, is painful to behold; but not so painful [...] to the inner sense, as that brutish godforgetting profitandloss philosophy, and lifetheory, which we hear jangled on all hands of us, in senatehouses, spoutingclubs, leadingarticles, pulpits and platforms, everywhere as the ultimate gospel and candid plainenglish of man's life.\"",
56
+ "\"and yet i will venture to believe that in no time, since the beginnings of society, was the lot of those same dumb millions of toilers so entirely unbearable as it is [...] now [...]. it is not to die, or even to die of hunger, that makes a man wretched [...] all men must die, the last exit of us all is in a firechariot of pain. but it is to live miserable we know not why; to work sore and yet gain nothing; to be heartworn, weary, yet isolated, unrelated, girt in with a cold universal laissezfaire: it is to die slowly all our life long, imprisoned in a deaf, dead, infinite injustice, as in the accursed [iron] belly of a phalaris' bull! this is and remains forever intolerable to all men whom god has made. do we wonder at french revolutions, chartisms, revolts of three days? the times, if we will consider them, are really unexampled.\"",
57
+ "if in such unexampled times the aristocracy shows itself incapable of guiding public affairs, it is necessary to expel it. hence democracy.",
58
+ "\"to what extent democracy has now reached, how it advances irresistible with ominous, everincreasing speed, he that will open his eyes on any province of human affairs may discern. [...] from the thunder of napoleon battles, to the jabbering of openvestry in st. mary axe, all things announce democracy.'\"",
59
+ "but what, after all, is democracy?",
60
+ "nothing but the absence of masters who could govern you, and the acceptance of this unavoidable absence, the attempt to manage without them. \"no man oppresses thee, o free and independent franchiser: but does not this stupid porterpot oppress thee? no son of adam can bid thee come or go; but this absurd pot of heavy-wet, this can and doest thou art the thrall not of cedric the saxon, but of thy own brutal appetites [....] and thou pretest of thy 'liberty'? thou entire blockhead!'\"",
61
+ "\"the notion that a man's liberty consists in giving his vote at electionhustings, and saying, 'behold now i too have my twentythousandth part of a talker in our national palaver; will not all the gods be good to me?' is one of the pleasantest! [...] the liberty especially which has to purchase itself by social isolation, and each man standing separate from the other, haying 'no business with trim' but a cash account. [...] this liberty turns out, before it have long continued in action, [...] to be, for the working millions a liberty to die by want of food; for the idle thousands and units [...] a [...] liberty to live in want of work [....] brethren, we know but imperfectly yet, after ages of constitutional government, what liberty is and slavery is. democracy [...t shall go its full course [...]. the toiling millions [...], in most vital need and passionate instinctive desire of guidance, shall cast away falseguidance; and hope, for an hour, that noguidance will suffice them: but it can be for an hour only. [...] the oppression of man by his mocksuperiors [...] let him shake off [...]; i blame him not, i pity and commend him. but oppression by your mocksuperiors well shaken off, the grand problem yet remains to solve: that of finding government by your realsuperiors!\"",
62
+ "\"the leadership, as it now exists, is, to be sure, wretched enough. \"in the case of the late bribery committee\" of parliament \"it seemed to be the conclusion of the soundest practical minds that bribery could not be put down; that pure election was a thing we had seen the last of, and must now go on without, as we best could.\"",
63
+ "\"a parliament, [...] which proclaims itself elected and eligible by bribery [....] what legislating can you get out of\" that? [...] \"bribery means not only length of purse, [...] but it means dishonesty, and even impudent dishonesty; brazen insensibility to lying and to making others lie [....] what an improvement, were there once fairly, in downingstreet, an electionoffice opened, with a tariff of boroughs! such and such a population, amount of propertytax, groundrental [...] returns two members, returns one member, for so much money down: ipswich so many thousands nottingham so many, [...] now at least you have it fairly by length of purse, and leave the dishonesty, the impudence, the unveracity all handsomely aside.\"",
64
+ "\"our [...] parliament announces itself elected and eligible in this manner [....] what is to become of a parliament elected or eligible in this manner? unless belial and beelzebub have got possession of the throne of this universe, such parliament is preparing itself for new reformbills. we shall have to try it by chartism, or any conceivable ism, rather than put up with this! [...] a parliament working with a lie in its mouth, will have to take itself away. [...] at all hours of the day and night some chartism' is advancing, some armed cromwell is advancing, to apprise such parliament: 'ye are no parliament. in the name of god, go!'\"",
65
+ "this is the condition of england, according to carlyle. an idle landowning aristocracy which \"have not yet learned even to sit still and do no mischief\", a working aristocracy submerged in mammonism, who, when they ought to be collectively the leaders of labour, \"captains of industry\", are just a gang of industrial buccaneers and pirates. a parliament elected by bribery, a philosophy of simply looking on, of doing nothing, of laissezfaire, a wornout, crumbling religion, a total disappearance of all general human interests, a universal despair of truth and humanity, and in consequence a universal isolation of men in their own \"brute individuality\", a chaotic, savage confusion of all aspects of life, a war of all against all, a general death of the spirit, a dearth of \"soul\", that is, of truly human consciousness: a disproportionately strong working class, in intolerable oppression and wretchedness, in furious discontent and rebellion against the old social order, and hence a threatening, irresistibly advancing democracy everywhere chaos, disorder, anarchy, dissolution of the old ties of society, everywhere intellectual insipidity, frivolity, and debility. that is the condition of england. thus far, if we discount a few expressions that have derived from carlyle's particular standpoint, we must allow the truth of all he says. he, alone of the \"respectable\" class, has kept his eyes open at least towards the facts, he has at least correctly apprehended the immediate present, and that is indeed a very great deal for an \"educated\" englishman.",
66
+ "how does the future appear? matters will not and cannot remain as they are now. we have seen that carlyle has, as he himself admits, no \"morison's pill\", no panacea for curing the ills of society. in that too he is right. all social philosophy, as long as it still propounds a few principles as its final conclusion, as long as it continues to administer morison's pills, remains very imperfect; it is not the bare conclusions of which we are in such need, but rather study; the conclusions are nothing without the reasoning that has led up to them; this we have known since hegel; and the conclusions are worse than useless if they are final in themselves, if they are not turned into premises for further deductions. but the conclusions must also assume a distinct form for a time, they must in the course of development evolve from vague imprecision into clear ideas, and then of course, in the case of such an exclusively empirical nation as the english are, they cannot avoid becoming \"morison's pills\". carlyle himself, although he has absorbed much that is german and is quite far removed from crass empiricism, would probably have a few pills to hand if he were less vague and hazy about the future.",
67
+ "meanwhile he declares everything to be useless and unprofitable as long as mankind persists in atheism, as long as it has not recovered its \"soul\". not that traditional catholicism can be restored in its vigour and vitality, nor that today's religion can be maintained he knows very well that rituals, dogmas, litanies and sinai thunder cannot help, that all the thunder of sinai does not make the truth any truer, nor does it frighten any sensible person, that we are far beyond the religion of fear, but religion itself must be restored, we ourselves see where \"two centuries of atheist government\" since the \"blessed\" restoration of charles ii \" have brought us, and we shall gradually also be obliged to recognise that this atheism is beginning to show signs of wear and tear. but we have seen what carlyle calls atheism: it is not so much disbelief in a personal god, as disbelief in the inner essence, in the infinity of the universe, disbelief in reason, despair of the intellect and the truth; his struggle is not against disbelief in the revelation of the bible, but against the most frightful disbelief, the disbelief in the \"bible of universal history\". that is the eternal book of god in which every man, while his spirit and the light of his eyes are yet with him, may see god's finger write. to make mockery of this is disbelief like none other, a disbelief you would punish, not by burning at the stake, but nevertheless with the most imperative command to keep one's silence until one has something better to say. why should blissful silence be broken by loud noise, just to proclaim such stuff? if there is no divine reason in the past, but merely diabolic unreason, it will pass away for ever, speak no more of it; we whose fathers were all hanged, should not talk of ropes!",
68
+ "\"but modern england cannot believe in history.\" the eye sees of all things only so much as it can see by its own inherent capacity. a godless century cannot comprehend epochs filled with god. it sees in the past (the middle ages) only empty strife, the universal rule of brute force, it does not see that in the last analysis might and right coincide, it just sees stupidity, savage unreason, more fitting to bedlam than to a human world. from this it naturally follows that the same qualities should continue to prevail in our own time. millions held in bastille workhouses; irish widows who prove that they are human beings by typhusfever: what would you have? it was ever so, or worse. has history not always been the exploitation of obdurate stupidity by successful mountebanks? there was no god in the past; nothing but mechanisms and chaotic brutegods: how shall the poor \"philosophic historian\", to whom his own century is all godless, \"see any god in other centuries\" ?",
69
+ "and yet our age is not so utterly forsaken.",
70
+ "\"nay, in our poor distracted a europe itself, in these newest times, have there not religious voices risen, with a religion new and yet the oldest; entirely indisputable to all hearts of men? some i do know, who did not call or thin} themselves 'prophets' [...]; but who were, in very truth, melodious voices from the eternal heart of nature once again; souls forever venerable to all that have a soul. a french revolution is one phenomenon; as complement and spiritual exponent thereof, a poet goethe and german literature is to me another. the old secular or practical world [...] having gone up in fire, is not here the prophecy and dawn of a new spiritual world, parent of far nobler, wider, new practical worlds? a life of antique devoutness, antique veracity and heroism, has again become possible, is again seen actual there, for the most modern man. a phenomenon, as quiet as it is, comparable for greatness to no other! [...] touches there are [...] of new spheremelody; audible once more, in the infinite jargoning discords [...] of the thing called literature.\"",
71
+ "goethe is the prophet of the \"religion of the future,\" and its cult is work.",
72
+ "\"for there is a perennial nobleness, and even sacredness, in work. were he never so benighted, forgetful of his high calling, there is always hope in a man that actually and earnestly works: in idleness alone is there perpetual despair. work, never so mammonish, mean, is in communication with nature; the real desire to get work done will itself lead one more and more to truth, to nature's appointments and regulations....",
73
+ "\"an endless significance lies in work; a man perfects himself by working. foul jungles are cleared away, fair seedfields rise instead, and stately cities; and withal the man himself first ceases to be a jungle and foul unwholesome desert thereby consider how, even in the meanest sorts of labour, the whole soul of a man is composed into a kind of real harmony, the instant he sets himself to work! doubt, desire, sorrow, remorse,. indignation, despair itself, all these like helldogs lie beleaguering the soul of the poor dayworker, as of every man: but he bends himself with free velour against his task, and [...] all these shrink murmuring far off into their caves. the man is now a man. the blessed glow of labour in him, is it not as purifying fire, wherein all poison is burnt up, and of sour smoke itself there is made bright blessed flame!\"",
74
+ "\"blessed is he who has found his work; let him ask no other blessedness. he has a work, a lifepurpose; he has found it, and will follow it! how, as a freeflowing channel, dug [...] through the sour mudswamp of one's existence, [...] its runs and flows; draining off the sour festering water, gradually from the root of the remotest grassblade; making, instead of pestilential swamp, a green fruitful meadow [....] labour is life [....] properly thou hast no other knowledge but what thou hast got by working: the rest is yet all a hypothesis [...] a thing to be argued of in schools, a thing floating in the clouds, in endless logicvortices, till we try it and fix it. 'doubt of whatever kind, can be ended by action alone.'\"",
75
+ "\"admirable was that saying' of the old monks, 'laborare est orare, work is worship.' older than all preached gospels was this unpreached, inarticulate, but ineradicable, foreverenduring gospel: work, and therein have well-being. man [...] lies there not, in the innermost heart of thee, a spirit of active method, a force for work; and burns like a painfully smouldering fire, giving thee no rest till thou unfold it, till thou write it down in beneficent facts around thee! what is immethodic, waste, thou shalt make methodic, regulated, arable; obedient and productive to thee. wheresoever thou findest disorder, there is thy eternal enemy attack him swiftly, subdue him; make order of him, the subject not of chaos, but of intelligence, divinity and thee! [...] but above all, where thou findest ignorance, stupidity, brutemindedness [...] attack it, i say; smite it wisely, unweariedly, and rest not while thou livest and it lives; but smite, smite, in the name of god! [....] thou [...] shalt work while it is called today. for the night cometh, wherein no man can work.",
76
+ "\"all true work is sacred [....] sweat of the brow; [...] sweat of the brain, sweat of the heart; which includes all kepler calculations, newton meditations, all sciences all spoken epics, all acted heroisms, martyrdoms, up to that 'agony of bloody sweat', which all men have called divine! [...] if this is not'worship' [...] the more pity for worship [...]. who art thou that complainest of thy life of toil? complain not. [...] to thee heaven, though severe, is not unkind; heaven is kind, as a noble mother; as that spartan mother, saying while she gave her son his shield, 'with it, my son, or upon it!' [...] complain not; the very spartans did not complain.\"",
77
+ "\"one monster there is in the world: the idle man. what is his 'religion'? that nature is a phantasm [...]. that god is a lie; and that man and his life are a lie.\"",
78
+ "but work too has been dragged into the furious vortex of disorder and chaos, the principle which was to cleanse, enlighten, evolve, has succumbed to involution, confusion and obscurity. this really leads to the main issue, the future of work.",
79
+ "\"what a business will this be, which our continental friends, groping this long while somewhat absurdly about it and about it, call 'organization of labour', which must be taken out of the hands of absurd windy persons, and put into the hands of wise, laborious [...] and valiant men, to begin with it straightway; to proceed with it, and succeed in it more and more, if europe, at any rate if england, is to continue habitable much longer. looking at the kind of most noble cornlaw dukes [or practical duces] we have, and also of right reverend souloverseers, christian spiritual duces 'on a minimum of four thousand five hundred', one's hopes are a little chilled. courage, nevertheless; there are many brave men in england! my indomitable plugson, nay is there not even in thee some hope? thou art hitherto a bucanier [...] but in that grim brow, in that indomitable heart which can conquer cotton, do there not perhaps lie other ten times nobler conquests?'\"",
80
+ "\"look around you. your worldhosts are all in mutiny, in confusion, destitution; on the eve of fiery wreck and madness! they will not march farther for you, on the sixpence a day and supplyanddemand principle: they will not; nor ought they, nor can they. [...] their souls are driven nigh mad; let yours be [...] saner. not as a bewildered bewildering mob; but as a firm regimented mass, with real captains over them, will these men march any more. all human interests, combined human endeavours [...] have, at a certain stage of their development, required organising: and work, the grandest of human interests, does now require it.\"",
81
+ "in order to effect this organisation, in order to put true guidance and true government in the place of false guidance, carlyle longs for a \"true aristocracy\", a \"heroworship\", and puts forward the second great problem to discover the a'ptg~or, the best, whose task it is to combine \"with inevitable democracy indispensable sovereignty.\"",
82
+ "from these excerpts carlyle's position emerges fairly clearly. his whole outlook is essentially pantheistic, and, more specifically, pantheistic with german overtones. the english have no pantheism but merely scepticism; the conclusion of all english philosophising is the despair of reason, the confessed inability to solve the contradictions with which one is ultimately faced, and consequently on the one hand a relapse into faith and on the other devotion to pure practice, without a further thought for metaphysics, etc. carlyle with his pantheism derived from german literature is therefore a \"phenomenon\" in england, and for the practical and sceptical english a pretty incomprehensible one. people gape at him, speak of \"german mysticism\" and distorted english; others claim there is at bottom something in it, his english, though unusual, is very fine, he is a prophet, etc. but nobody really knows what to make of it all.",
83
+ "for us germans, who know the antecedents of carlyle's position, the matter is clear enough. on the one hand vestiges of tory romanticism and humane attitudes originating with goethe, and on the other scepticalempirical england, these factors are sufficient for one to deduce the whole of carlyle's view of the world from them. like all pantheists, carlyle has not yet resolved the contradiction, and carlyle's dualism is aggravated by the fact that though he is acquainted with german literature, he is not acquainted with its necessary corollary, german philosophy, and all his views are in consequence ingenuous, intuitive, more like schelling than hegel. with schelling \" that is to say, with the old schelling not the schelling of the philosophy of revelation carlyle really has a great deal in common; with strauss, whose outlook is similarly pantheistic, he is on common ground in his \"heroworship\" or \"cult of genius.\"",
84
+ "the critique of pantheism has recently been so exhaustively set forth in germany that little more remains to be said. feuerbach's \"theses\" in the anekdota and bruno bauer's works contain all the relevant material. we will therefore be able to confine ourselves simply to following up the implications of carlyle's position and showing that it is basically only a first step towards the position adopted by this journal.",
85
+ "carlyle complains about the emptiness and hollowness of the age, about the inner rottenness of all social institutions. the complaint is fair; but by simply complaining one does not dispose of the matter; in order to redress the evil, its cause must be discovered; and if carlyle had done this, he would have found that this desultoriness and hollowness, this \"soullessness\" this irreligion and this \"atheism\" have their roots in religion itself. religion by its very essence drains man and nature of substance, and transfers this substance to the phantom of an otherworldly god, who in turn then graciously permits man and nature to receive some of his superfluity. now as long as faith in this otherworldly phantom is vigorous and alive, thus long man will acquire in this roundabout way at least some substance. the strong faith of the middle ages did indeed give the whole epoch considerable energy in this way, but it was energy that did not come from without but was already present within human nature, though as yet unperceived and undeveloped. faith gradually weakened, religion crumbled in the face of the rising level of civilisation, but still man did not perceive that he had worshipped and deified his own being in the guise of a being outside himself. lacking awareness and at the same time faith, man can have no substance, he is bound to despair of truth, reason and nature, and this hollowness and lack of substance, the despair of the eternal facts of the universe will last until mankind perceives that the being it has worshipped as god was its own, as yet unknown being, until but why should i copy feuerbach.",
86
+ "the hollowness has long been there, for religion represents man's action of making himself hollow; and you are surprised that now, when the purple that concealed it has faded, when the fog that enveloped it has passed away, that now, to your consternation, it emerges in the full light of day?",
87
+ "carlyle accuses the age furthermore this is the immediate consequence of the foregoing of hypocrisy and lying. naturally the hollowness and enervation must be decently concealed and kept upright by accessories, padded clothes and whalebone stays! we too attack the hypocrisy of the present christian state of the world; the struggle against it, our liberation from it and the liberation of the world from it are ultimately our sole occupation; but because through the development of philosophy we are able to discern this hypocrisy, and because we are waging the struggle scientifically, the nature of this hypocrisy is no longer so strange and incomprehensible to us as it admittedly still is to carlyle. this hypocrisy is traced back by us to religion, the first word of which is a lie or does religion not begin by showing us something human and claiming it is something superhuman, something divine? but because we know that all this lying and immorality follows from religion, that religious hypocrisy, theology, is the archetype of all other lies and hypocrisy, we are justified in extending the term \"theology\" to the whole untruth and hypocrisy of the present, as was originally done by feuerbach and bruno bauer. carlyle should read their works if he wishes to know the origin of the immorality that plagues our whole society.",
88
+ "a new religion, a pantheistic heroworship, a cult of work, ought to be set up or is to be expected; but this is impossible; all the possibilities of religion are exhausted; after christianity, after absolute, i.e., abstract, religion, after \"religion as such\", no other form of religion can arise. carlyle himself realises that catholic, protestant or any other kind of christianity is irresistibly moving towards its downfall; if he knew the nature of christianity, he would realise that after it no other religion is possible. not even pantheism! pantheism itself is another consequence of christianity and cannot be divorced from its antecedent, at least that is true of modern pantheism, of spinoza's, schelling's, hegel's and also carlyle's pantheism. once more, feuerbach relieves me of the trouble of providing proof of this.",
89
+ "as i have said, we too are concerned with combating the lack of principle, the inner emptiness, the spiritual deadness, the untruthfulness of the age; we are waging a war to the death against all these things, just as carlyle is, and there is a much greater probability that we shall succeed than that he will, because we know what we want. we want to put an end to atheism, as carlyle portrays it, by giving back to man the substance he has lost through religion; not as divine but as human substance, and this whole process of giving back is no more than simply the awakening of selfconsciousness. we want to sweep away everything that claims to be supernatural and superhuman, and thereby get rid of untruthfulness, for the root of all untruth and lying is the pretension of the human and the natural to be superhuman and supernatural. for that reason we have once and for all declared war on religion and religious ideas and care little whether we are called atheists or anything else. if however carlyle's pantheistic definition of atheism were correct, it is not we but our christian opponents who would be the true atheists. we have no intention of attacking the \"eternal inner facts of the universe\", on the contrary, we have for the first time truly substantiated them by proving their perpetuity and rescuing them from the omnipotent arbitrariness of an inherently selfcontradictory god. we have no intention of pronouncing \"the world, man and his life a lie\"; on the contrary, our christian opponents are guilty of this act of immorality when they make the world and man dependent on the grace of a god who in reality was only created from the reflected image of man in the crude hyle of his own undeveloped consciousness. we have no intention whatever of doubting or despising the \"revelation of history\", for history is all and everything to us and we hold it more highly than any other previous philosophical trend, more highly than hegel even, who after all used it only as a case against which to test his logical problem.",
90
+ "it is the other side that scorns history and disregards the development of mankind; it is the christians again who, by putting forward a separate \"history of the kingdom of god\" deny that real history has any inner substantiality and claim that this substantiality belongs exclusively to their otherworldly, abstract and, what is more, fictitious history; who, by asserting that the culmination of the human species is their christ, make history attain an imaginary goal, interrupt it in midcourse and are now obliged, if only for the sake of consistency, to declare the following eighteen hundred years to be totally nonsensical and utterly meaningless. we lay claim to the meaning of history; but we see in history not the revelation of \"god\" but of man and only of man. we have no need, in order to see the splendour of the human character, in order to recognise the development of the human species through history, its irresistible progress, its evercertain victory over the unreason of the individual, its overcoming of all that is apparently supernatural, its hard but successful struggle against nature until the final achievement of free, human self-consciousness, the discernment of the unity of man and nature, and the independent creation voluntarily and by its own effort of a new world based on purely human and moral social relationships in order to recognise all that in its greatness, we have no need first to summon up the abstraction of a \"god\" and to attribute to it everything beautiful, great, sublime and truly human; we do not need to follow this roundabout path, we do not need first to imprint the stamp of the \"divine\" on what is truly human, in order to be sure of its greatness and splendour. on the contrary, the \"more divine\", in other words, the more inhuman, something is, the less we shall be able to admire it. only the human origin of the content of all religions still preserves for them here and there some claim to respect; only the consciousness that even the wildest superstition nevertheless has within it at bottom the eternal determinants of human nature, in however dislocated and distorted a form, only this awareness saves the history of religion, and particularly of the middle ages, from total rejection and eternal oblivion, which would otherwise certainly be the fate of these \"godly\" histories. the more \"godly\" they are, the more inhuman, the more bestial, and the \"godly\" middle ages did indeed produce the culmination of human bestiality, serfdom, jus primae noctis, etc. the godlessness of our age, of which carlyle so much complains, is precisely its saturation with god. from this it also becomes clear why, above, i gave man as the solution to the riddle of the sphinx. the question has previously always been: what is god? and german philosophy has answered the question in this sense: god is man. man has only to understand himself, to take himself as the measure of all aspects of life, to judge according to his being, to organise the world in a truly human manner according to the demands of his own nature, and he will have solved the riddle of our time. not in otherworldly, nonexistent regions, not beyond time and space, not with a \"god\" immanent in or opposed to the world, is the truth to be found, but much nearer, in man's own breast. man's own substance is far more splendid and sublime than the imaginary substance of any conceivable \"god,\" who is after all only the more or less indistinct and distorted image of man himself. so when carlyle follows ben jonson in saying, man has lost his soul and is only now beginning to notice the want of it, the right formulation would be: in religion man has lost his own substance, has alienated his humanity, and now that religion, through the progress of history, has begun to totter, he notices his emptiness and instability. but there is no other salvation for him, he cannot regain his humanity, his substance, other than by thoroughly overcoming all religious ideas and returning firmly and honestly, not to \"god\", but to himself.",
91
+ "all of this may also be found in goethe, the \"prophet,\" and anyone who has his eyes open can read this between the lines. goethe did not like to be concerned with \"god\"; the word made him uncomfortable, he felt at home only in human matters, and this humanity, this emancipation of art from the fetters of religion is precisely what constitutes goethe's greatness. neither the ancients nor shakespeare can measure up to him in this respect. but this consummate humanity, this overcoming of the religious dualism can only be apprehended in its full historical significance by those who are not strangers to that other aspect of german national development, philosophy. what goethe could only express spontaneously, and therefore, it is true, in a certain sense \"prophetically,\" has been developed and substantiated in contemporary german philosophy. carlyle too embodies assumptions which, logically, must lead to the position set forth above. pantheism itself is but the last, preliminary step towards a free and human point of view. history, which carlyle presents as the real \"revelation,\" contains only what is human, and only by an arbitrary act can its content be taken away from humanity and credited to the account of a \"god.\" work, free activity, in which carlyle similarly sees a \"cult,\" is again a purely human matter and can only be linked with \"god\" in an arbitrary manner. what is the point of continually pushing to the fore a word which at best only expresses the boundlessness of indetermination and, what is more, maintains the illusion of dualism, a word which in itself is the denial of nature and humanity?",
92
+ "so much for the inward, religious aspect of carlyle's standpoint. it serves as a point of departure for the assessment of the outward, politicosocial aspect; carlyle has still enough religion to remain in a state of unfreedom; pantheism still recognises something higher than man himself. hence his longing for a \"true aristocracy,\" for \"heroes\"; as if these heroes could at best be more than men. if he had understood man as man in all his infinite complexity, he would not have conceived the idea of once more dividing mankind into two lots, sheep and goats, rulers and ruled, aristocrats and the rabble, lords and dolts, he would have seen the proper social function of talent not in ruling by force but in acting as a stimulant and taking the lead. the role of talent is to convince the masses of the truth of its ideas, and it will then have no need further to worry about their application, which will follow entirely of its own accord. mankind is surely not passing through democracy to arrive back eventually at the point of departure. \" what carlyle says about democracy, incidentally, leaves little to be desired, if we discount what we have just been referring to, his lack of clarity about the goal, the purpose of modern democracy. democracy, true enough, is only a transitional stage, though not towards a new, improved aristocracy, but towards real human freedom; just as the irreligiousness of the age will eventually lead to complete emancipation from everything that is religious, superhuman and supernatural, and not to its restoration.",
93
+ "carlyle recognises the inadequacy of \"competition, demand\" and \"supply, mammonism,\" etc., and is far removed from asserting the absolute justification of landownership. so why has he not drawn the straightforward conclusion from all these assumptions and rejected the whole concept of property? how does he think he will destroy \"competition\", \"supply and demand\", mammonism, etc., as long as the root of all these things, private property, exists? \"organisation of labour\" cannot help in this respect, it cannot even be applied without a certain identity of interests. why then does he not act consistently and decisively, proclaiming the identity of interests the only truly human state of affairs, and thereby putting an end to all difficulties, all imprecision and lack of clarity?",
94
+ "in all carlyle's rhapsodies, there is not a syllable mentioning the english socialists. as long as he adheres to his present point of view, which is admittedly infinitely far in advance of that of the mass of educated people in england but still abstract and theoretical, he will indeed not be able to view their efforts with particular sympathy. the english socialists are purely practical and therefore also propose remedies, homecolonies, etc., rather in the manner of morison's pills; their philosophy is truly english, sceptical, in other words they despair of theory, and for all practical purposes they cling to the materialism upon which their whole social system is based; all this will have little appeal for carlyle, but he is as onesided as they. both have only overcome the contradiction within the contradiction; the socialists within the sphere of practice, carlyle within the sphere of theory, and even there only spontaneously, whereas the socialists, by means of reasoning, have definitely overcome the practical aspect of the contradiction. the socialists are still englishmen, when they ought to be simply men, of philosophical developments on the continent they are only acquainted with materialism but not with german philosophy, that is their only shortcoming, and they are directly engaged on the rectification of this deficiency by working for the removal of national differences. we have no need to be very hasty in forcing german philosophy on them, they will come to it of their own accord and it could be of little use to them now. but in any case they are the only party in england which has a future, relatively weak though they may be. democracy, chartism must soon be victorious, and then the mass of the english workers will have the choice only between starvation and socialism.",
95
+ "for carlyle and his standpoint, ignorance of german philosophy is not a matter of such indifference. he is himself a theoretician of the german type, and yet at the same time his nationality leads him to empiricism; he is beset by a flagrant contradiction which can only be resolved if he continues to develop his german-theoretical viewpoint to its final conclusion, until it is totally reconciled with empiricism. to surmount the contradiction in which he is working, carlyle has only one more step to take, but as all experience in germany has shown, it is a difficult one. let us hope that he will take it, and although he is no longer young, he will still probably be capable of it, for the progress shown in his last book proves that his views are still developing.",
96
+ "all this shows that carlyle's book is ten thousand times more worth translating into german than all the legions of english novels which every day and every hour are imported into germany, and i can only advocate such a translation. but let our hack translators just keep their hands off it! carlyle writes a very particular english, and a translator who does not thoroughly understand english and references to english conditions would make the most absurd howlers.",
97
+ "following this somewhat general introduction, i shall examine in greater detail in the following numbers of this journal the condition of england and the essential part of it, the condition of the working class. the condition of england is of immense importance for history and for all other countries; for as regards social matters england is of course far in advance of all other countries.",
98
+ "signed: frederick engels in manchester"
99
+ ]
100
+ }
Data in JSON/A_CONTRIBUTION_TO_THE_CRITIQUE_OF_POLITI.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/An Evening.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,27 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "an evening",
5
+ "written: in july 1840 first published: in the telegraph fr deutschland no. 125, august 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "to-morrow comes! shelley",
7
+ "1",
8
+ "i sit in the garden. 'neath the ocean's rim the old day's sun has slowly slipped from sight, and hidden shafts that draw their strength from him now fill the heavens with scintillating light. but with day's brilliance fading from the sky, the flowers stand and grieve in silent sadness; meanwhile the birds, safe in the tree-tops high, carol their love-songs full of joy and gladness. ships that have traced the oceans with their wake now lie at anchor in the peaceful bay. from end to end the timbered bridges shake as the tired people trudge their homeward way. the cool wine bubbles in the crystal glass. i leaf through caldetn's great comedies, drinking my fill to very drunkenness on heady wine and headier tragedies.",
9
+ "2",
10
+ "the radiance in the west is almost gone. patience! a new day's coming freedom's day! the sun shall mount his ever-shining throne and night's black cares be banished far away. new flowers shall grow, but not in nursery beds we raked ourselves and sowed with chosen seeds: all earth shall be their garden full of light; ' written in english in the original. (shelley, queen mab.) all plants shall flourish in far alien lands. the palm of peace shall grace the northern strands, the rose of love shall crown the frozen wight, the sturdy oak shall seek the southern shore to make the club that strikes the despot down, and he who brings his nation peace once more shall wear upon his head the oak-leaf crown. the aloe, flourishing all over earth, is like the people's spirit everywhere, as prickly, coarse, and lacking grace as they are, till, with a crash, there suddenly bursts forth through every obstacle a blossom bright the freedom flame, that glowed concealed from sight; its scent is far more like to reach the lord than all the incense of the pious fraud. only the cypress-trees are left alone, abandoned in the grove, their meaning gone.",
11
+ "3",
12
+ "the birds on their green branches greet the dawn with paeans of tumultuous song, and know that when the drifting cloudlets have withdrawn their steamy summits to the vales below, then shall the sun begin to mount his throne these birds are minstrel singers, every one; their words fly free as the free winds that blow; and winds and words as one united go. these songsters do not haunt the castle walls (those stately homes have long since tumbled down), but, in proud oaks unbent by howling squalls, boldly they look towards the rising sun, though they be dazzled when his brilliance falls to ring the earth with radiant light around. 1, too, am one of freedom's minstrel band. 'twas to the boughs of brne's great oak-tree i soared, when in the vales the despot's hand tightened the strangling chains round germany. yes, i am of those plucky birds that make their course through freedom's bright aethereal sea. though i be just a sparrow in their wake, rather that little sparrow would i be than the caged nightingale that can't take wing and only to a prince's car may sing.",
13
+ "4",
14
+ "no longer does the cargo vessel press across the ocean to enrich the few or swell the greedy merchant's revenue: it bears the seeds of human happiness. it is a noble stallion prancing high, whose rider slays all hypocrites and crawlers, it is the fearless scourge of human dolours, it is a thought that dreams of liberty. the flag bears not the royal coat of arms for the ship's frightened crew to tremble under; it bears the cloud on which, after the thunder, after the lightning bolts of raging storms, the reconciling freedom rainbow forms.",
15
+ "5",
16
+ "the bridge of love shall throw its spans unseen across from heart to heart; between the piers runs passion's wild and ever-rushing stream, the swiftly flowing torrent of the years. the bridge is diamond hard: it will not sag. across goes freedom's bravely shining flag. across goes man. where'er his feet may lead him, wherever he may choose to cast his eye, he sees a friendly roof against the sky and knows that food and drink are there to meet him; a very home from home awaits to greet him, wherever he may make his bed and lie. a bridge of purer faith shall pierce the clouds. man shall ascend it, climbing without fear its heavenward steps to gaze on, humbly proud, the eternal archetype of all the spirits. out of his bosom issues forth mankind, and to his bosom men return again, all conscious links in the great spirit-chain by which eternal matter is confined.",
17
+ "6",
18
+ "new wine shall fill your glasses to the brim, pure freedom wine's intoxicating brew: not the unwary senses to bedim, but jaded senses to exchange for new, that with revived perception you may hear the spheres in heaven singing high and low; that the blood coursing through your veins may clear, transformed into pure aether, which flows through the infinities; that your eye-beams may spear primordial space, like warriors bold that go to storm the starry summits without fear. between, like jack-o'-lanterns in the sky, images of past woe are gliding by.",
19
+ "7",
20
+ "and there shall rise another caldern, pearl-fisher in the tide of poetry, with images like flames ascending from the layered wood of the sweet cedar-tree. with golden lyre, he shall exalt in song the bloody stamping out of tyranny. mankind shall hear proud victory's refrain, and peace shall flourish in the world again. he too shall sing how mankind made a stand against the cruel hordes of tyranny upon mantible bridge* [88]; how that brave band fought on through levelled spears to victory and so set foot on freedom's hallowed land; how doctor of his honour** came to be man, like the constant prince,*** condemned to languish in chains until deliverance from anguish; how freedom came, the daughter of the air,**** descending earthwards from aethereal space to sing her magic songs, so wondrous fair;",
21
+ "how life became a dream***** of joy and grace, and how the cup of happiness shone clear of furious ferment showing not a trace; and how the sun shall put the clouds to flight, bringing sweet april-and-may-mornings****** light.",
22
+ "8",
23
+ "but say, when is the new sun going to rise? when will the bad old times be cracked asunder? we saw the old sun sinking in the skies how long must night's oppression keep us under? the melancholy moon peers through the cloud, and white mists, bivouacked in the vales below, hide all that lives on earth beneath their shroud. like blind men tapping through the dark we go. patience! for look, already heavenward bound, the sun would chase the gloomy clouds away. the very mists that crawl along the ground are spirits' dawn-breeze-wakened roundelay. the morning star dances his upward way. the mists are pierced by shafts of blood-red fire. do not the flowers unfold to greet the day? do you not hear the joyful feathered choir? now half the heavens are filled with radiance bright. the snow-capped mountains blaze with ruby light. the golden clouds rear up their noble heads like the sun's fiery chariot-drawing steeds. look yonder, where the densest light rays run in joyous throng to greet the new-born sun!",
24
+ "notes by engels:",
25
+ "* la puente de mantible. ** el midico de su honra.. *** el principe constante. **** la hija del aire. ***** la vida es sueo. ****** maano do abril y mayo."
26
+ ]
27
+ }
Data in JSON/An Outing to Bremerhaven.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "an outing to bremerhaven [89]",
5
+ "written: in july 1840 first published: in morgenblatt fr gebildete leser nos. 196-200, august 17-21, 1841",
6
+ "morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 196, august 17, 1841",
7
+ "bremen, july",
8
+ "the roland was due to leave at six o'clock in the morning. i stood leaning against the wheel-house and looked for familiar faces in the throng of people pushing to get on board the steamer. for today a sunday outing to bremerhaven had been arranged, and at reduced prices, so everybody took the opportunity to get a little nearer to the sea and to look at some big ships. i thought it strange that the craze for profit, which otherwise continually serves the monied aristocracy, should here for once make some concessions to democracy. the price reduction made it possible for the more impecunious to join in, and in addition the distinction between first and second class had been eliminated, which means a great deal in bremen where the \"upper crust\" shy at nothing so much as mixed company. so the steamer became very full. true bremen burghers, who had never once left the territory of the free hanseatic town [90] and now wanted to show their families the port, formed the core of the party; coopers, emigrants and journeymen were also there in large numbers; here and there a man from the stock exchange was standing apart from the crowd since he belonged to high society, and everywhere one saw the pawns who are always pushed forward on the chessboard of a trading city, the office clerks, who are again divided into agents, senior apprentices and juniors. the agent already regards himself as an important person; he is only one step from independence; he is the factotum of his firm, he knows the situation of his house inside out, he is familiar with the state of the market and the brokers crowd around him at the stock exchange. nor does the senior apprentice think much less of himself; although he is not on the same footing with his master as the agent, he already knows very well how to deal with a broker and especially a cooper or boatman and in the absence of the master and the agent he displays the consciousness that he now represents the firm and that the credit of an entire house depends on his conduct. the junior, however, is an unfortunate creature; at most, he represents the merchant house to the worker who packs the goods, or the postman in whose area the office is situated. as well as having to copy out all the business letters and bills of exchange, deliver invoices and pay them, he must also be the universal messenger boy, take letters to the post, tie up parcels, mark crates, and fetch letters from the post. every day at noon you can see the post-office crowded with these \"juniors\", waiting for the mail from hamburg. and worst of all, the junior must take the blame for whatever goes wrong in the office, for it is part of his calling to be the scapegoat for the entire office. these three classes also keep strictly separate in society: the juniors, who for the most part have not yet worn out their school boots, like to laugh loudly and make much ado about nothing; the senior apprentices zealously debate the latest big purchase made by a sugar merchant, and each one has his own conjectures about it; the agents smile at jokes which are not for publication and could tell you a thing or two about the ladies present.",
9
+ "morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 197, august 18, 1841",
10
+ "bremen, july",
11
+ "the steamer set off. although the people of bremen can see such a spectacle every day, bremish curiosity had to make itself felt nevertheless in the enormous mass of people who watched our departure from every vantage point on the shore. the weather was not too promising; for it was the same old metallic sky of which homer tells, though the side turned towards us, which the eternal gods do not have polished every day, had a considerable coating of rust. more than once a drop of rain extinguished my cigar with a hiss. the dandies who had up to now carried their mackintoshes over the arm found they had to put them on, and the ladies opened their umbrellas. seen from the weser, the view of bremen as you leave it is very pretty; on the left the new town with its long \"dyke\" planted with trees, on the right the gardens on the earthwork which stretch down to the weser here and are crowned with a colossal windmill. but then comes the bremen desert, willow bushes right and left, marshy fields, potato patches and a mass of broccoli fields. broccoli is the favourite dish of the people of bremen.",
12
+ "a lanky assistant insurance broker stood on the wheel-house, in spite of the pouring rain and sharp wind, and conversed in low german with the captain who was quietly drinking his coffee. then he hurried below again to a company of second-class merchants to report to them on the important pronouncements of the captain. the agents and the senior apprentices almost fought to get near this respected personality, but he took no notice of them, for today he was only speaking to established houses. now he hurried down from the wheel-house with the news: \"in a quarter of an hour we'll be in vegesack.\" \"vegesack!\" repeated all the hearers delightedly, for vegesack is the oasis of the bremen desert, in vegesack there are mountains sixty foot high, and the people of bremen even speak of the \"vegesack switzerland\". vegesack is indeed situated quite prettily, or, as one saw here, \"nicely\" or \"sweetly\", which makes one think of the latest consignment of brown sugar from havana sold so advantageously. the view of the place from the weser is charming; before you reach it you see many ships' hulls on the weser, some worn out, others newly built here. the lesum flows into the weser here and its hills also form quite \"nice\" banks which are even considered to be romantic, or so the schoolmaster from grohn, a village near vegesack, assured me on his honour. soon after vegesack the sea of sand really tries to send up some decent waves and descends fairly steeply into the weser. here are the villas of the bremen aristocracy whose gardens add greatly to the beauty of the weser's banks for a short distance. then it becomes dull and boring again. i went below and in a little side room of the saloon found a crowd of \"senior apprentices\", who had hoisted all their sails to entertain three pretty tailor's daughters fittingly; a crowd of \"juniors\" jostled each other at the door, listening eagerly to the talk of the senior apprentices; behind them stood the ladies' garde d'honneur, an old friend of the family, growling in annoyance at their behaviour. the conversation bored me, so i went back on deck and stood on the wheel-house. nothing is more enjoyable than to stand like this above a crowd of people, to watch the thronging and to hear the babel of words rising from below. the fresh breeze has greater freshness up here, and if the rain is also felt more freshly, it is at least better than the drops which a philistine shakes down your neck from his umbrella.",
13
+ "morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 198, august 19, 1841",
14
+ "bremen, july",
15
+ "at last, after various uninteresting hanover and oldenburg villages, came a pleasant change, the free port of bracke, its houses and trees forming an effective background to the ships on the weser. quite large sea-going vessels come as far as this, and the weser is impressively wide from here on downstream except where it is broken up by islands. the steamer went on after a brief stop and an hour and a half later we had reached our goal, in about six hours' sailing altogether. as the fort of bremerhaven came into view a book-dealer of my acquaintance quoted schiller, the insurance broker quoted the shipping and mercantile gazette, and a merchant quoted the latest issue of the import list. with a splendid curve the steamer entered the geest' a little river which flows into the weser near bremerhaven. but in spite of the captain's warnings, the passengers crowded too near the bow of the ship, and the water being at its lowest ebb, the roland, the representative of bremen's independence, ran aground on the sand with a jolt. the passengers dispersed, the engines reversed, and the roland managed to get off the sandbank.",
16
+ "bremerhaven is a young town. in 1827 bremen bought a narrow strip of land from hanover and had the port built there at enormous cost. gradually an entire bremen colony moved into it, and the population is still growing. hence, everything here is bremish, from the style of the buildings to the low german language of the inhabitants, and the bremen people of the old sort, who were perhaps irritated by the extraordinary tax levied to buy the strip of land, can now hardly conceal their pleasure when they see how beautiful, how practical, how bremish everything is. you get the best view of the whole straight from the steamer jet y. a beautiful, broad quay with the colossal port building in the middle standing out in unsuccessful antique style; the whole length of the port, with all its ships; on the left and beyond it the little fort which is occupied by hanoverian soldiers, while its brick walls show only too clearly that it is there only pro forma. it is thus quite consistent that no one is allowed inside, although such permission is easily obtained for any prussian fortress. we walked along the quay in the rain. now and then a side street offered a view into the centre of the town; everything is rectangular, the streets straight as a ruler, and the houses often still in the process of building. only this modern layout of the place forms a contrast to bremen. with the bad weather and church services not yet over, the streets were as quiet as in bremen.",
17
+ "morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 199, august 20, 1841",
18
+ "bremen, july",
19
+ "i went on board a big frigate the deck of which was full of emigrants who stood watching the \"yawl\" being hauled up. a yawl here is any boat which has a keel and is therefore suitable for service at sea. the people were still cheerful; they had not yet trodden the last clod of their native soil. but i have seen how deeply it affects them when they really leave german soil forever, when the ship, with all its passengers on board, slowly moves from the quay into the roadstead and thence sails into the open sea. they are almost all true german faces, without falseness, with strong arms, and you need only be among them for a moment and see the cordiality with which they greet each other to realise that it is certainly not the worst elements who leave their fatherland to settle in the land of dollars and virgin forests. the saying: stay at home and feed yourself honestly [cf. psalms 37:3] seems to be made for the germans, but this is not so; people who want to feed themselves honestly go, very often at least, to america. and it is by no means always lack of food, much less greed, which drives these people into distant lands; it is the german peasant's uncertain position between serfdom and independence, it is the inherited bondage and the rules and regulations of the patrimonial courts [91] which make his food taste sour and disturb his sleep until he decides to leave his fatherland.",
20
+ "the people going over on this ship were saxons. we went below to take a look at the inside of the ship. the saloon was most elegantly and comfortably appointed; a little square room, everything elegant, mahogany inlaid with gold, as in an aristocratic drawing-room. in front of the saloon were the berths for the passengers in small, nice little cabins; from an open door by the side we got a whiff of ham from the larder. we had to go on deck again to reach the steerage by another companion-way: \"but it's terrible down there\", [schiller, der taucher] all my companions quoted when we got back. down there lay the dregs who had not enough money to spend ninety talers on the cabin class fare, the people to whom nobody raises a hat, whose manners some here call common, others uneducated, a plebs which owns nothing, but which is the best any king can have in his realm and which alone upholds the german principle, particularly in america. it is the germans in the cities who have taught the americans their deplorable contempt for our nation. the german merchant makes it a point o honour to discard his germanness and become a complete yankee ape. this hybrid creature is happy if the german in him is no longer noticed, he speaks english even to his compatriots, and when he returns to germany he acts the yankee more than ever. english is often heard in the streets of bremen, but it would be a great mistake to take every english speaker for a britisher or a yankee. the latter always speak german when they come to germany in order to learn our difficult language; but these english speakers are invariably germans who have been to america. it is the german peasant alone, perhaps also the craftsman in the coastal towns, who adheres with iron firmness to his national customs and language, who, separated from the yankees by the virgin forests. the allegheny mountains and the great rivers, is building a new, free germany in the middle of the united states; in kentucky, ohio and in western pennsylvania only the towns are english, while everybody in the countryside speaks german. and in his new fatherland the german has learnt new virtues without losing the old ones. the german corporative spirit has developed into one of political, free association; it presses the government daily to introduce german as the language of the courts in the german counties,' it creates german newspapers one after another, which are all devoted to the calm, level-headed endeavour to develop existing elements of freedom, and, as the best proof of its strength, it has caused the \"native americans\"' party to be founded which has spread through all the states and aims to hinder immigration and to make it difficult for the immigrant to acquire citizenship. [92]",
21
+ "\"but it's terrible down there.\" all round the steerage runs a row of berths, several close together and even one above the other. an oppressive air reigns here, where men, women and children are packed next to one another like paving stones in the street, the sick next to the healthy, all together. every moment one stumbles over a heap of clothes, household goods, etc; here little children are crying, there a head is raised from a berth. it is a sad sight; and what must it be like when a prolonged storm throws everything into confusion and drives the waves across the deck, so that the hatch, which alone admits fresh air, cannot be opened! and yet, the arrangements on the bremen ships are the most humane. everybody knows what it is like for the majority who travel via le havre. afterwards we visited another, an american, ship; they were cooking, and when a german woman standing nearby saw the bad food and even worse preparation she said weeping bitterly that if she had known this before she would rather have stayed at home.",
22
+ "morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 200, august 21, 1841",
23
+ "bremen, july",
24
+ "we went back to the inn. the prima donna of our theatre sat there in a corner with her husband, its ultimo uomo, and with several other actors; the rest of the company was very dull, and so i reached for some printed matter that lay on the table, of which an annual report on bremen trade was the most interesting. i took it and read the following passages:",
25
+ "\"coffee in demand in summer and autumn, until slacker conditions set in towards winter. sugar enjoyed a steady sale, but the actual idea for this only came with rising supplies.\"",
26
+ "what is a poor man of letters to say when he sees how the manner of expression not only of modern belies-lettres but of philosophy is infecting the style of the broker! conditions and ideas in a trade report who would have expected that! i turned the page and found the description:",
27
+ "\"superfine medium good ordinary real domingo coffee.\"",
28
+ "i asked the agent of one of the leading bremen merchant shippers who happened to be present what this superfine designation might mean. he replied: \"look at this sample i have just taken from a consignment delivered to us; that description will fit it roughly.\" thus i learned that superfine medium good ordinary real domingo coffee is a pale grey-green coffee from the island of haiti, each pound of which has fifteen half-ounces of good beans, ten half-ounces of black beans and seven half-ounces of dust, small stones and other rubbish. i then let myself be initiated into several other mysteries of hermes and in this way passed the time until midday, when we partook of a very indifferent meal and were called back to the steamer by the bell. the rain abated at last, and no sooner had the steamer \"laid\" the geest than the clouds broke and the rays of the sun fell bright and warming on our still wet clothes. to everybody's astonishment, however, the steamer did not go upstream, but down the roadstead where a proud three-master had just anchored. we had barely reached the middle of the current when the waves grew bigger and the steamer began to pitch noticeably. who, if he has ever been to sea, does not feel his pulse quicken when he senses this sign of the proximity of the seal for a moment he believes he is again going out into the free, roaring sea, into the deep, clear green of the waves, right into the middle of that marvellous light which is created by the sun, azure and sea together; he involuntarily begins to find his sea-legs again. the ladies, however, were of a different opinion, looked at each other in fright and grew pale, while the steamer, \"in a gallant style\" a as the english say, described a semicircle around the newly arrived ship and picked up its captain. the assistant insurance broker was just explaining to some gentlemen, who had vainly endeavoured to find the ship's name on the bow, that according to the number on its flag it was the maria, captain ruyter, and that according to lloyd's list it had sailed from trinidad de cuba between such-and-such a date, when the captain came up the steamer's companion-way. our assistant insurance broker met him, shook his hand with the expression of a protector, asked how the voyage had been, what cargo he was carrying, and in general conducted a long discourse with him in low german, while i listened to the flatteries which the book-dealer was lavishing on the half-naive, half-flirtatious tailor's daughters.",
29
+ "the sun went down in full glory. a glowing ball, it hung in a net of clouds, the strands of which seemed already to have caught fire, so that one expected it to burn through the net at any moment and drop hissing into the river! but it sank calmly behind a group of trees which looked like moses' burning bush., truly, both here and there god speaks with a loud voice! but the hoarse croaking of a member of the bremen opposition tried to shout him down; this clever man was straining hard to prove to his neighbour that it would have been much wiser to deepen the fairway of the weser for larger ships instead of building bremerhaven. unfortunately, the opposition here is too often motivated by envy of the power of the patricians than by the consciousness that the aristocracy resists the rational state, and in this matter its representatives are so narrow-minded that talking to them about the affairs of bremen is as difficult as to firm supporters of the senate. [93] both parties convince one more and more that such small states as bremen have outlived themselves and even in a mighty union of states would lead a life under pressure from without and phlegmatically senile within. now we were close to bremen. the high spire of the church of ansgarius, with which our \"church troubles\" were connected, rose from moor and heath, and soon we reached the tall warehouses framing the right bank of the weser."
30
+ ]
31
+ }
Data in JSON/Berlin Miscellany.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "berlin miscellany",
5
+ "written: on august 19, 1842; first published: in the rheinische zeitung no. 241, august 29, 1842; marked with the sign 'x'; transcribed: in 2000 for marxists.org by andy blunden.",
6
+ "berlin, august 19. i am writing to you today to report that there is really nothing to report from here. heaven knows, it is now the silly season or gherkin time, as they say here. nothing is happening, absolutely nothing! the union of the historical christ gives no more signs of life than the union of the free [167]; although officially it exists, no student really knows where it exists or who belongs to it. it is probably the same as with the famous torchlight procession six months ago for the philosopher in the leipziger strasse, [168] in which, too, no student would afterwards admit having taken part, and of which it was already said the day before that they were unfortunately mostly \"philistines\". the commissions of the estates have not yet materialised either, in spite of the leipziger zeitung which, with its passion for unhatched prussian eggs, conducts interminable debates on whatever is to be placed before the commissions. [169] but we console ourselves with the wisdom of our king, b and leave the unhatched eggs in peace. he is said to have brought with him a trade treaty and a new cartel convention, and that will certainly not be unhatched eggs! far from bothering about that, we i mean we berliners envy the rhinelanders the great enjoyment that will be theirs in a few weeks, when not only our king, but many other persons of high rank, including the worthy king ludwig of bavaria, the poet on the throne, author of walhallagenossen and founder of valhalla, [170] will attend the laying of the foundation stone of cologne cathedral, which is to be completed as an ornament for the german people. the walhallagenossen caused a lively sensation in local educated circles, and the general, competent judgment pronounces without qualification that king ludwig has added a new laurel branch to his crown. terse as tacitus', strong and elementally forceful, the king's style can be confident of imitation and yet will only rarely be equalled."
7
+ ]
8
+ }
Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-I.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-II.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Capital-Volume-III.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Capital.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Cologne, May 1843.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "m. to r. marx to ruge",
5
+ "cologne, may 1843",
6
+ "your letter, my dear friend, is a fine elegy, a funeral song[20] that takes one's breath away; but there is absolutely nothing political about it. no people wholly despairs, and even if for a long time it goes on hoping merely out of stupidity, yet one day, after many years, it will suddenly become wise and fulfil all its pious wishes.",
7
+ "nevertheless, you have infected me, your theme is still not exhausted, i want to add the finale, and when everything is at an end, give me your hand, so that we may begin again from the beginning. let the dead bury their dead and mourn them. on the other hand, it is enviable to be the first to enter the new life alive; that is to be our lot.",
8
+ "it is true that the old world belongs to the philistine. but one should not treat the latter as a bugbear from which to recoil in fear. on the contrary, we ought to keep an eye on him. it is worth while to study this lord of the world.",
9
+ "he is lord of the world, of course, only because he fills it with his society as maggots do a corpse. therefore the society of these lords needs no more than a number of slaves, and the owners of these slaves do not need to be free. although, as being owners of land and people, they are called lords, in the sense of being pre-eminent, for all that they are no less philistines than their servants.",
10
+ "as for human beings, that would imply thinking beings, free men, republicans. the philistines do not want to be either of these. what then remains for them to be and to desire?",
11
+ "what they want is to live and reproduce themselves (and no one, says goethe, achieves anything more), and that the animal also wants; at most a german politician would add: man, however, knows that he wants this, and the german is so prudent as not to want anything more.",
12
+ "the self-confidence of the human being, freedom, has first of all to be aroused again in the hearts of these people. only this feeling, which vanished from the world with the greeks, and under christianity disappeared into the blue mist of the heavens, can again transform society into a community of human beings united for their highest aims, into a democratic state.",
13
+ "on the other hand, people who do not feel that they are human beings become the property of their masters like a breed of slaves or horses. the aim of this whole society is the hereditary masters. this world belongs to them. they accept it as it is and as it feels itself to be. they accept themselves as they are, and place their feet firmly on the necks of these political animals who know of no other function than to be \"obedient, devoted and attentive\" to their masters.",
14
+ "the philistine world is a political world of animals, and if we have to recognise its existence, nothing remains for us but simply to agree to this status quo. centuries of barbarism engendered and shaped it, and now it confronts us as a consistent system, the principle of which is the dehumanised world. hence the most complete philistine world, our germany, was bound, of course, to remain far behind the french revolution, which once more restored man; and a german aristotle who wanted to derive his politics from our conditions would write at the top of it: \"man is a social animal that is however completely unpolitical\" [in contradistinction to the greek aristotle who in his politics called man a political animal zn politicon.] but he could not explain the state more correctly than has already been done by herr zpfl, the author of constitutionellen staatsrechts in deutschland [zpfl, grundsatze des allgemeinen und constitutionell-monarchistischen staatsrechts]. according to him, the state is a \"union of families\" which, we continue, belongs by heredity and property to a most eminent family called the dynasty. the more prolific the families, the happier, it is said, are the people, the greater is the state, and the more powerful the dynasty, for which reason, too, in prussia, an ordinary despotic state, a prize of 50 imperial talers is awarded for a seventh son.",
15
+ "the germans are such circumspect realists that all their desires and their loftiest thoughts do not go beyond a bare existence, and this reality nothing more is taken into account by those who rule over them. these latter people, too, are realists, they are very far removed from any kind of thoughts and from any human greatness; they are ordinary officers and country squires, but they are not mistaken, they are right; just as they are, they are quite capable of making use of this animal kingdom and ruling over it, for here, as everywhere, ruling and using are a single conception. and when homage is paid to them and they survey the swarming mass of these brainless beings, what is more likely to occur to them than the thought that napoleon had at the berezina? it is said of napoleon that he pointed to the crowd of drowning people below him and exclaimed to his companion: \"voyez ces crapauds!\" [just look at these toads!] this is probably a fabrication, but it is nonetheless true. despotism's sole idea is contempt for man, the dehumanised man, and this idea has the advantage over many others of being at the same time a fact. the despot always sees degraded people. they drown before his eyes and for his sake in the mire of ordinary life, from which, like toads, they constantly make their appearance anew. if such a view comes to be held even by people who were capable of great aims, such as napoleon before his dynastic madness, how can a quite ordinary king in such surroundings be an idealist?",
16
+ "the monarchical principle in general is the despised, the despicable, the dehumanised man; and montesquieu was quite wrong to allege that it is honour [montesquieu, de l'esprit des lois]. he gets out of the difficulty by distinguishing between monarchy, despotism and tyranny. but those are names for one and the same concept, and at most they denote differences in customs though the principle remains the same. where the monarchical principle has a majority behind it, human beings constitute the minority; where the monarchical principle arouses no doubts, there human beings do not exist at all. why should someone like the king of prussia, [frederick william iv] to whom it has never been demonstrated that his role is problematical, not be guided exclusively by his whims? and when he acts in that way, what is the result? contradictory intentions? well, then nothing will come of it. impotent trends? they are still the sole political reality. ridiculous and embarrassing situations? there is only one situation which is ridiculous and only one which is embarrassing, and that is abdication from the throne. so long as whim retains its place, it is in the right. it can be as unstable, senseless and contemptible as it chooses, it is still good enough for ruling a people that has never known any other law but the arbitrary power of its kings. i do not say that a brainless system and loss of respect within the state and outside it will be without consequences, i do not undertake to insure the ship of fools, but i assert: the king of prussia will remain the man of his time so long as the topsy-turvy world is the real world.",
17
+ "as you know, i have given much thought to this man. already at the time when he still had only the berliner politische wochenblatt as his organ, i recognised his value and his role. already when the oath of allegiance was taken in knigsberg, he justified my supposition that the question would now become a purely personal one.[21] he declared that his heart and his turn of mind would be the future fundamental law of the realm of prussia, of his state, and in point of fact, in prussia the king is the system. he is the sole political person. in one way or another, his personality determines the system. what he does or is allowed to do, what he thinks or what is attributed to him, is what in prussia the state thinks or does. therefore the present king has really performed a service by stating this so unambiguously.",
18
+ "but the mistake which people made for a time was to attach importance to the desires and thoughts that would be expressed by the king. this could not alter the matter in the slightest: the philistine is the material of the monarchy, and the monarch always remains only the king of the philistines; he cannot turn either himself or his subjects into free, real human beings while both sides remain what they are.",
19
+ "the king of prussia has tried to alter the system by means of a theory which in this form his father [frederick william iii] really did not have. the fate of this attempt is well known. it was a complete failure. this was to be expected. once one has arrived at the political world of animals, reaction can go no farther, and there can be no other advance than the abandonment of the basis of this world and the transition to the human world of democracy.",
20
+ "the old king had no extravagant desires, he was a philistine and made no claim to intellect. he knew that the state of servants and his possession of it required only a prosaic, tranquil existence. the young king was more alert and brighter and had a much higher opinion of the omnipotence of the monarch, who is only limited by his heart and mind. the old ossified state of servants and slaves disgusted him. he wanted to enliven it and imbue it wholly and entirely with his own desires, sentiments and thoughts; and in his state he could demand this, if only it could be brought about. hence his liberal speeches and the outpourings of his heart. not dead laws, but the full, vigorous heart of the king should rule all his subjects. he wanted to set all hearts and minds into motion for the benefit of his own heart's desires and long-cherished plans. a movement did result; but the other hearts did not beat like that of the king, and those over whom he ruled could not open their mouths without speaking about the abolition of the old domination. the idealists, who have the audacity to want to turn men into human beings, spoke out, and while the king wove fantasies in the old german manner, they considered they had the right to philosophise in the new german manner. of course, this was shocking in prussia. for a moment the old order of things seemed to have been turned upside-down; indeed things began to be transformed into human beings, there even appeared renowned persons, although the mention of names is not permitted in the diets. but the servants of the old despotism soon put an end to this un-german activity. it was not difficult to bring about a marked conflict between the desires of the king, who is enthusing about a great past full of priests, knights and feudal serfs, and the intentions of the idealists, who want only the consequences of the french revolution and therefore, in the final count, always a republic and an organisation of free human beings instead of the system of dead objects. when this conflict had become sufficiently sharp and unpleasant and the hot-tempered king was sufficiently aroused, his servants, who previously had so easily guided the course of affairs, approached him and asserted that he was not acting wisely in inducing his subjects to make useless speeches, and that his servants would not be able to rule this race of vociferous people. in addition, the sovereign of all the posterior-russians was alarmed by the movement in the minds of the anterior-russians [marx ironically calls the prussians in latin borussen, vorderrussen anterior-russians, and nicholas i the sovereign of all the hinterrussen posterior-russians] and demanded the restoration of the old tranquil state of affairs. and so the result was a new edition of the old proscription of all the desires and thoughts of people in regard to human rights and duties, that is to say, a return to the old ossified state of servants, in which the slave serves in silence, and the owner of the land and people rules, as silently as possible, simply through a class of well-bred, submissively obedient servants. it is not possible for either of them to say what he wants: the slave cannot say that he wants to become a human being, nor can the ruler say that he has no use for human beings in his country. to be silent, therefore, is the only way out. muta pecora, prona et ventri oboedientia. [the herd is dumb, prostrate and obedient to its stomach]",
21
+ "that is the unsuccessful attempt to abolish the philistine state on its own basis; the result has been to make it evident to the whole world that for despotism brutality is a necessity and humanity an impossibility. a brutal relationship can only be maintained by means of brutality. and now i have finished with our common task, that of taking a close look at the philistine and his state. you will not say that i have had too high an opinion of the present time; and if, nevertheless, i do not despair of it, that is only because it is precisely the desperate situation which fills me with hope. i am not speaking of the incapacity of the masters and of the indifference of the servants and subjects who let everything happen just as god pleases although both together would already suffice to bring about a catastrophe. i simply draw your attention to the fact that the enemies of philistinism, in short, all people who think and who suffer, have reached an understanding, for which previously the means were altogether lacking, and that even the passive system of reproduction of the subjects of the old type daily enlists recruits to serve the new type of humanity. the system of industry and trade, of ownership and exploitation of people, however, leads even far more rapidly than the increase in population to a rupture within present-day society, a rupture which the old system is not able to heal, because it does not heal and create at all, but only exists and consumes. but the existence of suffering human beings, who think, and thinking human beings, who are oppressed, must inevitably become unpalatable and indigestible to the animal world of philistinism which passively and thoughtlessly consumes.",
22
+ "for our part, we must expose the old world to the full light of day and shape the new one in a positive way. the longer the time that events allow to thinking humanity for taking stock of its position, and to suffering mankind for mobilising its forces, the more perfect on entering the world will be the product that the present time bears in its womb."
23
+ ]
24
+ }
Data in JSON/Comments on James Mill, Éléments D’économie Politique.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,96 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "comments on james mill, lments d'conomie politique",
5
+ "written: in the first half of 1844; first published: in full in marx/engels, gesamtausgabe, erste abteilung, band 3, berlin, 1932; first english translation: by clemens dutt for the collected works. marx used a translation of mill's book, by j. t. parisot, paris, 1823.",
6
+ "marx kept a wide variety of notebooks throughout his life. he often used them to aid in his study of other authors. a common practice was to transcribe long sections from a particular book, and then comment on those sections at some length.",
7
+ "during his time in paris, marx kept nine notebooks largely dedicated to his growing interest in economics. they date from the end of 1843 to january 1845.",
8
+ "the \"paris notebooks\" deal with books by j. b. say, adam smith, david ricardo, mcculloch, james mill, destutt de tracy, sismondi, jeremy bentham, boisguillebert, lauderdale, schtz, list, skarbek and buret. most of marx's accompanying commentary on these authors is very fragmentary; and, ideas are often restated far more clearly in the economic and philosophic manuscripts (1844).",
9
+ "the exception to this is the material addressing james mill's book, elements of political economy (london, 1821). marx used an 1823 french translation of mill's book. the mill part of the paris notebooks is quite lengthy it starts on page 25 of the fourth notebook and continues into the fifth.",
10
+ "following a lengthy selection of mill excerpts, marx suddenly \"veered off\" and began developing a larger, tangential thought. after writing his thoughts out, marx returned to more mill transcription. soon, a second digression followed. upon its completion, marx finished up his summarizing. (only the middle three parts of this mill section of the paris notebooks are presented below in other words, most of the opening and all of closing mill transcriptions are omitted).",
11
+ "this document is very close in nature to the economic and philosophic manuscripts. some have suggested that the ideas contained herein might be a glimpse into the missing bulk of the epm second manuscript.",
12
+ "\"... a medium of exchange... is some one commodity, which, in order to effect an exchange between two other commodities, is first received in exchange for the one, and is then given in exchange for the other.\" (p. 93) gold, silver, money.",
13
+ "\"by value of money, is here to be understood the proportion in which it exchanges for other commodities, or the quantity of it which exchanges for a certain quantity of other things.\"",
14
+ "\"this proportion is determined by the total amount of money existing in a given country.\" (p. 95)",
15
+ "\"what regulates the quantity of money?\"",
16
+ "\"money is made under two sets of circumstances: government either leaves the increase or diminution of it free; or it controls the quantity, making it greater or smaller as it pleases.",
17
+ "\"when the increase or diminution of money is left free, government opens the mint to the public, making bullion into money for an many as require it. individuals possessed of bullion will desire to convert it into money only when it is their interest to do so; that is, when their bullion, converted into money, will be more valuable than in its original form. this can only happen when money is peculiarly valuable, and when the same quantity of metal, in the state of coin, will exchange for a greater quantity of other articles than in the state of bullion. as the value of money depends upon the quantity of it, it has a greater value when it is in short supply. it is then that bullion is made into coin. but precisely because of this conversion, the old ratio is restored. therefore, if the value of money rises above that of the metal of which it is made, the interest of individuals operates immediately, in a state of freedom, to restore the balance by augmenting the quantity of money.\" (pp. 99-101)",
18
+ "\"whenever the coining of money, therefore, is free, its quantity is regulated by the value of the metal, it being the interest of individuals to increase or diminish the quantity, in proportion as the value of the metal in coins is greater or less than its value in bullion.",
19
+ "\"but is the quantity of money is determined by the value of the metal, it is still necessary to inquire what it is which determines the value of the metal ... gold and silver are in reality commodities. they are commodities for the attaining of which labour and capital must be employed. it is cost of production, therefore, which determines the value of these, as of other ordinary productions.\" (p. 101)",
20
+ "in the compensation of money and value of metal, as in his description of the cost of production as the only factor in determining value, mill commits the mistake like the school of ricardo in general of stating the abstract law without the change or continual supersession of this law through which alone it comes into being. if it is a constant law that, for example, the cost of production in the last instance or rather when demand and supply are in equilibrium which occurs sporadically, fortuitously determines the price (value), it is just as much a constant law that they are not in equilibrium, and that therefore value and cost of production stand in no necessary relationship. indeed, there is always only a momentary equilibrium of demand and supply owing to the previous fluctuation of demand and supply, owing to the disproportion between cost of production and exchange-value, just as this fluctuation and this disproportion likewise again follow the momentary state of equilibrium. this real movement, of which that law is only an abstract, fortuitous and one-sided factor, is made by recent political economy into something accidental and inessential. why? because in the acute and precise formulas to which they reduce political economy, the basic formula, if they wished to express that movement abstractly, would have to be: in political economy, law is determined by its opposite, absence of law. the true law of political economy is chance, from whose movement we, the scientific men, isolate certain factors arbitrarily in the form of laws.",
21
+ "mill very well expresses the essence of the matter in the form of a concept by characterising money as the medium of exchange. the essence of money is not, in the first place, that property is alienated in it, but that the mediating activity or movement, the human, social act by which man's products mutually complement one another, is estranged from man and becomes the attribute of money, a material thing outside man. since man alienates this mediating activity itself, he is active here only as a man who has lost himself and is dehumanised; the relation itself between things, man's operation with them, becomes the operation of an entity outside man and above man. owing to this alien mediator instead of man himself being the mediator for man man regards his will, his activity and his relation to other men as a power independent of him and them. his slavery, therefore, reaches its peak. it is clear that this mediator now becomes a real god, for the mediator is the real power over what it mediates to me. its cult becomes an end in itself. objects separated from this mediator have lost their value. hence the objects only have value insofar as they represent the mediator, whereas originally it seemed that the mediator had value only insofar as it represented them. this reversal of the original relationship is inevitable. this mediator is therefore the lost, estranged essence of private property, private property which has become alienated, external to itself, just as it is the alienated species-activity of man, the externalised mediation between man's production and man's production. all the qualities which arise in the course of this activity are, therefore, transferred to this mediator. hence man becomes the poorer as man, i.e., separated from this mediator, the richer this mediator becomes.",
22
+ "christ represents originally: 1) men before god; 2) god for men; 3) men to man.",
23
+ "similarly, money represents originally, in accordance with the idea of money: 1) private property for private property; 2) society for private property; 3) private property for society.",
24
+ "but christ is alienated god and alienated man. god has value only insofar as he represents christ, and man has value only insofar as he represents christ. it is the same with money.",
25
+ "why must private property develop into the money system? because man as a social being must proceed to exchange and because exchange private property being presupposed must evolve value. the mediating process between men engaged in exchange is not a social or human process, not human relationship; it is the abstract relationship of private property to private property, and the expression of this abstract relationship is value, whose actual existence as value constitutes money. since men engaged in exchange do not relate to each other as men, things lose the significance of human, personal property. the social relationship of private property to private property is already a relationship in which private property is estranged from itself. the form of existence for itself of this relationship, money, is therefore the alienation of private property, the abstraction from its specific, personal nature.",
26
+ "hence the opposition of modern political economy to the monetary system, the systme montaire [1], cannot achieve any decisive victory in spite of all its cleverness. for if the crude economic superstition of the people and governments clings to the sensuous, tangible, conspicuous money-bag, and therefore believes both in the absolute value of the precious metals and possession of them as the sole reality of wealth and if then the enlightened, worldly-wise economist comes forward and proves to them that money is a commodity like any other, the value of which, like that of any other commodity, depends therefore on the relation of the cost of production to demand, competition, and supply, to the quantity or competition of the other commodities this economist is given the correct reply that nevertheless the real value of things is their exchange-value and this in the last instance exists in money, as the latter does in the precious metals, and that consequently money represents the true value of things and for that reason money is the most desirable thing. indeed, in the last instance the economist's theory itself amounts to this wisdom, the only difference being that he possesses the capacity of abstraction, the capacity to recognise the existence of money under all forms of commodities and therefore not to believe in the exclusive value of its official metallic mode of existence. the metallic existence of money is only the official palpable expression of the soul of money, which is present in all branches of production and in all activities of bourgeois society.",
27
+ "the opposition of modern economists to the monetary system is merely that they have conceived the essence of money in its abstract universality and are therefore enlightened about the sensuous superstition which believes in the exclusive existence of this essence in precious metal. they substitute refined superstition for crude superstition. since, however, in essence both have the same root, the enlightened form of the superstition cannot succeed in supplanting completely the crude sensuous form, because the former does not attack the essence of the latter but only the particular form of this essence.",
28
+ "the personal mode of existence of money as money and not only as the inner, implicit, hidden social relationship or class relationship between commodities this mode of existence corresponds the more to the essence of money, the more abstract it is, the less it has a natural relationship to the other commodities, the more it appears as the product and yet as the non-product of man, the less primitive its sphere of existence, the more it is created by man or, in economic terms, the greater the inverse relationship of its value as money to the exchange-value or money value of the material in which it exists. hence paper money and the whole number of paper representatives of money (such as bills of exchange, mandates, promissory notes, etc.) are the more perfect mode of existence of money as money and a necessary factor in the progressive development of the money system. in the credit system, of which banking is the perfect expression, it appears as if the power of the alien, material force were broken, the relationship of self-estrangement abolished and man had once more human relations to man. the saint-simonists, deceived by this appearance, regarded the development of money, bills of exchange, paper money, paper representatives of money, credit, banking, as a gradual abolition of the separation of man from things, of capital from labour, of private property from money and of money from man, and of the separation of man from man. an organised banking system is therefore their ideal. but this abolition of estrangement, this return of man to himself and therefore to other men is only an appearance; the self-estrangement, the dehumanisation, is all the more infamous and extreme because its element is no longer commodity, metal, paper, but man's moral existence, man's social existence, the inmost depths of his heart, and because under the appearance of man's trust in man it is the height of distrust and complete estrangement. what constitutes the essence of credit? we leave entirely out of account here the content of credit, which is again money. we leave out of account, therefore, the content of this trust in accordance with which a man recognises another man by advancing him a certain quantity of value and at best, namely, when he does not demand payment for the credit, i.e., he is not a usurer showing his trust in his fellow man not being a swindler, but a \"good\" man. by a \"good\" man, the one who bestows his trust understands, like shylock, a man who is \"able to pay.\"",
29
+ "credit is conceivable in two relationships and under two different conditions. the two relationships are: first, a rich man gives credit to a poor man whom he considers industrious and decent. this kind of credit belongs to the romantic, sentimental part of political economy, to its aberrations, excesses, exceptions, not to the rule. but even assuming this exception and granting this romantic possibility, the life of the poor man and his talents and activity serve the rich man as a guarantee of the repayment of the money lent. that means, therefore, that all the social virtues of the poor man, the content of his vital activity, his existence itself, represent for the rich man the reimbursement of his capital with the customary interest. hence the death of the poor man is the worst eventuality for the creditor. it is the death of his capital together with the interest. one ought to consider how vile it is to estimate the value of a man in money, as happens in the credit relationship. as a matter of course, the creditor possesses, besides moral guarantees, also the guarantee of legal compulsion and still other more or less real guarantees for his man. if the man to whom credit is given is himself a man of means, credit becomes merely a medium facilitating exchange, that is to say, money itself is raised to a completely ideal form. credit is the economic judgment on the morality of a man. in credit, the man himself, instead of metal or paper, has become the mediator of exchange, not however as a man, but as the mode of existence of capital and interest. the medium of exchange, therefore, has certainly returned out of its material form and been put back in man, but only because the man himself has been put outside himself and has himself assumed a material form. within the credit relationship, it is not the case that money is transcended in man, but that man himself is turned into money, or money is incorporated in him. human individuality, human morality itself, has become both an object of commerce and the material in which money exists. instead of money, or paper, it is my own personal existence, my flesh and blood, my social virtue and importance, which constitutes the material, corporeal form of the spirit of money. credit no longer resolves the value of money into money but into human flesh and the human heart. such is the extent to which all progress and all inconsistencies within a false system are extreme retrogression and the extreme consequence of vileness.",
30
+ "within the credit system, its nature, estranged from man, under the appearance of an extreme economic appreciation of man, operates in a double way:",
31
+ "1) the antithesis between capitalist and worker, between big and small capitalists, becomes still greater since credit is given only to him who already has, and is a new opportunity of accumulation for the rich man, or since the poor man finds that the arbitrary discretion of the rich man and the latter's judgment over him confirm or deny his entire existence and that his existence is wholly dependent on this contingency.",
32
+ "2) mutual dissimulation, hypocrisy and sanctimoniousness are carried to extreme lengths, so that on the man without credit is pronounced not only the simple judgment that he is poor, but in addition a pejorative moral judgment that he possesses no trust, no recognition, and therefore is a social pariah, a bad man, and in addition to his privation, the poor man undergoes this humiliation and the humiliating necessity of having to ask the rich man for credit.",
33
+ "3) since, owing to this completely nominal existence of money, counterfeiting cannot be undertaken by man in any other material than his own person, he has to make himself into counterfeit coin, obtain credit by stealth, by lying, etc., and this credit relationship both on the part of the man who trusts and of the man who needs trust becomes an object of commerce, an object of mutual deception and misuse. here it is also glaringly evident that distrust is the basis of economic trust; distrustful calculation whether credit ought to be given or not; spying into the secrets of the private life, etc., of the one seeking credit; the disclosure of temporary straits in order to overthrow a rival by a sudden shattering of his credit, etc. the whole system of bankruptcy, spurious enterprises, etc.... as regards government loans, the state occupies exactly the same place as the man does in the earlier example.... in the game with government securities it is seen how the state has become the plaything of businessmen, etc.",
34
+ "4) the credit system finally has its completion in the banking system. the creation of bankers, the political domination of the bank, the concentration of wealth in these hands, this economic areopagus of the nation, is the worthy completion of the money system.",
35
+ "owing to the fact that in the credit system the moral recognition of a man, as also trust in the state, etc., take the form of credit, the secret contained in the lie of moral recognition, the immoral vileness of this morality, as also the sanctimoniousness and egoism of that trust in the state, become evident and show themselves for what they really are.",
36
+ "exchange, both of human activity within production itself and of human product against one another, is equivalent to species-activity and species-spirit, the real, conscious and true mode of existence of which is social activity and social enjoyment. since human nature is the true community of men, by manifesting their nature men create, produce, the human community, the social entity, which is no abstract universal power opposed to the single individual, but is the essential nature of each individual, his own activity, his own life, his own spirit, his own wealth. hence this true community does not come into being through reflection, it appears owing to the need and egoism of individuals, i.e., it is produced directly by their life activity itself. it does not depend on man whether this community exists or not; but as long as man does not recognise himself as man, and therefore has not organised the world in a human way, this community appears in the form of estrangement, because its subject, man, is a being estranged from himself. men, not as an abstraction, but as real, living, particular individuals, are this entity. hence, as they are, so is this entity itself. to say that man is estranged from himself, therefore, is the same thing as saying that the society of this estranged man is a caricature of his real community, of his true species-life, that his activity therefore appears to him as a torment, his own creation as an alien power, his wealth as poverty, the essential bond linking him with other men as an unessential bond, and separation from his fellow men, on the other hand, as his true mode of existence, his life as a sacrifice of his life, the realisation of his nature as making his life unreal, his production as the production of his nullity, his power over an object as the power of the object over him, and he himself, the lord of his creation, as the servant of this creation.",
37
+ "the community of men, or the manifestation of the nature of men, their mutual complementing the result of which is species-life, truly human life this community is conceived by political economy in the form of exchange and trade. society, says destutt de tracy, is a series of mutual exchanges. it is precisely this process of mutual integration. society, says adam smith, is a commercial society. each of its members is a merchant.",
38
+ "it is seen that political economy defines the estranged form of social intercourse as the essential and original form corresponding to man's nature.",
39
+ "political economy like the real process starts out from the relation of man to man as that of property owner to property owner. if man is presupposed as property owner, i.e., therefore as an exclusive owner, who proves his personality and both distinguishes himself from, and enters into relations with, other men through this exclusive ownership private property is his personal, distinctive, and therefore essential mode of existence then the loss or surrender of private property is an alienation of man, as it is of private property, itself. here we shall only be concerned with the latter definition. if i give up my private property to someone else, it ceases to be mine; it becomes something independent of me, lying outside my sphere, a thing external to me. hence i alienate my private property. with regard to me, therefore, i turn it into alienated private property. but i only turn it into an alienated thing in general, i abolish only my personal relation to it, i give it back to the elementary powers of nature if i alienate it only with regard to myself. it becomes alienated private property only if, while ceasing to be my private property, it on that account does not cease to be private property as such, that is to say, if it enters into the same relation to another man, apart from me, as that which it had to myself; in short, if it becomes the private property of another man. the case of violence excepted what causes me to alienate my private property to another man? political economy replies correctly: necessity, need. the other man is also a property owner, but he is the owner of another thing, which i lack and cannot and will not do without, which seems to me a necessity for the completion of my existence and the realisation of my nature.",
40
+ "the bond which connects the two property owners with each other is the specific kind of object that constitutes the substance of their private property. the desire for these two objects, i.e., the need for them, shows each of the property owners, and makes him conscious of it, that he has yet another essential relation to objects besides that of private ownership, that he is not the particular being that he considers himself to be, but a total being whose needs stand in the relationship of inner ownership to all products, including those of another's labour. for the need of a thing is the most evident, irrefutable proof that the thing belongs to my essence, that its being is for me, that its property is the property, the peculiarity, of my essence. thus both property owners are impelled to give up their private property, but to do so in such a way that at the same time they confirm private ownership, or to give up the private property within that relationship of private ownership. each therefore alienates a part of his private property to the other.",
41
+ "the social connection or social relationship between the two property owners is therefore that of reciprocity in alienation, positing the relationship of alienation on both sides, or alienation as the relationship of both property owners, whereas in simple private property, alienation occurs only in relation to oneself, one-sidedly.",
42
+ "exchange or barter is therefore the social act, the species-act, the community, the social intercourse and integration of men within private ownership, and therefore the external, alienated species-act. it is just for this reason that it appears as barter. for this reason, likewise, it is the opposite of the social relationship.",
43
+ "through the reciprocal alienation or estrangement of private property, private property, itself falls into the category of alienated private property.[2] for, in the first place, it has ceased to be the product of the labour of its owner, his exclusive, distinctive personality. for he has alienated it, it has moved away from the owner whose product it was and has acquired a personal significance for someone whose product it is not. it has lost its personal significance for the owner. secondly, it has been brought into relation with another private property, and placed on a par with the latter. its place has been taken by a private property of a different kind, just as it itself takes the place of a private property of a different kind. on both sides, therefore, private property appears as the representative of a different kind of private property, as the equivalent of a different natural product, and both sides are related to each other in such a way that each represents the mode of existence of the other, and both relate to each other as substitutes for themselves and the other. hence the mode of existence of private property as such has become that of a substitute, of an equivalent. instead of its immediate unity with itself, it exists now only as a relation to something else. its mode of existence as an equivalent is no longer its specific mode of existence. it has thus become a value, and immediately an exchange-value. its mode of existence as value is an alienated designation of itself, different from its immediate existence, external to its specific nature, a merely relative mode of existence of this.",
44
+ "how this value is more precisely determined must be described elsewhere, as also how it becomes price.",
45
+ "the relationship of exchange being presupposed, labour becomes directly labour to earn a living. this relationship of alienated labour reaches its highest point only when 1) on one side labour to earn a living and the product of the worker have no direct relation to his need or his function as worker, but both aspects are determined by social combinations alien to the worker; 2) he who buys the product is not himself a producer, but gives in exchange what someone else has produced. in the crude form of alienated private property, barter, each of the property owners has produced what his immediate need, his talents and the available raw material have impelled him to make. each, therefore, exchanges with the other only the surplus of his production. it is true that labour was his immediate source of subsistence, but it was at the same time also the manifestation of his individual existence. through exchange his labour has become partly a source of income. its purpose differs now from its mode of existence. the product is produced as value, as exchange-value, as an equivalent, and no longer because of its direct, personal relation to the producer. the more diverse production becomes, and therefore the more diverse the needs become, on the one hand, and the more one-sided the activities of the producer become, on the other hand, the more does his labour fall into the category of labour to earn a living, until finally it has only this significance and it becomes quite accidental and inessential whether the relation of the producer to his product is that of immediate enjoyment and personal need, and also whether his activity, the act of labour itself, is for him the enjoyment of his personality and the realisation of his natural abilities and spiritual aims.",
46
+ "labour to earn a living involves: 1) estrangement and fortuitous connection between labour and the subject who labours; 2) estrangement and fortuitous connection between labour and the object of labour; 3) that the worker's role is determined by social needs which, however, are alien to him and a compulsion to which he submits out of egoistic need and necessity, and which have for him only the significance of a means of satisfying his dire need, just as for them he exists only as a slave of their needs; 4) that to the worker the maintenance of his individual existence appears to be the purpose of his activity and what he actually does is regarded by him only as a means; that he carries on his life's activity in order to earn means of subsistence.",
47
+ "hence the greater and the more developed the social power appears to be within the private property relationship, the more egoistic, asocial and estranged from his own nature does man become.",
48
+ "just as the mutual exchange of the products of human activity appears as barter, as trade, so the mutual completion and exchange of the activity itself appears as division of labour, which turns man as far as possible into an abstract being, a machine tool, etc., and transforms him into a spiritual and physical monster.",
49
+ "it is precisely the unity of human labour that is regarded merely as division of labour, because social nature only comes into existence as its opposite, in the form of estrangement. division of labour increases with civilisation.",
50
+ "within the presupposition of division of labour, the product, the material of private property, acquires for the individual more and more the significance of an equivalent, and as he no longer exchanges only his surplus, and the object of his production can be simply a matter of indifference to him, so too he no longer exchanges his product for something directly needed by him. the equivalent comes into existence as an equivalent in money, which is now the immediate result of labour to gain a living and the medium of exchange (see above).",
51
+ "the complete domination of the estranged thing over man has become evident in money, which is completely indifferent both to the nature of the material, i.e., to the specific nature of the private property, and to the personality of the property owner. what was the domination of person over person is now the general domination of the thing over the person, of the product over the producer. just as the concept of the equivalent, the value, already implied the alienation of private property, so money is the sensuous, even objective existence of this alienation.",
52
+ "needless to say that political economy is only able to grasp this whole development as a fact, as the outcome of fortuitous necessity.",
53
+ "the separation of work from itself separation of the worker from the capitalist separation of labour and capital, the original form of which is made up of landed property and movable property.... the original determining feature of private property is monopoly; hence when it creates a political constitution, it is that of monopoly. the perfect monopoly is competition.",
54
+ "to the economist, production, consumption and, as the mediator of both, exchange or distribution, are separate [activities].[3] the separation of production and consumption, of action and spirit, in different individuals and in the same individual, is the separation of labour from its object and from itself as something spiritual. distribution is the power of private property manifesting itself.",
55
+ "the separation of labour, capital and landed property from one another, like that of labour from labour, of capital from capital, and landed property from landed property, and finally the separation of labour from wages, of capital from profit, and profit from interest, and, last of all, of landed property from land rent, demonstrate self-estrangement both in the form of self-estrangement and in that of mutual estrangement.",
56
+ "\"we have next to examine the effects which take place by the attempts of government to control the increase or diminution of money [....] when it endeavours to keep the quantity of money less than it would be, if things were left in freedom, it raises the value of the metal in the coin, and renders it the interest of every body, [who can,] to convert his bullion into money.\" people \"have recourse to private coining. this the government must [...] prevent by punishment. on the other hand, were it the object of government to keep the quantity of money greater than it would be, if left in freedom, it would reduce the value of the metal in money, below its value in bullion, and make it the interest of every body to melt the coins. this, also, the government would have only one expedient for preventing, namely, punishment. but the prospect of punishment will prevail over the prospect of profit [, only if the profit is small].\" pp. 101, 102 (pp. 137, 138).",
57
+ "section ix. \"if there were two individuals one of whom owed to the other 100, and the other owed to him 100,\" instead of paying each other this sum \"all they had to do was to exchange their mutual obligations. the case\" is the same between two nations.... hence bills of exchange. \"the use of them was recommended by a still stronger necessity [...], because the coarse polity of those times prohibited the exportation of the precious metals, and punished with the greatest severity any infringement ... .\" pp. 104-05, 106 (p. 142 et seq.).",
58
+ "section x. saving of unproductive consumption by paper money. p. 108 et seq. (p. 146 et seq.).",
59
+ "section xi. \"the inconveniencies\" of paper money are ... \"first, the failure of the parties, by whom the notes are issued, to fulfil their engagements. second, forgery. third, the alteration of the value of the currency.\" p. 110 (p. 149).",
60
+ "section xii. \"... the precious metals, are [...] that commodity [which is the most generally bought and sold...]. those commodities alone can be exported, which are cheaper in the country from which they go, than in the country to which they are sent; and that those commodities alone can be imported, which are dearer in the country to which they come, than in the country from which they are sent.\" accordingly it depends on the value of the precious metals in a country whether they are imported or exported. pp. 128, 129 [p. 175 et seq.].",
61
+ "section xiii. \"when we speak of the value of the precious metal, we mean the quantity of other things for which it will exchange.\" this relation is different in different countries and even in different parts of the country. \"we say that living is more cheap; in other words, commodities may be purchased with a smaller quantity of money.\" p. 131 [p. 177].",
62
+ "section xvi. the relation between nations is like that between merchants.... \"the merchants [...] will always buy in the cheapest market, and sell in the dearest.\" p. 159 (p. 215).",
63
+ "iv. consumption.",
64
+ "\"production, distribution, exchange [...] are means. no man produces for the sale of producing [....] distribution and exchange are only the intermediate operations [for bringing the things which have been produced into the hands of those who are] to consume them.\" p. 177 (p. 237),",
65
+ "section i. \"of consumption, there are two species.\" 1) productive. it includes everything \"expended for the sake of something to be produced\" and comprise \"the necessaries of the labourer....\" the second class then [...] \"machinery; including tools [...], the buildings necessary for the productive operations, and even the cattle. the third is, the material of which the commodity to be produced must be formed, or from which it must be derived\". pp. 178, 179 (pp. 238, 239). \"[of these three classes of things,] it is only the second, the consumption of which is not completed in the course of the productive operations.\" p. 179 (loc. cit.).",
66
+ "2) unproductive consumption. \"the wages\" given to a \"footman\" and \"all consumption, which does not take place to the end that something, which may be an equivalent for it, may be produced by means of it, is unproductive consumption\". pp. 179, 180 (p. 240). \"productive consumption is itself a means; it is a mean to production. unproductive consumption [...] is not a means.\" it \"is the end. this or the enjoyment which is involved in it, is the good which constituted the motive to all the operations by which it was preceded.\" p. 180 (p. 241). \"by productive consumption, nothing is lost [....] whatever is unproductively consumed, is lost.\" p. 180 (loc. cit.). \"that which is productively consumed is always capital. this is a property of productive consumption which deserves to be particularly remarked [....] whatever is consumed productively\" is capital and \"become capital.\" p. 181 (p. [241,] 242). \"the whole of what the productive powers of the country have brought into existence in the course of a year, is called the gross annual produce. of this the greater part is required to replace the capital which has been consumed [....] what remains of the gross produce, after replacing the capital which has been consumed, is called the net produce; and is always distributed either as profits of stock, or as rent.\" pp. 181, 182 (pp. 242, 243). \"this net produce is the fund from which all addition to the national capital is commonly made.\" (loc. cit.) \"... the two species of consumption\" are matched by \"the two species of labour, productive and unproductive....\" p. 182 (p. 244).",
67
+ "section ii. \"... the whole of what is annually produced, is annually consumed; or [...] what is produced in one year, is consumed in the next.\" either productively or unproductively. p. 184 (p. 246).",
68
+ "section iii. \"consumption is co-extensive with production.\" \"a man produces, only because he wishes to have. if the commodity which he produces is the commodity which he wishes to have, he stops when he has produced as much as he wishes to have [....] when a man produces a greater quantity [...] than he desires for himself, it can only be on one account; namely, that he desires some other commodity, which he can obtain in exchange for the surplus of what he himself has produced.... if a man desires one thing, and produces another, it can only be because the thing which he desires can be obtained by means of the thing which he produces, and better obtained than if he had endeavoured to produce it himself. after labour has been divided [...] each producer confines himself to some one commodity or part of a commodity, a small portion only of what he produces is used for his own consumption. the remainder he destines for the purpose of supplying him with all the other commodities which he desires; and when each man confines himself to one commodity, and exchanges what he produces for what is produced by other people, it is found that each obtains more of the several things which he desires, than he would have obtained had he endeavoured to produce them all for himself.\"",
69
+ "\"in the case of the man who produces for himself, there is no exchange. he neither offers to buy any thing, nor to sell any thing. he has the property; he has produced it; and does not mean to part with it. if we apply, by a sort of metaphor, the terms demand and supply to this case, it is implied [...] that the demand and supply are exactly proportioned to one another. as far then as regards the demand and supply of the market, we may leave that portion of the annual produce, which each of the owners consumes in the shape in which he produces or receives it, altogether out of the question.\" pp. 186, 187",
70
+ "\"in speaking here of demand and supply, it is evident that we speak of aggregates. when we say of any particular nation, at any particular time, that its supply is equal to its demand, we do not mean in any one commodity, or any two commodities. we mean, that the amount of its demand in all commodities taken together, is equal to the amount of its supply in all commodities taken together. it may very well happen, notwithstanding this equality in the general sum of demands and supplies, that some one commodity or commodities may have been produced in a quantity either above or below the demand for those particular commodities.\" p. 188 (pp. 251, 252). \"two things are necessary to constitute a demand. these are a wish for the commodity, and an equivalent to give for it. a demand means, the will to purchase, and the means of purchasing. if either is wanting, the purchase does not take place. an equivalent is the necessary foundation of all demand. it is in vain that a man wishes for commodities, if he has nothing to give for them. the equivalent which a man brings is the instrument of demand. the extent of his demand is measured by the extent of his equivalent. the demand and the equivalent are convertible terms, and the one may be substituted for the other. [...] we have already seen, that every man, who produces, has a wish for other commodities, than those which he has produced, to the extent of all that he has produced beyond what he wishes to keep for his own consumption. and it is evident, that whatever a man has produced and does not wish to keep for his own consumption, is a stock which he may give in exchange for other commodities. his will, therefore, to purchase, and his means of purchasing in other words, his demand, is exactly equal to the amount of what he has produced and does not mean to consume.\" pp. 188-89 (pp. 252, 253).",
71
+ "with his customary cynical acumen and clarity, mill here analyses exchange on the basis of private property.",
72
+ "man produces only in order to have this is the basic presupposition of private property. the aim of production is having. and not only does production have this kind of useful aim; it has also a selfish aim; man produces only in order to possess for himself; the object he produces is the objectification of his immediate, selfish need. for man himself in a savage, barbaric condition therefore, the amount of his production is determined by the extent of his immediate need, the content of which is directly the object produced.",
73
+ "under these conditions, therefore, man produces no more than he immediately requires. the limit of his need forms the limit of his production. thus demand and supply exactly coincide. the extent of his production is measured by his need. in this case no exchange takes place, or exchange is reduced to the exchange of his labour for the product of his labour, and this exchange is the latent form, the germ, of real exchange.",
74
+ "as soon as exchange takes place, a surplus is produced beyond the immediate limit of possession. but this surplus production does not mean rising above selfish need. on the contrary, it is only an indirect way of satisfying a need which finds its objectification not in this production but in the production of someone else. production has become a means of gaining a living, labour to gain a living. whereas under the first state of affairs, therefore, need is the measure of production, under the second state of affairs production, or rather ownership of the product, is the measure of how far needs can be satisfied.",
75
+ "i have produced for myself and not for you, just as you have produced for yourself and not for me. in itself, the result of my production has as little connection with you as the result of your production has directly with me. that is to say, our production is not man's production for man as a man, i.e., it is not social production. neither of us, therefore, as a man stands in a relation of enjoyment to the other's product. as men, we do not exist as far as our respective products are concerned. hence our exchange, too, cannot be the mediating process by which it is confirmed that my product is [for] you, because it is an objectification of your own nature, your need. for it is not man's nature that forms the link between the products we make for one another. exchange can only set in motion, only confirm, the character of the relation which each of us has in regard to his own product, and therefore to the product of the other. each of us sees in his product only the objectification of his own selfish need, and therefore in the product of the other the objectification of a different selfish need, independent of him and alien to him.",
76
+ "as a man you have, of course, a human relation to my product: you have need of my product. hence it exists for you as an object of your desire and your will. but your need, your desire, your will, are powerless as regards my product. that means, therefore, that your human nature, which accordingly is bound to stand in intimate relation to my human production, is not your power over this production, your possession of it, for it is not the specific character, not the power, of man's nature that is recognised in my production. they [your need, your desire, etc.] constitute rather the tie which makes you dependent on me, because they put you in a position of dependence on my product. far from being the means which would give you power over my production, they are instead the means for giving me power over you.",
77
+ "when i produce more of an object than i myself can directly use, my surplus production is cunningly calculated for your need. it is only in appearance that i produce a surplus of this object. in reality i produce a different object, the object of your production, which i intend to exchange against this surplus, an exchange which in my mind i have already completed. the social relation in which i stand to you, my labour for your need, is therefore also a mere semblance, and our complementing each other is likewise a mere semblance, the basis of which is mutual plundering. the intention of plundering, of deception, is necessarily present in the background, for since our exchange is a selfish one, on your side as on mine, and since the selfishness of each seeks to get the better of that of the other, we necessarily seek to deceive each other. it is true though, that the power which i attribute to my object over yours requires your recognition in order to become a real power. our mutual recognition of the respective powers of our objects, however, is a struggle, and in a struggle the victor is the one who has more energy, force, insight, or adroitness. if i have sufficient physical force, i plunder you directly. if physical force cannot be used, we try to impose on each other by bluff, and the more adroit overreaches the other. for the totality of the relationship, it is a matter of chance who overreaches whom. the ideal, intended overreaching takes place on both sides, i.e., each in his own judgment has overreached the other.",
78
+ "on both sides, therefore, exchange is necessarily mediated by the object which each side produces and possesses. the ideal relationship to the respective objects of our production is, of course, our mutual need. but the real, true relationship, which actually occurs and takes effect, is only the mutually exclusive possession of our respective products. what gives your need of my article its value, worth and effect for me is solely your object, the equivalent of my object. our respective products, therefore, are the means, the mediator, the instrument, the acknowledged power of our mutual needs. your demand and the equivalent of your possession, therefore, are for me terms that are equal in significance and validity, and your demand only acquires a meaning, owing to having an effect, when it has meaning and effect in relation to me as a mere human being without this instrument your demand is an unsatisfied aspiration on your part and an idea that does not exist for me. as a human being, therefore, you stand in no relationship to my object, because i myself have no human relationship to it. but the means is the true power over an object and therefore we mutually regard our products as the power of each of us over the other and over himself. that is to say, our own product has risen up against us; it seemed to be our property, but in fact we are its property. we ourselves are excluded from true property because our property excludes other men.",
79
+ "the only intelligible language in which we converse with one another consists of our objects in their relation to each other. we would not understand a human language and it would remain without effect. by one side it would be recognised and felt as being a request, an entreaty, and therefore a humiliation, and consequently uttered with a feeling of shame, of degradation. by the other side it would be regarded as impudence or lunacy and rejected as such. we are to such an extent estranged from man's essential nature that the direct language of this essential nature seems to us a violation of human dignity, whereas the estranged language of material values seems to be the well-justified assertion of human dignity that is self-confident and conscious of itself.",
80
+ "although in your eyes your product is an instrument, a means, for taking possession of my product and thus for satisfying your need; yet in my eyes it is the purpose of our exchange. for me, you are rather the means and instrument for producing this object that is my aim, just as conversely you stand in the same relationship to my object. but 1) each of us actually behaves in the way he is regarded by the other. you have actually made yourself the means, the instrument, the producer of your own object in order to gain possession of mine; 2) your own object is for you only the sensuously perceptible covering, the hidden shape, of my object; for its production signifies and seeks to express the acquisition of my object. in fact, therefore, you have become for yourself a means, an instrument of your object, of which your desire is the servant, and you have performed menial services in order that the object shall never again do a favour to your desire. if then our mutual thraldom to the object at the beginning of the process is now seen to be in reality the relationship between master and slave, that is merely the crude and frank expression of our essential relationship.",
81
+ "our mutual value is for us the value of our mutual objects. hence for us man himself is mutually of no value.",
82
+ "let us suppose that we had carried out production as human beings. each of us would have in two ways affirmed himself and the other person. 1) in my production i would have objectified my individuality, its specific character, and therefore enjoyed not only an individual manifestation of my life during the activity, but also when looking at the object i would have the individual pleasure of knowing my personality to be objective, visible to the senses and hence a power beyond all doubt. 2) in your enjoyment or use of my product i would have the direct enjoyment both of being conscious of having satisfied a human need by my work, that is, of having objectified man's essential nature, and of having thus created an object corresponding to the need of another man's essential nature. 3) i would have been for you the mediator between you and the species, and therefore would become recognised and felt by you yourself as a completion of your own essential nature and as a necessary part of yourself, and consequently would know myself to be confirmed both in your thought and your love. 4) in the individual expression of my life i would have directly created your expression of your life, and therefore in my individual activity i would have directly confirmed and realised my true nature, my human nature, my communal nature.",
83
+ "our products would be so many mirrors in which we saw reflected our essential nature.",
84
+ "this relationship would moreover be reciprocal; what occurs on my side has also to occur on yours.",
85
+ "let us review the various factors as seen in our supposition:",
86
+ "my work would be a free manifestation of life, hence an enjoyment of life. presupposing private property, my work is an alienation of life, for i work in order to live, in order to obtain for myself the means of life. my work is not my life.",
87
+ "secondly, the specific nature of my individuality, therefore, would be affirmed in my labour, since the latter would be an affirmation of my individual life. labour therefore would be true, active property. presupposing private property, my individuality is alienated to such a degree that this activity is instead hateful to me, a torment, and rather the semblance of an activity. hence, too, it is only a forced activity and one imposed on me only through an external fortuitous need, not through an inner, essential one.",
88
+ "my labour can appear in my object only as what it is. it cannot appear as something which by its nature it is not. hence it appears only as the expression of my loss of self and of my powerlessness that is objective, sensuously perceptible, obvious and therefore put beyond all doubt.[4]",
89
+ "notes",
90
+ "1. translated as \"monetary system\": this was a specific belief among early mercantilists. they contended that wealth consisted in money itself, in building bullion reserves. it's because of this that the export of gold or silver was not allowed, forcing active trade balances between nations.",
91
+ "2. this passage reads, in the original german: \"durch die wechselseitige entusserung oder entfremdung des privateigentums ist das privateignetum selbst in die bestimmung des entusserten privateigentums geraten.\" it demonstrates that, when using the terms \"entusserung\" and \"entfremdung\" to denote alienation, marx imparted to them an identical, or nearly identical, meaning. in all translations from early marx, the collected works translates entusserung as \"alienation\" and entfremdung as \"estrangement.\" they made this decision based on the fact that marx would later (theories of surplus-value ) directly employ the word alienation as the english equivalent of entusserung.",
92
+ "3. this refers primarily to james mill, who divided his system of political economy into four independent sections: production, distribution, exchange and consumption.",
93
+ "4. the rest of the conspectus contains further excerpts from mill's book. after the excerpts dealing with the question of land rent, capital profit and wages as sources of taxation and state revenues, marx wrote:",
94
+ "\"needless to say, mill, like ricardo, denies that he wishes to impress on any government the idea that land rent should be made the sole source of taxes, since this would be a partisan measure placing an unfair burden on a particular class of individuals. but and this is a momentous, insidious but but the tax on land rent is the only tax that is not harmful from the standpoint of political economy, hence the only just tax from the point of view of political economy. indeed, the one doubt raised by political economy is rather an attraction than a cause for apprehension, namely, that even in a country with an ordinary number of population and or ordinary size the amount yielded by land rent would exceed the needs of the government.\""
95
+ ]
96
+ }
Data in JSON/Continental Movements.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "continental movements",
5
+ "written: late in january 1844; first published: the new moral world, third series, no, 32, february 3, 1844.",
6
+ "the well-known novel of eugne sue, the mysteries of paris, has made a deep impression upon the public mind, especially in germany; the forcible manner in which this book depicts the misery and demoralisation falling to the share of the \"lower orders\" in great cities, could not fail to direct public attention to the state of the poor in general. the germans begin to discover, as the allgemeine zeitung, the times of germany, says, that the style of novel writing has undergone a complete revolution during these last ten years; that instead of kings and princes, who formerly were the heroes of similar tales, it is now the poor, the despised class, whose fates and fortunes, joys and sufferings, are made the topic of romance; they are finding out at last that this new class of novel writers, such as g. sand, e. sue, and boz, is indeed a sign of the times. the good germans always thought, that misery and destitution existed in paris and lyons, london and manchester only, and that germany was entirely free from such excrescences of over-civilisation and of excessive manufacturing industry. now, however, they begin to see that they also may muster a considerable amount of social disease; the berlin papers confess, that the \"voigtland\" of that town is not inferior in this respect to st. giles' or any other abode of the pariahs of civilisation; they confess, that, although trades' unions and strikes have hitherto been unknown in germany, yet help is much needed, in order to avoid the occurrence of similar things among their own countrymen. dr. mundt, a lecturer at the berlin university, has commenced a course of public lectures on the different systems of social re-organisation; and although he is not the man to form a correct and impartial judgment upon such things, yet these lectures must do a great deal of good. it may easily be conceived, how favourable this moment is for the commencement of a more extensive social agitation in germany, and what will be the effect of a new periodical advocating a thorough social reform. such a periodical has been established in paris under the title of german and french annals; its editors, dr. ruge and dr. marx, as well as its other contributors, belong to the \"learned communists\" of germany, and are supported by the most distinguished socialist authors of france. the periodical, which is to be published in monthly numbers, and to contain french as well as german articles, could not, indeed, commence at a more favourable moment, and its success may be considered as certain, even before the first number is issued.",
7
+ "f. e."
8
+ ]
9
+ }
Data in JSON/Continental Socialism.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "continental socialism",
5
+ "written: about september 20, 1844; first published: in the new moral world no. 15, october 5, 1844;",
6
+ "continental socialism seems to deserve and to obtain a considerable portion of public attention at present. i forward you a few extracts from a letter addressed me from barmen in prussia, by a former contributor to the new moral world.",
7
+ "\"in paris, on my way home, i visited a communist club of the mystic school. i was introduced by a russian who speaks french and german perfectly, and who very cleverly opposed feuerbach's reasoning, to them. they mean just as much by the term god as the ham common folks by love-spirit. they however declared this a secondary question, and to all practical intents agreed with us, and said, \"enfin, l'athisme c'est votre religion\": in the end, atheism is your religion. religion, in french, means conviction, feeling, not worship. they affirmed, that the noise and hubbub of the bourgeois, or middle class, against england, is all nonsense; and they were very anxious to convince us, that they had not the slightest national prejudice, that the working men of france care nothing about morocco, but know that the ouvriers, workers, of all countries are allies, having the same interests. the french middle class are quite as egotistical, as avaricious, and quite as insupportable in society as the english, but the french ouvriers are fine fellows. we have made much progress among the russians at paris. there are three or four noblemen and proprietors of serfs now at paris who are radical communists and atheists. we have in paris a german communist paper, the vorwrts!, published twice-a-week. in belgium there is an active communist agitation going on, and a paper, the dbat social, published at brussels. in paris there are about half-a-dozen communist papers. socialiste, socialitaire, are very fashionable names in france; and louis philippe, the arch-bourgeois, supports the dmocratie pacifique with money and protection. the religious exterior of the french socialists is mostly hypocritical; the people are thoroughly irreligious, and the first victims of the next revolution will be the parsons. the cologne folks have made enormous progress. when we assembled in a public house we filled a good room with our company, mostly lawyers, medical men, artists etc., also three or four lieutenants in the artillery, one of whom is a very clever fellow. in dsseldorf we have a few men, amongst them a very talented poet. in elberfeld, about half-a-dozen of my friends and some others are communists. in fact there is scarcely a town in northern germany where we have not some radical anti-proprietarians and atheists. edgar bauer, of berlin, has just been sentenced to three years imprisonment for his last book.\"",
8
+ "thinking the above facts would be interesting to your readers, i forward them for insertion in your paper."
9
+ ]
10
+ }
Data in JSON/Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Critque_of_the_Gotha_Programme.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,25 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "karl marx",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme written: april or early may, 1875 source: marx/engels selected works, volume three, p. 13 - 30publisher: progress publishers, moscow, 1970first published: abridged in the journal die neue zeit, bd. 1, no. 18, 1890-91online version: mea; marxists.org 1999 table of contents: foreword letter to bracke part i part ii part iii part iv appendix background critique of the gotha programme is a critique of the draft programme of the united workers' party of germany. in this document marx address the dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition fromcapitalism to communism, the two phases of communist society, the production and distribution of thesocial goods, proletarian internationalism, and the party of the working class. lenin later wrote:the great significance of marx's explanation is, that here too, he consistently applies materialist dialectics, the theory of development, and regards communism as something which develops out ofcapitalism. instead of scholastically invented, 'concocted' definitions and fruitless disputes over words(what is socialism? what is communism?), marx gives analysis of what might be called the stages of theeconomic maturity of communism. (lenin collected works, volume 25, p. 471)engels wrote a foreword when the document was first published in 1891. together with the critique of the gotha programme engels published marx's letter to bracke, directly bound up with the work.critique of the gotha programme http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/index.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:43]",
5
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme foreword the manuscript published here -- the covering letter to bracke as well as the critique of the draft programme -- was sent in 1875, shortly before the gotha unity congress, to bracke for communication to geib, auer, bebel [1], and liebknecht and subsequent return to marx. since the halle party congress has put the discussion of the gotha programme on the agenda of the party, i think i would be guilty of suppression if i any longer withheld from publicity this important -- perhaps the most important --document relevant to this discussion. but the manuscript has yet another and more far-reaching significance. here for the first time marx's attitude to the line adopted by lassalle in his agitation from the very beginning is clearly and firmly setforth, both as regards lassalle's economic principoles and his tactics. the ruthless severity with which the draft programme is dissected here, the mercilessness with which the results obtained are enunciated and the shortcomings of the draft laid bare -- all this today, after fifteenyears, can no longer give offence. specific lassalleans now exist only abroad as isolated ruins, and inhalle the gotha programme was given up even by its creators as altogether inadequate. nevertheless, i have omitted a few sharp personal expressions and judgments where these were immaterial, and replaced them by dots. marx himself would have done so if he had published themanuscript today. the violence of the language in some passages was provoked by two circumstances. inthe first place, marx and i had been more intimately connected with the german movement than with anyother; we were, therefore, bound to be particularly perturbed by the decidedly retrograde step manifested by this draft programme. and secondly, we were at that time, hardly tow years after the hague congress of the international, engaged in the most violent struggle against bakunin and his anarchists, who made us responsible for everything that happened in th labour movement in germany; hence we had to expect that we would also be addled with the secret paternity of this programme. these considerations do notnow exist and so there is no necessity for the passages in question. for reasons arising form the press law, also, a few sentences have been indicated only by dots. where i have had to choose a milder expression this has been enclosed in square brackets. otherwise the text hasbeen reproduced word for word. london, january 6, 1891 footnotes [1] before the critique of the gotha programme was written, engels wrote a letter to august bebelcritique of the gotha programme-- foreword http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/foreword.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:45]",
6
+ "expressing marx and engels' suprise at the programme, and goes on to critise it. next: part i critique of the gotha programme indexcritique of the gotha programme-- foreword http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/foreword.htm (2 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:45]",
7
+ "karl marx letter to w. bracke written: may 5, 1875 source: marx/engels selected works, volume three, p. 11 - 12publisher: progress publishers, moscow, 1970first published: die neue zeit, bd. 1, no. 18, 1890-91online version: marxists.org 1999 transcription/markup: brian basgen dear bracke, when you have read the following critical marginal notes on the unity programme, would you be so good as to send them on to geib and auer, bebel and liebknecht for examination. i am exceedingly busyand have to overstep by far the limit of work allowed me by the doctors. hence it was anything but a\"pleasure\" to write such a lengthy creed. it was, however, necessary so that the steps to b taken by melater on would not be misinterpreted by our friend sin the party for whom this communication isintended. after the unity congress has been held, engels and i will publish a short statement to the effect that our position is altogether remote form the said programme of principle and that we have nothing to do withit. this is indispensable because the opinion the entirely erroneous opinion is held abroad and assiduously nurtured by enemies of the party that we secretly guide from here the movement of the so-called eisenach party [ german social-democratic workers party ]. in a russian book [ statism and anarchy ] that has recently appeared, bakunin still makes me responsible, for example, not only for all the programmes, etc., of that party but even for every step taken by liebknecht from the day of his cooperation with the people's party. apart from this, it is my duty not to give recognition, even by diplomatic silence, to what in my opinion is a thoroughly objectionable programme that demoralises the party. every step of real movement is more important than a dozen programmes. if, therefore, it was not possible and the conditions of the item did not permit it to go beyond the eisenach programme, one should simply have concluded an agreement for action against the common enemy. but by drawing up aprogramme of principles (instead of postponing this until it has been prepared for by a considerableperiod of common activity) one sets up before the whole world landmarks by which it measures the levelof the party movement. the lassallean leaders came because circumstances forced them to. if they had been told in advance that there would be haggling about principles, they would have had to be content with a programme of actionor a plan of organisation for common action. instead of this, one permits them to arrive armed withletter to w. bracke (5/5/75) http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/letters/marx/75_05_05.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:47]",
8
+ "mandates, recognises these mandates on one's part as binding, and thus surrenders unconditionally to those who are themselves in need of help. to crown the whole business, they are holding a congressbefore the congress of compromise, while one's own party is holding its congress post festum. one hadobviously had a desire to stifle all criticism and to give one's own party no opportunity for reflection.one knows that the mere fact of unification is satisfying to the workers, but it is a mistake to believe thatthis momentary success is not bought too dearly. for the rest, the programme is no good, even apart from its sanctification of the lassallean articles of faith. i shall be sending you in the near future the last parts of the french edition of capital. the printing was held up for a considerable time by a ban of the french government. the thing will be ready this week orthe beginning of next week. have you received the previous six parts? please let me have the address ofbernhard becker, to whom i must also send the final parts. the bookshop of the volksstaat has peculiar ways of doing things. up to this moment, for example, i have not been sent a single copy of the cologne communist trial. with best regards, yours,karl marx marx/engels letters archive critique of the gotha programmeletter to w. bracke (5/5/75) http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/letters/marx/75_05_05.htm (2 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:47]",
9
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme i 1. \"labor is the source of wealth and all culture, and since useful labor is possible only in society and through society, the proceeds of labor belong undiminished with equal right to all members of society.\" first part of the paragraph: \"labor is the source of all wealth and all culture.\" labor is not the source of all wealth. nature is just as much the source of use values (and it is surely of such that material wealth consists!) as labor, which itself is only the manifestation of a force of nature,human labor power. the above phrase is to be found in all children's primers and is correct insofar as it isimplied that labor is performed with the appurtenant subjects and instruments. but a socialist programcannot allow such bourgeois phrases to pass over in silence the conditions that lone give them meaning.and insofar as man from the beginning behaves toward nature, the primary source of all instruments andsubjects of labor, as an owner, treats her as belonging to him, his labor becomes the source of use values,therefore also of wealth. the bourgeois have very good grounds for falsely ascribing supernaturalcreative power to labor; since precisely from the fact that labor depends on nature it follows that the manwho possesses no other property than his labor power must, in all conditions of society and culture, bethe slave of other men who have made themselves the owners of the material conditions of labor. he canonly work with their permission, hence live only with their permission. let us now leave the sentence as it stands, or rather limps. what could one have expected in conclusion? obviously this: \"since labor is the source of all wealth, no one in society can appropriate wealth except as the product of labor. therefore, if he himself does not work, he lives by the labor of others and also acquires his cultureat the expense of the labor of others.\" instead of this, by means of the verbal river \"and since\", a proposition is added in order to draw a conclusion from this and not from the first one. second part of the paragraph: \"useful labor is possible only in society and through society.\" according to the first proposition, labor was the source of all wealth and all culture; therefore no society is possible without labor. now we learn, conversely, that no \"useful\" labor is possible without society. one could just as well have said that only in society can useless and even socially harmful labor become a branch of gainful occupation, that only in society can one live by being idle, etc., etc. -- in short, oncecould just as well have copied the whole of rousseau.critique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (1 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
10
+ "and what is \"useful\" labor? surely only labor which produces the intended useful result. a savage -- and man was a savage after he had ceased to be an ape -- who kills an animal with a stone, who collects fruit,etc., performs \"useful\" labor. thirdly, the conclusion: \"useful labor is possible only in society and through society, the proceeds of labor belong undiminished with equal right to all members of society.\" a fine conclusion! if useful labor is possible only in society and through society, the proceeds of labor belong to society -- and only so much therefrom accrues to the individual worker as is not required tomaintain the \"condition\" of labor, society. in fact, this proposition has at all times been made use of by the champions of the state of society prevailing at any given time. first comes the claims of the government and everything that sticks to it,since it is the social organ for the maintenance of the social order; then comes the claims of the variouskinds of private property, for the various kinds of private property are the foundations of society, etc.one sees that such hollow phrases are the foundations of society, etc. one sees that such hollow phrasescan be twisted and turned as desired. the first and second parts of the paragraph have some intelligible connection only in the following wording: \"labor becomes the source of wealth and culture only as social labor\", or, what is the same thing, \"in and through society\". this proposition is incontestably correct, for although isolated labor (its material conditions presupposed) can create use value, it can create neither wealth nor culture. but equally incontestable is this other proposition:\"in proportion as labor develops socially, and becomes thereby a source of wealth and culture, poverty and destitution develop among the workers, and wealth and culture among the nonworkers.\" this is the law of all history hitherto. what, therefore, had to be done here, instead of setting down general phrases about \"labor\" and \"society\", was to prove concretely how in present capitalist society thematerial, etc., conditions have at last been created which enable and compel the workers to lift this socialcurse. in fact, however, the whole paragraph, bungled in style and content, is only there in order to inscribe the lassallean catchword of the \"undiminished proceeds of labor\" as a slogan at the top of the party banner. ishall return later to the \"proceeds of labor\", \"equal right\", etc., since the same thing recurs in a somewhatdifferent form further on. 2. \"in present-day society, the instruments of labor are the monopoly of the capitalist class; the resulting dependence of the working class is the cause of misery and servitude in all forms.\" this sentence, borrowed from the rules of the international, is incorrect in this \"improved\" edition.in present-day society, the instruments of labor are the monopoly of the landowners (the monopoly ofcritique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (2 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
11
+ "property in land is even the basis of the monopoly of capital) and the capitalists. in the passage in question, the rules of the international do not mention either one or the other class of monopolists. theyspeak of the \"monopolizer of the means of labor, that is, the sources of life.\" the addition, \"sources oflife\", makes it sufficiently clear that land is included in the instruments of labor. the correction was introduced because lassalle, for reasons now generally known, attacked only the capitalist class and not the landowners. in england, the capitalist class is usually not even the owner of the land on which his factory stands. 3. \"the emancipation of labor demands the promotion of the instruments of labor to the common property of society and the co-operative regulation of the total labor, with a fair distribution of theproceeds of labor. \"promotion of the instruments of labor to the common property\" ought obviously to read their \"conversion into the common property\"; but this is only passing. what are the \"proceeds of labor\"? the product of labor, or its value? and in the latter case, is it the total value of the product, or only that part of the value which labor has newly added to the value of the meansof production consumed? \"proceeds of labor\" is a loose notion which lassalle has put in the place of definite economic conceptions. what is \"a fair distribution\"?do not the bourgeois assert that the present-day distribution is \"fair\"? and is it not, in fact, the only \"fair\" distribution on the basis of the present-day mode of production? are economic relations regulated bylegal conceptions, or do not, on the contrary, legal relations arise out of economic ones? have not alsothe socialist sectarians the most varied notions about \"fair\" distribution? to understand what is implied in this connection by the phrase \"fair distribution\", we must take the first paragraph and this one together. the latter presupposes a society wherein the instruments of labor arecommon property and the total labor is co-operatively regulated, and from the first paragraph we learnthat \"the proceeds of labor belong undiminished with equal right to all members of society.\" \"to all members of society\"? to those who do not work as well? what remains then of the \"undiminished\" proceeds of labor? only to those members of society who work? what remains then ofthe \"equal right\" of all members of society? but \"all members of society\" and \"equal right\" are obviously mere phrases. the kernel consists in this, that in this communist society every worker must receive the \"undiminished\" lassallean \"proceeds oflabor\". let us take, first of all, the words \"proceeds of labor\" in the sense of the product of labor; then the co-operative proceeds of labor are the total social product. from this must now be deducted: first, cover for replacement of the means of production used up.second, additional portion for expansion of production. third, reserve or insurance funds to provide against accidents, dislocations caused by natural calamities, etc.critique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (3 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
12
+ "these deductions from the \"undiminished\" proceeds of labor are an economic necessity, and their magnitude is to be determined according to available means and forces, and partly by computation ofprobabilities, but they are in no way calculable by equity. there remains the other part of the total product, intended to serve as means of consumption.before this is divided among the individuals, there has to be deducted again, from it: first, the general costs of administration not belonging to production. this part will, from the outset, be very considerablyrestricted in comparison with present-day society, and it diminishes in proportion as the new societydevelops. second, that which is intended for the common satisfaction of needs, such as schools, health services, etc. from the outset, this part grows considerably in comparison with present-day society, and itgrows in proportion as the new society develops. third, funds for those unable to work, etc., in short, forwhat is included under so-called official poor relief today. only now do we come to the \"distribution\" which the program, under lassallean influence, alone has in view in its narrow fashion -- namely, to that part of the means of consumption which is divided amongthe individual producers of the co-operative society. the \"undiminished\" proceeds of labor have already unnoticeably become converted into the \"diminished\" proceeds, although what the producer is deprived of in his capacity as a private individualbenefits him directly or indirectly in his capacity as a member of society. just as the phrase of the \"undiminished\" proceeds of labor has disappeared, so now does the phrase of the \"proceeds of labor\" disappear altogether. within the co-operative society based on common ownership of the means of production, the producers do not exchange their products; just as little does the labor employed on the products appear here as thevalue of these products, as a material quality possessed by them, since now, in contrast to capitalistsociety, individual labor no longer exists in an indirect fashion but directly as a component part of totallabor. the phrase \"proceeds of labor\", objectionable also today on account of its ambiguity, thus loses allmeaning. what we have to deal with here is a communist society, not as it has developed on its own foundations, but, on the contrary, just as it emerges from capitalist society; which is thus in every respect,economically, morally, and intellectually, still stamped with the birthmarks of the old society from whosewomb it emerges. accordingly, the individual producer receives back from society -- after the deductionshave been made -- exactly what he gives to it. what he has given to it is his individual quantum of labor.for example, the social working day consists of the sum of the individual hours of work; the individuallabor time of the individual producer is the part of the social working day contributed by him, his share init. he receives a certificate from society that he has furnished such-and-such an amount of labor (afterdeducting his labor for the common funds); and with this certificate, he draws from the social stock ofmeans of consumption as much as the same amount of labor cost. the same amount of labor which hehas given to society in one form, he receives back in another. here, obviously, the same principle prevails as that which regulates the exchange of commodities, as far as this is exchange of equal values. content and form are changed, because under the alteredcircumstances no one can give anything except his labor, and because, on the other hand, nothing canpass to the ownership of individuals, except individual means of consumption. but as far as thecritique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (4 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
13
+ "distribution of the latter among the individual producers is concerned, the same principle prevails as in the exchange of commodity equivalents: a given amount of labor in one form is exchanged for an equalamount of labor in another form. hence, equal right here is still in principle -- bourgeois right, although principle and practice are no longer at loggerheads, while the exchange of equivalents in commodity exchange exists only on theaverage and not in the individual case. in spite of this advance, this equal right is still constantly stigmatized by a bourgeois limitation. the right of the producers is proportional to the labor they supply; the equality consists in the fact thatmeasurement is made with an equal standard, labor. but one man is superior to another physically, or mentally, and supplies more labor in the same time, orcan labor for a longer time; and labor, to serve as a measure, must be defined by its duration or intensity,otherwise it ceases to be a standard of measurement. this equal right is an unequal right for unequallabor. it recognizes no class differences, because everyone is only a worker like everyone else; but ittacitly recognizes unequal individual endowment, and thus productive capacity, as a natural privilege. itis, therefore, a right of inequality, in its content, like every right. right, by its very nature, can consistonly in the application of an equal standard; but unequal individuals (and they would not be differentindividuals if they were not unequal) are measurable only by an equal standard insofar as they arebrought under an equal point of view, are taken from one definite side only -- for instance, in the presentcase, are regarded only as workers and nothing more is seen in them, everything else being ignored. further, one worker is married, another is not; one has more children than another, and so on and soforth. thus, with an equal performance of labor, and hence an equal in the social consumption fund, onewill in fact receive more than another, one will be richer than another, and so on. to avoid all thesedefects, right, instead of being equal, would have to be unequal. but these defects are inevitable in the first phase of communist society as it is when it has just emerged after prolonged birth pangs from capitalist society. right can never be higher than the economic structureof society and its cultural development conditioned thereby. in a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after laborhas become not only a means of life but life's prime want; after the productive forces have also increasedwith the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow moreabundantly -- only then then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety andsociety inscribe on its banners: from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs! i have dealt more at length with the \"undiminished\" proceeds of labor, on the one hand, and with \"equal right\" and \"fair distribution\", on the other, in order to show what a crime it is to attempt, on the one hand,to force on our party again, as dogmas, ideas which in a certain period had some meaning but have nowbecome obsolete verbal rubbish, while again perverting, on the other, the realistic outlook, which it costso much effort to instill into the party but which has now taken root in it, by means of ideologicalnonsense about right and other trash so common among the democrats and french socialists. quite apart from the analysis so far given, it was in general a mistake to make a fuss about so-called distribution and put the principal stress on it. any distribution whatever of the means of consumption is only a consequence of the distribution of thecritique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (5 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
14
+ "conditions of production themselves. the latter distribution, however, is a feature of the mode of production itself. the capitalist mode of production, for example, rests on the fact that the materialconditions of production are in the hands of nonworkers in the form of property in capital and land, whilethe masses are only owners of the personal condition of production, of labor power. if the elements ofproduction are so distributed, then the present-day distribution of the means of consumption resultsautomatically. if the material conditions of production are the co-operative property of the workersthemselves, then there likewise results a distribution of the means of consumption different from thepresent one. vulgar socialism (and from it in turn a section of the democrats) has taken over from thebourgeois economists the consideration and treatment of distribution as independent of the mode ofproduction and hence the presentation of socialism as turning principally on distribution. after the realrelation has long been made clear, why retrogress again? 4. \"the emancipation of labor must be the work of the working class, relative to which all other classes are only one reactionary mass.\" the first strophe is taken from the introductory words of the rules of the international, but \"improved\". there it is said: \"\"the emancipation of the working class must be the act of the workers themselves\";here, on the contrary, the \"working class\" has to emancipate -- what? \"labor.\" let him understand whocan. in compensation, the antistrophe, on the other hand, is a lassallean quotation of the first water: \"relative to which\" (the working class) \"all other classes are only one reactionary mass.\" in the communist manifesto it is said: \"of all the classes that stand face-to-face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. the other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; theproletariat is its special and essential product.\" the bourgeoisie is here conceived as a revolutionary class -- as the bearer of large-scale industry -- relative to the feudal lords and the lower middle class, who desire to maintain all social positions that arethe creation of obsolete modes of production. thus, they do not form together with the bourgeoisie \"onlyone reactionary mass\". on the other hand, the proletariat is revolutionary relative to the bourgeoisie because, having itself grown up on the basis of large-scale industry, it strives to strip off from production the capitalist character thatthe bourgeoisie seeks to perpetuate. but the manifesto adds that the \"lower middle class\" is becomingrevolutionary \"in view of [its] impending transfer to the proletariat\". from this point of view, therefore, it is again nonsense to say that it, together with the bourgeoisie, and with the feudal lords into the bargain, \"form only one reactionary mass\" relative to the working class. has one proclaimed to the artisan, small manufacturers, etc., and peasants during the last elections: relative to us, you, together with the bourgeoisie and feudal lords, form one reactionary mass? lassalle knew the communist manifesto by heart, as his faithful followers know the gospels written by him. if, therefore, he has falsified it so grossly, this has occurred only to put a good color on his alliancewith absolutist and feudal opponents against the bourgeoisie.critique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (6 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
15
+ "in the above paragraph, moreover, his oracular saying is dragged in by main force without any connection with the botched quotation from the rules of the international. thus, it is simply animpertinence, and indeed not at all displeasing to herr bismarck, one of those cheap pieces of insolencein which the marat of berlin deals. [ marat of berlin a reference to hasselmann, cheif editor of the neuer social-demokrat] 5. \"the working class strives for its emancipation first of all within the framework of the present-day national states, conscious that the necessary result of its efforts, which are common to the workers of allcivilized countries, will be the international brotherhood of peoples.\" lassalle, in opposition to the communist manifesto and to all earlier socialism, conceived the workers' movement from the narrowest national standpoint. he is being followed in this -- and that after the workof the international! it is altogether self-evident that, to be able to fight at all, the working class must organize itself at home as a class and that its own country is the immediate arena of its struggle -- insofar as its class struggle isnational, not in substance, but, as the communist manifesto says, \"in form\". but the \"framework of thepresent-day national state\", for instance, the german empire, is itself, in its turn, economically \"withinthe framework\" of the world market, politically \"within the framework\" of the system of states. everybusinessman knows that german trade is at the same time foreign trade, and the greatness of herrbismarck consists, to be sure, precisely in his pursuing a kind of international policy. and to what does the german workers' party reduce its internationalism? to the consciousness that theresult of its efforts will be \"the international brotherhood of peoples\" -- a phrase borrowed from the bourgeois league of peace and freedom, which is intended to pass as equivalent to the international brotherhood of working classes in the joint struggle against the ruling classes and their governments. not a word, therefore, about the international functions of the german working class! and it is thus that it isto challenge its own bourgeoisie -- which is already linked up in brotherhood against it with thebourgeois of all other countries -- and herr bismarck's international policy of conspiracy. in fact, the internationalism of the program stands even infinitely below that of the free trade party. the latter also asserts that the result of its efforts will be \"the international brotherhood of peoples\". but italso does something to make trade international and by no means contents itself with the consciousnessthat all people are carrying on trade at home. the international activity of the working classes does not in any way depend on the existence of the international working men's association. this was only the first attempt to create a central organ for theactivity; an attempt which was a lasting success on account of the impulse which it gave but which wasno longer realizable in its historical form after the fall of the paris commune. bismarck's norddeutsche was absolutely right when it announced, to the satisfaction of its master, that the german workers' party had sworn off internationalism in the new program. next: section iicritique of the gotha programme-- i http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch01.htm (7 of 8) [23/08/2000 17:32:50]",
16
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme ii \"starting from these basic principles, the german workers' party strives by all legal means for the freestateandsocialist society: that abolition of the wage system together with the iron law of wages --andexploitation in every form; the elimination of all social and political inequality.\" i shall return to the \"free\" state later. so, in future, the german workers' party has got to believe in lassalle's \"iron law of wages\"! that this may not be lost, the nonsense is perpetrated of speaking of the \"abolition of the wage system\" (it shouldread: system of wage labor), \"together with the iron law of wages\". if i abolish wage labor, then naturallyi abolish its laws also, whether they are of \"iron\" or sponge. but lassalle's attack on wage labor turnsalmost solely on this so-called law. in order, therefore, to prove that lassalle's sect has conquered, the\"wage system\" must be abolished \"together with the iron law of wages\" and not without it. it is well known that nothing of the \"iron law of wages\" is lassalle's except the word \"iron\" borrowed from goethe's \"great, eternal iron laws\". [1] the word \"iron\" is a label by which the true believers recognize one another. but if i take the law with lassalle's stamp on it, and consequently in his sense, then i must also take it with his substantiation for it. and what is that? as lange already showed, shortlyafter lassalle's death, it is the malthusian theory of population (preached by lange himself). but if thistheory is correct, then again i cannot abolish the law even if i abolish wage labor a hundred times over,because the law then governs not only the system of wage labor but every social system. basing themselves directly on this, the economists have been proving for 50 years and more that socialismcannot abolish poverty, which has its basis in nature, but can only make it general, distribute itsimultaneously over the whole surface of society! but all this is not the main thing. quite apart from the false lassallean formulation of the law, the truly outrageous retrogression consists in the following: since lassalle's death, there has asserted itself in our party the scientific understanding that wages are not what they appear to be -- namely, the value, or price, of laborbut only a masked form for the value, or price, of labor power. thereby, the whole bourgeois conception of wages hitherto, as well as all the criticism hitherto directed against this conception, was thrown overboard once and for all. it was madeclear that the wage worker has permission to work for his own subsistencethat is, to live, only insofaras he works for a certain time gratis for the capitalist (and hence also for the latter's co-consumers ofsurplus value); that the whole capitalist system of production turns on the increase of this gratis labor byextending the working day, or by developing the productivitythat is, increasing the intensity or laborpower, etc.; that, consequently, the system of wage labor is a system of slavery, and indeed of a slaverywhich becomes more severe in proportion as the social productive forces of labor develop, whether theworker receives better or worse payment. and after this understanding has gained more and more groundcritique of the gotha programme-- ii http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch02.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:52]",
17
+ "in our party, some return to lassalle's dogma although they must have known that lassalle did not know what wages were, but, following in the wake of the bourgeois economists, took the appearance for theessence of the matter. it is as if, among slaves who have at last got behind the secret of slavery and broken out in rebellion, a slave still in thrall to obsolete notions were to inscribe on the program of the rebellion: slavery must beabolished because the feeding of slaves in the system of slavery cannot exceed a certain low maximum! does not the mere fact that the representatives of our party were capable of perpetrating such a monstrous attack on the understanding that has spread among the mass of our party prove, by itself, withwhat criminal levity and with what lack of conscience they set to work in drawing up this compromiseprogram! instead of the indefinite concluding phrase of the paragraph, \"the elimination of all social and political inequality\", it ought to have been said that with the abolition of class distinctions all social and politicalinequality arising from them would disappear of itself. footnotes [1] quoted from goethe's das gttliche next: part iii critique of the gotha programmecritique of the gotha programme-- ii http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch02.htm (2 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:52]",
18
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme iii \"the german workers' party, in order to pave the way to the solution of the social question, demands the establishment of producers' co-operative societies with state aid under the democratic control of thetoiling people. the producers' co-operative societies are to be called into being for industry andagriculture on such a scale that the socialist organization of the total labor will arise from them.\" after the lassallean \"iron law of wages\", the physic of the prophet. the way to it is \"paved\" in worthyfashion. in place of the existing class struggle appears a newspaper scribbler's phrase: \"the socialquestion\", to the \"solution\" of which one \"paves the way\". instead of arising from the revolutionary process of transformation of society, the \"socialist organization of the total labor\" \"arises\" from the \"state aid\" that the state gives to the producers' co-operative societiesand which the state, not the workers, \"calls into being\". it is worthy of lassalle's imagination that withstate loans one can build a new society just as well as a new railway! from the remnants of a sense of shame, \"state aid\" has been put -- under the democratic control of the \"toiling people\". in the first place, the majority of the \"toiling people\" in germany consists of peasants, not proletarians.second, \"democratic\" means in german \"volksherrschaftlich\" [by the rule of the people]. but what does \"control by the rule of the people of the toiling people\" mean? and particularly in the case of a toilingpeople which, through these demands that it puts to the state, expresses its full consciousness that itneither rules nor is ripe for ruling! it would be superfluous to deal here with the criticism of the recipe prescribed by buchez in the reign of louis philippe, in opposition to the french socialists and accepted by the reactionary workers, of the atelier. the chief offense does not lie in having inscribed this specific nostrum in the program, but in taking, in general, a retrograde step from the standpoint of a class movement to that of a sectarian movement. that the workers desire to establish the conditions for co-operative production on a social scale, and first of all on a national scale, in their own country, only means that they are working to revolutionize thepresent conditions of production, and it has nothing in common with the foundation of co-operativesocieties with state aid. but as far as the present co-operative societies are concerned, they are of valueonly insofar as they are the independent creations of the workers and not proteges either of thegovernments or of the bourgeois.critique of the gotha programme-- iii http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch03.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:53]",
19
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme iv i come now to the democratic section. a. \"the free basis of the state.\"first of all, according to ii, the german workers' party strives for \"the free state\". free state what is this?it is by no means the aim of the workers, who have got rid of the narrow mentality of humble subjects, to set the state free. in the german empire, the \"state\" is almost as \"free\" as in russia. freedom consists inconverting the state from an organ superimposed upon society into one completely subordinate to it; andtoday, too, the forms of state are more free or less free to the extent that they restrict the \"freedom of thestate\". the german workers' party at least if it adopts the program shows that its socialist ideas are not even skin-deep; in that, instead of treating existing society (and this holds good for any future one) as thebasis of the existing state (or of the future state in the case of future society), it treats the state rather asan independent entity that possesses its own intellectual, ethical, and libertarian bases. and what of the riotous misuse which the program makes of the words \"present-day state\", \"present-day society\", and of the still more riotous misconception it creates in regard to the state to which it addressesits demands? \"present-day society\" is capitalist society, which exists in all civilized countries, more or less free from medieval admixture, more or less modified by the particular historical development of each country,more or less developed. on the other hand, the \"present-day state\" changes with a country's frontier. it isdifferent in the prusso-german empire from what it is in switzerland, and different in england fromwhat it is in the united states. the \"present-day state\" is therefore a fiction. nevertheless, the different states of the different civilized countries, in spite or their motley diversity of form, all have this in common: that they are based on modern bourgeois society, only one more or lesscapitalistically developed. they have, therefore, also certain essential characteristics in common. in thissense, it is possible to speak of the \"present-day state\" in contrast with the future, in which its presentroot, bourgeois society, will have died off. the question then arises: what transformation will the state undergo in communist society? in other words, what social functions will remain in existence there that are analogous to present state functions?this question can only be answered scientifically, and one does not get a flea-hop nearer to the problemcritique of the gotha programme-- iv http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch04.htm (1 of 4) [23/08/2000 17:32:55]",
20
+ "by a thousand-fold combination of the word 'people' with the word 'state'. between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can benothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. now the program does not deal with this nor with the future state of communist society.its political demands contain nothing beyond the old democratic litany familiar to all: universal suffrage, direct legislation, popular rights, a people's militia, etc. they are a mere echo of the bourgeois people's party, of the league of peace and freedom. they are all demands which, insofar as they are not exaggerated in fantastic presentation, have already been realized. only the state to which they belong does not lie within the borders of the german empire, but in switzerland, the united states, etc. this sort of \"state of the future\" is a present-day state, although existing outside the \"framework\" of the germanempire. but one thing has been forgotten. since the german workers' party expressly declares that it acts within \"the present-day national state\", hence within its own state, the prusso-german empire its demandswould indeed be otherwise largely meaningless, since one only demands what one has not got itshould not have forgotten the chief thing, namely, that all those pretty little gewgaws rest on therecognition of the so-called sovereignty of the people and hence are appropriate only in a democraticrepublic. since one has not the courage and wisely so, for the circumstances demand caution to demand the democratic republic, as the french workers' programs under louis philippe and under louis napoleon did, one should not have resorted, either, to the subterfuge, neither \"honest\" [1] nor decent, of demanding things which have meaning only in a democratic republic from a state which is nothing but a police-guarded military despotism, embellished with parliamentary forms, alloyed with a feudaladmixture, already influenced by the bourgeoisie, and bureaucratically carpentered, and then to assurethis state into the bargain that one imagines one will be able to force such things upon it \"by legalmeans\". even vulgar democracy, which sees the millennium in the democratic republic, and has no suspicion that it is precisely in this last form of state of bourgeois society that the class struggle has to be fought out to aconclusion even it towers mountains above this kind of democratism, which keeps within the limits ofwhat is permitted by the police and not permitted by logic. that, in fact, by the word \"state\" is meant the government machine, or the state insofar as it forms a special organism separated from society through division of labor, is shown by the words \"the germanworkers' party demands as the economic basis of the state: a single progressive income tax\", etc. taxesare the economic basis of the government machinery and of nothing else. in the state of the future,existing in switzerland, this demand has been pretty well fulfilled. income tax presupposes varioussources of income of the various social classes, and hence capitalist society. it is, therefore, nothingremarkable that the liverpool financial reformers bourgeois headed by gladstone's brother areputting forward the same demand as the program. b. \"the german workers' party demands as the intellectual and ethical basis of the state:critique of the gotha programme-- iv http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch04.htm (2 of 4) [23/08/2000 17:32:55]",
21
+ "\"1. universal and equal elementary education by the state. universal compulsory school attendance. free instruction.\" \"equal elementary education\"? what idea lies behind these words? is it believed that in present-day society (and it is only with this one has to deal) education can be equal for all classes? or is it demandedthat the upper classes also shall be compulsorily reduced to the modicum of education the elementaryschool that alone is compatible with the economic conditions not only of the wage workers but of thepeasants as well? \"universal compulsory school attendance. free instruction.\" the former exists even in germany, the second in switzerland and in the united states in the case of elementary schools. if in some states of thelatter country higher education institutions are also \"free\", that only means in fact defraying the cost ofeducation of the upper classes from the general tax receipts. incidentally, the same holds good for \"freeadministration of justice\" demanded under a,5. the administration of criminal justice is to be had freeeverywhere; that of civil justice is concerned almost exclusively with conflicts over property and henceaffects almost exclusively the possessing classes. are they to carry on their litigation at the expense ofthe national coffers? this paragraph on the schools should at least have demanded technical schools (theoretical and practical) in combination with the elementary school. \"elementary education by the state\" is altogether objectionable. defining by a general law the expenditures on the elementary schools, the qualifications of the teaching staff, the branches ofinstruction, etc., and, as is done in the united states, supervising the fulfillment of these legalspecifications by state inspectors, is a very different thing from appointing the state as the educator of thepeople! government and church should rather be equally excluded from any influence on the school.particularly, indeed, in the prusso-german empire (and one should not take refuge in the rottensubterfuge that one is speaking of a \"state of the future\"; we have seen how matters stand in this respect)the state has need, on the contrary, of a very stern education by the people. but the whole program, for all its democratic clang, is tainted through and through by the lassallean sect's servile belief in the state, or, what is no better, by a democratic belief in miracles; or rather it is acompromise between these two kinds of belief in miracles, both equally remote from socialism. \"freedom of science\" says paragraph of the prussian constitution. why, then, here? \"freedom of conscience\"! if one desired, at this time of the kulturkampf to remind liberalism of its old catchwords, it surely could have been done only in the following form: everyone should be able to attend his religious as well as his bodily needs without the police sticking their noses in. but the workers' partyought, at any rate in this connection, to have expressed its awareness of the fact that bourgeois \"freedomof conscience\" is nothing but the toleration of all possible kinds of religious freedom of conscience fromthe witchery of religion. but one chooses not to transgress the \"bourgeois\" level. i have now come to the end, for the appendix that now follows in the program does not constitute a characteristic component part of it. hence, i can be very brief. critique of the gotha programme-- iv http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch04.htm (3 of 4) [23/08/2000 17:32:55]",
22
+ "footnotes [1] epitaph used by the eisenachers. here a play on words in german. appendix critique of the gotha programmecritique of the gotha programme-- iv http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/ch04.htm (4 of 4) [23/08/2000 17:32:55]",
23
+ "karl marx critique of the gotha programme appendix \"2. normal working day.\"in no other country has the workers' party limited itself to such an indefinite demand, but has always fixed the length of the working day that it considers normal under the given circumstances. \"3. restriction of female labor and prohibition of child labor.\" the standardization of the working day must include the restriction of female labor, insofar as it relates to the duration, intermissions, etc., of the working day; otherwise, it could only mean the exclusion offemale labor from branches of industry that are especially unhealthy for the female body, or areobjectionable morally for the female sex. if that is what was meant, it should have been said so. \"prohibition of child labor.\" here it was absolutely essential to state the age limit.a general prohibition of child labor is incompatible with the existence of large-scale industry and hence an empty, pious wish. its realization -- if it were possible -- would be reactionary, since, with a strictregulation of the working time according to the different age groups and other safety measures for theprotection of children, an early combination of productive labor with education is one of the most potentmeans for the transformation of present-day society. \"4. state supervision of factory, workshop, and domestic industry.\" in consideration of the prusso-german state, it should definitely have been demanded that the inspectors are to be removable only by a court of law; that any worker can have them prosecuted for neglect ofduty; that they must belong to the medical profession. \"5. regulation of prison labor.\" a petty demand in a general workers' program. in any case, it should have been clearly stated that there is no intention from fear of competition to allow ordinary criminals to be treated like beasts, andespecially that there is no desire to deprive them of their sole means of betterment, productive labor. thiswas surely the least one might have expected from socialists. \"6. an effective liability law.\" it should have been stated what is meant by an \"effective\" liability law.critique of the gotha programme-- appendix http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1870/gotha/append.htm (1 of 2) [23/08/2000 17:32:57]"
24
+ ]
25
+ }
Data in JSON/Deutsche-Französische Jahrbücher.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,14 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "deutsche-franzsische jahrbcher",
5
+ "draft programme of the deutsche-franzsische jahrbcher",
6
+ "written in august-september 1843",
7
+ "translated from the french by clemens dutt",
8
+ "for the collected works",
9
+ "the articles of our annals will be written by germans or frenchmen, and will deal with",
10
+ "1) men and systems which have acquired a useful or dangerous influence, and political questions of the day, whether they concern constitutions, political economy, or public institutions and morals.",
11
+ "2) we shall provide a review of newspapers and journals which in some way will be a castigation and correction of the servility and baseness shown by some, and which will help to call attention to the worthy efforts on behalf of humanity and freedom shown by others.",
12
+ "3) we shall include a review of the literature and publications of the old regime of germany which is decaying and destroying itself, and finally a review of the books of the two nations which mark the commencement and continuance of the new era that we are entering."
13
+ ]
14
+ }
Data in JSON/Economic & Philosophic Manuscripts.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Economic-Philosophic-Manuscripts-1844.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/F. W. Andreä and the High Nobility of Germany.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "f. w. andre and the high nobility of germany",
5
+ "written: about august 19, 1842; first published; in the rheinische zeitung no. 241, august 29, 1842; marked with the sign *x*; transcribed: in 2000 for marxists.org by andy blunden.",
6
+ "i will not fail to draw the attention of the catholic nobly-born members of the knighthood to a poem which, though written by a commoner, is perhaps for this very reason the more worthy of being preserved as a precious pearl, as a due tribute of bourgeois humility.",
7
+ "in the year of grace eighteen hundred and forty-two a booklet appeared in erfurt published by f. w. otto: das wissemwrdigste der heraldik oder wappenhunde by f. w. andrea, with a dedication which reads as follows: \"respectfully dedicated to the entire high nobility of germany, by the publisher.\"",
8
+ "\"the aristocracy by right are loftiest in the land, the virtues of their forebears always ranked full high. hereditary worth has waxed and multiplied, in no way doth the present yield before the past. thus reverence greets them humbly everywhere they go, on every state the richest blessings they bestow.",
9
+ "\"a coat of arms conceals a wealth of hidden meaning, how the sublimest deeds were done in ancient times; how sovereigns gave the nobles all their just deserts in war as well as in the palmy days of peace. thus, coats of arms as high as royal crowns are rated: only exalted deeds are therewith consecrated.",
10
+ "\"with all humility and deference deeply felt for glory thus resplendent down the aeons of time, i dedicate this monument of reverence to the most lofty scions of virtue-breeding stock. pray, of a great intention take this feeble token; it might yet tell you what lay in my heart unspoken.\"",
11
+ "does the man not deserve to be knighted?"
12
+ ]
13
+ }
Data in JSON/French Communism.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "french communism",
5
+ "written: january 28, 1844; first published: in the new moral world, third series, no. 32, february 3, 1844.",
6
+ "to the editor of the new moral world",
7
+ "manchester, january 28, 1844",
8
+ "dear sir, in my letter to you in the new moral world of the 13th instant i committed an error. i considered the correspondent of the times wrong in naming a m. constant as a communist; but since i wrote, i have received some french communist publications, in which an abb constant is named as a partisan of the community system. at the same time, mr. goodwyn barmby had the kindness to give me some further information about the abb constant, who, he says, has been imprisoned for his principles, and is the author of several communist works. his creed is thus expressed in his own words: i am a christian and i take christianity to be community only.",
9
+ "requesting you, therefore, to correct the above error in your next number,",
10
+ "i am, dear sir, yours respectfully,",
11
+ "f. engels"
12
+ ]
13
+ }
Data in JSON/Housing_Question.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Joel Jacoby.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "joel jacoby",
5
+ "written: in january-march 1840 first published: in the telegraph fr deutschland no. 55, april 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "grres' troupe of tight-rope dancers has acquired a valuable recruit in joel jacoby. the role of clown was previously performed by herr guido grres, whose jokes, however, were not appreciated by the public; but in his kampf und sieg the new member has recently again demonstrated his vocation for this role in surprising fashion. such a versatile man, who can wear with equal grace the red cap and purple of david, the frock-coat of a candidate eager for a post, or the penitential shirt of a catechumen, who finds pleasure in acting as a walking advertisement, carrying in front of him an issue of the berliner politisches wochenblatt and behind him the publications list of manz in regensburg such a man is quite at his ease in all roles. now he makes his first appearance without being in the least embarrassed, and while \"prosperity and peace, struggle and victory, sound their strains for you\", he has one eye on the order of the red eagle and the other on the bishop's mitre.",
7
+ "\"what should i give you for your refreshment?\" he asks the public. \"do you want something from the year 1832 or 1834, 1836 or 1839? what should i declaim, marat or jarcke, david or grres or hegel?\" but he is generous and gives us a ragout of all the reminiscences that spring up in the desert of his mind, and it is true that he gives us something refreshing.",
8
+ "one is perplexed how to deal with this nonsense. i shall readily be permitted not to analyse the perfidy of disposition and chaotic confusion of ideas which distinguish also this work of the author; we are indeed faced with a semi-lunatic in whose mind his own shapeless thought embryos have other people's ideas grafted on them to produce an unbridled orgy! how much, for example, can our poet know of his own past if he calls himself \"a quiet man\"! he, who for the past eight years has continually shouted, raged and stormed for the revolution, against the revolution, for prussia, for the pope. he, a quiet man? he, whose plaints were always equivalent to complaints [a pun on the german words klagen and verklagen] the born informer who always cast suspicion on a massive scale does he belong to the country's quiet men?",
9
+ "franz karl joel jacoby's confusion of language is in keeping with his confusion of ideas. i would never have believed that the german language could be so closely linked with the most confused conceptions. words which have never been seen in company with one another are here thrown together; ideas which are mutually antagonistic are here coupled together by an all-powerful verb; the most lawful and innocent expressions occur suddenly among reminiscences from joel's revolutionary years, among suspicious-looking phrases of menzel's, leo's and grres', among incorrectly understood thoughts of hegel's, and over all this the poet brandishes his riding-whip so that the whole wild pack rushes along, knocking one another over, turning somersaults, and reeling, until it finally comes to rest in the bosom of the church as the sole source of salvation.",
10
+ "the actual content of this masterpiece, which is composed in accordance with a pseudo-parallelism, in the old \"grand manner of saying everything twice\" (and even three or six times!), consists of the lyrical laments of a jew and a catechumen, and then the laments of a catholic, where the author abandons one-sided lyrical subjectivity and develops a genuine modern drama, in the centre of which the vigorous personality of the author acts a tragic role (he is at least mournful enough to look at), and over whose disconsolate confusion rises the medieval dawn of the catholic church. the new prophet joel rises up in gigantic form out of the modern chaos and predicts the downfall of all revolutionary, liberal, hegeling, [49] and protestant efforts, which will give way to a new age of absence of thought. a curse is pronounced on everything that does not bow down before the crosier. only the \"prussian fatherland\" receives pia desideria [pious wishes]; on the other hand, the carlist basques and the \"belgian nightingale\" [50] perish to the joy of their master loyola. one sees that the terrorism of the jacobin era remains firmly in herr jacoby's memory. a bloody judgment is held on all enemies of jesuitism and the monarchist principle, above all on the new philosophers, who carry a dagger in a sheath of mind-confusing ideas, and among their many-coloured rags the well-known shroud (at least herr jacoby knows it very well from former days) in which the priests and princes together sleep their sleep of death. but the new prophet knows them, \"i have always understood you,\" he says himself. on the other hand, he acquits the master [hegel] because a few of the latter's ideas have entered herr jacoby's heated brain like snowflakes, and there, of course, have turned to water. in face of the chorus of vultures and owls that now follows, as also in face of the infernal rejoicing, criticism is justly silent.",
11
+ "in joel jacoby we see the horrifying extreme to which all knights of unreason are driven in the end. that is the final outcome of all hostility to free thought, of all opposition to the absolute power of the mind, whether it appears in the form of wild, unruly sansculottism or the unthinking servile mind; whether it is represented by the parted hair of the pietist or the tonsure of the priest. joel jacoby is a living trophy, a sign of the victory which the thinking mind has achieved. anyone who has ever entered the lists on behalf of the nineteenth century can gaze in triumph on this unfortunate poet of our time, for sooner, or later all its other adversaries will suffer the same fate."
12
+ ]
13
+ }
Data in JSON/Kreuznach, September 1843.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "marx to ruge",
5
+ "kreuznach, september 1843",
6
+ "i am glad that you have made up your mind and, ceasing to look back at the past, are turning your thoughts ahead to a new enterprise.[22] and so to paris, to the old university of philosophy absit omen! [may it not be an ill omen] and the new capital of the new world! what is necessary comes to pass. i have no doubt, therefore, that it will be possible to overcome all obstacles, the gravity of which i do not fail to recognise.",
7
+ "but whether the enterprise comes into being or not, in any case i shall be in paris by the end of this month,[23] since the atmosphere here makes one a serf, and in germany i see no scope at all for free activity.",
8
+ "in germany, everything is forcibly suppressed; a real anarchy of the mind, the reign of stupidity itself, prevails there, and zurich obeys orders from berlin. it therefore becomes increasingly obvious that a new rallying point must be sought for truly thinking and independent minds. i am convinced that our plan would answer a real need, and after all it must be possible for real needs to be fulfilled in reality. hence i have no doubt about the enterprise, if it is undertaken seriously.",
9
+ "the internal difficulties seem to be almost greater than the external obstacles. for although no doubt exists on the question of \"whence,\" all the greater confusion prevails on the question of \"whither.\" not only has a state of general anarchy set in among the reformers, but everyone will have to admit to himself that he has no exact idea what the future ought to be. on the other hand, it is precisely the advantage of the new trend that we do not dogmatically anticipate the world, but only want to find the new world through criticism of the old one. hitherto philosophers have had the solution of all riddles lying in their writing-desks, and the stupid, exoteric world had only to open its mouth for the roast pigeons of absolute knowledge to fly into it. now philosophy has become mundane, and the most striking proof of this is that philosophical consciousness itself has been drawn into the torment of the struggle, not only externally but also internally. but, if constructing the future and settling everything for all times are not our affair, it is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: i am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be.",
10
+ "therefore i am not in favour of raising any dogmatic banner. on the contrary, we must try to help the dogmatists to clarify their propositions for themselves. thus, communism, in particular, is a dogmatic abstraction; in which connection, however, i am not thinking of some imaginary and possible communism, but actually existing communism as taught by cabet, dzamy, weitling, etc. this communism is itself only a special expression of the humanistic principle, an expression which is still infected by its antithesis the private system. hence the abolition of private property and communism are by no means identical, and it is not accidental but inevitable that communism has seen other socialist doctrines such as those of fourier, proudhon, etc. arising to confront it because it is itself only a special, one-sided realisation of the socialist principle.",
11
+ "and the whole socialist principle in its turn is only one aspect that concerns the reality of the true human being. but we have to pay just as much attention to the other aspect, to the theoretical existence of man, and therefore to make religion, science, etc., the object of our criticism. in addition, we want to influence our contemporaries, particularly our german contemporaries. the question arises: how are we to set about it? there are two kinds of facts which are undeniable. in the first place religion, and next to it, politics, are the subjects which form the main interest of germany today. we must take these, in whatever form they exist, as our point of departure, and not confront them with some ready-made system such as, for example, the voyage en icarie. [etienne cabet, voyage en icarie. roman philosophique et social.]",
12
+ "reason has always existed, but not always in a reasonable form. the critic can therefore start out from any form of theoretical and practical consciousness and from the forms peculiar to existing reality develop the true reality as its obligation and its final goal. as far as real life is concerned, it is precisely the political state in all its modern forms which, even where it is not yet consciously imbued with socialist demands, contains the demands of reason. and the political state does not stop there. everywhere it assumes that reason has been realised. but precisely because of that it everywhere becomes involved in the contradiction between its ideal function and its real prerequisites.",
13
+ "from this conflict of the political state with itself, therefore, it is possible everywhere to develop the social truth. just as religion is a register of the theoretical struggles of mankind, so the political state is a register of the practical struggles of mankind. thus, the political state expresses, within the limits of its form sub specie rei publicae, [as a particular kind of state] all social struggles, needs and truths. therefore, to take as the object of criticism a most specialised political question such as the difference between a system based on social estate and one based on representation is in no way below the hauteur des principes. [level of principles] for this question only expresses in a political way the difference between rule by man and rule by private property. therefore the critic not only can, but must deal with these political questions (which according to the extreme socialists are altogether unworthy of attention). in analysing the superiority of the representative system over the social-estate system, the critic in a practical way wins the interest of a large party. by raising the representative system from its political form to the universal form and by bringing out the true significance underlying this system, the critic at the same time compels this party to go beyond its own confines, for its victory is at the same time its defeat.",
14
+ "hence, nothing prevents us from making criticism of politics, participation in politics, and therefore real struggles, the starting point of our criticism, and from identifying our criticism with them. in that case we do not confront the world in a doctrinaire way with a new principle: here is the truth, kneel down before it! we develop new principles for the world out of the world's own principles. we do not say to the world: cease your struggles, they are foolish; we will give you the true slogan of struggle. we merely show the world what it is really fighting for, and consciousness is something that it has to acquire, even if it does not want to.",
15
+ "the reform of consciousness consists only in making the world aware of its own consciousness, in awakening it out of its dream about itself, in explaining to it the meaning of its own actions. our whole object can only be as is also the case in feuerbach's criticism of religion to give religious and philosophical questions the form corresponding to man who has become conscious of himself.",
16
+ "hence, our motto must be: reform of consciousness not through dogmas, but by analysing the mystical consciousness that is unintelligible to itself, whether it manifests itself in a religious or a political form. it will then become evident that the world has long dreamed of possessing something of which it has only to be conscious in order to possess it in reality. it will become evident that it is not a question of drawing a great mental dividing line between past and future, but of realising the thoughts of the past. lastly, it will become evident that mankind is not beginning a new work, but is consciously carrying into effect its old work.",
17
+ "in short, therefore, we can formulate the trend of our journal as being: self-clarification (critical philosophy) to be gained by the present time of its struggles and desires. this is a work for the world and for us. it can be only the work of united forces. it is a matter of a confession, and nothing more. in order to secure remission of its sins, mankind has only to declare them for what they actually are."
18
+ ]
19
+ }
Data in JSON/Landscapes.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,21 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "landscapes",
5
+ "written: at the end of june and in july 1840 first published: in telegraph fr deutschland nos. 122-123, july/august 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "telegraph fr deutschland no. 122, july 1840",
7
+ "hellas had the good fortune of seeing the nature of her landscape brought to consciousness in the religion of her inhabitants. hellas is a land of pantheism; all her landscapes are or, at least, were embraced in a harmonious framework. and yet every tree, every fountain, every mountain thrusts itself too much in the foreground, and her sky is far too blue, her sun far too radiant, her sea far too magnificent, for them to be content with the laconic spiritualisation of shelley's spirit of nature, [the words \"spirit of nature\" are in english in the original. in shelley's works, in particular in queen mab, the pantheistic figurative symbol of pan appears. down with burning anger on the bare barren sand there you have a representation of the jewish world outlook] of an all-embracing pan. each beautifully shaped individual feature lays claim to a particular god, each river will have its nymphs, each grove its dryads and so arose the religion of the hellenes. other regions were not so fortunate; they did not serve any people as: the basis of its faith and had to await a poetic mind to conjure into existence the religious genius that slumbered in them. if you stand on the drachenfels or on the rochusberg at bingen, and gaze over the vine-fragrant valley of the rhine, the distant blue mountains merging with the horizon, the green fields and vineyards flooded with golden sunlight, the blue sky reflected in the river heaven with its brightness descends on to the earth and is mirrored in it, the spirit descends into matter, the word becomes flesh and dwells among us that is the embodiment of christianity. the direct opposite of this is the north-german heath; here there is nothing but dry stalks and modest heather, which, conscious of its weakness, dare not raise itself above the ground; here and there is a once defiant tree now shattered by lightning; and the brighter the sky, the more sharply does its self-sufficient magnificence demarcate it from the poor, cursed earth lying below it in sackcloth and ashes, and the more does its eye, the sun, look down with burning anger on the bare barren sand there you have a representation of the jewish world outlook.",
8
+ "the heathland has been much reviled, all literature [in the third volume of blasedow the old man is concerned for the heath. note by engels.] has heaped curses on it and, as in platen's oedipus, it has been used only as a background for satire, but people have scorned to seek out its rare charms, its hidden poetic connections. one must really have grown up in a beautiful region, on mountain heights or forest[crowned crags, to feel properly the frightening, depressing character of the north-german sahara, but also to be able to detect with pleasure the beautiful features of this region, which, like the mirage in libya, are not always visible to the eye. the really found only in the potato fields on the t the homeland of the saxons, the most s, is poetic even in its desolation. on a stormy night, when clouds stream ghost-like past the moon, when dogs bay to one another at a distance, gallop on snorting horses over the endless heath and leap with loose reins over the weathered granite blocks and the burial mounds of the huns; in the distance the water of the moor glitters in the reflected moonlight, will-o'-the-wisps flit over it, and the howling of the storm sounds eerily over the wide expanse; the ground beneath you is unsafe, and you feel that you have entered the realm of german folk-lore. only after i became acquainted with the north-german heathland did i properly understand the grimm brothers' kinder- und haus-mirchen. it is evident from almost all these tales that they had their origin here, where at nightfall the human element vanishes and the terrifying, shapeless creations of popular fantasy glide over a desolate land which is eerie even in the brightness of midday. they are a tangible embodiment of the feelings aroused in the solitary heath dweller when he wends his way in his native land on such a wild night, or when he looks out over the desolate expanse from some high tower. then the impressions which he has retained from childhood of stormy nights on the heath come back to his mind and take shape in those fairy-tales. you will not overhear the secret of the origin of the popular fairy-tales on the rhine or in swabia, whereas here every lightning night bright lightning night, says laube speaks of it with tongues of thunder.",
9
+ "the summer thread of my apologia for the heath, carried by the wind, would probably continue to be spun out, if it had not become entangled with an unfortunate signpost painted in the colours of the land of hanover [yellow and white] i have long pondered over the significance of these colours. it is true that the royal prussian colours do not show what thiersch tries to find in them in his bad song about prussia [80]; nevertheless, by their prosiness they remind one of cold, heartless bureaucracy and of all that the rhinelander still cannot find quite plausible about prussianism. the sharp contrast between black and white can provide an analogy for the relation between king and subject in an absolute monarchy; and since, according to newton, they are not colours at all, they can be an indication that the loyal frame of mind in an absolute monarchy is that which does not hold a brief for any colour. the gay red and white flags of the people of the hanse towns were at least fitting in olden days; the french esprit displays its iridescence in the tricolour, the colours of which have been appropriated by phlegmatic holland too, probably in derision of itself; the most beautiful and significant, of course, is still the unhappy german tricolour. but the hanoverian colours! imagine a dandy in white trousers who has been chased for an hour at full speed through road-side ditches and newly ploughed fields, imagine lot's pillar of salt [81] an example of the hanoverian nunquam retrorsum [never turning back (inscription under the rampant steed of the hanoverian coat of arms)] of former times as a warning for many-imagine this honourable memorial splashed with mud by ill-bred bedouin youths, and you have a hanoverian frontier post with its coat of arms. or does the white signify the innocent basic law of the state and the yellow the filth with which it is being bespattered by certain mercenary pens?",
10
+ "to continue with the religious character of various regions, the dutch landscapes are essentially calvinist. the absolute prose of a distant view in holland, the impossibility of its spiritualisation, the grey sky that is indeed the only one suited to it, all this produces the same impression on us as the infallible decisions of the dordrecht synod. [82] the windmills, the sole moving things in the landscape, remind one of the predestined elect, who allow themselves to be moved only by the breath of divine dispensation; everything else lies in \"spiritual death\". and in this barren orthodoxy, the rhine, like the flowing, living spirit of christianity, loses its fructifying power and becomes completely choked up with sand. such, seen from the rhine, is the appearance of its dutch banks; other parts of the country may be more beautiful, i do not know them. rotterdam, with its shady quays, its canals and ships, is an oasis for people from small towns in the interior of germany; one can understand here how the imagination of a freiligrath could ply with the departing frigates to distant, more luxuriant shores. then there are the cursed zeeland islands, nothing but reeds and dykes, windmills and the tops of chiming church steeples, between which the steamboat winds its way for hours!",
11
+ "but then, with what a blissful feeling we leave behind the philistine dykes and tight-laced calvinist orthodoxy and enter the realm of the free-ranging spirit! helvoetsluys vanishes, on the right and the left the banks of the waal sink into the rising, jubilant waves, the sandy yellow of the water changes to green, and now what is behind is forgotten, and we go forward into the dark-green transparent sea!",
12
+ "and now have done with grieving, and shed that bitter load. and you'd go travelling onwards time to be up and leaving to take the great highroad. the sky leans gently downwards to mingle with the sea in tired despondency?",
13
+ "the sky bends downwards, holding the world with all its charms, happy to be enfolding such beauty in his arms. as if to kiss her lover the wave leaps up to the sky, and you'd wish life was over, in dark despondency?",
14
+ "the god of love, descending, makes all this world his own; to dwell here without ending, he gives himself through man. and does that god not really abide within your breast? then let him reign more freely and shine his worthiest.",
15
+ "then climb on to the rigging of the bowsprit and gaze on the waves, how, cleft by the ship's keel, they throw the white spray high over your head, and look out, too, over the distant green surface of the sea, where the foaming crests of the waves spring up in eternal unrest, where the sun's rays are reflected into your eyes from thousands of dancing mirrors, where the green of the sea merges with the blue of the sky and the gold of the sun to produce a wonderful colour, and all your trivial cares, all remembrance of the enemies of light and their treacherous attacks disappear, and you stand upright, proudly conscious of the free, infinite mind! i have had only one impression that could compare with this; when for the first time the divine idea of the last of the philosophers [probably hegel] this most colossal creation of the thought of the nineteenth century, dawned upon me,: i experienced the same blissful thrill, it was like a breath of fresh sea air blowing down upon me from the purest sky; the depths of speculation lay before me like the unfathomable sea from which one cannot turn one's eyes straining to see the ground below; in god we live, move and have our being! we become conscious of that when we are on the sea; we feel that god breathes through all around us and through us ourselves; we feel such kinship with the whole of nature, the waves beckon to us so intimately, the sky stretches so lovingly over the earth, and the sun shines with such indescribable radiance that one feels one could grasp it with the hand.",
16
+ "the sun sinks in the north-west; on its left a shining streak rises from the sea the kentish coast and the southern bank of the thames estuary. already the twilight mist lies on the sea, only in the west is the purple of evening spread over the sky and over the water; the sky in the east is resplendent in deep blue, from which venus already shines out brightly; in the south-west a long golden streak in the magical light along the horizon is margate, from the windows of which the evening redness is reflected. so now wave your caps and greet free england with a joyful shout and a full glass. good night, and a happy awakening in london!",
17
+ "telegraph fr deutschland no. 123, august 1840",
18
+ "you who complain of the prosaic dullness of railways without ever having seen one should try travelling on the one from london to liverpool. if ever a land was made to be traversed by railways it is england. no dazzlingly beautiful scenery, no colossal mountain masses, but a land of 'soft rolling hills which has a wonderful charm in the english sunlight, which is never quite clear. it is surprising how various are the groupings of the simple figures; out of a few low hills, a field, some trees and grazing cattle, nature composes a thousand pleasant landscapes. the trees, which occur singly or in groups in all the fields, have a singular beauty that makes the whole neighbourhood resemble a park. then comes a tunnel, and for a few minutes the train is in darkness, emerging into a deep cutting from which one is suddenly transported again into the midst of smiling, sunny fields. at another time the railway track is laid on a viaduct crossing a long valley; far below it lie towns and villages, woods and meadows, between which a river takes its meandering course; to the right and left are mountains which fade into the background, and the valley is bathed in a magical light, half-mist and half-sunshine. but you have hardly had time to survey the wonderful scene before you are carried away into a bare cutting and have time to recreate the magical picture in your imagination. and so it goes on until night falls and your wearied eyes close in slumber. oh, there is rich poetry in the counties of britain! it often seems as if one were still in the golden days of merry england and might see shakespeare with his fowling-piece moving stealthily behind a hedge on a deer-poaching expedition, or you might wonder why not one of his divine comedies actually takes place on this green meadow. for wherever the scenes are supposed to occur, in italy, france or navarra, his baroque, uncouth rustics, his too-clever schoolmasters, and his deliciously bizarre women, all belong basically to merry england b and it is remarkable that only an english sky is suited to everything that takes place. only some of the comedies, such as the midsummer night's dream, are as completely adapted to a southern climate as romeo and juliet, even in the characters of the play.",
19
+ "and now back to our fatherland! picturesque and romantic westphalia has become quite indignant at its son freiligrath, who has entirely forgotten it on account of the admittedly far more picturesque and romantic rhine. let us console it with a few flattering words so that its patience does not give out before the second issue appears. [83] westphalia is surrounded by mountain ranges separating it from the rest of germany, and it lies open only to holland, as if it had been cast out from germany. and yet its children are true saxons, good loyal germans. and these mountains offer magnificent points of view; in the south the ruhr and lenne valleys, in the east the weser valley, in the north a range of mountains from minden to osnabrck everywhere there is a wealth of beautiful scenery, and only in the centre of the province is there a boring expanse of sand which always shows up through the grass and corn. and then there are the beautiful old towns, above all mnster with its gothic churches, with its market arcades, and with annette elisabeth von droste-hillshoff and levin schcking. the last-named, whose acquaintance i had the pleasure of making there, was kind enough to draw my attention to the poems of that lady, [84] and i could not let this opportunity slip without bearing part of the blame which the german public has incurred in regard to these poems. in connection with them it has once again been proved that the much-vaunted german thoroughness treats the appreciation of poetry much too light-heartedly; people leaf through it, examine whether the rhymes are pure and the verses fluent, and whether the content is easy to understand and rich in striking, or at least dazzling, images, and the verdict is complete. but poems like these, which are marked by a sincerity of feeling, a tenderness and originality in the depiction of nature such as only shelley can achieve, and a bold byronic imagination-clothed, it is true, in a somewhat stiff form and in a language not altogether free from provincialism such poems pass away without leaving a trace. anyone,, however, who is prepared to read them rather more slowly than usual and, after all, one only takes up a book of poems in the hours of a siesta could very well find that their beauty prevents him from going to sleep! furthermore, the poetess is a fervent catholic, and how can a protestant take any interest in such? but whereas pietism makes the man, the schoolmaster, the chief curate albert knapp, ridiculous, the childish faith of frulein von droste becomes her very well. religious independence of mind is an awkward matter for women. persons like george sand, mistress shelley [mary wollstonecraft-shelley, ne godwin], are rare; it is only too easy for doubt to corrode the feminine mind and raise the intellect to a power which it ought not to have in any woman. if, however, the ideas by which we children of the new stand or fall are truth, then the time is not far off when the feminine heart will beat as warmly for the flowers of thought of the modern mind as it does now for the pious faith of its fathers and the victory of the new will only be at hand when the young generation takes it in with its mother's milk."
20
+ ]
21
+ }
Data in JSON/Letter from Engels to Marx.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "letter from engels to marx",
5
+ "in paris",
6
+ "written: [barmen, beginning of october 1844] first published: abridged in die neue zeit, bd. 2, no.44, stuttgart, 1900-01 and in full in der briefwechsel zwischen f. engels und k. marx, bd. 1, stuttgart, 1913; transcribed: ken campbell; html markup: s. ryan.",
7
+ "dear marx,",
8
+ "no doubt you are surprised, and justifiably so, not to have heard from me sooner; however i still cannot tell you even now anything about my return. i've been stuck here in barmen for the past three weeks, amusing myself as best i can with few friends and many relations amongst whom, fortunately, there are half a dozen amiable women. work is out of the question here, more especially since my sister [marie] has become engaged to the london communist, emil blank, an acquaintance of ewerbeck's and, of course, the house is now in a hellish state of turmoil. moreover, it's clear to me that considerable obstacles will continue to be placed in the way of my return to paris, and that i may well have to spend six months or a whole year hanging about in germany; i shall, of course, do everything i can to avoid this, but you have no idea what petty considerations and superstitious fears i have to contend with.",
9
+ "i spent three days in cologne and marvelled at the tremendous propaganda we had put out there. our people are very active, but the lack of adequate backing is greatly felt. failing a few publications in which the principles are logically and historically developed out of past ways of thinking and past history, and as their necessary continuation, the whole thing will remain rather hazy and most people will be groping in the dark. later i was in duesseldorf, where we also have some able fellows. the ones i like best, by the way, are my elberfelders, in whom a humane way of thinking has truly become second nature; these fellows have really begun to revolutionise their family lives and lecture their elders whenever these try to come the aristocrat over the servants or workmen and that's saying a great deal in patriarchal elberfeld. but besides this particular group there's another in elberfeld which is also very good, though somewhat more muddled. in barmen the police inspector is a communist. the day before yesterday i was called on by a former schoolfellow, a grammar school teacher [1] , who's been thoroughly bitten although he's had no contact whatever with communists. if we could bring direct influence to bear on the people, we'd soon get the upper hand, but such a thing is virtually impossible, especially since we writers have to keep quiet if we're not to be nabbed. otherwise it's safe enough here, no one bothers much about us so long as we keep quiet, and it seems to me that hess' fears are little more than phantoms. i've not been molested at all here so far, although the public prosecutor once insistently questioned one of our people about me, but up till now i haven't had wind of anything else.",
10
+ "according to the paper here, bernays [2] has been charged by the government here and taken to court in paris. let me know whether this is true, and also how the pamphlet [3] is getting on; presumably it's finished by now. nothing has been heard of the bauers here, nobody knows anything about them. on the other hand, every one is still scrambling to get hold of the jahrbcher. [4] my article on carlyle [5] has, absurdly enough, earned me a tremendous reputation among the 'mass', whereas only very few have read the one on economy. [6] that's natural enough.",
11
+ "in elberfeld, too, the clerical gentry have been preaching against us, at least krummacher has; for the present they confine themselves to the atheism of the young, but i hope this will soon be followed by a philippic against communism. last summer the whole of elberfeld talked of nothing but these godless fellows. by and large, the movement here is remarkable. since i was here last [7] , the wupper valley has made greater progress in every respect than in the preceding fifty years. social manners have become more civilised, participation in politics, in the opposition is widespread, industry has made enormous progress, new districts have been added to the towns, entire woods have been grubbed up, and the level of civilisation throughout the region is indeed above rather than below that in germany as a whole, whereas only four years ago it was far lower. in other words this promises to be first-rate soil for our principle, and if only we can get our wild, hot-blooded dyers and bleachers on the move, the wupper valley will surprise you yet. as it is, the workers had already reached the final stage of the old civilisation a few years ago, and the rapid increase in crime, robbery and murder is their way of protesting against the old social organisation. at night the streets are very unsafe, the bourgeoisie is beaten, stabbed and robbed; and, if the proletarians here develop according to the same laws as in england, they will soon realise that this way of protesting as individuals and with violence against the social order is useless, and they will protest, through communism, in their general capacity as human beings. if only one could show these fellows the way! but that's impossible.",
12
+ "my brother [hermann] is at present a soldier in cologne and, so long as he remains above suspicion, will provide a good address to which letters for hess, etc., may be sent. at the moment i myself am not sure of his exact address and cannot therefore let you have it.",
13
+ "since writing the above i have been in elberfeld, where i once again came across several communists i had never heard of before. turn where you will, go where you may, you'll stumble on a communist. a very impassioned communist, a cartoonist and aspiring historical painter by the name of seel will be going to paris in two months' time. i'll direct him to you; the fellow's enthusiasm and his painting and love of music will appeal to you, and he may very well come in useful as a cartoonist. it's possible, but not very probable, that i may be there myself by then.",
14
+ "a few copies of vorwarts! [8] arrive here and i have seen to it that others place orders as well; ask the dispatch department to send specimen copies to the following in elberfeld: richard roth, captain wilhelm blank junior, f. w. strijeker, meyer, a bavarian publican in the funkenstrasse (a communist beerhouse), all to be sent through baedeker, the communist bookseller, and under sealed cover. once the fellows see that copies are coming in, they, too, will place orders. also to w. mueller, m.d., in duesseldorf; and, if you like, to d'ester, m.d., loellchen, [9] the publican, your brother-in-law[10], etc., in cologne. all of them, of course, through the booksellers and under sealed cover.",
15
+ "see to it that the material you've collected is soon launched into the world.[11] it's high time, heaven knows! i too shall settle down to work and make a start this very day. the teutons are all still very muddled about the practicability of communism; to dispose of this absurdity i intend to write a short pamphlet showing that communism has already been put into practice and describing in popular terms how this is at present being done in england and america. [12] the thing will take me three days or so, and should prove very enlightening for these fellows. i've already observed this when talking to people here.",
16
+ "down to work, then, and quickly into print! convey my greetings to ewerbeck, bakunin, guerrier and the rest, not forgetting your wife, and write very soon to tell me all the news. if this letter reaches you safely and unopened, send your reply under sealed cover to f. w. struecker and co., elberfeld, with the address written in as commercial a hand as possible; otherwise, to any of the other addresses i gave ewerbeck. i shall be curious to know whether the postal sleuth-hounds are deceived by the ladylike appearance of this letter.",
17
+ "goodbye for the present, dear karl, and write very soon. i have not been able to recapture the mood of cheerfulness and goodwill i experienced during the ten days i spent with you. i have not as yet had any real opportunity of doing anything about the establishment we are to establish. [13]",
18
+ "notes",
19
+ "background: this is the earliest extant letter of engels to marx, written soon after engels' return to germany from england. on his way back to germany, at the end of august 1844, he stopped in paris, where he met marx. during the days they spent together they discovered that their theoretical views coincided, and they immediately began their first joint work, directed against the young hegelians. engels finished his part before leaving paris, while marx continued to write his. at first, they intended to call the book a critique of critical criticism. against bruno bauer and co. but while it was being printed, marx added the holy family to the title.",
20
+ "this meeting of marx and engels in paris marked the beginning of their friendship, joint scientific work and revolutionary struggle.",
21
+ "the extant original of this letter bears no date. the approximate time of its writing was determined on the basis of engels' letter to marx of november 19 1844.",
22
+ "this letter was printed in english in full for the first time in: marx and engels, selected correspondences, foreign languages publishing house, moscow, 1955.",
23
+ "1. gustav wurm.",
24
+ "2. karl bernays, one of the editors of the german newspaper vorwrts!, published in paris, was sued by the french authorities in september 1844 at the request of the prussian government for not having paid the caution-money required for the publication of a political newspaper. the real reason, however, was the article 'attentat auf den knig von prssen', published in vorwrts!, no. 62, 3 august 1844. on 13 december 1844 bernays was sentenced to two months' imprisonment and a fine.",
25
+ "3. k. marx and f. engels, the holy family, or critique of critical criticism.",
26
+ "4. deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher",
27
+ "5. f. engels, 'the condition of england. past and present by thomas carlyle.'",
28
+ "6. f. engels, 'outlines of a critique of political economy'.",
29
+ "7. engels left germany in november 1842 and lived for nearly two years in england, working in the office of a manchester cotton-mill of which the father was co-proprietor.",
30
+ "8. in july 1844, marx began to contribute to the newspaper vorwarts!, which prior to that from early 1844 to the summer of the same year reflected the moderate liberalism of its publisher, the german businessman h. boernstein, and its editor a. bornstedt. however, when karl bernays, a friend of marx, became its editor in the summer of 1844, the newspaper assumed a democratic character. by contributing to the newspaper, marx began to influence its policy and in september became one of its editors. other contributors were engels, heine, herwegh, ewerbeck and bakunin. under marx's influence, the newspaper came to express communist views and attacked prussian absolutism and moderate german liberalism. at the behest of the prussian government, the guizot ministry took repressive measures against its editors and contributors in january 1845, when publication ceased.",
31
+ "9. j. a. loellgen",
32
+ "10. edgar von westphalen.",
33
+ "11. engels is referring to kritik der politik und national-konomie, a work which marx planned to write. marx began to study political economy at the end of 1843 and by spring 1844 he set himself the task of writing a criticism of bourgeois political economy from the standpoint of materialism and communism. the draft \"economic and philosophic manuscripts of 1844\", written at that time, have reached us incomplete. work on the holy family forced marx to temporarily interrupt his study of political economy until december 1844. in february 1845, just before his expulsion from paris, he signed a contract for his kritik der politik und national-konomie with the publisher leske. in brussels, marx continued to study the works of english, french, german, italian and other economists and added several more notebooks of excerpts to those compiled in paris, although his original plan for the book was not carried out.",
34
+ "12. f. engels, 'description of recently founded communist colonies still in existence' was published in the deutsches burgerbuch fur 1845 and not in pamphlet form.",
35
+ "13. this seems to refer to some literary plan."
36
+ ]
37
+ }
Data in JSON/Letter from Marx To his Father In Trier.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,75 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "letter from marx to his father in trier",
5
+ "berlin, november 10, [1837]",
6
+ "dear father!",
7
+ "there are life-moments that, like border markers, stand before an expiring time while at the same time clearly pointing out a new direction.",
8
+ "in such transitional moments we feel ourselves compelled to observe the past and the future with eagle-eyes of thought, in order to attain consciousness of our actual position. indeed, world history itself loves such looking back and inspection, which often impresses it with the appearance of retrogression and stagnation, while it is really only sitting back in the easy chair, in order to comprehend itself and to intellectually penetrate its own activity, the act of spirit.",
9
+ "the individual, however, becomes lyrical in such moments, for every metamorphosis is partly a swan song, partly the overture of a great new poem that strives to win a pose in blurred but brilliant colors. at such times we wish to erect a memorial to what has already been lived, so it may win back in the imagination the place it lost in the world of action; and where could we find a holier place than in the heart of our parents, who are the mildest judges and the innermost participants, like the sun of love whose fire warms the innermost center of our strivings! how better could amends and pardons be found for all that is objectionable and blameworthy than to take on the appearance of an essentially necessary condition? how at least could the often hostile game of chance, the straying of the spirit, better distance itself from the reproach of being due to a twisted heart?",
10
+ "if at the end of a year spent here i now cast a glance back at its conditions and so, my good father, answer your dear, dear letter from ems, allow me to review my circumstances just as i observe life itself, as the expression of a spiritual activity, which develops on all sides, in science, art, and private affairs.",
11
+ "as i left you a new world was born for me, a world of love, and, indeed, in the beginning a love intoxicated with longing and empty of hope. the trip to berlin, which otherwise would delight me in the highest degree, would excite in me the appreciation of nature, would fire up a love of life, left me cold. indeed it put me in a noticeably bad humor, for the rocks which i saw were neither steeper nor more intimidating than the feelings of my soul, the wide cities were not more lively than my own blood, the tavern tables no more filled or indigestible than the packets of fantasy i carried with me, and finally, the art not so beautiful as jenny.",
12
+ "having arrived in berlin, i broke off all previous relationships, made only few visits and those without joy, and sought to lose myself in science and art.",
13
+ "according to the spiritual situation at that time, the first subject, or at least the most pleasant and simplest to pick up was necessarily lyrical poetry. but my situation and development up to that point made this purely idealistic. my heaven, my art, became a remote beyond, just like my love. everything real faded, and all faded things lose their boundaries. all of the poems of the first three volumes that jenny received from me are characterized by attacks on the present times, by broad and formless feelings thrown together, where nothing is natural, everything constructed from out of the moon, the complete opposition of what is and what should be, rhetorical reflections rather than poetical thoughts, but perhaps also by a certain warmth of feeling and wrestling for vitality. the whole extent of a longing that sees no limit finds expression in many forms and makes \"poetic composition\" into mere \"diffusion.\"",
14
+ "but poetry may only and should only be an accompaniment. i had to study jurisprudence and felt above all the urge to wrestle with philosophy. these were so tied together that, on the one hand, i read through heineccius, thibaut, and the sources purely uncritically, as a student would, and, for example, translated the two first books of the pandects into german; on the other hand, i sought to delineate a philosophy of right through the whole field of law. i attached a few metaphysical propositions to it as an introduction and continued this unfortunate opus all the way to public law, a work of nearly 300 pages.",
15
+ "more than anything else, what came to the fore here was the same opposition between the actual and the possible that is peculiar to idealism, a serious defect that gave birth to the following clumsy and incorrect division. first came what i was pleased to christen the metaphysics of law, that is, foundational propositions, reflections, and conceptual determinations that were separated from all actual law and from every actual form of law, just like in fichte, only in my case it was more modern and less substantial. moreover, the unscientific form of mathematical dogmatism where the subject runs around the matter, here and there rationalizing, while the topic itself is never formulated as a richly unfolding living thing was from the very beginning a hindrance to grasping the truth. the triangle allows the mathematician to construct and to demonstrate, yet it remains a mere idea in space and doesn't develop any further. one must put it next to other things, and then it takes on other positions, and when this difference is added to what is already there, it acquires different relations and truths. by contrast, in the concrete expression of a living concept world, as in law, the state, nature, and all of philosophy, the object must be studied in its development, arbitrary divisions may not be brought in, and the reason of the thing itself must be disclosed as something imbued with contradictions and must find in itself its unity.",
16
+ "as a second division followed the philosophy of right, that is, according to my view at the time, an examination of the development of thoughts in positive roman law, as if the positive law in its conceptual development (i do not mean in its purely finite determinations) could ever be something different from the formation of the concept of law, which was supposed to be covered in the first part.",
17
+ "on top of this, i had further divided this part into a doctrine of formal and material law. the former was the pure form of the system in its succession and its connections, the division and scope, while the latter, by contrast, was supposed to describe the content, the embodiment of the form in its content. this was a mistake that i shared with herr v. savigny, as i found later in his scholarly works on property, only with the difference that he calls the formal concept-determination \"finding the place which this or that doctrine takes in the (fictitious) roman system,\" and material concept-determination as \"the doctrine of positivity which the romans ascribe to a concept established in this way,\" while i understood by form the necessary architectonic of conceptual formulations, and by material, the necessary quality of these formulations. the error lies in the fact that i believed that one could and must develop the one apart from the other, so that i obtained not an actual form, but only a desk with drawers, into which i afterwards poured sand.",
18
+ "the concept is certainly the mediating link between form and content. in a philosophical development of law, therefore, the one must spring forth from the other; indeed the form may only be the continuation of the content. thus i arrived at a division whereby the subject could at best be sketched in an easy and shallow classification, but in which the spirit of the law and its truth disappeared. all law is divided into contractual and non-contractual. in order to make this clearer, i take the liberty of setting out the schema up to the division of jus publicum, which is also dealt with in the formal part.",
19
+ "i. ii.",
20
+ "jus privatum. jus publicum.",
21
+ "i. jus privatum.",
22
+ "a) on conditional contractual private law,",
23
+ "b) on unconditional non contractual private law.",
24
+ "a. on conditional contractual private law.",
25
+ "a) personal law; b) property law; c) personal property law.",
26
+ "a) personal law.",
27
+ "i. on the basis of encumbered contracts; ii. on the basis of contracts of assurance; iii. on the basis of charitable contracts.",
28
+ "1. on the basis of encumbered contracts.",
29
+ "2. commercial contracts (societas). 3. contracts of casements (location conductio).",
30
+ "3. locatio conduction",
31
+ "1. insofar as it relates to operae.",
32
+ "a) location conduction proper (neither roman renting nor leasing is meant!),",
33
+ "b) mandatum.",
34
+ "2. insofar as it relates to usus rei.",
35
+ "a) on land: ususfructus (also not in the merely roman sense),",
36
+ "b) on houses: habitation.",
37
+ "ii. on the basis of contracts of assurance.",
38
+ "1. arbitration or mediation contract. 2. insurance contract.",
39
+ "iii. on the basis of charitable contracts.",
40
+ "2. promissory contract.",
41
+ "1. fidejussio. 2. negotiorum gestio.",
42
+ "3. gift contract.",
43
+ "b) law of things.",
44
+ "1. on the basis of encumbered contracts.",
45
+ "2. permutation stricte sic dicta.",
46
+ "1. permutation proper. 2. mutuum (usurae). 3. emtio venditio.",
47
+ "il on the basis of contracts of assurance.",
48
+ "pignus.",
49
+ "iii. on the basis of charitable contracts.",
50
+ "2. commodatum. 3. depositum.",
51
+ "but how could i continue to fill the pages with things that i myself rejected? tripartite divisions run through the whole thing, it is written with enervating complication, and the roman concepts are barbarically misused so as to force them into my system. on the other side, i at least gained in this way an appreciation and an overview of something, at least in a certain way.",
52
+ "at the conclusion of the part on material private law i saw the falsity of the whole, the basic plan of which borders on that of kant, but which diverges entirely from kant in its elaboration, and again it became clear to me, that without philosophy it could not be pressed through to the end. so with a good conscience i allowed myself to be thrown into her arms again and wrote a new system of metaphysical principles, though at the conclusion i was once again compelled to observe the wrong-headedness of it, as with all of my earlier efforts.",
53
+ "meanwhile i made a habit of the practice of excerpting passages from out of all the books that i read. i did so from lessing's laokoon, solger's erwin, winckelmann's art history, luden's german history, and at the same time scribbled down my own reflections. i also translated tacitus' germania, ovid's tristria, and started learning english and italian on my own, that is, out of grammar books, though up to now i have accomplished nothing from this. i also read klein's criminal law and his annals, and all of the newest literature, though this last only incidentally.",
54
+ "at the end of the semester i again sought muse dances and satyr music, and already in the last notebook that i sent to you, idealism plays its part through forced humor (\"scorpio and felix\") and through an unsuccessful, fantastic drama (\"oulanem\"), until it finally undergoes a complete turnabout and turns into pure formal art, lacking inspired objects in most parts, and without any genuine train of thought.",
55
+ "and yet these last poems are the only ones in which suddenly as if touched by magic ah! it was like a shattering blow in the beginning the realm of true poetry flashed before me like a distant fairy palace, and a my creations crumbled into nothing.",
56
+ "busy with these various occupations, i was awake through many nights during the first semester. many battles had to be fought through, and i experienced both internal and external excitements. yet in the end i emerged not so very enriched, and moreover i had neglected nature, art, and the world, and had pushed away my friends. my body apparently made these reflections, and a doctor advised me to visit the country. and so it was that i rode for the first time through the entire length of the city, all the way to the gate, and then to stralow. i did not realize that there i would ripen from a pale, scrawny figure into a man with a robust and solid body.",
57
+ "a curtain was fallen, my holiest of holies was ripped apart, and new gods had to be set in their place.",
58
+ "from the idealism, which by the way, i had compared and nourished with the kantian and fichtean, i arrived at the point of seeking the idea in actuality itself. if the gods had earlier dwelt over the earth, so they were now made into its center.",
59
+ "i had read fragments of the hegelian philosophy, whose grotesque rocky melody did not please me. i wanted to dive down into that ocean one more time, but with the certain intention of finding that the nature of the mind is just as necessary, concrete and sure grounded as the corporeal nature. i no longer wished to practice the fencing arts, but to bring pure pearls out into the sunlight.",
60
+ "i wrote a dialogue of about 24 pages: \"cleanthes, or the starting point and necessary progress of philosophy.\" here art and science, which had gotten entirely separated from each other, were to some extent unified, and like a vigorous wanderer i strode into the work itself, a philosophical dialectical account of divinity and how it manifests itself conceptually, as religion, as nature, and as history. my last proposition was the beginning of the hegelian system, and this work, for which i acquainted myself to some extent with natural science, schelling, and history, and which caused me endless headaches is so [... unintelligible here] written (since it was actually supposed to be a new logic) that i now can hardly think myself into it again. this, my dearest child, reared by moonlight, had carried me like a false siren to the arms of the enemy.",
61
+ "from irritation i couldn't think at all for a few days, walked around like mad in the garden by the dirty water of the spree, which \"washes the soul and dilutes the tea.\" i even joined a hunting party with my landlord, and then rushed off to berlin, where i wanted to embrace every person standing on the street corner.",
62
+ "shortly thereafter i pursued only positive studies: savignys study of ownership, feuerbach's and grolmann's criminal law, de verborum significatione from cramer, wening-ingenheim's pandect system, and muhlenbruch's doctrina pandectarum, on which i am still working, and, finally, a few tides from lauterbach, on civil process and above all ecclesiastical law, the first part of which, gratian's concordia discordantium canonum, i have almost entirely read through in corpus and excerpted, as also the appendix, and lancelotti's institutiones. then i translated aristotle's rhetoric in parts, read de augmentis scientiarum from the famous bacon of verulam, occupied myself much with reimarus, whose book on the artistic instincts of the animals i thought through with much enjoyment, and i also tackled german law, though primarily only insofar as going through the capitularies of the franconian kings and the letters of the popes to them.",
63
+ "from grief over jenny's illness and my futile, failing intellectual labors, and out of debilitating irritation from having to make an idol out of a view i hated, i became sick, as i have already written you, dear father. when i was once again productive, i burned all of the poems and plans for novellas, etc., under the illusion that i could leave off from them entirely, for which i have until now delivered no evidence to the contrary.",
64
+ "during my period of poor health i had gotten to know hegel from beginning to end, including most of his students. through several meetings with friends in stralow i got into a doctor's club, which includes several instructors and my most intimate of berlin friends, dr. rutenberg. in argument here many conflicting views were pronounced, and i became even more firmly bound to the contemporary world philosophy, which i thought to escape, but everything full of noise was silenced and a true fit of irony came over me, as could easily happen after so many negations. this was also the time of jenny's silence, and i couldn't rest until i had acquired modernity and the standpoint of the contemporary scientific view through a few terrible productions like \"the visit,\" etc.",
65
+ "if i have perhaps presented here this entire last semester neither clearly nor in sufficient detail, and if i have blurred over all subtleties, forgive me, dear father, for my longing to speak of the present.",
66
+ "herr v. chamisso sent to me a highly insignificant note, wherein he reports that \"he regrets that the almanac can not use my contributions, because it has long since been printed.\" i swallowed this out of irritation. bookseller wigand has sent my plan to dr. schmidt, publisher of wunder's warehouse of good cheese and bad literature. i enclose this letter; dr. schmidt has not yet replied. meanwhile i am by no means giving the plan up, especially since all the aesthetic notables of the hegelian school have promised their collaboration through the mediation of university lecturer bauer, who plays a large role in the group, and of my colleague dr. rutenberg.",
67
+ "now regarding the question of a career in cameralistics, my dear father, i have recently made the acquaintance of an assessor schmidthnner, who advised me to go over to this as a justiciary after the third legal exam, which would be much easier for me to agree to, as i really prefer jurisprudence to any kind of administrative study. this man told me that in three years he himself and many others from the mnster provincial court in westphalia had become assessors, which is not supposed to be difficult, with hard work of course, because the stages there are not like those in berlin and elsewhere, where things are strictly determined. if one is later promoted from assessor to doctor, there are also much brighter outlooks, in the same way, of becoming an extraordinary professor, as happened with herr grtner in bonn, who wrote a mediocre book on provincial legislation and otherwise is only known from belonging to the hegelian school of jurists. but my dear, good father, wouldn't it be possible to discuss all of this with you in person?! eduard's condition, the suffering of dear mother, your own poor health although i hope that it is not bad everything leads me to wish, indeed makes it nearly into a necessity, to hurry home to you. i would already be there, if i did not definitely doubt your permission and agreement.",
68
+ "believe me my dear, true father, no selfish intention pushes me (although i would be ecstatic to see jenny again), but there is a thought that moves me, though i have no right to express it. it would in many respects be a hard step to take, but as my only sweet jenny writes, these considerations all fall apart when faced with the fulfillment of duties, which are sacred.",
69
+ "i beg you, dear father, however you might decide, not to show this letter, or at least not this page, to my angel of a mother. my sudden arrival could perhaps comfort the great, wonderful woman.",
70
+ "the letter which i wrote to mother was composed long before the arrival of jenny's lovely correspondence, and so perhaps i have unknowingly written too much about things that are not entirely or even very little suitable.",
71
+ "in the hope that little by little the clouds disperse that have gathered around our family, that it may not be begrudged me to suffer and weep with you and, perhaps, to demonstrate in your nearness the deep affection and immense love that i am so often only able to express so poorly; in the hope that you too my dear, eternally beloved father, mindful of my agitated state of mind, will forgive me where my heart so often appears to have erred, overwhelmed as it is by my combative spirit, and that you will soon be fully restored again, so that i can press you to my own heart and express to you all of my thoughts.",
72
+ "your ever loving son karl",
73
+ "forgive dear father, the illegible script and the poor style; it is nearly 4 in the morning, the candle is completely burnt out and the eyes dim; a true unrest has taken mastery of me and i will not be able to calm the excited spirits until i am in your dear presence. please give my greetings to my sweet, dear jenny. her letter has already been read twelve times through, and i always discover new delights. it is in every respect, including style, the most beautiful letter that i can imagine from a woman."
74
+ ]
75
+ }
Data in JSON/Letter to the editor of the Allgemeine Zeitung (Augsburg).json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "letter to the editor of the allgemeine zeitung (augsburg)",
5
+ "first published: in the allgemeine zeitung augsburg, no. 3, april 20, 1844; translated from german: by jack cohen for the collected works.",
6
+ "the diverse rumours which have been spread by german newspapers concerning the discontinuation of the deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher impel me to state that the swiss publishers of the jahrbcher suddenly withdrew from this enterprise for economic reasons and thus made impossible the continuation of this journal for the time being.",
7
+ "paris, april 14, 1844",
8
+ "karl marx"
9
+ ]
10
+ }
Data in JSON/M. to R. Marx to Ruge.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "m. to r. marx to ruge",
5
+ "on the canal-boat going to d., march 1843",
6
+ "i am now travelling in holland. as far as i can judge from the dutch and french newspapers, germany is sunk deep in the mire and will sink still deeper. i assure you, even if one has no feeling of national pride at all, nevertheless one has a feeling of national shame, even in holland. the most insignificant dutchman is still a citizen compared with the greatest german. and the verdict of the foreigners on the prussian government! a horrifying unanimity prevails; no one is any longer deceived about the prussian system and its simple nature. after all, therefore, the new school has been of some use. the mantle of liberalism has been discarded and the most disgusting despotism in all its nakedness is disclosed to the eyes of the whole world.",
7
+ "that, too, is a revelation, although one of the opposite kind. it is a truth which, at least, teaches us to recognise the emptiness of our patriotism and the abnormity of our state system, and makes us hide our faces in shame. you look at me with a smile and ask: what is gained by that? no revolution is made out of shame. i reply: shame is already revolution of a kind; shame is actually the victory of the french revolution over the german patriotism that defeated it in 1813. shame is a kind of anger which is turned inward. and if a whole nation really experienced a sense of shame, it would be like a lion, crouching ready to spring. i admit that in germany even shame is not yet felt; on the contrary, these miserable people are still patriots. but what system is capable of knocking the patriotism out of them if not this ridiculous system of the new cavalier [frederick william iv]? the comedy of despotism that is being played out with us is just as dangerous for him, as the tragedy once was for the stuarts and bourbons. and even if for a long time this comedy were not to be looked upon as the thing it actually is, it would still amount to a revolution. the state is too serious a thing to be turned into a kind of harlequinade. a ship full of fools[19] could perhaps be allowed to drift for quite a time at the mercy of the wind, but it would be driven to meet its fate precisely because the fools would not believe this. this fate is the impending revolution."
8
+ ]
9
+ }
Data in JSON/Manifesto.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Manifesto_of_the_Communist_Party.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Marx & Engels Collected Works Volume 1_ Ka - Karl Marx.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Marx to Heinrich Bornstein.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "marx to heinrich bornstein",
5
+ "in paris",
6
+ "published: katalog 211 des antiquariats leo liepmonssohn, berlin, 1924; translated: by peter and betty ross; transcribed: by zodiac@interlog.com, 1996.",
7
+ "[paris, end of december 1844-beginning of january 1845]",
8
+ "dear sir,",
9
+ "it is impossible for me to let you have the review of stirner before next week. therefore deliver the specimen copy without my contribution; buergers will let you have an article in its stead.",
10
+ "you shall have my article next week.",
11
+ "yours faithfully",
12
+ "marx",
13
+ "notes",
14
+ "here, marx writes about the vorwarts! pariser deutsche monatsschrift which heinrich boernstein planned to publish instead of the newspaper vorwarts! the prospectus of the monthly published in german and french on 1 january 1845 (its publication date helps in determining the approximate date of this letter) stated that one of the reasons for the reformation of vorwarts! was that no caution-money was needed for publishing a journal as distinct from a newspaper. the journal of eight printed sheets was to appear on the 16th of each month. the expulsion of marx and other contributors to vorwarts! from france prevented the publication of the first issue, the proof sheets of which had already been printed.",
15
+ "as is seen from this letter, and that of engels to marx written approximately 20 january 1845, marx intended to write a critical review of stirner's der einzige und sein eigenthum at the end of december 1844 and originally wanted to publish it in the monthly vorwarts! there is no information on whether this plan materialized. it is only known that two years later, marx and engels scathingly criticized stirner's book in the german ideology."
16
+ ]
17
+ }
Data in JSON/Marx to Heinrich Heine In Paris.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,19 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "marx to heinrich heine in paris",
5
+ "written: end of january-february 1845; first published: abridged in aus dem literorischen nachlass von karl marx, friedrich engels und ferdinand lassalle, bd. 2, stuttgart, 1902, and in full in archiv fur die geschichte des sozialismus und der arbeiterbewegung, jg. 9 leipzig, 1921 and in the letters of karl marx,selected and translated with explanatory notes and an introduction by saul k. padover, 1979; transcribed: by zodiac@interlog.com, 1996.",
6
+ "[paris, end of january-february 1845]",
7
+ "dear friend,",
8
+ "i hope to have time to see you tomorrow. i am due to leave on monday.[1]",
9
+ "the publisher leske has just been to see me. he is bringing out a quarterly [2] in darmstadt which is not subject to censorship. engels, hess, herwegh, jung and i, etc., are collaborating with him. he has asked me to solicit your cooperation -- poetry or prose. since we must make use of every opportunity to establish ourselves in germany, you will surely not decline.",
10
+ "of all the people i am leaving behind here, those i leave with most regret are the heines. i would gladly include you in my luggage! best regards to your wife [3] from mine and myself.",
11
+ "yours",
12
+ "k. marx",
13
+ "notes",
14
+ "the letter has no date. the approximate date of its writing is established on the basis of marx's mentioning in it his imminent departure from paris due to the expulsion decree issued against him by the french authorities, and also his meeting with the publisher leske during which he probably concluded the contract for publishing his kritik der politik und national-konomie, which was signed on 1 february 1845.",
15
+ "1. 3 february.",
16
+ "2. rheinische jahrbcher.",
17
+ "3. mathilde."
18
+ ]
19
+ }
Data in JSON/Modern Literary Life.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,62 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "modern literary life [56]",
5
+ "written: in march 1840 first published: in the mitternachtzeitung fr leser nos. 51-54, march 1840, and nos. 83-87, may 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "1 karl gutzkow as dramatist",
7
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 51, march 26,1840",
8
+ "one would have thought that after gutzkow's well-known article in the jahrbuch der literatur [57] his opponents would feel moved to equally noble revenge; with the possible exception of khne, who was really dismissed too superficially here also. but one little knows the egoism of our literature if one expects any such thing. it was most significant that the telegraph in its literary share-list took each writer's evaluation of himself as the price at par. so it was predictable that gutzkow's latest writings would receive no special welcome from this quarter.",
9
+ "nevertheless there are those among our critics who pride themselves on their impartiality to gutzkow, and others who admit to a decided predilection for his literary work. the latter spoke very highly of his richard savage [58] the savage which gutzkow wrote in feverish haste in twelve days, while his saul, [59] where one can see with how much love the poet worked on it, how carefully he nurtured it, they dismiss with a few words of half-hearted recognition. at the very time when savage was making its fortune on every stage and all the journals were filled with reviews, those to whom knowledge of this play was denied should have been prompted to trace gutzkow's dramatic talent in saul, which was available to them in print. but how few journals gave even a superficial criticism of this tragedy! one really does not know what to think of our literary life if one compares this neglect with the discussions aroused by beck's fahrender poet, a poem which is surely farther from classicism than gutzkow's saul!",
10
+ "but before discussing this play we must consider the two dramatic studies in the skizzenbuch [60] the first act of marino falieri, an unfinished tragedy, shows how well gutzkow can fashion and shape each single act by itself, how skilfully he can handle the dialogue and endow it with refinement, grace and wit. but there is not enough action, one can relate the content in three words, and so on the stage it would bore even those who can appreciate the beauties of the execution. any improvement, it is true, would be difficult since the action is so constructed that to move anything from the second act to the first would only do harm elsewhere. but here the true dramatist proves his worth, and if gutzkow is one, as i am convinced he is, he will solve the problem satisfactorily in the tragedy as a whole which he has promised to and will, we hope, soon complete.",
11
+ "hamlet in wittenberg already gives us the outline of a whole. gutzkow has done well to give only the outlines here, since the most successful part, the scene in which ophelia appears, would offend if depicted in greater detail. i find it inexplicable, however, that in order to introduce doubt, that german element, into hamlet's heart, gutzkow should bring him together with faust. there is no need whatever to bring this trait into hamlet's soul from without, since it is already there, and is inborn in him. otherwise shakespeare also would have especially motivated it. gutzkow here refers to brne, but it is precisely brne who not only demonstrates the split in hamlet but also establishes the unity of his character [l. brne, hamlet, von shakespeare]. and by what agency does gutzkow introduce these elements into hamlet's mind? perhaps through the curse which faust pronounces on the young dane? such deus-ex-machina effects would make all dramatic poetry impossible. through faust's conversations with mephistopheles which hamlet overhears? if so, firstly, the curse would lose its significance, and, secondly, the thread leading from this character of shakespeare's hamlet is often so fine as to be lost to sight, and, thirdly, could hamlet speak so casually of other things immediately afterwards? it is different with the appearance of ophelia. here gutzkow has seen through shakespeare, or if not that, has supplemented him. it is a case of columbus and the egg, after the critics have argued about it for two hundred years a solution is given here which is as original as it is poetical and probably the only possible one. the execution of the scene is also masterly. those who were not convinced by a certain scene in wally [61] that gutzkow also has imagination and is not coldly matter-of-fact, can learn it here. the tender, poetic bloom on the delicate figure of ophelia is more than one is entitled to expect from mere outlines. the verses spoken by mephistopheles are totally unsuccessful. it would require a second goethe to reproduce the language of goethe's faust, the melody that rings in the seeming doggerel; in anybody else's hands these light verses would become wooden and ponderous. on the interpretation of the principle of evil i will not argue with gutzkow here.",
12
+ "now we come to our main work, knig saul. gutzkow has been upbraided for having his savage preceded by a number of trumpet blasts and fanfares in the telegraph, although all the fuss is about two or three short notices; it does not occur to anybody that others have had their works welcomed by paid musicians; but because it is gutzkow, who has told someone a home truth and perhaps done someone else a slight injustice, it is made out to be a great crime. with knig saul there is no room for such reproaches; it came into the world unannounced either by notices below the line or excerpts in the telegraph. there is the same modesty in the drama itself; no spectacular effects with thunder and lightning rise like volcanic islands from a sea of watery dialogue, no pompous monologues are intoned whose inspired or moving rhetoric has to conceal a number of dramatic blunders; everything develops calmly and organically, and a conscious, poetic force leads the action safely to its conclusion. and will our critics read such a work once and then write an article whose bright, flowery flourishes show from what thin, sandy soil they sprout? i regard as a great merit of knig saul the fact that its beauties are not on the surface, that one must look for them, that after a single reading one may well throw the book contemptuously into a corner. let an educated man forget how famous sophocles is and then let him choose between antigone and saul; i am convinced that after a single reading he would find both works equally bad. by that i do not, of course, mean to say that saul can be compared to the greatest poetic work of the greatest greek; i only wish to indicate the degree of perverseness with which frivolous superficiality can judge. it was entertaining to see how certain sworn enemies of the author now suddenly believed themselves to have won an enormous triumph, how jubilantly they pointed to saul as a monument to all gutzkow's hollowness and lack of poetry, how they did not know what to make of samuel and pretended it was always being said of him \"i don't know if he is alive or dead\". it was amusing how beautifully they unconsciously revealed their boundless superficiality. but gutzkow may be reassured; it happened thus to the prophets who came before him, and in the end his saul will be among the prophets. thus they despised ludwig uhland's plays until wienbarg opened their eyes [62]precisely uhland's plays have much in common with saul in the modest simplicity of their dress.",
13
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 52, march 27, 1840",
14
+ "another reason why superficiality could dismiss saul so easily lies in the peculiar conception of historical fiction. with historical works which are as well known as the first book of samuel and regarded in so many and various ways, everyone has his own peculiar standpoint which he wishes to see recognised or heeded at least to some extent in the case of a poetic adaptation. one reader is for saul, another for david, a third for samuel; and everybody, however solemn his assurances that he is willing to let the poet have his views, is nevertheless piqued if his own are not respected. but gutzkow has done well here to leave the common highway where even the most ordinary cart finds a rut. i would like to see the man who would undertake to create a purely historical saul in a tragedy. i cannot be satisfied with the attempts hitherto made to place the story of saul on a purely historical basis. historical criticism of old testament scripture has not yet got beyond the bounds of old-fashioned rationalism. a strauss would still have much to do here if he wanted to separate strictly and clearly what is myth, what is history, and what is interpolated by the priests. furthermore, have not a thousand failures shown that the orient as such is an infertile ground for drama? and where in the story is that higher power which emerges victorious when the individuals who have outlived themselves break down? surely not david? he remains as before amenable to the influence of the priests and is a poetic hero at most in the unhistorical light in which the bible presents him. consequently gutzkow has not only taken advantage here of the right belonging to every poet, he has also removed the obstacles standing in the way of a poetic presentation. how then would a purely historical saul appear in all the trappings of his time and nationality? imagine him speaking in hebrew parallelisms, all his ideas relating to jehovah and all his images to the hebrew cult; imagine the historical david speaking in the language of the psalms to imagine an historical samuel is altogether impossible and then ask yourselves whether such figures would be even tolerable in drama? here the categories of period and nationality had to be removed, here the outlines of the characters as they appear in biblical history and in previous criticism had to undergo many very necessary changes; indeed, a great deal here which historically was known to them only as notions or at most as vague representations had to be developed into clear concepts. thus the poet had the perfect right, for example, to assume that his characters were familiar with the concept of the church. and one cannot but heartily applaud gutzkow when one observes how he solved his problem here. the threads from which he wove his characters are all to be found, however entangled, in his source; many had to be pulled out and thrown away, but only the most biased criticism can charge him with having interwoven anything alien, except in the scene with the philistines.",
15
+ "grouped in the centre of the drama. are three characters by whose original portrayal alone gutzkow made his material truly tragic. here he shows a genuinely poetic view of history; no one will ever be able to convince me that a \"coldly matter-of-fact\" person \"a debater\", would be capable of selecting from a confused tale precisely that which would produce the greatest tragic effect. these three characters are saul, samuel and david. saul concludes one period of hebrew history,, the age of the judges, the age of heroic legend; saul is the last israelite nibelung whose generation of heroes has left him behind in an age he does not understand and which does not understand him. saul is an epigone whose sword was originally destined to gleam through the mist of the age of myth but whose misfortune it was to have lived to see the age of advancing culture, an epoch which is 'alien to him, which covers his sword with rust, and which he therefore seeks to drive back. he is otherwise a noble person to whom no human feeling is alien, but he does not recognise love when he encounters it in the apparel of the new age. he sees this new age and its manifestations as the work of the priests, whereas the priests only prepare it, are only tools in the hands of history from whose hierarchical seed sprouts an unsuspected plant; he fights the new epoch, but it prevails over him. it gains giant strength overnight and smashes the great, noble saul together with all who oppose it.",
16
+ "samuel stands at the transition to culture; here as always the priests, as the privileged possessors of education, prepare the state of culture among primitive peoples, but education penetrates to the people, and the priests must resort to other weapons if they want to preserve their influence on the people. samuel is a genuine priest whose holy of holies is the hierarchy; he firmly believes in his divine mission, and is convinced that if the rule of the priests is overthrown jehovah's wrath will descend on the people. to his horror he sees that the people already know too much when they demand a king; he sees that moral power, the imposing frock of the priest, no longer suffices with the people; he must resort to the weapons of cleverness and unwittingly becomes a jesuit. but the very crooked ways he now pursues are doubly hateful to the king who could never be the priests' friend, and in the struggle saul's eyes soon become as sharp for priestly tricks as they are blind to the signs of the times.",
17
+ "the third element, which emerges victorious from this struggle, the representative of a new historical epoch in which judaism attains a new stage of consciousness, is david, equal to saul in his humanity, and far exceeding him in his understanding of the age. at first he appears as samuel's pupil, barely having left school; but his reason has not so bowed itself before authority as to lose its resilience; it springs up and restores his independence to him. samuel's personality ma still impress him, but his intellect always comes to his aid, his poetic imagination rebuilds the new jerusalem for him as often as samuel destroys it with the lightning of his anathemas. saul cannot become reconciled with him since both are pursuing opposite aims, and when he says that he hates only what priestly deceit has put into david's soul, he is again confusing the effects of priestly lust for power with the signs of the new age. thus david develops before our eyes from a foolish boy to the bearer of an epoch, and so the seeming contradictions in his portrayal vanish.",
18
+ "in order not to interrupt the development of these three characters, i have deliberately passed over a question raised by all critics who took the trouble to read saul once, the question of whether samuel appears as a living person in the witches' scene and at the end or whether his ghost delivers the speeches there recorded. let us suppose that no easy or thoroughly satisfactory answer is to be found in saul; would that be such a great fault? i think not take him for what you like, and if you feel inclined start boring discussions about it; after all one finds the same thing in shakespeare's hamlet whose madness all the critics and commentators have discussed for the past two hundred years \"three long and three broad and altogether polygonally\" [a quotation from wienbarg's article \"ludwig uhland, als dramatiker\"] and from all angles. gutzkow has not made the problem so very difficult, however. he has long known how ridiculous ghosts are in broad daylight, how mal propos the black knight appears in die jungfrau von orleans [schiller, die jungfrau von orleans, act iii, scene 9] and that all ghostly apparitions would be quite out of place in saul. in the witches' scene especially the mask is easy to see through, even if the old high priest had not appeared earlier in a similar manner, before there was any talk of samuel's death.",
19
+ "of the play's remaining characters the best drawn is abner, who devotes himself to saul with utter conviction and due to perfect compatibility of temperament and in whom the warrior and enemy of the priests has relegated the man wholly into the background. least successful, by contrast, are jonathan and michal. jonathan indulges throughout in phrases about friendship, and insists on his love for david without, however, proving it in anything but words; he dissolves completely in the friendship for david, thereby losing all manliness and strength. his butter-like softness cannot properly be called character. gutzkow was confused here as to what he should do with jonathan. in any case he is superfluous like this. michal is kept quite vague ani is characterised to some extent only by her love for david. how very unsuccessful these two figures are can best be seen in the scene where they converse about david. what is said there about love and friendship lacks all the striking sharpness, all the wealth of thought, to which we are accustomed in gutzkow. mere phrases which are neither quite true nor quite false, nothing remarkable, nothing significant. zeruiah is a judith; i don't know whether it was gutzkow or khne who once said that judith, like every woman who transcends the limits of her sex, must die after her deed if she does not want to appear unattractive; zeruiah also dies accordingly. in itself the characterisation of the philistine princes is excellent and rich in entertaining features, but whether it fits into the play is a question still to be settled.",
20
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 53, march 30, 1840",
21
+ "i trust i shall be excused for not giving a consecutive analysis of the dramatic action; only one point must be emphasised here, namely, the exposition. this is excellent and contains features in which gutzkow's great dramatic talent is unmistakable. wholly in keeping with gutzkow's quick, impetuous manner, the mass of the people appears only in short scenes. there is something awkward about large crowd scenes; if one is not a shakespeare or a goethe they easily become trivial and insignificant. by contrast, a few words spoken by a couple of warriors or other men from the crowd are often very effective and achieve perfectly their aim of sketching public opinion; moreover, they can appear much more frequently without being conspicuous and tiresome. so much for the first and fourth scenes of the first act. the second and third scenes contain saul's monologue and his conversation with samuel, which are the finest and most poetic passages of the play. the classically restrained passion of the dialogue is characteristic of the spirit in which the whole play is written. after the general state of the action has been rapidly outlined in these scenes, we are introduced to more specific matters in the fifth scene between jonathan and david. this scene suffers somewhat from a confusion of thought; several times one loses sight of the dialectical thread without any doubt the result of the unsuccessful drawing of jonathan right from the start. the final scene in the act is masterly, however. we are already familiar to some extent with the chief characters, and here they are brought together; david and saul meet with the serious intention of being reconciled. her e the poet had to develop their different natures, show their incompatibility and bring about the inevitable conflict instead of the intended reconciliation. and this task, which only the most lively awareness, the most acute delineation of the characters, the surest look into the human soul can deal with satisfactorily, is solved here unsurpassably; the transitions in saul's mind from one extreme to the other are so true psychologically, so finely motivated, that i must judge this scene the best in the whole play, in spite of the unfortunate episode with the son-in-law.",
22
+ "in the second act, the scene with the philistines is striking, or, to use khne's expression, \"freshly piquant\", but i doubt whether its rich wit suffices to secure it a place in the tragedy. when gutzkow lifted his saul above the concepts of his age and ascribed to him a consciousness which he did not have, that can be justified; however, this scene introduces a purely modern concept, and david is standing on german soil here. that is damaging, at least for the tragedy. comic scenes could still occur, but they would have to be of 'a different kind. the comic element in tragedy is not there, as superficial criticism says, for the sake of variation or contrast, but rather to give a more faithful picture of life, which is a mixture of jest and earnest. but i doubt if shakespeare would have been satisfied with such reasons. in real life does not the most moving tragedy invariably appear m comic dress? i will only remind you of the character who, though he appears in a novel as he must, is yet the most tragic i know, don quixote. what is more tragic than a man who from sheer love of humanity and misunderstood by his own age falls into the most comic follies? still more tragic is blasedow, a don quixote of the future, whose consciousness is more heightened than that of his model. incidentally, i must here defend blasedow against the otherwise penetrating criticism in the rheinisches jahrbuch which charges gutzkow with having treated a tragic idea comically. [63] blasedow had to he treated comically, like don quixote. if he is treated seriously, he becomes a prophet of world-weariness, a quite ordinary one, torn by emotion; remove the foil of comedy from the novel, and you have one of those formless, unsatisfactory works with which modern literature began. no, blasedow is the first sure sign that young literature has left behind the period, necessary though it was, of wretchedness, of the wallys and of the nchte \"written in red life\". the truly comic in tragedy is to be found in the fool in king lear or the grave-digger scenes in hamlet.",
23
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 54, march 31, 1840",
24
+ "here also that pitfall of the dramatist, the two last acts, has not been negotiated. by the author entirely without, damage. the fourth act contains nothing but decisions. saul decides, astharoth decides twice, zeruiah decides, david decides. then the witches' scene which also yields only meagre results. the fifth act consists of nothing but battle and reflection. saul reflects a little too much for a hero, david too much for a poet. one often thinks that one is hearing not a poet-hero but a poet-thinker, perhaps theodor mundt. in general gutzkow has a way of making monologues less conspicuous by having them spoken in the presence of others. but since such monologues can rarely lead to decisions and are purely reflective, there are still more than enough real monologues.",
25
+ "the language of the play, as was to be expected of gutzkow, is thoroughly original. we again find those images of gutzkow's prose which are so expressive that one is unaware of moving from simple, naked prose into the flourishing region of the modern style, those pithy, apt expressions which frequently sound almost like proverbs. there is nothing of the lyric poet in gutzkow, except in the lyrical moments of the action, when lyrical enthusiasm grips him unawares, and he is able to use prose, hence the songs put into david's mouth are either unsuccessful or insignificant. when david says to the philistines:",
26
+ "i need but make you up as verses for fun into a wreath, [k. gutzkow, knig saul, act ii, scene 7]",
27
+ "what does it mean? the basic thought of such a song is often very pretty, but the execution invariably miscarries. in other respects, too, one notices in the language that gutzkow does not possess sufficient skill in writing verse, which is, of course, better than making the verses more flowing, but also more insipid, with old phrases.",
28
+ "unsuccessful images have not been entirely avoided either. for example:",
29
+ "the anger of the priest from whom the people first did wrest the crown and then in whose emaciated hand it should have been a staff. [k. gutzkow, knig saul, act i, scene 3.]",
30
+ "here the crown is already an allegory for kingdom and cannot become the abstract basis for the second image of the staff. this is all the more striking as the mistake could so easily have been avoided, and proves clearly that verse still presents difficulties for gutzkow.",
31
+ "circumstances have prevented me from gaining a knowledge of richard savage. i admit, however, that the immoderate applause which greeted the first performances made me suspicious of the play. i recalled what had happened three years ago with griseldis. [64] since then enough disapproving voices have made themselves heard, the first and most thorough, as far as one can judge without knowing the play from accounts given in journals, strangely enough in a political paper, the deutscher courier. [65] but i can easily spare myself a criticism, for what journal has not already reviewed it? let us wait, therefore, until it is available in print.",
32
+ "werner, [66] gutzkow's most recent work, has received the same applause in hamburg. to judge by its antecedents, the play is probably not only of great value in itself, but may be the first really modern tragedy. it is strange that khne, who has so often reviewed the modern tragedy that one might almost think he himself was writing one, has allowed himself to be forestalled by gutzkow. or does he not feel called upon to try his hand at drama?",
33
+ "however, we hope that gutzkow, having prepared the way to the stage for the young literature, will continue with original, vital plays to drive shallowness and mediocrity from the usurped theatre. it cannot be done through criticism, however devastating; that we have seen. those who pursue the same tendencies as himself will support him most strongly, and thus new hope is rising in us for the german drama and the german theatre.",
34
+ "ii modern polemics [67]",
35
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 83, may 21, 1840",
36
+ "the young literature has a weapon through which it has become invincible and gathers under its banners all young talents. i mean the modern style, which in its concrete vitality, sharpness of expression, and variety of nuances offers to every young writer a bed in which the river or the stream of his genius can comfortably roll on without his originality if he has any being infected too strongly with alien elements, heine's carbonic acid or gutzkow's caustic lime. it is a pleasure to see how every young author seeks to adopt the modern style with its proudly soaring rockets of enthusiasm which at their highest point dissolve in a gaily coloured shower of poetical fire or burst in crackling sparks of wit. in this respect the criticisms in the rheinisches jahrbuch, which i mentioned earlier in my first article of this series, are of importance; they are the first sign of the effect which a new literary epoch has had on rhenish soil, fairly alienated from german poetry. here is the whole modern style with its light and shade, its original but apt descriptions, and its iridescent poetic spotlight.",
37
+ "in these circumstances we can say of our authors not only: le style c'est l'homme [g. l. buffon], but also: le style c'est la littrature. the modern style bears the stamp of mediation, not only between the celebrities of the past, as l. wihl recently remarked, but also between production and criticism, poetry and prose. it is wienbarg in whom these elements interpenetrate most intimately; in die dramatiker der retztzeit the poet has been absorbed into the critic. the same would apply to the second volume of khne's charaktere if there were more coherence in the style. german style has gone through its dialectical mediation process; from the naive directness of our prose there emerged the language of the intellect which culminated in the lapidary style of goethe, and the language of the imagination and the heart, the splendour of which has been revealed to us by jean paul. mediation began with brne, but in him the intellectual element nevertheless still dominated, especially in the briefe, while heine helped the poetical side to come into its own. mediation is completed in the modern style; imagination and intellect do not unconsciously flow into each other, nor do they stand in direct opposition; they are united in style, as in the human mind, and since their unification is conscious, it is also lasting and genuine. hence i cannot admit that fortuitousness which wihl still tends to vindicate in the modern style, and i am compelled to discern a genetic, historical development here. the same mediation occurs in literature; there is almost no one in whom production and criticism are not combined; even among the lyric poets creizenach has written der schwbische apoll and beck a work on hungarian literature, [68] and the reproach that the young literature is getting lost in criticism has its foundation far more in the mass of critics than of criticisms. or do not the productions of gutzkow, laube, mundt and khne significantly outweigh their critical writings, both in quantity and quality? thus the modern style remains a reflection of literature. there is, however, one aspect of style which is always a sure test of its essence: the polemical. with the greeks polemic took the form of poetry, becoming plastic with aristophanes. the romans clad it in the gown of the hexameter which was suitable for everything, and horace, the lyric poet, developed it likewise lyrically into satire. in the middle ages, when the lyric was in full flower, it passed with the provenals into sirventes and chansons, with the germans into the lied. when bare intellect made itself master of poetry in the seventeenth century, the epigram of the later roman period was sought out to serve as the form for polemical wit. the french fondness for classical imitation produced boileau's horacising satires. in germany, the previous century, which fastened on to anything until german poetry began to develop in complete independence, tried all polemical forms until lessing's antiquarian letters found in prose the medium which permits the freest development of polemics. voltaire's tactics, which deal the opponent a blow now and then, are truly french; so is the sniping war of branger, who in the same french manner puts everything into a chanson. but what about modern polemics?",
38
+ "forgive me, dear reader, you have probably long ago guessed the aim of this diatribe; but i happen to be a german and cannot rid myself of my german nature which always starts with the egg. now, however, i will be all the more direct; it is a question of the dissensions in modern literature, the justification of the parties and especially the dispute at the root of all the rest, the dispute between gutzkow and mundt, or, as the matter now stands, between gutzkow and khne. this dispute has now been going on for two years in the midst of oar literary developments and could not but have upon them an influence partly favourable, partly unfavourable. unfavourable because the smooth course of development is always disturbed when literature lets itself become the arena of personal sympathies, antipathies. and idiosyncrasies; favourable because ' to speak in hegelian terms, it stepped out from the one-sidedness in which it found itself as a party, and proved its victory through its very destruction; also because, contrary to the expectations of many, the \"younger generation\" did not take sides, but used the opportunity to free itself from all alien influences and to devote itself to independent development. if then a few have taken sides, they prove thereby how little confidence they have in themselves and of what little consequence they are to literature.",
39
+ "whether. gutzkow picked up the first stone, whether mundt was the first to put his hand to his left hip, may be left unexamined; suffice it that stones were thrown and swords drawn. it is only a question of the deeper causes of a war which was bound to break out sooner or later; for nobody who has watched its whole course without bias will believe that, on either side there prevailed subjective motives, spiteful envy or frivolous love of fighting. only in khne's case was personal friendship with mundt a motive, and in itself surely no ignoble one, for accepting gutzkow's challenge.",
40
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 84, may 22, 1840",
41
+ "gutzkow's literary work and aspirations bear the stamp of a sharply defined individuality. only a few of his numerous writings leave a wholly satisfying impression and yet it cannot be denied that they are among the finest products of german literature since 1830. why is this so? i believe i see in him a dualism that has much in common with the schism in immermann's mind which gutzkow himself first tore open. gutzkow possesses the greatest power of intellect, as is recognised by all german authors of belies-lettres, of course; his judgment is never at a loss, his eye finds its bearings with wonderful facility in the most complex phenomena. alongside this intellect there is, however, an equally powerful heat of passion which expresses itself as enthusiasm in his productions and puts his imagination in that state of, i would almost say, erection, in which alone spiritual creation is possible. his works, though they are often very protracted compositions, come into being in a flash, and if on the one hand one can see in them the enthusiasm with which they are written, on the other this haste prevents the calm working out of detail and, like wally, they remain mere sketches. more calm prevails in the later novels, most of all in blasedow, which is chiselled with a plasticity altogether unusual in gutzkow up to now. his earlier figures were character drawings rather than characters, metewra [high above] hovering between heaven and earth, as karl grn says. nevertheless, gutzkow cannot prevent the enthusiasm from giving way momentarily to intellect; in this mood are written those passages of his works which produce the disagreeable impression already mentioned. it is this mood which khne in his insulting language called \"senile shivers\". but it is also this passionate disposition which leads gutzkow so easily into outbursts of wrath, often about the most insignificant things, and which brings into his polemic a gushing hatred, a wild vehemence, which gutzkow surely regrets afterwards; for he must see how unwisely he acts in moments of fury. that he does see this is proved by the well-known article in the jahrbuch der literatur on whose objectivity he somewhat flatters himself he knows, then, that his polemic is not free of momentary influences. to these two sides of his mind, whose unity gutzkow does not yet appear to have found, there is also added a boundless feeling of independence; he cannot bear the lightest fetters, and whether they were of iron or cobweb, he would not rest until he had smashed them. when against his will he was counted as belonging to young germany with heine, wienbarg, laube and mundt, and when this young germany began to degenerate into a clique, he was overcome by a malaise which left him only after his open breach with laube and mundt. but effectively as this desire for independence has preserved him from alien influence, it easily becomes heightened into a rejection of everything different, a withdrawal into himself, an excess of self-reliance, and then it borders on egoism. i am far from accusing gutzkow of consciously striving for unrestricted domination in literature, but at times he uses expressions which make it easier for his opponents to charge him with egoism. his passionate disposition alone drives him to give himself wholly as he is, and so one can discern at once the whole man in his works. add to these spiritual characteristics a life continually wounded over the last four years by the censor's scissors and the restrictions imposed on his free literary development by the police, and i may hope to have sketched the main features of gutzkow's literary personality.",
42
+ "while the latter's nature thus proves to be thoroughly original, in mundt we find an amiable harmony of all spiritual powers, which is the first prerequisite for a humourist: a calm intellect, a good german heart, and in addition the necessary imagination. mundt is a genuinely german character, who, however, for precisely this reason, rarely rises above the ordinary and often enough verges on the prosaic. he possesses amiability, german thoroughness, sterling honesty, but he is not a poet concerned with artistic development. mundt's works prior to the madonna are insignificant; the moderne lebenswirren is rich in good humour and fine detail, but worthless as a work of art and tedious as a novel; in the madonna enthusiasm for new ideas gave him an impetus which he had not known before, but again the impetus did not produce a work of art, merely a mass of good ideas and splendid images. nevertheless, the madonna is mundt's best work, for the showers of rain sent into the literary sky shortly afterwards by the german cloud-gatherer zeus [69] cooled mundt's enthusiasm considerably. the modest german hamlet strengthened his protestations of harmlessness with innocent little novels in which the ideas of the times appeared with trimmed beard and combed hair, and submitted in the frock-coat of a suppliant a most abject petition for most gracious assent. his komdie der neigungen did his reputation as a poet an injury which he attempted to heal with spaziergange und weltfahrten instead of with new, rounded poetical works. and if mundt does not throw himself into production with his earlier enthusiasm, if instead of travel books and journalistic articles he does not give us poems, then there will soon be no more talk of mundt the poet. one could observe a second retreat by mundt in his style. his preference for varnhagen, in whom he thought he had discovered germany's greatest master of style, led him to adopt the latter's diplomatic turns of phrase, affected expressions and abstract flourishes; and mundt entirely failed to see that the fundamental principle of the modern style concrete freshness and liveliness was thereby violated to the core.",
43
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 85, may 25, 1840",
44
+ "besides these differences, the intellectual. development of the two disputants had been wholly opposed. gutzkow manifested from the start an enthusiasm for brne, the \"modern moses\", which still lives on in his soul as fervent adoration; mundt sat in the secure shade thrown by the giant tree of hegel's system and for a time betrayed the conceit of most hegelians; in the early yea of his literary activity the axioms of the philosophical padishah that freedom and necessity are identical and that the aspirations of the south-german liberals are one-sided, prejudiced mundt's political views. gutzkow left berlin with distaste at conditions there and acquired a predilection for south germany in stuttgart which never left him; mundt felt at home in berlin life, loved to sit at the aestheticising tea-parties and distilled from the intellectual activity of berlin his persnlichheiten und zustnde, [70] that literary hothouse product which suffocated all free poetic activity in him and in others. it is saddening to see how mundt, in the second issue of freihafen for 1838, reviewing a work by mnch, goes into raptures in his description of such a personality, raptures to which he could never be roused by a work of poetry.[71] berlin conditions it is as if this word were invented for berlin made him forget everything else and he even let himself be misled into a ridiculous contempt for the beauties of nature, such as is revealed in the madonna.",
45
+ "so gutzkow and mundt confronted each other when the ideas of the age suddenly made their paths cross. they would soon have separated, perhaps waved greetings to each other from afar and been happy to recall their meeting, had not the setting up of young germany and the roma locuta est of the most serene federal diet compelled them both to unite. the state of affairs was thus radically altered. their common fate obliged gutzkow and mundt to give weight in their judgments of each other to considerations the observation of which was bound in the long run to become unbearable for both of them. young germany, or young literature, as it called itself after the catastrophe from above so as to sound more harmless and not to exclude others with similar aims, was near to degenerating into a clique, and that against its will. from all sides one found oneself compelled to drop opposing tendencies, to cover up weaknesses, to overstress agreement. this unnatural, forced pretence could not last long. wienbarg, the finest figure in young germany, withdrew; laube had from the start protested against the conclusions which the state permitted itself; heine in paris was too isolated to quicken the literature of the day with the electric sparks of his wit; gutzkow and mundt, by mutual agreement, as i would like to think, were frank enough to break the public peace.",
46
+ "mundt polemicised little and insignificantly, but once he let himself be misled into conducting his polemic in a manner inviting the sharpest censure. at the end of the article \"grres und die katholische weltanschauung\" (freihafen, 1838, ii) he says that if german religiousness will have nothing to do with young germany, the movement has sufficiently shown that it contains more than enough rotten elements as far as religion is concerned. it is clear that this refers not only to heine, who does not concern us here, but to gutzkow. however, even if the accusations were true, mundt should at least have enough respect for those to whom he is bound by common fate not to champion narrow-mindedness, philistinism and pietism against them! mundt could hardly behave worse than when he says in pharisaic triumph: god, i thank thee that i am not as heine, laube and gutzkow, and that in the eyes of german religiousness if not of the german confederation, i can pass as respectable!",
47
+ "gutzkow, by contrast, took real pleasure in polemics. he pulled out all the stops and followed the allegro moderate of the literarische elfen [72] with an allegro furioso of literary notices. he had the advantage over mundt in that he could expose the latter's literary whims in full focus and place them within range of the permanently loaded gun of his wit. almost every week at least one blow against mundt could be found in the telegraph. he knew how to profit by the overwhelming advantage which possession of a weekly journal gives over an opponent limited to a quarterly and his own works; it is particularly remarkable that gutzkow intensified his polemic, allowing his contempt for mundt's literary gifts to appear only gradually, while the latter treated gutzkow as an inferior personality immediately after the declaration of war, without regard for such a descending climax. the usual artifices of political journals, recommending articles of the same colour in other journals, smuggling in hidden malice under the guise of recognition and praiseworthy objectivity, etc., were carried over into the literary sphere in this polemic; whether their own articles appeared under the pseudonyms of provincial correspondents cannot, of course, be determined, since right from the start there streamed to each party a crowd of obliging, nameless assistants, who would have felt very flattered if their labours were taken for the works of their commanding generals. marggraff attributes most of the blame for the dispute to these interlopers who with their zeal wished to buy commendatory notices below the line. [73]",
48
+ "towards the end of 1838 a third fighter entered the lists, khne, whose armoury we must review for the moment. for a long time mundt's personal friend and without doubt the gustav to whom mundt once appeals in the madonna, his literary character also has much in common with mundt, although on the other hand a french element is clearly evident in him. he is linked with mundt particularly by their common development through hegel and the social fife of berlin, which determined khne's taste for personalities and conditions and varnhagen von ense, the true inventor of these literary hybrids. khne is also one of those who give much praise to varnhagen's style and overlook the fact that what is good in it is really only an imitation of goethe.",
49
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 86, may 26, 1840",
50
+ "the chief foundation of khne's literary stature is esprit, that french, quickly combining intellect, linked with a lively imagination. even the extreme of this trend, the cult of the phrase, is so little alien to khne that, on the contrary, he has achieved a rare mastery in handling it, and one cannot read reviews such as that of the second volume of mundt's spaziergnge (elegante zeitung, may 1838) without a certain enjoyment. naturally, it also happens often enough that this play with phrases makes a disagreeable impression and one is reminded of a few apt words of mephistopheles which have become commonplace. [goethe, faust, erster teil, studierzimmer: \"mit worten gut sich trefflich streiten mit worten ein system bereitein... \"] in a journal one may well tolerate passages interwoven with phrases in this fashion; but when in a work like the charaktere a passage occurs which reads quite well but lacks all real content and that is more than once the case this shows too much levity in selection. on the other hand, his french cleverness makes khne one of our best journalists, and it would surely be easy for him, with greater activity, to lift the elegante zeitung far above its present level. but oddly enough, khne is far from displaying the agility of mind which alone seems to correspond to the esprit in which he recalls laube. khne displays this trans-rhenish nature most clearly as a critic. while gutzkow does not rest until he has got to the bottom of his subject and forms his judgment from that alone without regard to any favourable or mitigating minor considerations, khne places the subject in the light of a witty thought, which, it is true, consideration of the object has most often inspired. when gutzkow is one-sided, it is because he judges without due regard of person, more by the object's weaknesses than its virtues and demands classical creations from budding poets like beck; when khne is one-sided, he endeavours to regard all aspects of his object from a single viewpoint which is neither the highest, nor the most illuminating, and excuses the playfulness of beck's stille lieder with the truly apt phrase that beck is a lyrical musician.",
51
+ "in khne one must further distinguish two periods; the beginning of his literary career was marked by a bias towards the hegelian doctrine and, so it seems to me, by a devotion to mundt or a community of views with him in which independence was not always duly respected. the quarantne marks his first step towards emancipation from these influences; khne's views did not find their full development until the literary troubles after 1836. for a comparison of khne's and gutzkow's poetic aims two works written at the same time are available, the quarantne im irrenhause and seraphine. both reflect the whole personality of their authors. gutzkow portrayed the reasonable and the genial side of his character in arthur and edmund; khne, as a beginner, revealed himself fully and more artlessly in the hero of the quarantne, as he looks for a way out of the labyrinth of the hegelian system. gutzkow excels, as always, in the sharpness of his portrayal of the soul, in the psychological motivation; almost the entire novel takes place in the mind. such an intellectual compounding of the motives from nothing but misunderstandings, however, destroys all quiet enjoyment, even of the interspersed idyllic situations, and no matter how masterly seraphine is on the one hand, it is a failure on the other. khne, by contrast, bubbles over with witty reflections on hegel, german soul-searching and mozart's music, with which he fills three-quarters of the book, but in the end succeeds only in boring the readers and spoiling the novel as such. seraphine does not contain a single well-drawn character; and gutzkow's aim, which was to show his ability to portray female characters, is realised least of all. the women in all his novels are either trivial, like celinde in blasedow, devoid of real womanliness, like wally, or unlovely through a lack of inner harmony, like seraphine herself. he almost seems to realise this himself when he makes michal say in saul:",
52
+ "you can lay open, like the human brain, the very heart of woman, you can show all a woman's heart is made of; but that which is the spirit of fife within it no scalpel can lay bare, nor keen comparison. [k. gutzkow, kng saul, act iii, scene 3]",
53
+ "the same lack of precise characterisation is displayed in the quarantne. the hero is not a complete character but a personification of the transitional epoch in the present-day consciousness, who therefore lacks all individuality. the remaining characters are almost all made too indeterminate so that one cannot properly say of most of them whether they are successes or failures.",
54
+ "khne had long been challenged by gutzkow but had replied only indirectly by praising mundt's merits excessively and rarely mentioning gutzkow's. eventually khne also came out in opposition to him, at first calmly and critically rather than polemically; he called gutzkow a debater, but would not concede to him any further literary claim; soon afterwards, however, he began his offensive in a manner which perhaps no one had expected, with the article \"gutzkows neueste romane [74]. here with much wit gutzkow's dual nature is distorted into caricature and traced in his writings, but there is also such a mass of unworthy expressions, unfounded assertions and ill-concealed innuendoes that the polemic only benefited gutzkow. he replied with a brief reference to the jahrbuch der literatur for 1839 (why has that for 1840 not yet appeared?) which carried his article on the latest literary disputes. the policy of winning minds by impartiality was shrewd enough, and the restraint which this article cost gutzkow must be recognised; if it was not entirely satisfactory and, in particular, disposed too easily of khne, who can surely not be denied an important influence on present-day literature or a sound talent for the historical novel, although not yet very clear in the klosternovellen, this can gladly be overlooked until his opponents have done as well or have excelled him.",
55
+ "mitternachtzeitung fr gebildete leser no. 87, may 28, 1840",
56
+ "this jahrbuch der literatur, however, bore within itself the seed of a new split, heine's \"schwabenspiegel\". [75] probably only a few of those involved know what actually happened; i find it best to pass over this whole embarrassing story. or could not heine muster the required number of sheets again soon to bring out an uncensored volume, which would also contain the complete \"schwabenspiegel\"? then one could at least see what the saxon censorship considered, fit to cut and whether the mutilation is indeed to be laid to the charge of any censorship authority. [76] enough, the flames of war were fanned again. khne behaved unwisely by accepting the stupid article on savage and by accompanying dr. wihl's explanation (which it was surely too much to expect the elegante to accept, rather as if beck had sent his declaration against gutzkow to the telegraph) with a currish parody which the other side likewise rejected with a bark. [77] this dog-fight is the most shameful blot on all modern polemics; if our men of letters start treating each other like beasts and applying the principles of natural history in practice, german literature will soon be like a menagerie and the long-awaited messiah of literature will fraternise with martin and van amburgh.",
57
+ "to prevent the once more slackening polemic from going to sleep, an evil spirit stirred up the dispute between gutzkow and beck. [78] i have already given my judgment of beck elsewhere, but, as i willingly admit, not without bias. the retrogressive step which beck took in saul and in the stille lieder made e suspicious and unfair to the nchte and the fahrender poet. i ought not to have written the article, much less sent it to the journal which printed it. i may therefore be permitted to correct my judgment to the effect that i accord recognition to beck's past, the nchte and fahrender poet, but that it would go against my conscience as a critic if i did not describe the stille lieder and the first act of saul as retrogressive. the faults of beck's first two works were inevitable because of his youth, nay, in the press of images and the immature impetuousness of thought one might be inclined to see a superabundance of strength, and in any case here was a talent of which one might have the highest hopes. instead of those flaming images, instead of that wildly excited youthful strength, there is a tiredness, a languor in the stille lieder, which was least to be expected of beck, and the first act of saul is equally feeble. but perhaps this flabbiness is only the natural, momentary consequence of that over-excitement, perhaps the following acts of saul will make up for all the defects of the first but beck is a poet, and even in its most severe and just censure criticism should show a proper respect for his future creative work. every true poet deserves such reverence; and i myself would not like to be taken for an enemy of beck's, since, as i readily admit, i am indebted to his poetic works for the most varied and enduring stimulation.",
58
+ "the dispute between gutzkow and beck might well have been avoided. it cannot be denied that in the exposition of his saul beck followed gutzkow to some extent, unwittingly, of course, but that does not detract from his honesty, only from his originality. instead of being indignant about it, gutzkow should rather have felt flattered. and beck, instead of laying stress on the originality of his characters, which no one had called in doubt, had indeed to take up the gauntlet once it was thrown down, as he in fact did, but should also have revised the act, which one trusts he will have done.",
59
+ "gutzkow now adopted a hostile position to all the leipzig men of letters and has since harried them unremittingly with literary witticisms. he sees them as a regular band of organised ruffians which harasses him and literature in every possible way; but he would truly do better to adopt a different method of attack if he does not want to give up the fight. personal connections and their reaction on public opinion are inevitable in leipzig literary circles. and gutzkow should ask himself whether he has never succumbed to this sometimes unfortunately unavoidable sin; or must i remind him of certain frankfurt acquaintances? is it surprising if the nordlicht, the elegante and the eisenbahn occasionally agree in their judgments? the description clique is quite unfitting for these circumstances.",
60
+ "this is how matters stand at present; mundt has withdrawn and no longer bothers about the dispute; khne also is rather tired of the interminable warfare; gutzkow is also sure to see soon that his polemic must eventually become boring to the public. they will gradually begin to challenge each other to novels and plays; they will see that a journal is not to be judged by a biting literary article, that the nation's educated circles will award the prize to the best poet, not the most impetuous polemicist; they will get used to a calm existence side by side, and, perhaps, learn to respect each other again. let them take heine's conduct as an example, who in spite of the dispute does not conceal his esteem for gutzkow. let them determine their relative value not by their own subjective estimation, but by the conduct of the younger people to whom literature will sooner or later belong. let them learn from the hallische jahrbcher that polemic may only be directed against the children of the past, against the shadows of death. let them consider that otherwise literary forces may arise between hamburg and leipzig which will overshadow their polemic fireworks. the hegelian school, in its latest, free development, and the younger generation, as they prefer to be called, are advancing towards a unification which will have the most important influence on the development of literature. this unification has already been achieved in moritz carrire and karl grn."
61
+ ]
62
+ }
Data in JSON/On Anastasius Grün.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "on anastasius grn",
5
+ "written: in the first half of april 1840 first published: in the telegraph fr deutschland no. 61, april 1840 signed: f. 0.",
6
+ "in connection with anastasius grn's application for the post of chamberlain, one is involuntarily reminded of the verses he published two years ago in the elegante. the poem was entitled apostasie and concluded:",
7
+ "god's will, you'll know how well i fare by this flag overhead. god's truth, if ever you see me there, i'm sick or good as dead. then think of me as dead and gone: bitter, to cast one's eye, living, on one's own gravestone, as one is passing by. [79]",
8
+ "it sounds almost like a premonition."
9
+ ]
10
+ }
Data in JSON/On Freedom of the Press.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,24 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "on freedom of the press",
5
+ "proceedings of the sixth rhine province assembly [43]",
6
+ "debates on freedom of the press and publication of the proceedings of the assembly of the estates [45]",
7
+ "written: may 1842; first published: may, 1842, in the rheinische zeitung; source: mecw, volume 1, pp. 132-181; translated: from the german; transcription/markup: zodiac, brian baggins and sally ryan; online version: marx/engels internet archive (marxists.org) 1996, 2000.",
8
+ "general introduction",
9
+ "post-napoleonic germany had been promised a constitutionally-established string of provincial parliaments.",
10
+ "in 1823, prussia formed eight such parliaments (assemblies of the estates). they embraced the heads of princely families, representatives of the knightly estate, i.e., the nobility, of towns and rural communities. the election system based on the principle of landownership provided for a majority of the nobility in the assemblies. the competency of the assemblies was restricted to questions of local economy and administration. they also had the right to express their desires on government bills submitted for discussion. they were largely powerless (\"advisory\") however, could only summoned by the prussian government, and then they were held in secret. furthermore, a two-thirds majority was required to pass resolutions. since the knightly (aristocratic) estate held 278 of the 584 parliamentary votes (the towns estate had 182 and the rural estate 124), nothing could be done against its wishes.",
11
+ "in the 17 years of frederick william iii's rule, parliaments met five times. in 1841, frederick william iv came to power and decreed parliaments would meet every two years and the secrecy surrounding them would be lifted. and so the first parliament under his reign (and sixth since the assemblies were created) was held in dsseldorf between may 23 and july 25 1841.",
12
+ "that same year, a konigsberg doctor named johann jacoby issued the pamphlet \"four questions answered by an east prussian,\" calling for the constitution promised after napoleon's final defeat in 1815. for this, jacoby was charged with treason. among other things it opened a debate on censorship.",
13
+ "in march 1842, in the official government paper preussische allgemeine staats-zeitung (prussian general state gazette) ran a series of articles supporting censorship \"in order to enlighten the public concerning the true intentions of the government.\"",
14
+ "the sixth rhine province assembly held debates, dealt with by marx which took place during the discussion on publication of the proceedings of the assemblies (this right had been granted by the royal edict of april 30, 1841) and in connection with petitions of a number of towns on freedom of the press.",
15
+ "citations in the text are given according to the sitzungs-provinzial-landtags des sechsten rheinischen provinzial-landtags, koblenz, 1841.",
16
+ "publishing notes: marx devoted three articles to the debates of the sixth rhine province assembly, only two of which, the first and the third, were published. in the first series of articles marx proceeded with his criticism of the prussian censorship which he had begun in his as yet unpublished article comments on the latest prussian censorship instruction. the second series of articles, devoted to the conflict between the prussian government and the catholic church, was banned by the censors. the manuscript of this article has not survived, but the general outline of it is given by marx in his letter to ruge of july 9, 1842. the third series of articles is devoted to the debates of the rhine province assembly on the law on wood thefts.",
17
+ "these articles constitute marx's first contribution to the rheinsche zeitung fr politik. handel und gewerbe. marx began his work as a contributor and in october 1842 became one of the editors of the newspaper. by its content and approach to vital political problems, the article helped the newspaper, founded by the oppositional rhenish bourgeoisie as a liberal organ, to begin a transition to the revolutionary-democratic positions.",
18
+ "the appearance of marx's article in the press raised a favourable response in progressive circles. georg jung, manager of the rheinische zeitung, wrote to marx: \"your articles on freedom of the press are extremely good.... meyen wrote that the rheinsche zeitung had eclipsed the deutsche jahrbcher ... that in berlin everybody was overjoyed with it\" (mega, abt. 1, ed. 1, hb. 2, s. 275). in his comments on the article published in the rheinische zeitung arnold ruge wrote: \"nothing more profound and more substantial has been said or could have been said on freedom of the press and in defence of it\" (deutsche jahrbcher, 1842, s. 535-36).",
19
+ "in the early 1850s marx included this article in his collected works then being prepared for publication by hermann becker. however only the beginning of the article was included in the first issue. the major part of the text which had been published in the rheinische zeitung no. 139 was left unprinted. the end of the article was intended for the following issue, which was never published.",
20
+ "a copy of the rheinische zeitung which marx sent from london to becker in cologne in february 1851 with the author's notes on the text of articles (mostly in the form of abbreviations) intended for the edition becker was preparing has recently been found in the archives of cologne university library. this copy of the newspaper proves that marx thought of publishing--partly in an abridged form-- many of his articles written for the rheinische zeitung. however, his plan was not realised. marginal notes show that the articles \"communal reform and the klnische zeitung\" and \"a correspondent of the klnische zeitung vs, the rheinische zeitung\" belong to marx. these articles have never been published in any collection of marx's works.",
21
+ "in english an excerpt from the proceedings was published in karl marx, early texts, oxford, 1971, pp. 35-36.",
22
+ "this online publication: chapter titles have been introduced in brackets."
23
+ ]
24
+ }
Data in JSON/On The Jewish Question.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,193 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "on the jewish question",
5
+ "written: autumn 1843; first published: february, 1844 in deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher; proofed and corrected: by andy blunden, matthew grant and matthew carmody, 2008/9.",
6
+ "see citizen in the encyclopedia of marxism, for an explanation of the various words for \"citizen.\"",
7
+ "i bruno bauer, the jewish question, braunschweig, 1843",
8
+ "the german jews desire emancipation. what kind of emancipation do they desire? civic, political emancipation.",
9
+ "bruno bauer replies to them: no one in germany is politically emancipated. we ourselves are not free. how are we to free you? you jews are egoists if you demand a special emancipation for yourselves as jews. as germans, you ought to work for the political emancipation of germany, and as human beings, for the emancipation of mankind, and you should feel the particular kind of your oppression and your shame not as an exception to the rule, but on the contrary as a confirmation of the rule.",
10
+ "or do the jews demand the same status as christian subjects of the state? in that case, they recognize that the christian state is justified and they recognize, too, the regime of general oppression. why should they disapprove of their special yoke if they approve of the general yoke? why should the german be interested in the liberation of the jew, if the jew is not interested in the liberation of the german?",
11
+ "the christian state knows only privileges. in this state, the jew has the privilege of being a jew. as a jew, he has rights which the christians do not have. why should he want rights which he does not have, but which the christians enjoy?",
12
+ "in wanting to be emancipated from the christian state, the jew is demanding that the christian state should give up its religious prejudice. does he, the jew, give up his religious prejudice? has he, then, the right to demand that someone else should renounce his religion?",
13
+ "by its very nature, the christian state is incapable of emancipating the jew; but, adds bauer, by his very nature the jew cannot be emancipated. so long as the state is christian and the jew is jewish, the one is as incapable of granting emancipation as the other is of receiving it.",
14
+ "the christian state can behave towards the jew only in the way characteristic of the christian state that is, by granting privileges, by permitting the separation of the jew from the other subjects, but making him feel the pressure of all the other separate spheres of society, and feel it all the more intensely because he is in religious opposition to the dominant religion. but the jew, too, can behave towards the state only in a jewish way that is, by treating it as something alien to him, by counterposing his imaginary nationality to the real nationality, by counterposing his illusory law to the real law, by deeming himself justified in separating himself from mankind, by abstaining on principle from taking part in the historical movement, by putting his trust in a future which has nothing in common with the future of mankind in general, and by seeing himself as a member of the jewish people, and the jewish people as the chosen people.",
15
+ "on what grounds, then, do you jews want emancipation? on account of your religion? it is the mortal enemy of the state religion. as citizens? in germany, there are no citizens. as human beings? but you are no more human beings than those to whom you appeal.",
16
+ "bauer has posed the question of jewish emancipation in a new form, after giving a critical analysis of the previous formulations and solutions of the question. what, he asks, is the nature of the jew who is to be emancipated and of the christian state that is to emancipate him? he replies by a critique of the jewish religion, he analyzes the religious opposition between judaism and christianity, he elucidates the essence of the christian state and he does all this audaciously, trenchantly, wittily, and with profundity, in a style of writing that is as precise as it is pithy and vigorous.",
17
+ "how, then, does bauer solve the jewish question? what is the result? the formulation of a question is its solution. the critique of the jewish question is the answer to the jewish question. the summary, therefore, is as follows:",
18
+ "we must emancipate ourselves before we can emancipate others.",
19
+ "the most rigid form of the opposition between the jew and the christian is the religious opposition. how is an opposition resolved? by making it impossible. how is religious opposition made impossible? by abolishing religion. as soon as jew and christian recognize that their respective religions are no more than different stages in the development of the human mind, different snake skins cast off by history, and that man is the snake who sloughed them, the relation of jew and christian is no longer religious but is only a critical, scientific, and human relation. science, then, constitutes their unity. but, contradictions in science are resolved by science itself.",
20
+ "the german jew, in particular, is confronted by the general absence of political emancipation and the strongly marked christian character of the state. in bauer's conception, however, the jewish question has a universal significance, independent of specifically german conditions. it is the question of the relation of religion to the state, of the contradiction between religious constraint and political emancipation. emancipation from religion is laid down as a condition, both to the jew who wants to be emancipated politically, and to the state which is to effect emancipation and is itself to be emancipated.",
21
+ "\"very well,\" it is said, and the jew himself says it, \"the jew is to become emancipated not as a jew, not because he is a jew, not because he possesses such an excellent, universally human principle of morality; on the contrary, the jew will retreat behind the citizen and be a citizen, although he is a jew and is to remain a jew. that is to say, he is and remains a jew, although he is a citizen and lives in universally human conditions: his jewish and restricted nature triumphs always in the end over his human and political obligations. the prejudice remains in spite of being outstripped by general principles. but if it remains, then, on the contrary, it outstrips everything else.\"",
22
+ "\"only sophistically, only apparently, would the jew be able to remain a jew in the life of the state. hence, if he wanted to remain a jew, the mere appearance would become the essential and would triumph; that is to say, his life in the state would be only a semblance or only a temporary exception to the essential and the rule.\" (\"the capacity of present-day jews and christians to become free,\" einundzwanzig bogen, pp. 57)",
23
+ "let us hear, on the other hand, how bauer presents the task of the state.",
24
+ "\"france,\" he says, \"has recently shown us\" (proceedings of the chamber of deputies, december 26, 1840) \"in the connection with the jewish question just as it has continually done in all other political questions the spectacle of a life which is free, but which revokes its freedom by law, hence declaring it to be an appearance, and on the other hand contradicting its free laws by its action.\" (the jewish question, p. 64)",
25
+ "\"in france, universal freedom is not yet the law, the jewish question too has not yet been solved, because legal freedom the fact that all citizens are equal is restricted in actual life, which is still dominated and divided by religious privileges, and this lack of freedom in actual life reacts on law and compels the latter to sanction the division of the citizens, who as such are free, into oppressed and oppressors.\" (p. 65)",
26
+ "when, therefore, would the jewish question be solved for france?",
27
+ "\"the jew, for example, would have ceased to be a jew if he did not allow himself to be prevented by his laws from fulfilling his duty to the state and his fellow citizens, that is, for example, if on the sabbath he attended the chamber of deputies and took part in the official proceedings. every religious privilege, and therefore also the monopoly of a privileged church, would have been abolished altogether, and if some or many persons, or even the overwhelming majority, still believed themselves bound to fulfil religious duties, this fulfilment ought to be left to them as a purely private matter.\" (p. 65)",
28
+ "\"there is no longer any religion when there is no longer any privileged religion. take from religion its exclusive power and it will no longer exist.\" (p. 66)",
29
+ "\"just as m. martin du nord saw the proposal to omit mention of sunday in the law as a motion to declare that christianity has ceased to exist, with equal reason (and this reason is very well founded) the declaration that the law of the sabbath is no longer binding on the jew would be a proclamation abolishing judaism.\" (p. 71)",
30
+ "bauer, therefore, demands, on the one hand, that the jew should renounce judaism, and that mankind in general should renounce religion, in order to achieve civic emancipation. on the other hand, he quite consistently regards the political abolition of religion as the abolition of religion as such. the state which presupposes religion is not yet a true, real state.",
31
+ "\"of course, the religious notion affords security to the state. but to what state? to what kind of state?\" (p. 97)",
32
+ "at this point, the one-sided formulation of the jewish question becomes evident.",
33
+ "it was by no means sufficient to investigate: who is to emancipate? who is to be emancipated? criticism had to investigate a third point. it had to inquire: what kind of emancipation is in question? what conditions follow from the very nature of the emancipation that is demanded? only the criticism of political emancipation itself would have been the conclusive criticism of the jewish question and its real merging in the \"general question of time.\"",
34
+ "because bauer does not raise the question to this level, he becomes entangled in contradictions. he puts forward conditions which are not based on the nature of political emancipation itself. he raises questions which are not part of his problem, and he solves problems which leave this question unanswered. when bauer says of the opponents of jewish emancipation: \"their error was only that they assumed the christian state to be the only true one and did not subject it to the same criticism that they applied to judaism\" (op. cit., p. 3), we find that his error lies in the fact that he subjects to criticism only the \"christian state,\" not the \"state as such,\" that he does not investigate the relation of political emancipation to human emancipation and, therefore, puts forward conditions which can be explained only by uncritical confusion of political emancipation with general human emancipation. if bauer asks the jews: have you, from your standpoint, the right to want political emancipation? we ask the converse question: does the standpoint of political emancipation give the right to demand from the jew the abolition of judaism and from man the abolition of religion?",
35
+ "the jewish question acquires a different form depending on the state in which the jew lives. in germany, where there is no political state, no state as such, the jewish question is a purely theological one. the jew finds himself in religious opposition to the state, which recognizes christianity as its basis. this state is a theologian ex professo. criticism here is criticism of theology, a double-edged criticism criticism of christian theology and of jewish theology. hence, we continue to operate in the sphere of theology, however much we may operate critically within it.",
36
+ "in france, a constitutional state, the jewish question is a question of constitutionalism, the question of the incompleteness of political emancipation. since the semblance of a state religion is retained here, although in a meaningless and self-contradictory formula, that of a religion of the majority, the relation of the jew to the state retains the semblance of a religious, theological opposition.",
37
+ "only in the north american states at least, in some of them does the jewish question lose its theological significance and become a really secular question. only where the political state exists in its completely developed form can the relation of the jew, and of the religious man in general, to the political state, and therefore the relation of religion to the state, show itself in its specific character, in its purity. the criticism of this relation ceases to be theological criticism as soon as the state ceases to adopt a theological attitude toward religion, as soon as it behaves towards religion as a state i.e., politically. criticism, then, becomes criticism of the political state. at this point, where the question ceases to be theological, bauer's criticism ceases to be critical.",
38
+ "\"in the united states there is neither a state religion nor a religion declared to be that of the majority, nor the predominance of one cult over another. the state stands aloof from all cults.\" (marie ou l'esclavage aux etats-unis, etc., by g. de beaumont, paris, 1835, p. 214)",
39
+ "indeed, there are some north american states where \"the constitution does not impose any religious belief or religious practice as a condition of political rights.\" (op. cit., p. 225)",
40
+ "nevertheless, \"in the united states people do not believe that a man without religion could be an honest man.\" (op. cit., p. 224)",
41
+ "nevertheless, north america is pre-eminently the country of religiosity, as beaumont, tocqueville, and the englishman hamilton unanimously assure us. the north american states, however, serve us only as an example. the question is: what is the relation of complete political emancipation to religion? if we find that even in the country of complete political emancipation, religion not only exists, but displays a fresh and vigorous vitality, that is proof that the existence of religion is not in contradiction to the perfection of the state. since, however, the existence of religion is the existence of defect, the source of this defect can only be sought in the nature of the state itself. we no longer regard religion as the cause, but only as the manifestation of secular narrowness. therefore, we explain the religious limitations of the free citizen by their secular limitations. we do not assert that they must overcome their religious narrowness in order to get rid of their secular restrictions, we assert that they will overcome their religious narrowness once they get rid of their secular restrictions. we do not turn secular questions into theological ones. history has long enough been merged in superstition, we now merge superstition in history. the question of the relation of political emancipation to religion becomes for us the question of the relation of political emancipation to human emancipation. we criticize the religious weakness of the political state by criticizing the political state in its secular form, apart from its weaknesses as regards religion. the contradiction between the state and a particular religion, for instance judaism, is given by us a human form as the contradiction between the state and particular secular elements; the contradiction between the state and religion in general as the contradiction between the state and its presuppositions in general.",
42
+ "the political emancipation of the jew, the christian, and, in general, of religious man, is the emancipation of the state from judaism, from christianity, from religion in general. in its own form, in the manner characteristic of its nature, the state as a state emancipates itself from religion by emancipating itself from the state religion that is to say, by the state as a state not professing any religion, but, on the contrary, asserting itself as a state. the political emancipation from religion is not a religious emancipation that has been carried through to completion and is free from contradiction, because political emancipation is not a form of human emancipation which has been carried through to completion and is free from contradiction.",
43
+ "the limits of political emancipation are evident at once from the fact that the state can free itself from a restriction without man being really free from this restriction, that the state can be a free state [pun on word freistaat, which also means republic] without man being a free man. bauer himself tacitly admits this when he lays down the following condition for political emancipation:",
44
+ "\"every religious privilege, and therefore also the monopoly of a privileged church, would have been abolished altogether, and if some or many persons, or even the overwhelming majority, still believed themselves bound to fulfil religious duties, this fulfilment ought to be left to them as a purely private matter.\" [the jewish question, p. 65]",
45
+ "it is possible, therefore, for the state to have emancipated itself from religion even if the overwhelming majority is still religious. and the overwhelming majority does not cease to be religious through being religious in private.",
46
+ "but, the attitude of the state, and of the republic [free state] in particular, to religion is, after all, only the attitude to religion of the men who compose the state. it follows from this that man frees himself through the medium of the state, that he frees himself politically from a limitation when, in contradiction with himself, he raises himself above this limitation in an abstract, limited, and partial way. it follows further that, by freeing himself politically, man frees himself in a roundabout way, through an intermediary, although an essential intermediary. it follows, finally, that man, even if he proclaims himself an atheist through the medium of the state that is, if he proclaims the state to be atheist still remains in the grip of religion, precisely because he acknowledges himself only by a roundabout route, only through an intermediary. religion is precisely the recognition of man in a roundabout way, through an intermediary. the state is the intermediary between man and man's freedom. just as christ is the intermediary to whom man transfers the burden of all his divinity, all his religious constraint, so the state is the intermediary to whom man transfers all his non-divinity and all his human unconstraint.",
47
+ "the political elevation of man above religion shares all the defects and all the advantages of political elevation in general. the state as a state annuls, for instance, private property, man declares by political means that private property is abolished as soon as the property qualification for the right to elect or be elected is abolished, as has occurred in many states of north america. hamilton quite correctly interprets this fact from a political point of view as meaning:",
48
+ "\"the masses have won a victory over the property owners and financial wealth.\" [thomas hamilton, men and manners in america, 2 vols, edinburgh, 1833, p. 146]",
49
+ "is not private property abolished in idea if the non-property owner has become the legislator for the property owner? the property qualification for the suffrage is the last political form of giving recognition to private property.",
50
+ "nevertheless, the political annulment of private property not only fails to abolish private property but even presupposes it. the state abolishes, in its own way, distinctions of birth, social rank, education, occupation, when it declares that birth, social rank, education, occupation, are non-political distinctions, when it proclaims, without regard to these distinction, that every member of the nation is an equal participant in national sovereignty, when it treats all elements of the real life of the nation from the standpoint of the state. nevertheless, the state allows private property, education, occupation, to act in their way i.e., as private property, as education, as occupation, and to exert the influence of their special nature. far from abolishing these real distinctions, the state only exists on the presupposition of their existence; it feels itself to be a political state and asserts its universality only in opposition to these elements of its being. hegel, therefore, defines the relation of the political state to religion quite correctly when he says:",
51
+ "\"in order [...] that the state should come into existence as the self-knowing, moral reality of the mind, its distinction from the form of authority and faith is essential. but this distinction emerges only insofar as the ecclesiastical aspect arrives at a separation within itself. it is only in this way that the state, above the particular churches, has achieved and brought into existence universality of thought, which is the principle of its form\" (hegel's philosophy of right, 1st edition, p. 346).",
52
+ "of course! only in this way, above the particular elements, does the state constitute itself as universality.",
53
+ "the perfect political state is, by its nature, man's species-life, as opposed to his material life. all the preconditions of this egoistic life continue to exist in civil society outside the sphere of the state, but as qualities of civil society. where the political state has attained its true development, man not only in thought, in consciousness, but in reality, in life leads a twofold life, a heavenly and an earthly life: life in the political community, in which he considers himself a communal being, and life in civil society, in which he acts as a private individual, regards other men as a means, degrades himself into a means, and becomes the plaything of alien powers. the relation of the political state to civil society is just as spiritual as the relations of heaven to earth. the political state stands in the same opposition to civil society, and it prevails over the latter in the same way as religion prevails over the narrowness of the secular world i.e., by likewise having always to acknowledge it, to restore it, and allow itself to be dominated by it. in his most immediate reality, in civil society, man is a secular being. here, where he regards himself as a real individual, and is so regarded by others, he is a fictitious phenomenon. in the state, on the other hand, where man is regarded as a species-being, he is the imaginary member of an illusory sovereignty, is deprived of his real individual life and endowed with an unreal universality.",
54
+ "man, as the adherent of a particular religion, finds himself in conflict with his citizenship and with other men as members of the community. this conflict reduces itself to the secular division between the political state and civil society. for man as a bourgeois [i.e., as a member of civil society, \"bourgeois society\" in german], \"life in the state\" is \"only a semblance or a temporary exception to the essential and the rule.\" of course, the bourgeois, like the jew, remains only sophistically in the sphere of political life, just as the citoyen ['citizen' in french, i.e., the participant in political life] only sophistically remains a jew or a bourgeois. but, this sophistry is not personal. it is the sophistry of the political state itself. the difference between the merchant and the citizen [staatsbrger], between the day-laborer and the citizen, between the landowner and the citizen, between the merchant and the citizen, between the living individual and the citizen. the contradiction in which the religious man finds himself with the political man is the same contradiction in which the bourgeois finds himself with the citoyen, and the member of civil society with his political lion's skin.",
55
+ "this secular conflict, to which the jewish question ultimately reduces itself, the relation between the political state and its preconditions, whether these are material elements, such as private property, etc., or spiritual elements, such as culture or religion, the conflict between the general interest and private interest, the schism between the political state and civil society these secular antitheses bauer allows to persist, whereas he conducts a polemic against their religious expression.",
56
+ "\"it is precisely the basis of civil society, the need that ensures the continuance of this society and guarantees its necessity, which exposes its existence to continual dangers, maintains in it an element of uncertainty, and produces that continually changing mixture of poverty and riches, of distress and prosperity, and brings about change in general.\" (p. 8)",
57
+ "compare the whole section: \"civil society\" (pp. 8-9), which has been drawn up along the basic lines of hegel's philosophy of law. civil society, in its opposition to the political state, is recognized as necessary, because the political state is recognized as necessary.",
58
+ "political emancipation is, of course, a big step forward. true, it is not the final form of human emancipation in general, but it is the final form of human emancipation within the hitherto existing world order. it goes without saying that we are speaking here of real, practical emancipation.",
59
+ "man emancipates himself politically from religion by banishing it from the sphere of public law to that of private law. religion is no longer the spirit of the state, in which man behaves although in a limited way, in a particular form, and in a particular sphere as a species-being, in community with other men. religion has become the spirit of civil society, of the sphere of egoism, of bellum omnium contra omnes. it is no longer the essence of community, but the essence of difference. it has become the expression of man's separation from his community, from himself and from other men as it was originally. it is only the abstract avowal of specific perversity, private whimsy, and arbitrariness. the endless fragmentation of religion in north america, for example, gives it even externally the form of a purely individual affair. it has been thrust among the multitude of private interests and ejected from the community as such. but one should be under no illusion about the limits of political emancipation. the division of the human being into a public man and a private man, the displacement of religion from the state into civil society, this is not a stage of political emancipation but its completion; this emancipation, therefore, neither abolished the real religiousness of man, nor strives to do so.",
60
+ "the decomposition of man into jew and citizen, protestant and citizen, religious man and citizen, is neither a deception directed against citizenhood, nor is it a circumvention of political emancipation, it is political emancipation itself, the political method of emancipating oneself from religion. of course, in periods when the political state as such is born violently out of civil society, when political liberation is the form in which men strive to achieve their liberation, the state can and must go as far as the abolition of religion, the destruction of religion. but it can do so only in the same way that it proceeds to the abolition of private property, to the maximum, to confiscation, to progressive taxation, just as it goes as far as the abolition of life, the guillotine. at times of special self-confidence, political life seeks to suppress its prerequisite, civil society and the elements composing this society, and to constitute itself as the real species-life of man, devoid of contradictions. but, it can achieve this only by coming into violent contradiction with its own conditions of life, only by declaring the revolution to be permanent, and, therefore, the political drama necessarily ends with the re-establishment of religion, private property, and all elements of civil society, just as war ends with peace.",
61
+ "indeed, the perfect christian state is not the so-called christian state which acknowledges christianity as its basis, as the state religion, and, therefore, adopts an exclusive attitude towards other religions. on the contrary, the perfect christian state is the atheistic state, the democratic state, the state which relegates religion to a place among the other elements of civil society. the state which is still theological, which still officially professes christianity as its creed, which still does not dare to proclaim itself as a state, has, in its reality as a state, not yet succeeded in expressing the human basis of which christianity is the high-flown expression in a secular, human form. the so-called christian state is simply nothing more than a non-state, since it is not christianity as a religion, but only the human background of the christian religion, which can find its expression in actual human creations.",
62
+ "the so-called christian state is the christian negation of the state, but by no means the political realization of christianity. the state which still professes christianity in the form of religion, does not yet profess it in the form appropriate to the state, for it still has a religious attitude towards religion that is to say, it is not the true implementation of the human basis of religion, because it still relies on the unreal, imaginary form of this human core. the so-called christian state is the imperfect state, and the christian religion is regarded by it as the supplementation and sanctification of its imperfection. for the christian state, therefore, religion necessarily becomes a means; hence, it is a hypocritical state. it makes a great difference whether the complete state, because of the defect inherent in the general nature of the state, counts religion among its presuppositions, or whether the incomplete state, because of the defect inherent in its particular existence as a defective state, declares that religion is its basis. in the latter case, religion becomes imperfect politics. in the former case, the imperfection even of consummate politics becomes evident in religion. the so-called christian state needs the christian religion in order to complete itself as a state. the democratic state, the real state, does not need religion for its political completion. on the contrary, it can disregard religion because in it the human basis of religion is realized in a secular manner. the so-called christian state, on the other hand, has a political attitude to religion and a religious attitude to politics. by degrading the forms of the state to mere semblance, it equally degrades religion to mere semblance.",
63
+ "in order to make this contradiction clearer, let us consider bauer's projection of the christian state, a projection based on his observation of the christian-german state.",
64
+ "\"recently,\" says bauer, \"in order to prove the impossibility or non-existence of a christian state, reference has frequently been made to those sayings in the gospel with which the [present-day] state not only does not comply, but cannot possibly comply, if it does not want to dissolve itself completely [as a state].\" \"but the matter cannot be disposed of so easily. what do these gospel sayings demand? supernatural renunciation of self, submission to the authority of revelation, a turning-away from the state, the abolition of secular conditions. well, the christian state demands and accomplishes all that. it has assimilated the spirit of the gospel, and if it does not reproduce this spirit in the same terms as the gospel, that occurs only because it expresses this spirit in political forms, i.e., in forms which, it is true, are taken from the political system in this world, but which in the religious rebirth that they have to undergo become degraded to a mere semblance. this is a turning-away from the state while making use of political forms for its realization.\" (p. 55)",
65
+ "bauer then explains that the people of a christian state is only a non-people, no longer having a will of its own, but whose true existence lies in the leader to whom it is subjected, although this leader by his origin and nature is alien to it i.e., given by god and imposed on the people without any co-operation on its part. bauer declares that the laws of such a people are not its own creation, but are actual revelations, that its supreme chief needs privileged intermediaries with the people in the strict sense, with the masses, and that the masses themselves are divided into a multitude of particular groupings which are formed and determined by chance, which are differentiated by their interests, their particular passions and prejudices, and obtain permission as a privilege, to isolate themselves from one another, etc. (p. 56)",
66
+ "however, bauer himself says:",
67
+ "\"politics, if it is to be nothing but religion, ought not to be politics, just as the cleaning of saucepans, if it is to be accepted as a religious matter, ought not to be regarded as a matter of domestic economy.\" (p. 108)",
68
+ "in the christian-german state, however, religion is an \"economic matter\" just as \"economic matters\" belong to the sphere of religion. the domination of religion in the christian-german state is the religion of domination.",
69
+ "the separation of the \"spirit of the gospel\" from the \"letter of the gospel\" is an irreligious act. a state which makes the gospel speak in the language of politics that is, in another language than that of the holy ghost commits sacrilege, if not in human eyes, then in the eyes of its own religion. the state which acknowledges christianity as its supreme criterion, and the bible as its charter, must be confronted with the words of holy scripture, for every word of scripture is holy. this state, as well as the human rubbish on which it is based, is caught in a painful contradiction that is insoluble from the standpoint of religious consciousness when it is referred to those sayings of the gospel with which it \"not only does not comply, but cannot possibly comply, if it does not want to dissolve itself completely as a state.\" and why does it not want to dissolve itself completely? the state itself cannot give an answer either to itself or to others. in its own consciousness, the official christian state is an imperative, the realization of which is unattainable, the state can assert the reality of its existence only by lying to itself, and therefore always remains in its own eyes an object of doubt, an unreliable, problematic object. criticism is, therefore, fully justified in forcing the state that relies on the bible into a mental derangement in which it no longer knows whether it is an illusion or a reality, and in which the infamy of its secular aims, for which religion serves as a cloak, comes into insoluble conflict with the sincerity of its religious consciousness, for which religion appears as the aim of the world. this state can only save itself from its inner torment if it becomes the police agent of the catholic church. in relation to the church, which declares the secular power to be its servant, the state is powerless, the secular power which claims to be the rule of the religious spirit is powerless.",
70
+ "it is, indeed, estrangement which matters in the so-called christian state, but not man. the only man who counts, the king, is a being specifically different from other men, and is, moreover, a religious being, directly linked with heaven, with god. the relationships which prevail here are still relationships dependent of faith. the religious spirit, therefore, is still not really secularized.",
71
+ "but, furthermore, the religious spirit cannot be really secularized, for what is it in itself but the non-secular form of a stage in the development of the human mind? the religious spirit can only be secularized insofar as the stage of development of the human mind of which it is the religious expression makes its appearance and becomes constituted in its secular form. this takes place in the democratic state. not christianity, but the human basis of christianity is the basis of this state. religion remains the ideal, non-secular consciousness of its members, because religion is the ideal form of the stage of human development achieved in this state.",
72
+ "the members of the political state are religious owing to the dualism between individual life and species-life, between the life of civil society and political life. they are religious because men treat the political life of the state, an area beyond their real individuality, as if it were their true life. they are religious insofar as religion here is the spirit of civil society, expressing the separation and remoteness of man from man. political democracy is christian since in it man, not merely one man but everyman, ranks as sovereign, as the highest being, but it is man in his uncivilized, unsocial form, man in his fortuitous existence, man just as he is, man as he has been corrupted by the whole organization of our society, who has lost himself, been alienated, and handed over to the rule of inhuman conditions and elements in short, man who is not yet a real species-being. that which is a creation of fantasy, a dream, a postulate of christianity, i.e., the sovereignty of man but man as an alien being different from the real man becomes, in democracy, tangible reality, present existence, and secular principle.",
73
+ "in the perfect democracy, the religious and theological consciousness itself is in its own eyes the more religious and the more theological because it is apparently without political significance, without worldly aims, the concern of a disposition that shuns the world, the expression of intellectual narrow-mindedness, the product of arbitrariness and fantasy, and because it is a life that is really of the other world. christianity attains, here, the practical expression of its universal-religious significance in that the most diverse world outlooks are grouped alongside one another in the form of christianity and still more because it does not require other people to profess christianity, but only religion in general, any kind of religion (cf. beaumont's work quoted above). the religious consciousness revels in the wealth of religious contradictions and religious diversity.",
74
+ "we have, thus, shown that political emancipation from religion leaves religion in existence, although not a privileged religion. the contradiction in which the adherent of a particular religion finds himself involved in relation to his citizenship is only one aspect of the universal secular contradiction between the political state and civil society. the consummation of the christian state is the state which acknowledges itself as a state and disregards the religion of its members. the emancipation of the state from religion is not the emancipation of the real man from religion.",
75
+ "therefore, we do not say to the jews, as bauer does: you cannot be emancipated politically without emancipating yourselves radically from judaism. on the contrary, we tell them: because you can be emancipated politically without renouncing judaism completely and incontrovertibly, political emancipation itself is not human emancipation. if you jews want to be emancipated politically, without emancipating yourselves humanly, the half-hearted approach and contradiction is not in you alone, it is inherent in the nature and category of political emancipation. if you find yourself within the confines of this category, you share in a general confinement. just as the state evangelizes when, although it is a state, it adopts a christian attitude towards the jews, so the jew acts politically when, although a jew, he demands civic rights.",
76
+ "[ * ]",
77
+ "but, if a man, although a jew, can be emancipated politically and receive civic rights, can he lay claim to the so-called rights of man and receive them? bauer denies it.",
78
+ "\"the question is whether the jew as such, that is, the jew who himself admits that he is compelled by his true nature to live permanently in separation from other men, is capable of receiving the universal rights of man and of conceding them to others.\"",
79
+ "\"for the christian world, the idea of the rights of man was only discovered in the last century. it is not innate in men; on the contrary, it is gained only in a struggle against the historical traditions in which hitherto man was brought up. thus the rights of man are not a gift of nature, not a legacy from past history, but the reward of the struggle against the accident of birth and against the privileges which up to now have been handed down by history from generation to generation. these rights are the result of culture, and only one who has earned and deserved them can possess them.\"",
80
+ "\"can the jew really take possession of them? as long as he is a jew, the restricted nature which makes him a jew is bound to triumph over the human nature which should link him as a man with other men, and will separate him from non-jews. he declares by this separation that the particular nature which makes him a jew is his true, highest nature, before which human nature has to give way.\"",
81
+ "\"similarly, the christian as a christian cannot grant the rights of man.\" (p. 19-20)",
82
+ "according to bauer, man has to sacrifice the \"privilege of faith\" to be able to receive the universal rights of man. let us examine, for a moment, the so-called rights of man to be precise, the rights of man in their authentic form, in the form which they have among those who discovered them, the north americans and the french. these rights of man are, in part, political rights, rights which can only be exercised in community with others. their content is participation in the community, and specifically in the political community, in the life of the state. they come within the category of political freedom, the category of civic rights, which, as we have seen, in no way presuppose the incontrovertible and positive abolition of religion nor, therefore, of judaism. there remains to be examined the other part of the rights of man the droits de l'homme, insofar as these differ from the droits du citoyen.",
83
+ "included among them is freedom of conscience, the right to practice any religion one chooses. the privilege of faith is expressly recognized either as a right of man or as the consequence of a right of man, that of liberty.",
84
+ "dclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen, 1791, article 10: \"no one is to be subjected to annoyance because of his opinions, even religious opinions.\" \"the freedom of every man to practice the religion of which he is an adherent.\"",
85
+ "declaration of the rights of man, etc., 1793, includes among the rights of man, article 7: \"the free exercise of religion.\" indeed, in regard to man's right to express his thoughts and opinions, to hold meetings, and to exercise his religion, it is even stated: \"the necessity of proclaiming these rights presupposes either the existence or the recent memory of despotism.\" compare the constitution of 1795, section xiv, article 354.",
86
+ "constitution of pennsylvania, article 9, 3: \"all men have received from nature the imprescriptible right to worship the almighty according to the dictates of their conscience, and no one can be legally compelled to follow, establish, or support against his will any religion or religious ministry. no human authority can, in any circumstances, intervene in a matter of conscience or control the forces of the soul.\"",
87
+ "constitution of new hampshire, article 5 and 6: \"among these natural rights some are by nature inalienable since nothing can replace them. the rights of conscience are among them.\" (beaumont, op. cit., pp. 213,214)",
88
+ "incompatibility between religion and the rights of man is to such a degree absent from the concept of the rights of man that, on the contrary, a man's right to be religious, in any way he chooses, to practise his own particular religion, is expressly included among the rights of man. the privilege of faith is a universal right of man.",
89
+ "the droits de l'homme, the rights of man, are, as such, distinct from the droits du citoyen, the rights of the citizen. who is homme as distinct from citoyen? none other than the member of civil society. why is the member of civil society called \"man,\" simply man; why are his rights called the rights of man? how is this fact to be explained? from the relationship between the political state and civil society, from the nature of political emancipation.",
90
+ "above all, we note the fact that the so-called rights of man, the droits de l'homme as distinct from the droits du citoyen, are nothing but the rights of a member of civil society i.e., the rights of egoistic man, of man separated from other men and from the community. let us hear what the most radical constitution, the constitution of 1793, has to say:",
91
+ "declaration of the rights of man and of the citizen. article 2. \"these rights, etc., (the natural and imprescriptible rights) are: equality, liberty, security, property.\"",
92
+ "what constitutes liberty?",
93
+ "article 6. \"liberty is the power which man has to do everything that does not harm the rights of others,\" or, according to the declaration of the rights of man of 1791: \"liberty consists in being able to do everything which does not harm others.\"",
94
+ "liberty, therefore, is the right to do everything that harms no one else. the limits within which anyone can act without harming someone else are defined by law, just as the boundary between two fields is determined by a boundary post. it is a question of the liberty of man as an isolated monad, withdrawn into himself. why is the jew, according to bauer, incapable of acquiring the rights of man?",
95
+ "\"as long as he is a jew, the restricted nature which makes him a jew is bound to triumph over the human nature which should link him as a man with other men, and will separate him from non-jews.\"",
96
+ "but, the right of man to liberty is based not on the association of man with man, but on the separation of man from man. it is the right of this separation, the right of the restricted individual, withdrawn into himself.",
97
+ "the practical application of man's right to liberty is man's right to private property.",
98
+ "what constitutes man's right to private property?",
99
+ "article 16. (constitution of 1793): \"the right of property is that which every citizen has of enjoying and of disposing at his discretion of his goods and income, of the fruits of his labor and industry.\"",
100
+ "the right of man to private property is, therefore, the right to enjoy one's property and to dispose of it at one's discretion ( son gr), without regard to other men, independently of society, the right of self-interest. this individual liberty and its application form the basis of civil society. it makes every man see in other men not the realization of his own freedom, but the barrier to it. but, above all, it proclaims the right of man",
101
+ "\"of enjoying and of disposing at his discretion of his goods and income, of the fruits of his labor and industry.\"",
102
+ "there remain the other rights of man: galit and sret.",
103
+ "equality, used here in its non-political sense, is nothing but the equality of the libert described above namely: each man is to the same extent regarded as such a self-sufficient monad. the constitution of 1795 defines the concept of this equality, in accordance with this significance, as follows:",
104
+ "article 3 (constitution of 1795): \"equality consists in the law being the same for all, whether it protects or punishes.\"",
105
+ "and security?",
106
+ "article 8 (constitution of 1793): \"security consists in the protection afforded by society to each of its members for the preservation of his person, his rights, and his property.\"",
107
+ "security is the highest social concept of civil society, the concept of police, expressing the fact that the whole of society exists only in order to guarantee to each of its members the preservation of his person, his rights, and his property. it is in this sense that hegel calls civil society \"the state of need and reason.\"",
108
+ "the concept of security does not raise civil society above its egoism. on the contrary, security is the insurance of egoism.",
109
+ "none of the so-called rights of man, therefore, go beyond egoistic man, beyond man as a member of civil society that is, an individual withdrawn into himself, into the confines of his private interests and private caprice, and separated from the community. in the rights of man, he is far from being conceived as a species-being; on the contrary, species-life itself, society, appears as a framework external to the individuals, as a restriction of their original independence. the sole bond holding them together is natural necessity, need and private interest, the preservation of their property and their egoistic selves.",
110
+ "it is puzzling enough that a people which is just beginning to liberate itself, to tear down all the barriers between its various sections, and to establish a political community, that such a people solemnly proclaims (declaration of 1791) the rights of egoistic man separated from his fellow men and from the community, and that indeed it repeats this proclamation at a moment when only the most heroic devotion can save the nation, and is therefore imperatively called for, at a moment when the sacrifice of all the interest of civil society must be the order of the day, and egoism must be punished as a crime. (declaration of the rights of man, etc., of 1793) this fact becomes still more puzzling when we see that the political emancipators go so far as to reduce citizenship, and the political community, to a mere means for maintaining these so-called rights of man, that, therefore, the citoyen is declared to be the servant of egotistic homme, that the sphere in which man acts as a communal being is degraded to a level below the sphere in which he acts as a partial being, and that, finally, it is not man as citoyen, but man as private individual [bourgeois] who is considered to be the essential and true man.",
111
+ "\"the aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man.\" (declaration of the rights, etc., of 1791, article 2)",
112
+ "\"government is instituted in order to guarantee man the enjoyment of his natural and imprescriptible rights.\" (declaration, etc., of 1793, article 1)",
113
+ "hence, even in moments when its enthusiasm still has the freshness of youth and is intensified to an extreme degree by the force of circumstances, political life declares itself to be a mere means, whose purpose is the life of civil society. it is true that its revolutionary practice is in flagrant contradiction with its theory. whereas, for example, security is declared one of the rights of man, violation of the privacy of correspondence is openly declared to be the order of the day. whereas \"unlimited freedom of the press\" (constitution of 1793, article 122) is guaranteed as a consequence of the right of man to individual liberty, freedom of the press is totally destroyed, because \"freedom of the press should not be permitted when it endangers public liberty.\" (\"robespierre jeune,\" historie parlementaire de la rvolution franaise by buchez and roux, vol.28, p. 159) that is to say, therefore: the right of man to liberty ceases to be a right as soon as it comes into conflict with political life, whereas in theory political life is only the guarantee of human rights, the rights of the individual, and therefore must be abandoned as soon as it comes into contradiction with its aim, with these rights of man. but, practice is merely the exception, theory is the rule. but even if one were to regard revolutionary practice as the correct presentation of the relationship, there would still remain the puzzle of why the relationship is turned upside-down in the minds of the political emancipators and the aim appears as the means, while the means appears as the aim. this optical illusion of their consciousness would still remain a puzzle, although now a psychological, a theoretical puzzle.",
114
+ "the puzzle is easily solved.",
115
+ "political emancipation is, at the same time, the dissolution of the old society on which the state alienated from the people, the sovereign power, is based. what was the character of the old society? it can be described in one word feudalism. the character of the old civil society was directly political that is to say, the elements of civil life, for example, property, or the family, or the mode of labor, were raised to the level of elements of political life in the form of seigniory, estates, and corporations. in this form, they determined the relation of the individual to the state as a whole i.e., his political relation, that is, his relation of separation and exclusion from the other components of society. for that organization of national life did not raise property or labor to the level of social elements; on the contrary, it completed their separation from the state as a whole and constituted them as discrete societies within society. thus, the vital functions and conditions of life of civil society remained, nevertheless, political, although political in the feudal sense that is to say, they secluded the individual from the state as a whole and they converted the particular relation of his corporation to the state as a whole into his general relation to the life of the nation, just as they converted his particular civil activity and situation into his general activity and situation. as a result of this organization, the unity of the state, and also the consciousness, will, and activity of this unity, the general power of the state, are likewise bound to appear as the particular affair of a ruler and of his servants, isolated from the people.",
116
+ "the political revolution which overthrew this sovereign power and raised state affairs to become affairs of the people, which constituted the political state as a matter of general concern, that is, as a real state, necessarily smashed all estates, corporations, guilds, and privileges, since they were all manifestations of the separation of the people from the community. the political revolution thereby abolished the political character of civil society. it broke up civil society into its simple component parts; on the one hand, the individuals; on the other hand, the material and spiritual elements constituting the content of the life and social position of these individuals. it set free the political spirit, which had been, as it were, split up, partitioned, and dispersed in the various blind alleys of feudal society. it gathered the dispersed parts of the political spirit, freed it from its intermixture with civil life, and established it as the sphere of the community, the general concern of the nation, ideally independent of those particular elements of civil life. a person's distinct activity and distinct situation in life were reduced to a merely individual significance. they no longer constituted the general relation of the individual to the state as a whole. public affairs as such, on the other hand, became the general affair of each individual, and the political function became the individual's general function.",
117
+ "but, the completion of the idealism of the state was at the same time the completion of the materialism of civil society. throwing off the political yoke meant at the same time throwing off the bonds which restrained the egoistic spirit of civil society. political emancipation was, at the same time, the emancipation of civil society from politics, from having even the semblance of a universal content.",
118
+ "feudal society was resolved into its basic element man, but man as he really formed its basis egoistic man.",
119
+ "this man, the member of civil society, is thus the basis, the precondition, of the political state. he is recognized as such by this state in the rights of man.",
120
+ "the liberty of egoistic man and the recognition of this liberty, however, is rather the recognition of the unrestrained movement of the spiritual and material elements which form the content of his life.",
121
+ "hence, man was not freed from religion, he received religious freedom. he was not freed from property, he received freedom to own property. he was not freed from the egoism of business, he received freedom to engage in business.",
122
+ "the establishment of the political state and the dissolution of civil society into independent individuals whose relation with one another epend on law, just as the relations of men in the system of estates and guilds depended on privilege is accomplished by one and the same act. man as a member of civil society, unpolitical man, inevitably appears, however, as the natural man. the \"rights of man\" appears as \"natural rights,\" because conscious activity is concentrated on the political act. egoistic man is the passive result of the dissolved society, a result that is simply found in existence, an object of immediate certainty, therefore a natural object. the political revolution resolves civil life into its component parts, without revolutionizing these components themselves or subjecting them to criticism. it regards civil society, the world of needs, labor, private interests, civil law, as the basis of its existence, as a precondition not requiring further substantiation and therefore as its natural basis. finally, man as a member of civil society is held to be man in the proper sense, homme as distinct from citoyen, because he is man in his sensuous, individual, immediate existence, whereas political man is only abstract, artificial man, man as an allegorical, juridical person. the real man is recognized only in the shape of the egoistic individual, the true man is recognized only in the shape of the abstract citizen.",
123
+ "therefore, rousseau correctly described the abstract idea of political man as follows:",
124
+ "\"whoever dares undertake to establish a people's institutions must feel himself capable of changing, as it were, human nature, of transforming each individual, who by himself is a complete and solitary whole, into a part of a larger whole, from which, in a sense, the individual receives his life and his being, of substituting a limited and mental existence for the physical and independent existence. he has to take from man his own powers, and give him in exchange alien powers which he cannot employ without the help of other men.\"",
125
+ "all emancipation is a reduction of the human world and relationships to man himself.",
126
+ "political emancipation is the reduction of man, on the one hand, to a member of civil society, to an egoistic, independent individual, and, on the other hand, to a citizen, a juridical person.",
127
+ "only when the real, individual man re-absorbs in himself the abstract citizen, and as an individual human being has become a species-being in his everyday life, in his particular work, and in his particular situation, only when man has recognized and organized his \"own powers\" as social powers, and, consequently, no longer separates social power from himself in the shape of political power, only then will human emancipation have been accomplished.",
128
+ "ii bruno bauer, \"the capacity of present-day jews and christians to become free,\" einundzwanzig bogen aus der schweiz, pp. 56-71",
129
+ "it is in this form that bauer deals with the relation between the jewish and the christian religions, and also with their relation to criticism. their relation to criticism is their relation \"to the capacity to become free.\"",
130
+ "the result arrived at is:",
131
+ "\"the christian has to surmount only one stage, namely, that of his religion, in order to give up religion altogether,\"",
132
+ "and therefore become free.",
133
+ "\"the jew, on the other hand, has to break not only with his jewish nature, but also with the development towards perfecting his religion, a development which has remained alien to him.\" (p. 71)",
134
+ "thus, bauer here transforms the question of jewish emancipation into a purely religious question. the theological problem as to whether the jew or the christian has the better prospect of salvation is repeated here in the enlightened form: which of them is more capable of emancipation. no longer is the question asked: is it judaism or christianity that makes a man free? on the contrary, the question is now: which makes man freer, the negation of judaism or the negation of christianity?",
135
+ "\"if the jews want to become free, they should profess belief not in christianity, but in the dissolution of christianity, in the dissolution of religion in general, that is to say, in enlightenment, criticism, and its consequences, free humanity.\" (p. 70)",
136
+ "for the jew, it is still a matter of a profession of faith, but no longer a profession of belief in christianity, but of belief in christianity in dissolution.",
137
+ "bauer demands of the jews that they should break with the essence of the christian religion, a demand which, as he says himself, does not arise out of the development of judaism.",
138
+ "since bauer, at the end of his work on the jewish question, had conceived judaism only as crude religious criticism of christianity, and therefore saw in it \"merely\" a religious significance, it could be foreseen that the emancipation of the jews, too, would be transformed into a philosophical-theological act.",
139
+ "bauer considers that the ideal, abstract nature of the jew, his religion, is his entire nature. hence, he rightly concludes:",
140
+ "\"the jew contributes nothing to mankind if he himself disregards his narrow law,\" if he invalidates his entire judaism. (p. 65)",
141
+ "accordingly, the relation between jews and christians becomes the following: the sole interest of the christian in the emancipation of the jew is a general human interest, a theoretical interest. judaism is a fact that offends the religious eye of the christian. as soon as his eye ceases to be religious, this fact ceases to be offensive. the emancipation of the jew is, in itself, not a task for the christian.",
142
+ "the jew, on the other hand, in order to emancipate himself, has to carry out not only his own work, but also that of the christian i.e., the critique of the evangelical history of the synoptics and the life of jesus, etc.",
143
+ "\"it is up to them to deal with it: they themselves will decide their fate; but history is not to be trifled with.\" (p. 71)",
144
+ "we are trying to break with the theological formulation of the question. for us, the question of the jew's capacity for emancipation becomes the question: what particular social element has to be overcome in order to abolish judaism? for the present-day jew's capacity for emancipation is the relation of judaism to the emancipation of the modern world. this relation necessarily results from the special position of judaism in the contemporary enslaved world.",
145
+ "let us consider the actual, worldly jew not the sabbath jew, as bauer does, but the everyday jew.",
146
+ "let us not look for the secret of the jew in his religion, but let us look for the secret of his religion in the real jew.",
147
+ "what is the secular basis of judaism? practical need, self-interest. what is the worldly religion of the jew? huckstering. what is his worldly god? money.",
148
+ "very well then! emancipation from huckstering and money, consequently from practical, real judaism, would be the self-emancipation of our time.",
149
+ "an organization of society which would abolish the preconditions for huckstering, and therefore the possibility of huckstering, would make the jew impossible. his religious consciousness would be dissipated like a thin haze in the real, vital air of society. on the other hand, if the jew recognizes that this practical nature of his is futile and works to abolish it, he extricates himself from his previous development and works for human emancipation as such and turns against the supreme practical expression of human self-estrangement.",
150
+ "we recognize in judaism, therefore, a general anti-social element of the present time, an element which through historical development to which in this harmful respect the jews have zealously contributed has been brought to its present high level, at which it must necessarily begin to disintegrate.",
151
+ "in the final analysis, the emancipation of the jews is the emancipation of mankind from judaism.",
152
+ "the jew has already emancipated himself in a jewish way.",
153
+ "\"the jew, who in vienna, for example, is only tolerated, determines the fate of the whole empire by his financial power. the jew, who may have no rights in the smallest german state, decides the fate of europe. while corporations and guilds refuse to admit jews, or have not yet adopted a favorable attitude towards them, the audacity of industry mocks at the obstinacy of the material institutions.\" (bruno bauer, the jewish question, p. 114)",
154
+ "this is no isolated fact. the jew has emancipated himself in a jewish manner, not only because he has acquired financial power, but also because, through him and also apart from him, money has become a world power and the practical jewish spirit has become the practical spirit of the christian nations. the jews have emancipated themselves insofar as the christians have become jews.",
155
+ "captain hamilton, for example, reports:",
156
+ "\"the devout and politically free inhabitant of new england is a kind of laocon who makes not the least effort to escape from the serpents which are crushing him. mammon is his idol which he adores not only with his lips but with the whole force of his body and mind. in his view the world is no more than a stock exchange, and he is convinced that he has no other destiny here below than to become richer than his neighbor. trade has seized upon all his thoughts, and he has no other recreation than to exchange objects. when he travels he carries, so to speak, his goods and his counter on his back and talks only of interest and profit. if he loses sight of his own business for an instant it is only in order to pry into the business of his competitors.\"",
157
+ "indeed, in north america, the practical domination of judaism over the christian world has achieved as its unambiguous and normal expression that the preaching of the gospel itself and the christian ministry have become articles of trade, and the bankrupt trader deals in the gospel just as the gospel preacher who has become rich goes in for business deals.",
158
+ "\"the man who you see at the head of a respectable congregation began as a trader; his business having failed, he became a minister. the other began as a priest but as soon as he had some money at his disposal he left the pulpit to become a trader. in the eyes of very many people, the religious ministry is a veritable business career.\" (beaumont, op. cit., pp. 185,186)",
159
+ "according to bauer, it is",
160
+ "\"a fictitious state of affairs when in theory the jew is deprived of political rights, whereas in practice he has immense power and exerts his political influence en gros, although it is curtailed en dtail.\" (die judenfrage, p. 114)",
161
+ "the contradiction that exists between the practical political power of the jew and his political rights is the contradiction between politics and the power of money in general. although theoretically the former is superior to the latter, in actual fact politics has become the serf of financial power.",
162
+ "judaism has held its own alongside christianity, not only as religious criticism of christianity, not only as the embodiment of doubt in the religious derivation of christianity, but equally because the practical jewish spirit, judaism, has maintained itself and even attained its highest development in christian society. the jew, who exists as a distinct member of civil society, is only a particular manifestation of the judaism of civil society.",
163
+ "judaism continues to exist not in spite of history, but owing to history.",
164
+ "the jew is perpetually created by civil society from its own entrails.",
165
+ "what, in itself, was the basis of the jewish religion? practical need, egoism.",
166
+ "the monotheism of the jew, therefore, is in reality the polytheism of the many needs, a polytheism which makes even the lavatory an object of divine law. practical need, egoism, is the principle of civil society, and as such appears in pure form as soon as civil society has fully given birth to the political state. the god of practical need and self-interest is money.",
167
+ "money is the jealous god of israel, in face of which no other god may exist. money degrades all the gods of man and turns them into commodities. money is the universal self-established value of all things. it has, therefore, robbed the whole world both the world of men and nature of its specific value. money is the estranged essence of man's work and man's existence, and this alien essence dominates him, and he worships it.",
168
+ "the god of the jews has become secularized and has become the god of the world. the bill of exchange is the real god of the jew. his god is only an illusory bill of exchange.",
169
+ "the view of nature attained under the domination of private property and money is a real contempt for, and practical debasement of, nature; in the jewish religion, nature exists, it is true, but it exists only in imagination.",
170
+ "it is in this sense that [in a 1524 pamphlet] thomas mnzer declares it intolerable",
171
+ "\"that all creatures have been turned into property, the fishes in the water, the birds in the air, the plants on the earth; the creatures, too, must become free.\"",
172
+ "contempt for theory, art, history, and for man as an end in himself, which is contained in an abstract form in the jewish religion, is the real, conscious standpoint, the virtue of the man of money. the species-relation itself, the relation between man and woman, etc., becomes an object of trade! the woman is bought and sold.",
173
+ "the chimerical nationality of the jew is the nationality of the merchant, of the man of money in general.",
174
+ "the groundless law of the jew is only a religious caricature of groundless morality and right in general, of the purely formal rites with which the world of self-interest surrounds itself.",
175
+ "here, too, man's supreme relation is the legal one, his relation to laws that are valid for him not because they are laws of his own will and nature, but because they are the dominant laws and because departure from them is avenged.",
176
+ "jewish jesuitism, the same practical jesuitism which bauer discovers in the talmud, is the relation of the world of self-interest to the laws governing that world, the chief art of which consists in the cunning circumvention of these laws.",
177
+ "indeed, the movement of this world within its framework of laws is bound to be a continual suspension of law.",
178
+ "judaism could not develop further as a religion, could not develop further theoretically, because the world outlook of practical need is essentially limited and is completed in a few strokes.",
179
+ "by its very nature, the religion of practical need could find its consummation not in theory, but only in practice, precisely because its truth is practice.",
180
+ "judaism could not create a new world; it could only draw the new creations and conditions of the world into the sphere of its activity, because practical need, the rationale of which is self-interest, is passive and does not expand at will, but finds itself enlarged as a result of the continuous development of social conditions.",
181
+ "judaism reaches its highest point with the perfection of civil society, but it is only in the christian world that civil society attains perfection. only under the dominance of christianity, which makes all national, natural, moral, and theoretical conditions extrinsic to man, could civil society separate itself completely from the life of the state, sever all the species-ties of man, put egoism and selfish need in the place of these species-ties, and dissolve the human world into a world of atomistic individuals who are inimically opposed to one another.",
182
+ "christianity sprang from judaism. it has merged again in judaism.",
183
+ "from the outset, the christian was the theorizing jew, the jew is, therefore, the practical christian, and the practical christian has become a jew again.",
184
+ "christianity had only in semblance overcome real judaism. it was too noble-minded, too spiritualistic to eliminate the crudity of practical need in any other way than by elevation to the skies.",
185
+ "christianity is the sublime thought of judaism, judaism is the common practical application of christianity, but this application could only become general after christianity as a developed religion had completed theoretically the estrangement of man from himself and from nature.",
186
+ "only then could judaism achieve universal dominance and make alienated man and alienated nature into alienable, vendible objects subjected to the slavery of egoistic need and to trading.",
187
+ "selling [verausserung] is the practical aspect of alienation [entausserung]. just as man, as long as he is in the grip of religion, is able to objectify his essential nature only by turning it into something alien, something fantastic, so under the domination of egoistic need he can be active practically, and produce objects in practice, only by putting his products, and his activity, under the domination of an alien being, and bestowing the significance of an alien entity money on them.",
188
+ "in its perfected practice, christian egoism of heavenly bliss is necessarily transformed into the corporal egoism of the jew, heavenly need is turned into world need, subjectivism into self-interest. we explain the tenacity of the jew not by his religion, but, on the contrary, by the human basis of his religion practical need, egoism.",
189
+ "since in civil society the real nature of the jew has been universally realized and secularized, civil society could not convince the jew of the unreality of his religious nature, which is indeed only the ideal aspect of practical need. consequently, not only in the pentateuch and the talmud, but in present-day society we find the nature of the modern jew, and not as an abstract nature but as one that is in the highest degree empirical, not merely as a narrowness of the jew, but as the jewish narrowness of society.",
190
+ "once society has succeeded in abolishing the empirical essence of judaism huckstering and its preconditions the jew will have become impossible, because his consciousness no longer has an object, because the subjective basis of judaism, practical need, has been humanized, and because the conflict between man's individual-sensuous existence and his species-existence has been abolished.",
191
+ "the social emancipation of the jew is the emancipation of society from judaism."
192
+ ]
193
+ }
Data in JSON/On the Death of Immermann.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "on the death of immermann",
5
+ "written: in september 1840 first published: in morgenblatt fr gebildete leser no. 243, october 10, 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "in the camp's finest tent we'd sat all night and mingled spanish wine with german song. the fields were turning grey in dawn's first light; our eyes were aching we'd stayed up so long. the sun's rays peeped into our tent and found our sherry bottles drained, in disarray. the hour was late. time we were homeward bound. come, let us mount the horses and away!",
7
+ "we flew. after carousing all night long, what bliss to feel the freshness of the morrow. still in our ears the sound of strings and song; still far away the long day's care and worry. the shades of night had vanished. from the sky light fell on river, trees, fields bathed in dew. we all looked up to trace with joyful eye the sun's bright progress through the cloudless blue.",
8
+ "we're home. our steeds coursed well. now i stand here upon the threshold of work's tribulations. here is the paper. let me draw fresh cheer by drinking from the well-spring of the nations. russia, great britain, turkish catastrophes! and now for germany does all go well? ah, here.... what? dead? can i believe my eyes? you, immermann, must also bid farewell? defiant heart, so full of noble scorn, must you depart, then, for eternity, now that we see the rose despite the thorn and bow to you in all humility? now that, like schiller, proudly you beheld your people hang on every word from you? now that the love within your bosom held had blossomed forth with shining rays anew?",
9
+ "aloof in german poetry's sacred grove, you shunned your fellow bards' vociferous throng, and by the rhine in solitude you wove the images of many a gentle song. the mob's harsh clamour never came to hurt you in the flower garden where you toiled away. so few the stories they could spread about you; living, you were a legend in your day.",
10
+ "because the maltitude, that never can conceive what power inspires the poet's lays, why should they heed the silent, serious man who wanders far from their well-trodden ways? but you, o immermann, that now have died, wanted to wrestle with yourself, alone, and all the bitter jarring strife inside that you grew up with, master on your own.",
11
+ "so, meditating through the long dark night that held in thrall our german poetry, in solitude you fought the inner fight and battled through to see the dawning day. when far above your dwelling's mossy stones july's wild thunder rolled away at last, you sent into the world your epigones, that requiem for a generation past.",
12
+ "and yet you saw the rising generation, those in whose hearts the youthful fires blaze, speak loudly to defend your reputation, your right to wear the bard's full crown of bays. in your abode you saw us drawing nigh, you saw us silent at your feet, as we looked up into your rapt and thoughtful eye and listened to your rolling poetry.",
13
+ "now that the people, who forgot your name, have welcomed you with shouts of joy, bestowing on you your rightful laurels of acclaim, o immermann, is this a time for going? farewell! here in this land of germany poets to match your skill are very few. i settled down to work, and swore to be as german, and as strong and firm as you."
14
+ ]
15
+ }
Data in JSON/On the Invention of Printing.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,22 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "on the invention of printing [48]",
5
+ "translated: in the first half of 1840 first published: in the gutenberrgs-album, braunschweig, 1840 signed: friedrich engels",
6
+ "shall then the poet's voice sing, only telling of bloody ambition, thrones in all their pride, when fame's shrill trumpets sound about him, swelling the lips in places where the gods abide? have you forgotten shame? and do you waste the precious gift of praise with its bright light on men to curses and to execration ever condemned by history outright? awake, awake! song, that's become so shy, soar up above the clouds, with might unmatched to lofty triumph fly! and he who wants the world to find his song well worthy of the laurels on his brow, must make his song from now unfold well worthy of the world, and strong!",
7
+ "they were not prodigal in olden days, but freely at the altar of beneficial spirit, of invention, they spent the sacrificial smoke of praise. saturn came down, and with the mighty plough divided he the earth's maternal breast. and then mankind beheld the living seeds grow on the barren ground. heaven received man's gratitude profound: god of the golden age is saturn called. and were you not a god, you who once found body for thought, for word, fixing in signs the life of speech that would have otherwise flown off, by no ties bound? without you, time had gone, still self-consuming, sinking, dying, down, buried forever in oblivion. you came. 'twas then that thought saw the swift widening of the narrow sphere that once enfolded its long infancy. it winged its way into that world so vast, where mighty dialogue doth fill the air between time future and deed-heavy past. you've helped the blind to see! immortal one, enjoy the honours rare, the lofty hymns of praise, that are your due alone, exalted spirit! and nature, just as if the one invention were of itself enough to prove her power, rests from that time and, parsimonious, gives the world no such wonder any more.",
8
+ "but nature in the end bestirs herself, to give another token: the icy rhine sees gutenberg come forth: \"o vain endeavours! what does it help you, that you can inspire your thoughts with life by writing, if thought dies, petrified, dumb in the dire darkness of lethargy and long forgetting? say, can a single vessel be enough e'er to contain the billowing sea that rages? much less can man's gifts of the spirit be unfolded in a single volume's pages! what lacks? the art of flight? but when bold nature created in one image countless beings, now, after hers, there comes my own invention! that, echoing a thousandfold, truth might embrace the world with powerful proclamation, soaring aloft with clarity's sheer flight!\"",
9
+ "he spoke. and there was print. and lo! all europe, astounded, moved, forthwith herself bestirs with thunderous sound. as if by storm winds fanned, swift-rushing onward roars the wrathful fire that has so long lain deep in the dark bowels of the earth, asleep. o evil pile, raised up for ignorance there by base brutality and tyrants' wrath! rocks glowing, the volcano gushes forth, and your foundations tremble in their fear! what is this monster of the evil spirit, this foul abortion, that, all scruples gone, founds on the old decaying capitol its loathsome and abominable throne, and now bids to destroy, yea, murder all?",
10
+ "it stands, although the structure of its power is crumbling slowly. but one day that throne shall fall and cast its ruins o'er the land. a fastness perching on a crag alone thus crowns the summit of a mountain high. the sons of war once took up their abode in its security. ruling by force of stolen power, they would sally forth exultant to the fray. deserted and alone, the keep stands in the forest, seen by none. it still surveys, though crumbling with neglect, the world all round with menacing aspect. one day it shall fall down, and then the fields shall groan, covered with ruins. meanwhile, it shall be scarecrow and bogey to all folk that lived in fear and terror of it recently.",
11
+ "that, then, was the first wreath of bay to deck the brow of reason; but intellect now rises courageously, athirst for certain knowledge, encompassing the world in its embraces. copernicus soars to the starry places hitherto shrouded in a heavy pall; and then he sees, immeasurably far, day's bringer, our forever festive star, the brightest luminary of them all. then galileo feels beneath his feet the earth's ball rolling; but blind italy rewards him with a prison cell's disgrace. meanwhile, the earth sails onward ceaselessly and swiftly through the infinite sea of space, and with it, fast as lightning, sweep the stars, shimm'ring in flight. then newton's fiery spirit is flung aloft into their very midst. he follows, understands them, charting the tracks of forces that keep them racing in their whirling courses.",
12
+ "what does it help you, then, to conquer heaven, to find the law that moves eternally air's circle and the seas? to split the ray of light incorporeal; or to dig down into the bowels of earth and snatch the cradle of gold and crystal? spirit, return once more to man!",
13
+ "and so it did, only to pour its bitterness into lamentations loud: \"how is the intellect with blindness cowed! how rings that chain of iron forged by the frenzied powers of tyranny, from pole to pole each with the other vying, and pins man helpless lying, upon his death-bed, tired of slavery! this must be ended.\"",
14
+ "and the despots heard, and wielded in their vile and villainous hands two weapons to depend on fire and sword.",
15
+ "\"o senseless ones! those very high-piled faggots that threaten to devour me horribly, that burn to keep me from the truth away, are beacons guiding me along truth's way, are torches to light up truth's victory! truth fondly i desire; with rapture drunk, my heart to truth gives prayer, my spirit looks on truth; i follow her, not of the sword afraid, nor yet of fire. that being so, then shall i still demur? can i turn back again, retrace my steps? the waves of tagus never run back towards the source from which they came once they have flowed into the mighty sea. the mountains seek to bar its course in vain; they cannot stay it in its onward motion. it rushes in the train of destiny that roars into the ocean.\"",
16
+ "and then the great day came on which a mortal man arose outraged, in wrath from all-encompassing disgrace, and, with almighty voice, called out to all the world: mankind is free! and narrow boundaries no longer caged the sacred call: it rose up on the wing of the great echo gutenberg invented, soared up, a wondrous thing, and swift, in mighty inspiration, o'erleapt the mountains and the ocean wide and o'er the very winds held domination. it was not shouted down by tyranny, and loud and lusty rang on every side the joyful cry of reason: man is free!",
17
+ "oh, free, yes, free! sweetest of words, the breast swells, beating faster at the sound of you; my spirit, that you imbue, o'erbrimming with your holy inspiration, soars to serene celestial dominions, bearing me on its fiery beating pinions. where are you all that hear my singing, mortal beings? from on high, i see the awesome prison doors of fate open, the impenetrable veil of time is torn apart the future lies before me! i see full clear that earth never again shall be the wretched planet where ambition and war with its fierce countenance can reign.",
18
+ "now both of them are gone from earth for ever, as plague and storm, those torturers, prepare to leave the zone they've pillaged and laid bare, when polar ice-winds threaten to blow over. ab people felt their true equality; with strength untamed, brave heroes struggled for that right and won it with triumphant glee. there are no slaves or tyrants any more. now love and peace fill all the world around, and love and peace breathe over all the earth, and \"love and peace!\" both near and far resound. and up aloft, upon his golden throne in blessing doth the lord his sceptre raise, dispensing air and joy all round below, so that on all earth's ways they might, as once of old, abundant flow.",
19
+ "do you not see that column soaring there, towering in all its splendour to the sky, a-throb with flashing light, eye-dazzling? less mighty are the pyramids so high, the work of slaves who toiled in abject fear of one whose glory came from suffering. see there, unwavering, the eternal incense rise, as the whole earth gives thanks to gutenberg. for such beneficence, a modest prize! hail to the one who broke the insensate power of battering violence; raised the might of reason, the strength of soul, high o'er the world to fly! praise him who raised the truth in triumph high, making his hands' work fruitful for all time! sing the well-doer's praise in song sublime!",
20
+ "bremen"
21
+ ]
22
+ }
Data in JSON/Outlines of a Critique of Political Economy.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,87 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "outlines of a critique of political economy by frederick engels",
5
+ "written: in october and november 1843; first published: in the deutsch-franzsische jahrbcher, 1844; translated: by martin milligan; transcribed: for the internet by director, february 1996.",
6
+ "political economy came into being as a natural result of the expansion of trade, and with its appearance elementary, unscientific huckstering was replaced by a developed system of licensed fraud, an entire science of enrichment.",
7
+ "this political economy or science of enrichment born of the merchants' mutual envy and greed, bears on its brow the mark of the most detestable selfishness. people still lived in the naive belief that gold and silver were wealth, and therefore considered nothing more urgent than the prohibition everywhere of the export of the \"precious\" metals. the nations faced each other like misers, each clasping to himself with both arms his precious money-bag, eyeing his neighbours with envy and distrust. every conceivable means was employed to lure from the nations with whom one had commerce as much ready cash as possible, and to retain snugly within the customs-boundary all which had happily been gathered in.",
8
+ "if this principle had been rigorously carried through trade would have been killed. people therefore began to go beyond this first stage. they came to appreciate that capital locked up in a chest was dead capital, while capital in circulation increased continuously. they then became more sociable, sent off their ducats as call-birds to bring others back with them, and realised that there is no harm in paying a too much for his commodity so long as it can be disposed of to b at a higher price.",
9
+ "on this basis the mercantile system was built. the avaricious character of trade was to some extent already beginning to be hidden. the nations drew slightly nearer to one another, concluded trade and friendship agreements, did business with one another and, for the sake of larger profits, treated one another with all possible love and kindness. but in fact there was still the old avarice and selfishness and from time to time this erupted in wars, which in that day were all based on trade jealousy. in these wars it also became evident that trade, like robbery, is based on the law of the strong hand. no scruples whatever were felt about exacting by cunning or violence such treaties as were held to be the most advantageous.",
10
+ "the cardinal point in the whole mercantile system is the theory of the balance of trade. for as it still subscribed to the dictum that gold and silver constitute wealth, only such transactions as would finally bring ready cash into the country were considered profitable. to ascertain this, exports were compared with imports. when more had been exported than imported, it was believed that the difference had come into the country in ready cash, and that the country was richer by that difference. the art of the economists, therefore, consisted in ensuring that at the end of each year exports should show a favourable balance over imports; and for the sake of this ridiculous illusion thousands of men have been slaughtered! trade, too, has had its crusades and inquisitions.",
11
+ "the eighteenth century, the century of revolution, also revolutionised economics. but just as all the revolutions of this century were one-sided and bogged down in antitheses just as abstract materialism was set in opposition to abstract spiritualism, the republic to monarchy, the social contract to divine right likewise the economic revolution did not get beyond antithesis. the premises remained everywhere in force: materialism did not attack the christian contempt for and humiliation of man, and merely posited nature instead of the christian god as the absolute confronting man. in politics no one dreamt of examining the premises of the state as such. it did not occur to economics to question the validity of private property. therefore, the new economics was only half an advance. it was obliged to betray and to disavow its own premises, to have recourse to sophistry and hypocrisy so as to cover up the contradictions in which it became entangled, so as to reach the conclusions to which it was driven not by its premises but by the humane spirit of the century. thus economics took on a philanthropic character. it withdrew its favour from the producers and bestowed it on the consumers. it affected a solemn abhorrence of the bloody terror of the mercantile system, and proclaimed trade to be a bond of friendship and union among nations as among individuals. all was pure splendour and magnificence yet the premises reasserted themselves soon enough, and in contrast to this sham philanthropy produced the malthusian population theory the crudest, most barbarous theory that ever existed, a system of despair which struck down all those beautiful phrases about philanthropy and world citizenship. the premises begot and reared the factory system and modern slavery, which yields nothing in inhumanity and cruelty to ancient slavery. modern economics the system of free trade based on adam smith's wealth of nations reveals itself to be that same hypocrisy, inconsistency and immorality which now confront free humanity in every sphere.",
12
+ "but was smith's system, then, not an advance? of course it was, and a necessary advance at that. it was necessary to overthrow the mercantile system with its monopolies and hindrances to trade, so that the true consequences of private property could come to light. it was necessary for all these petty, local and national considerations to recede into the background, so that the struggle of our time could become a universal human struggle. it was necessary for the theory of private property to leave the purely empirical path of merely objective inquiry and to acquire a more scientific character which would also make it responsible for the consequences, and thus transfer the matter to a universally human sphere. it was necessary to carry the immorality contained in the old economics to its highest pitch, by attempting to deny it and by the hypocrisy introduced (a necessary result of that attempt). all this lay in the nature of the case. we gladly concede that it is only the justification and accomplishment of free trade that has enabled us to go beyond the economics of private property; but we must at the same time have the right to expose the utter theoretical and practical nullity of this free trade.",
13
+ "the nearer to our time the economists whom we have to judge, the more severe must our judgment become. for while smith and malthus found only scattered fragments, the modern economists had the whole system complete before them: the consequences had all been drawn; the contradictions came clearly enough to light; yet they did not come to examining the premises, and still accepted the responsibility for the whole system. the nearer the economists come to the present time, the further they depart from honesty. with every advance of time, sophistry necessarily increases, so as to prevent economics from lagging behind the times. this is why ricardo, for instance, is more guilty than adam smith, and mcculloch and mill more guilty than ricardo.",
14
+ "even the mercantile system cannot be correctly judged by modern economics since the latter is itself one-sided and as yet burdened with that very system's premises. only that view which rises above the opposition of the two systems, which criticises the premises common to both and proceeds from a purely human, universal basis, can assign to both their proper position. it will become evident that the protagonists of free trade are more inveterate monopolists than the old mercantilists themselves. it will become evident that the sham humanity of the modern economists hides a barbarism of which their predecessors knew nothing; that the older economists' conceptual confusion is simple and consistent compared with the double-tongued logic of their attackers, and that neither of the two factions can reproach the other with anything which would not recoil upon themselves.",
15
+ "this is why modern liberal economics cannot comprehend the restoration of the mercantile system by list, whilst for us the matter is quite simple. the inconsistency and ambiguity of liberal economics must of necessity dissolve again into its basic components. just as theology must either regress to blind faith or progress towards free philosophy, free trade must produce the restoration of monopolies on the one hand and the abolition of private property on the other.",
16
+ "the only positive advance which liberal economics has made is the elaboration of the laws of private property. these are contained in it, at any rate, although not yet fully elaborated and clearly expressed. it follows that on all points where it is a question of deciding which is the shortest road to wealth i. e., in all strictly economic controversies the protagonists of free trade have right on their side. that is, needless to say, in controversies with the monopolists not with the opponents of private property, for the english socialists have long since proved both practically and theoretically that the latter are in a position to settle economic questions more correctly even from an economic point of view.",
17
+ "in the critique of political economy, therefore, we shall examine the basic categories, uncover the contradiction introduced by the free-trade system, and bring out the consequences of both sides of the contradiction.",
18
+ "* * *",
19
+ "the term national wealth has only arisen as a result of the liberal economists' passion for generalisation. as long as private property exists, this term has no meaning. the \"national wealth\" of the english is very great and yet they are the poorest people under the sun. one must either discard this term completely, or accept such premises as give it meaning. similarly with the terms national economy and political or public economy. in the present circumstances that science ought to be called private economy, for its public connections exist only for the sake of private property.",
20
+ "* * *",
21
+ "the immediate consequence of private property is trade exchange of reciprocal requirements buying and selling. this trade, like every activity, must under the dominion of private property become a direct source of gain for the trader, i.e., each must seek to sell as dear as possible and buy as cheap as possible. in every purchase and sale, therefore, two men with diametrically opposed interests confront each other. the confrontation is decidedly antagonistic, for each knows the intentions of the other knows that they are opposed to his own. therefore, the first consequence is mutual mistrust, on the one hand, and the justification of this mistrust the application of immoral means to attain an immoral end on the other. thus, the first maxim in trade is secretiveness the concealment of everything which might reduce the value of the article in question. the result is that in trade it is permitted to take the utmost advantage of the ignorance, the trust, of the opposing party, and likewise to impute qualities to one's commodity which it does not possess. in a word, trade is legalised fraud. any merchant who wants to give truth its due can bear me witness that actual practice conforms with this theory.",
22
+ "the mercantile system still had a certain artless catholic candour and did not in the least conceal the immoral nature of trade. we have seen how it openly paraded its mean avarice. the mutually hostile attitude of the nations in the eighteenth century, loathsome envy and trade jealousy, were the logical consequences of trade as such. public opinion had not yet become humanised. why, therefore, conceal things which resulted from the inhuman, hostile nature of trade itself?",
23
+ "but when the economic luther, adam smith, criticised past economics things had changed considerably. the century had been humanised; reason had asserted itself, morality began to claim its eternal right. the extorted trade treaties, the commercial wars, the strict isolation of the nations, offended too greatly against advanced consciousness. protestant hypocrisy took the place of catholic candour. smith proved that humanity, too, was rooted in the nature of commerce; that commerce must become \"among nations, as among individuals, a bond of union and friendship\" instead of being \"the most fertile source of discord and animosity\" (cf. wealth of nations, bk. 4, ch. 3, 2); that after all it lay in the nature of things for trade, taken overall, to be advantageous to all parties concerned.",
24
+ "smith was right to eulogise trade as humane. there is nothing absolutely immoral in the world. trade, too, has an aspect wherein it pays homage to morality and humanity. but what homage! the law of the strong hand, the open highway robbery of the middle ages, became humanised when it passed over into trade; and trade became humanised when its first stage characterised by the prohibition of the export of money passed over into the mercantile system. then the mercantile system itself was humanised. naturally, it is in the interest of the trader to be on good terms with the one from whom he buys cheap as well as with the other to whom he sells dear. a nation therefore acts very imprudently if it fosters feelings of animosity in its suppliers and customers. the more friendly, the more advantageous. such is the humanity of trade. and this hypocritical way of misusing morality for immoral purposes is the pride of the free-trade system. \"have we not overthrown the barbarism of the monopolies?\" exclaim the hypocrites. \"have we not carried civilisation to distant parts of the world? have we not brought about the fraternisation of the peoples, and reduced the number of wars?\" yes, all this you have done but how! you have destroyed the small monopolies so that the one great basic monopoly, property, may function the more freely and unrestrictedly. you have civilised the ends of the earth to win new terrain for the deployment of your vile avarice. you have brought about the fraternisation of the peoples but the fraternity is the fraternity of thieves. you have reduced the number of wars to earn all the bigger profits in peace, to intensify to the utmost the enmity between individuals, the ignominious war of competition! when have you done anything out of pure humanity, from consciousness of the futility of the opposition between the general and the individual interest? when have you been moral without being interested, without harbouring at the back of your mind immoral, egoistical motives?",
25
+ "by dissolving nationalities, the liberal economic system had done its best to universalise enmity, to transform mankind into a horde of ravenous beasts (for what else are competitors?) who devour one another just because each has identical interests with all the others after this preparatory work there remained but one step to take before the goal was reached, the dissolution of the family. to accomplish this, economy's own beautiful invention, the factory system, came to its aid. the last vestige of common interests, the community of goods in the possession of the family, has been undermined by the factory system and at least here in england is already in the process of dissolution. it is a common practice for children, as soon as they are capable of work (i.e., as soon as they reach the age of nine), to spend their wages themselves, to look upon their parental home as a mere boarding-house, and hand over to their parents a fixed amount for food and lodging. how can it be otherwise? what else can result from the separation of interests, such as forms the basis of the free-trade system? once a principle is set in motion, it works by its own impetus through all its consequences, whether the economists like it or not.",
26
+ "but the economist does not know himself what cause he serves. he does not know that with all his egoistical reasoning he nevertheless forms but a link in the chain of mankind's universal progress. he does not know that by his dissolution of all sectional interests he merely paves the way for the great transformation to which the century is moving the reconciliation of mankind with nature and with itself.",
27
+ "* * *",
28
+ "the next category established by trade is value. there is no dispute between the old and the modern economists over this category, just as there is none over all the others, since the monopolists in their obsessive mania for getting rich had no time left to concern themselves with categories. all controversies over such points stem from the modern economists.",
29
+ "the economist who lives by antitheses has also of course a double value abstract or real value and exchange-value. there was a protracted quarrel over the nature of real value between the english, who defined the costs of production as the expression of real value, and the frenchman say, who claimed to measure this value by the utility of an object. the quarrel hung in doubt from the beginning of the century, then became dormant without a decision having been reached. the economists cannot decide anything.",
30
+ "the english mcculloch and ricardo in particular thus assert that the abstract value of a thing is determined by the costs of production. nota bene the abstract value, not the exchangevalue, the exchangeable value [english term quoted by engels. ed.], value in exchange that, they say, is something quite different. why are the costs of production the measure of value? because listen to this! because no one in ordinary conditions and leaving aside the circumstance of competition would sell an object for less than it costs him to produce it. would sell? what have we to do with \"selling\" here, where it is not a question of value in exchange? so we find trade again, which we are specifically supposed to leave aside and what trade! a trade in which the cardinal factor, the circumstance of competition, is not to be taken into account! first, an abstract value; now also an abstract trade a trade without competition, i.e., a man without a body, a thought without a brain to produce thoughts. and does the economist never stop to think that as soon as competition is left out of account there is no guarantee at all that the producer will sell his commodity just at the cost of production? what confusion!",
31
+ "furthermore: let us concede for a moment that everything is as the economist says. supposing someone were to make with tremendous exertion and at enormous cost something utterly useless, something which no one desires is that also worth its production costs? certainly not, says the economist: who will want to buy it? so we suddenly have not only say's much decried utility but alongside it with \"buying\" the circumstance of competition. it can't be done the economist cannot for one moment hold on to his abstraction. not only what he painfully seeks to remove competition but also what he attacks utility crops up at every moment. abstract value and its determination by the costs of production are, after all, only abstractions, nonentities.",
32
+ "but let us suppose once more for a moment that the economist is correct how then will he determine the costs of production without taking account of competition? when examining the costs of production we shall see that this category too is based on competition, and here once more it becomes evident how little the economist is able to substantiate his claims.",
33
+ "if we turn to say, we find the same abstraction. the utility of an object is something purely subjective, something which cannot be decided absolutely, and certainly something which cannot be decided at least as long as one still roams about in antitheses. according to this theory, the necessities of life ought to possess more value than luxury articles. the only possible way to arrive at a more or less objective, apparently general decision on the greater or lesser utility of an object is, under the dominion of private property, by competition; and yet it is precisely that circumstance which is to be left aside. but if competition is admitted production costs come in as well; for no one will sell for less than what he has himself invested in production. thus, here, too, the one side of the opposition passes over involuntarily into the other.",
34
+ "let us try to introduce clarity into this confusion. the value of an object includes both factors, which the contending parties arbitrarily separate and, as we have seen, unsuccessfully. value is the relation of production costs to utility. the first application of value is the decision as to whether a thing ought to be produced at all; i.e., as to whether utility counterbalances production costs. only then can one talk of the application of value to exchange. the production costs of two objects being equal, the deciding factor determining their comparative value will be utility.",
35
+ "this basis is the only just basis of exchange. but if one proceeds from this basis, who is to decide the utility of the object? the mere opinion of the parties concerned? then in any event one will be cheated. or are we to assume a determination grounded in the inherent utility of the object independent of the parties concerned, and not apparent to them? if so, the exchange can only be effected by coercion, and each party considers itself cheated. the contradiction between the real inherent utility of the thing and the determination of that utility, between the determination of utility and the freedom of those who exchange, cannot be superseded without superseding private property; and once this is superseded, there can no longer be any question of exchange as it exists at present. the practical application of the concept of value will then be increasingly confined to the decision about production, and that is its proper sphere.",
36
+ "but how do matters stand at present? we have seen that the concept of value is violently torn asunder, and that each of the separate sides is declared to be the whole. production costs, distorted from the outset by competition, are supposed to be value itself. so is mere subjective utility since no other kind of utility can exist at present. to help these lame definitions on to their feet, it is in both cases necessary to have recourse to competition; and the best of it is that with the english competition represents utility, in contrast to the costs of production, whilst inversely with say it introduces the costs of production in contrast to utility. but what kind of utility, what kind of production costs, does it introduce? its utility depends on chance, on fashion, on the whim of the rich; its production costs fluctuate with the fortuitous relationship of demand and supply.",
37
+ "the difference between real value and exchange-value is based on a fact namely, that the value of a thing differs from the so-called equivalent given for it in trade; i.e., that this equivalent is not an equivalent. this so-called equivalent is the price of the thing, and if the economist were honest, he would employ this term for \"value in exchange.\" but he has still to keep up some sort of pretence that price is somehow bound up with value, lest the immorality of trade become too obvious. it is, however, quite correct, and a fundamental law of private property, that price is determined by the reciprocal action of production costs and competition. this purely empirical law was the first to be discovered by the economist; and from this law he then abstracted his \"real value,\" i.e., the price at the time when competition is in a state of equilibrium, when demand and supply cover each other. then, of course, what remains over are the costs of production and it is these which the economist proceeds to call \"real value,\" whereas it is merely a definite aspect of price. thus everything in economics stands on its head. value, the primary factor, the source of price, is made dependent on price, its own product. as is well known, this inversion is the essence of abstraction; on which see feuerbach.",
38
+ "* * *",
39
+ "according to the economists, the production costs of a commodity consist of three elements: the rent for the piece of land required to produce the raw material; the capital with its profit, and the wages for the labour required for production and manufacture. but it becomes immediately evident that capital and labour are identical, since the economists themselves confess that capital is \"stored-up labour.\" we are therefore left with only two sides the natural, objective side, land; and the human, subjective side, labour, which includes capital and, besides capital, a third factor which the economist does not think about i mean the mental element of invention, of thought, alongside the physical element of sheer labour. what has the economist to do with inventiveness? have not all inventions fallen into his lap without any effort on his part? has one of them cost him anything? why then should he bother about them in the calculation of production costs? land, capital and labour are for him the conditions of wealth, and he requires nothing else. science is no concern of his.",
40
+ "what does it matter to him that he has received its gifts through berthollet, davy, liebig, watt, cartwright, etc. gifts which have benefited him and his production immeasurably? he does not know how to calculate such things; the advances of science go beyond his figures. but in a rational order which has gone beyond the division of interests as it is found with the economist, the mental element certainly belongs among the elements of production and will find its place, too, in economics among the costs of production. and here it is certainly gratifying to know that the promotion of science also brings its material reward; to know that a single achievement of science like james watt's steam-engine has brought in more for the world in the first fifty years of its existence than the world has spent on the promotion of science since the beginning of time.",
41
+ "we have, then, two elements of production in operation nature and man, with man again active physically and mentally, and can now return to the economist and his production costs.",
42
+ "* * *",
43
+ "what cannot be monopolised has no value, says the economist a proposition which we shall examine more closely later on. if we say \"has no price\", then the proposition is valid for the order which rests on private property. if land could be had as easily as air, no one would pay rent. since this is not the case, but since, rather, the extent of a piece of land to be appropriated is limited in any particular case, one pays rent for the appropriated, i.e., the monopolised land, or one pays down a purchase price for it. after this enlightenment about the origin of the value of land it is, however, very strange to have to hear from the economist that the rent of land is the difference between the yield from the land for which rent is paid and from the worst land worth cultivating at all. as is well known, this is the definition of rent fully developed for the first time by ricardo. this definition is indeed correct in practice if one presupposes that a fall in demand reacts instantaneously on rent, and at once puts a corresponding amount of the worst cultivated land out of cultivation. this, however, is not the case, and the definition is therefore inadequate. moreover, it does not cover the causation of rent, and is therefore even for that reason untenable. in opposition to this definition, col. t. p. thompson, the champion of the anticorn law league, revived adam smith's definition, and substantiated it. according to him, rent is the relation between the competition of those striving for the use of the land and the limited quantity of available land. here at least is a return to the origin of rent; but this explanation does not take into account the varying fertility of the soil, just as the previous explanation leaves out competition.",
44
+ "once more, therefore we have two one-sided and hence only partial definitions of a single object. as in the case of the concept of value, we shall again have to combine these two definitions so as to find the correct definition which follows from the development of the thing itself and thus embraces all practice. rent is the relation between the productivity of the land, the natural side (which in turn consists of natural fertility and human cultivation labour applied to effect improvement), and the human side, competition. the economists may shake their heads over this \"definition\"; they will discover to their horror that it embraces everything relevant to this matter.",
45
+ "the landowner has nothing with which to reproach the merchant.",
46
+ "he practices robbery in monopolising the land. he practices robbery in exploiting for his own benefit the increase in population which increases competition and thus the value of his estate; in turning into a source of personal advantage that which has not been his own doing that which is his by sheer accident. he practices robbery in leasing his land, when he eventually seizes for himself the improvements effected by his tenant. this is the secret of the ever-increasing wealth of the big landowners.",
47
+ "the axioms which qualify as robbery the landowner's method of deriving an income namely, that each has a right to the product of his labour, or that no one shall reap where he has not sown are not advanced by us. the first excludes the duty of feeding children; the second deprives each generation of the right to live, since each generation starts with what it inherits from the preceding generation. these axioms are, rather, consequences of private property. one should either put into effect the consequences or abandon private property as a premise.",
48
+ "indeed, the original act of appropriation itself is justified by the assertion of the still earlier existence of common property rights. thus, wherever we turn, private property leads us into contradictions.",
49
+ "to make land an object of huckstering the land which is our one and all, the first condition of our existence was the last step towards making oneself an object of huckstering. it was and is to this very day an immorality surpassed only by the immorality of self-alienation. and the original appropriation the monopolisation of the land by a few, the exclusion of the rest from that which is the condition of their life yields nothing in immorality to the subsequent huckstering of the land.",
50
+ "if here again we abandon private property, rent is reduced to its truth, to the rational notion which essentially lies at its root. the value of the land divorced from it as rent then reverts to the land itself. this value, to be measured by the productivity of equal areas of land subjected to equal applications of labour, is indeed taken into account as part of the production costs when determining the value of products; and like rent, it is the relation of productivity to competition but to true competition, such as will be developed when its time comes.",
51
+ "* * *",
52
+ "we have seen that capital and labour are initially identical; we see further from the explanations of the economist himself that, in the process of production, capital, the result of labour, is immediately transformed again into the substratum, into the material of labour; and that therefore the momentarily postulated separation of capital from labour is immediately superseded by the unity of both. and yet the economist separates capital from labour, and yet clings to the division without giving any other recognition to their unity than by his definition of capital as \"stored-up labour.\" the split between capital and labour resulting from private property is nothing but the inner dichotomy of labour corresponding to this divided condition and arising out of it. and after this separation is accomplished, capital is divided once more into the original capital and profit the increment of capital, which it receives in the process of production; although in practice profit is immediately lumped together with capital and set into motion with it. indeed, even profit is in its turn split into interest and profit proper. in the case of interest, the absurdity of these splits is carried to the extreme. the immorality of lending at interest, of receiving without working, merely for making a loan, though already implied in private property, is only too obvious, and has long ago been recognised for what it is by unprejudiced popular consciousness, which in such matters is usually right. all these subtle splits and divisions stem from the original separation of capital from labour and from the culmination of this separation the division of mankind into capitalists and workers a division which daily becomes ever more acute, and which, as we shall see, is bound to deepen. this separation, however, like the separation already considered of land from capital and labour, is in the final analysis an impossible separation. what share land, capital and labour each have in any particular product cannot be determined. the three magnitudes are incommensurable. the land produces the raw material, but not without capital and labour. capital presupposes land and labour. and labour presupposes at least land, and usually also capital. the functions of these three elements are completely different, and are not to be measured by a fourth common standard. therefore, when it comes to dividing the proceeds among the three elements under existing conditions, there is no inherent standard; it is an entirely alien and with regard to them fortuitous standard that decides competition, the cunning right of the stronger. rent implies competition; profit on capital is solely determined by competition; and the position with regard to wages we shall see presently.",
53
+ "if we abandon private property, then all these unnatural divisions disappear. the difference between interest and profit disappears; capital is nothing without labour, without movement. the significance of profit is reduced to the weight which capital carries in the determination of the costs of production, and profit thus remains inherent in capital, in the same way as capital itself reverts to its original unity with labour.",
54
+ "* * *",
55
+ "labour the main factor in production, the \"source of wealth\" free human activity comes off badly with the economist. just as capital has already been separated from labour, so labour is now in turn split for a second time: the product of labour confronts labour as wages, is separated from it, and is in its turn as usual determined by competition there being, as we have seen, no firm standard determining labour's share in production. if we do away with private property, this unnatural separation also disappears. labour becomes its own reward, and the true significance of the wages of labour, hitherto alienated, comes to light namely, the significance of labour for the determination of the production costs of a thing.",
56
+ "* * *",
57
+ "we have seen that in the end everything comes down to competition, so long as private property exists. it is the economist's principal category his most beloved daughter, whom he ceaselessly caresses and look out for the medusa's head which she will show you!",
58
+ "the immediate consequence of private property was the split of production into two opposing sides the natural and the human sides, the soil which without fertilisation by man is dead and sterile, and human activity, the first condition of which is that very soil. furthermore we have seen how human activity in its turn was dissolved into labour and capital, and how these two sides antagonistically confronted each other. thus we already had the struggle of the three elements against one another, instead of their mutual support; now we have to add that private property brings in its wake the fragmentation of each of these elements. one piece of land stands confronted by another, one capital by another, one labourer by another. in other words, because private property isolates everyone in his own crude solitariness, and because, nevertheless, everyone has the same interest as his neighbour, one landowner stands antagonistically confronted by another, one capitalist by another, one worker by another. in this discord of identical interests resulting precisely from this identity is consummated the immorality of mankind's condition hitherto; and this consummation is competition.",
59
+ "* * *",
60
+ "the opposite of competition is monopoly. monopoly was the war-cry of the mercantilists; competition the battle-cry of the liberal economists. it is easy to see that this antithesis is again a quite hollow antithesis. every competitor cannot but desire to have the monopoly, be he worker, capitalist or landowner. each smaller group of competitors cannot but desire to have the monopoly for itself against all others. competition is based on self-interest, and self-interest in turn breeds monopoly. in short, competition passes over into monopoly. on the other hand, monopoly cannot stem the tide of competition indeed, it itself breeds competition; just as a prohibition of imports, for instance, or high tariffs positively breed the competition of smuggling. the contradiction of competition is exactly the same as that of private property. it is in the interest of each to possess everything, but in the interest of the whole that each possess an equal amount. thus, the general and the individual interest are diametrically opposed to each other. the contradiction of competition is that each cannot but desire the monopoly, whilst the whole as such is bound to lose by monopoly and must therefore remove it. moreover, competition already presupposes monopoly namely, the monopoly of property (and here the hypocrisy of the liberals comes once more to light); and so long as the monopoly of property exists, for so long the possession of monopoly is equally justified for monopoly, once it exists, is also property. what a pitiful half-measure, therefore, to attack the small monopolies, and to leave untouched the basic monopoly! and if we add to this the economist's proposition mentioned above, that nothing has value which cannot be monopolised that nothing, therefore, which does not permit of such monopolisation can enter this arena of competition then our assertion that competition presupposes monopoly is completely justified.",
61
+ "* * *",
62
+ "the law of competition is that demand and supply always strive to complement each other, and therefore never do so. the two sides are torn apart again and transformed into flat opposition. supply always follows close on demand without ever quite covering it. it is either too big or too small, never corresponding to demand; because in this unconscious condition of mankind no one knows how big supply or demand is. if demand is greater than supply the price rises and, as a result, supply is to a certain degree stimulated. as soon as it comes on to the market, prices fall; and if it becomes greater than demand, then the fall in prices is so significant that demand is once again stimulated. so it goes on unendingly a permanently unhealthy state of affairs a constant alternation of over-stimulation and flagging which precludes all advance a state of perpetual fluctuation without ever reaching its goal. this law with its constant adjustment, in which whatever is lost here is gained there, is regarded as something excellent by the economist. it is his chief glory he cannot see enough of it, and considers it in all its possible and impossible applications. yet it is obvious that this law is purely a law of nature and not a law of the mind. it is a law which produces revolution. the economist comes along with his lovely theory of demand and supply, proves to you that \"one can never produce too much,\" and practice replies with trade crises, which reappear as regularly as the comets, and of which we have now on the average one every five to seven years. for the last eighty years these trade crises have arrived just as regularly as the great plagues did in the past and they have brought in their train more misery and more immorality than the latter. (compare wade: history of the middle and working classes, london, 1835, p. 211.) of course, these commercial upheavals confirm the law, confirm it exhaustively but in a manner different from that which the economist would have us believe to be the case. what are we to think of a law which can only assert itself through periodic upheavals? it is certainly a natural law based on the unconsciousness of the participants. if the producers as such knew how much the consumers required, if they were to organise production, if they were to share it out amongst themselves, then the fluctuations of competition and its tendency to crisis would be impossible. carry on production consciously as human beings not as dispersed atoms without consciousness of your species and you have overcome all these artificial and untenable antitheses. but as long as you continue to produce in the present unconscious, thoughtless manner, at the mercy of chance for just so long trade crises will remain; and each successive crisis is bound to become more universal and therefore worse than the preceding one; is bound to impoverish a larger body of small capitalists, and to augment in increasing proportion the numbers of the class who live by labour alone, thus considerably enlarging the mass of labour to be employed (the major problem of our economists) and finally causing a social revolution such as has never been dreamt of in the philosophy of the economists.",
63
+ "the perpetual fluctuation of prices such as is created by the condition of competition completely deprives trade of its last vestige of morality. it is no longer a question of value; the same system which appears to attach such importance to value, which confers on the abstraction of value in money form the honour of having an existence of its own this very system destroys by means of competition the inherent value of all things, and daily and hourly changes the value-relationship of all things to one another. where is there any possibility remaining in this whirlpool of an exchange based on a moral foundation? in this continuous up-and-down, everyone must seek to hit upon the most favourable moment for purchase and sale; everyone must become a speculator that is to say, must reap where he has not sown; must enrich himself at the expense of others, must calculate on the misfortune of others, or let chance win for him. the speculator always counts on disasters, particularly on bad harvests. he utilises everything for instance, the new york fire [december 16, 1835] in its time and immorality's culminating point is the speculation on the stock exchange, where history, and with it mankind, is demoted to a means of gratifying the avarice of the calculating or gambling speculator. and let not the honest \"respectable\" merchant rise above the gambling on the stock exchange with a pharisaic \"i thank thee, o lord...,\" etc. he is as bad as the speculators in stocks and shares. he speculates just as much as they do. he has to: competition compels him to. and his trading activity therefore implies the same immorality as theirs. the truth of the relation of competition is the relation of consumption to productivity. in a world worthy of mankind there will be no other competition than this. the community will have to calculate what it can produce with the means at its disposal; and in accordance with the relationship of this productive power to the mass of consumers it will determine how far it has to raise or lower production, how far it has to give way to, or curtail, luxury. but so that they may be able to pass a correct judgment on this relationship and on the increase in productive power to be expected from a rational state of affairs within the community, i invite my readers to consult the writings of the english socialists, and partly also those of fourier.",
64
+ "subjective competition the contest of capital against capital, of labour against labour, etc. will under these conditions be reduced to the spirit of emulation grounded in human nature (a concept tolerably set forth so far only by fourier), which after the transcendence of opposing interests will be confined to its proper and rational sphere.",
65
+ "* * *",
66
+ "the struggle of capital against capital, of labour against labour, of land against land, drives production to a fever-pitch at which production turns all natural and rational relations upside-down. no capital can stand the competition of another if it is not brought to the highest pitch of activity. no piece of land can be profitably cultivated if it does not continuously increase its productivity. no worker can hold his own against his competitors if he does not devote all his energy to labour. no one at all who enters into the struggle of competition can weather it without the utmost exertion of his energy, without renouncing every truly human purpose. the consequence of this over-exertion on the one side is, inevitably, slackening on the other. when the fluctuation of competition is small, when demand and supply, consumption and production, are almost equal, a stage must be reached in the development of production where there is so much superfluous productive power that the great mass of the nation has nothing to live on, that the people starve from sheer abundance. for some considerable time england has found herself in this crazy position, in this living absurdity. when production is subject to greater fluctuations, as it is bound to be in consequence of such a situation, then the alternation of boom and crisis, overproduction and slump, sets in. the economist has never been able to find an explanation for this mad situation. in order to explain it, he invented the population theory, which is just as senseless indeed even more senseless than the contradiction of coexisting wealth and poverty. the economist could not afford to see the truth; he could not afford to admit that this contradiction is a simple consequence of competition; for in that case his entire system would have fallen to bits.",
67
+ "for us the matter is easy to explain. the productive power at mankind's disposal is immeasurable. the productivity of the soil can be increased ad infinitum by the application of capital, labour and science. according to the most able economists and statisticians (cf. alison's principles of population, vol. i, chs. 1 and 2), \"over-populated\" great britain can be brought within ten years to produce a corn yield sufficient for a population six times its present size. capital increases daily; labour power grows with population; and day by day science increasingly makes the forces of nature subject to man. this immeasurable productive capacity, handled consciously and in the interest of all, would soon reduce to a minimum the labour falling to the share of mankind. left to competition, it does the same, but within a context of antitheses. one part of the land is cultivated in the best possible manner whilst another part in great britain and ireland thirty million acres of good land lies barren. one part of capital circulates with colossal speed; another lies dead in the chest. one part of the workers works fourteen or sixteen hours a day, whilst another part stands idle and inactive, and starves. or the partition leaves this realm of simultaneity: today trade is good; demand is very considerable; everyone works; capital is turned over with miraculous speed; farming flourishes; the workers work themselves sick. tomorrow stagnation sets in. the cultivation of the land is not worth the effort; entire stretches of land remain untilled; the flow of capital suddenly freezes; the workers have no employment, and the whole country labours under surplus wealth and surplus population.",
68
+ "the economist cannot afford to accept this exposition of the subject as correct; otherwise, as has been said, he would have to give up his whole system of competition. he would have to recognise the hollowness of his antithesis of production and consumption, of surplus population and surplus wealth. to bring fact and theory into conformity with each other since this fact simply could not be denied the population theory was invented.",
69
+ "malthus, the originator of this doctrine, maintains that population is always pressing on the means of subsistence; that as soon as production increases, population increases in the same proportion; and that the inherent tendency of the population to multiply in excess of the available means of subsistence is the root of all misery and all vice. for, when there are too many people, they have to be disposed of in one way or another: either they must be killed by violence or they must starve. but when this has happened, there is once more a gap which other multipliers of the population immediately start to fill up once more: and so the old misery begins all over again. what is more, this is the case in all circumstances not only in civilised, but also in primitive conditions. in new holland [the old name for australia. - ed.], with a population density of one per square mile, the savages suffer just as much from over-population as england. in short, if we want to be consistent, we must admit that the earth was already over-populated when only one man existed. the implications of this line of thought are that since it is precisely the poor who are the surplus, nothing should be done for them except to make their dying of starvation as easy as possible, and to convince them that it cannot be helped and that there is no other salvation for their whole class than keeping propagation down to the absolute minimum. or if this proves impossible, then it is after all better to establish a state institution for the painless killing of the children of the poor, such as \"marcus\" has suggested, whereby each working-class family would be allowed to have two and a half children, any excess being painlessly killed. charity is to be considered a crime, since it supports the augmentation of the surplus population. indeed, it will be very advantageous to declare poverty a crime and to turn poor-houses into prisons, as has already happened in england as a result of the new \"liberal\" poor law. admittedly it is true that this theory ill conforms with the bible's doctrine of the perfection of god and of his creation; but \"it is a poor refutation to enlist the bible against facts.\"",
70
+ "am i to go on any longer elaborating this vile, infamous theory, this hideous blasphemy against nature and mankind? am i to pursue its consequences any further? here at last we have the immorality of the economist brought to its highest pitch. what are all the wars and horrors of the monopoly system compared with this theory! and it is just this theory which is the keystone of the liberal system of free trade, whose fall entails the downfall of the entire edifice. for if here competition is proved to be the cause of misery, poverty and crime, who then will still dare to speak up for it?",
71
+ "in his above-mentioned work, alison has shaken the malthusian theory by bringing in the productive power of the land, and by opposing to the malthusian principle the fact that each adult can produce more than he himself needs a fact without which mankind could not multiply, indeed could not even exist; if it were not so how could those still growing up live? but alison does not go to the root of the matter, and therefore in the end reaches the same conclusion as malthus. true enough, he proves that malthus' principle is incorrect, but cannot gainsay the facts which have impelled malthus to his principle.",
72
+ "if malthus had not considered the matter so one-sidedly, he could not have failed to see that surplus population or labour-power is invariably tied up with surplus wealth, surplus capital and surplus landed property. the population is only too large where the productive power as a whole is too large. the condition of every over-populated country, particularly england, since the time when malthus wrote, makes this abundantly clear. these were the facts which malthus ought to have considered in their totality, and whose consideration was bound to have led to the correct conclusion. instead, he selected one fact, gave no consideration to the others, and therefore arrived at his crazy conclusion. the second error he committed was to confuse means of subsistence with [means of] employment. that population is always pressing on the means of employment that the number of people produced depends on the number of people who can be employed in short, that the production of labour-power has been regulated so far by the law of competition and is therefore also exposed to periodic crises and fluctuations this is a fact whose establishment constitutes malthus' merit. but the means of employment are not the means of subsistence. only in their end-result are the means of employment increased by the increase in machin-epower and capital. the means of subsistence increase as soon as productive power increases even slightly. here a new contradiction in economics comes to light. the economist's \"demand\" is not the real demand; his \"consumption\" is an artificial consumption. for the economist, only that person really demands, only that person is a real consumer, who has an equivalent to offer for what he receives. but if it is a fact that every adult produces more than he himself can consume, that children are like trees which give superabundant returns on the outlays invested in them and these certainly are facts, are they not? then it must be assumed that each worker ought to be able to produce far more than he needs and that the community, therefore, ought to be very glad to provide him with everything he needs; one must consider a large family to be a very welcome gift for the community. but the economist, with his crude outlook, knows no other equivalent than that which is paid to him in tangible ready cash. he is so firmly set in his antitheses that the most striking facts are of as little concern to him as the most scientific principles.",
73
+ "we destroy the contradiction simply by transcending it. with the fusion of the interests now opposed to each other there disappears the contradiction between excess population here and excess wealth there; there disappears the miraculous fact (more miraculous than all the miracles of all the religions put together) that a nation has to starve from sheer wealth and plenty; and there disappears the crazy assertion that the earth lacks the power to feed men. this assertion is the pinnacle of christian economics and that our economics is essentially christian i could have proved from every proposition, from every category, and shall in fact do so in due course. the malthusian theory is but the economic expression of the religious dogma of the contradiction of spirit and nature and the resulting corruption of both. as regards religion, and together with religion, this contradiction was resolved long ago, and i hope that in the sphere of economics i have likewise demonstrated the utter emptiness of this contradiction. moreover, i shall not accept as competent any defence of the malthusian theory which does not explain to me on the basis of its own principles how a people can starve from sheer plenty and bring this into harmony with reason and fact.",
74
+ "at the same time, the malthusian theory has certainly been a necessary point of transition which has taken us an immense step further. thanks to this theory, as to economics as a whole, our attention has been drawn to the productive power of the earth and of mankind; and after overcoming this economic despair we have been made for ever secure against the fear of overpopulation. we derive from it the most powerful economic arguments for a social transformation. for even if malthus were completely right, this transformation would have to be undertaken straight away; for only this transformation, only the education of the masses which it provides, makes possible that moral restraint of the propagative instinct which malthus himself presents as the most effective and easiest remedy for overpopulation. through this theory we have come to know the deepest degradation of mankind, their dependence on the conditions of competition. it has shown us how in the last instance private property has turned man into a commodity whose production and destruction also depend solely on demand; how the system of competition has thus slaughtered, and daily continues to slaughter, millions of men. all this we have seen, and all this drives us to the abolition of this degradation of mankind through the abolition of private property, competition and the opposing interests.",
75
+ "yet, so as to deprive the universal fear of overpopulation of any possible basis, let us once more return to the relationship of productive power to population. malthus establishes a formula on which he bases his entire system: population is said to increase in a geometrical progression 1+2+4+8+16+32, etc.; the productive power of the land in an arithmetical progression 1+2+3+4+5+6. the difference is obvious, is terrifying; but is it correct? where has it been proved that the productivity of the land increases in an arithmetical progression? the extent of land is limited. all right! the labour-power to be employed on this land-surface increases with population. even if we assume that the increase in yield due to increase in labour does not always rise in proportion to the labour, there still remains a third element which, admittedly, never means anything to the economist science whose progress is as unlimited and at least as rapid as that of population. what progress does the agriculture of this century owe to chemistry alone indeed, to two men alone, sir humphry davy and justus liebig! but science increases at least as much as population. the latter increases in proportion to the size of the previous generation, science advances in proportion to the knowledge bequeathed to it by the previous generation, and thus under the most ordinary conditions also in a geometrical progression. and what is impossible to science? but it is absurd to talk of over-population so long as \"there is 'enough waste land in the valley of the mississippi for the whole population of europe to be transplanted there\" [a. alison, loc. cit., p. 548. - ed.]; so long as no more than one-third of the earth can be considered cultivated, and so long as the production of this third itself can be raised sixfold and more by the application of improvements already known.",
76
+ "* * *",
77
+ "thus, competition sets capital against capital, labour against labour, landed property against landed property; and likewise each of these elements against the other two. in the struggle the stronger wins; and in order to predict the outcome of the struggle, we shall have to investigate the strength of the contestants. first of all, labour is weaker than either landed property or capital, for the worker must work to live, whilst the landowner can live on his rent, and the capitalist on his interest, or, if the need arises, on his capital or on capitalised property in land. the result is that only the very barest necessities, the mere means of subsistence, fall to the lot of labour; whilst the largest part of the products is shared between capital and landed property. moreover, the stronger worker drives the weaker out of the market, just as larger capital drives out smaller capital, and larger landed property drives out smaller landed property. practice confirms this conclusion. the advantages which the larger manufacturer and merchant enjoy over the smaller, and the big landowner over the owner of a single acre, are well known. the result is that already under ordinary conditions, in accordance with the law of the stronger, large capital and large landed property swallow small capital and small landed property i.e., centralisation of property. in crises of trade and agriculture, this centralisation proceeds much more rapidly.",
78
+ "in general large property increases much more rapidly than small property, since a much smaller portion is deducted from its proceeds as property-expenses. this law of the centralisation of private property is as immanent in private property as all the others. the middle classes must increasingly disappear until the world is divided into millionaires and paupers, into large landowners and poor farm labourers. all the laws, all the dividing of landed property, all the possible splitting-up of capital, are of no avail: this result must and will come, unless it is anticipated by a total transformation of social conditions, a fusion of opposed interests, an abolition of private property.",
79
+ "free competition, the keyword of our present-day economists, is an impossibility. monopoly at least intended to protect the consumer against fraud, even if it could not in fact do so. the abolition of monopoly, however, opens the door wide to fraud. you say that competition carries with it the remedy for fraud, since no one will buy bad articles. but that means that everyone has to be an expert in every article, which is impossible. hence the necessity for monopoly, which many articles in fact reveal. pharmacies, etc., must have a monopoly. and the most important article money requires a monopoly most of all. whenever the circulating medium has ceased to be a state monopoly it has invariably produced a trade crisis; and the english economists, dr. wade among them, do concede in this case the necessity for monopoly. but monopoly is no protection against counterfeit money. one can take one's stand on either side of the question: the one is as difficult as the other. monopoly produces free competition, and the latter, in turn, produces monopoly. therefore both must fall, and these difficulties must be resolved through the transcendence of the principle which gives rise to them.",
80
+ "* * *",
81
+ "competition has penetrated all the relationships of our life and completed the reciprocal bondage in which men now hold themselves. competition is the great mainspring which again and again jerks into activity our aging and withering social order, or rather disorder; but with each new exertion it also saps a part of this order's waning strength. competition governs the numerical advance of mankind; it likewise governs its moral advance. anyone who has any knowledge of the statistics of crime must have been struck by the peculiar regularity with which crime advances year by year, and with which certain causes produce certain crimes. the extension of the factory system is followed everywhere by an increase in crime. the number of arrests, of criminal cases indeed, the number of murders, burglaries, petty thefts, etc., for a large town or for a district can be predicted year by year with unfailing precision, as has been done often enough in england this regularity proves that crime, too, is governed by competition, that society creates a demand for crime which is met by a corresponding supply; that the gap created by the arrest, transportation or execution of a certain number is at once filled by others, just as every gap in population is at once filled by new arrivals; in other words, that crime presses on the means of punishment just as the people press on the means of employment. how just it is to punish criminals under these circumstances, quite apart from any other considerations, i leave to the judgment of my readers. here i am merely concerned in demonstrating the extension of competition into the moral sphere, and in showing to what deep degradation private property has brought man.",
82
+ "* * *",
83
+ "in the struggle of capital and land against labour, the first two elements enjoy yet another special advantage over labour the assistance of science; for in present conditions science, too, is directed against labour. almost all mechanical inventions, for instance, have been occasioned by the lack of labour-power; in particular hargreaves', crompton's and arkwright's cotton-spinning machines. there has never been an intense demand for labour which did not result in an invention that increased labour productivity considerably, thus diverting demand away from human labour. the history of england from 1770 until now is a continuous demonstration of this. the last great invention in cotton-spinning, the self-acting mule, was occasioned solely by the demand for labour, and rising wages. it doubled machine-labour, and thereby cut down hand-labour by half; it threw half the workers out of employment, and thereby reduced the wages of the others by half; it crushed a plot of the workers against the factory owners, and destroyed the last vestige of strength with which labour had still held out in the unequal struggle against capital. (cf. dr. ure, philosophy of manufactures, vol. 2.) the economist now says, however, that in its final result machinery is favourable to the workers, since it makes production cheaper and thereby creates a new and larger market for its products, and thus ultimately reemploys the workers put out of work. quite right. but is the economist forgetting, then, that the production of labour-power is regulated by competition; that labour-power is always pressing on the means of employment, and that, therefore, when these advantages are due to become operative, a surplus of competitors for work is already waiting for them, and will thus render these advantages illusory; whilst the disadvantages the sudden withdrawal of the means of subsistence from one half of the workers and the fall in wages for the other half are not illusory? is the economist forgetting that the progress of invention never stands still, and that these disadvantages, therefore, perpetuate themselves? is he forgetting that with the division of labour, developed to such a high degree by our civilisation, a worker can only live if he can be used at this particular machine for this particular detailed operation; that the change-over from one type of employment to another, newer type is almost invariably an absolute impossibility for the adult worker?",
84
+ "in turning my attention to the effects of machinery, i am brought to another subject less directly relevant the factory system; and i have neither the inclination nor the time to treat this here. besides, i hope to have an early opportunity to expound in detail the despicable immorality of this system, and to expose mercilessly the economist's hypocrisy which here appears in all its brazenness.",
85
+ "signed: frederick engels in manchester"
86
+ ]
87
+ }
Data in JSON/Platen.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "platen",
5
+ "written: in december 1839 first published: in the telegraph fr deutschland no. 31, february 1840 signed: friedrich oswald",
6
+ "among the poetic offspring of the restoration period, whose powers were not crippled by the electric shocks of the year 1830 and whose fame only became established in the present literary epoch, there are three who are distinguished by a characteristic similarity: immermann, chamisso, and platen. all three possess unusual individuality, considerable character, and an intellectual power which at least outweighs their poetic talent. in chamisso, it is sometimes imagination and feeling that predominate, and at other times calculating intellect; especially in the terza rimas the surface is altogether cold and rationalistic, but underneath one hears the beating of a noble heart; in immermann, these two qualities oppose each other and constitute the dualism which he himself acknowledges and the extreme features of which his strong personality can bend together but not unite; lastly, in platen, poetic power has abandoned its independence and finds itself at ease under the domination of the more powerful intellect. if platen's imagination had not been able to rely on his intellect and his magnificent character, he would not have become so famous. hence he represented the intellectual in poetry, the form; hence also his wish to end his career with a great work of art was not granted. he was well aware that such a great work was essential to make his fame lasting, but he felt also that his powers were still inadequate for it and he put his hopes on the future and his preparatory work; meanwhile, time passed, he did not get beyond the preparatory work and finally died.",
7
+ "platen's imagination followed timorously the bold strides of his intellect, and when it was a matter of a work of genius, when his imagination should have ventured on a bold leap that the intellect could not accomplish, it had to shrink back. that was the source of platen's error in considering the products of his intellect to be poetry. his poetic creative powers sufficed for anacreontic ghazals and sometimes flashed like a meteor in his comedies; but let us admit merely that most of what was characteristic of platen is the product of the intellect, and will always be recognised as such. people will tire of his excessively affected ghazals and his rhetorical odes; they will find the polemics of his comedies for the most part unjustified, but they will have to pay full respect to the wit of his dialogue and the loftiness of his parabases, and see the justification of his one-sidedness in the greatness of his character. platen's literary standing in public opinion will change; he will go farther from goethe, but will come closer to brne.",
8
+ "that his views, too, make him more akin to brne is evident not only from a host of allusions in his comedies but already from several poems in his collected works, of which i shall mention only the ode to charles x. a number of songs inspired by the polish struggle for freedom were not included in this collection, although they were bound to be of great interest for a characterisation of platen. they have now been issued by another publishing firm as a supplement to the collected works. [46] i find my view of platen confirmed by them. thought and character here have to be the substitute for poetry to a greater extent and more noticeably than anywhere else. for that reason platen seldom feels at home in the simple style of the song; there have to be lengthy, extended verses, each of which can embody a thought, or artificial ode metres, the serious, measured course of which seems almost to demand a rhetorical content. with the art of verse, thoughts also come to platen and that is the strongest proof of the intellectual origin of his poems. he who demands something else from platen will not find satisfaction in these polish songs, but he who takes up this booklet with these expectations will find himself richly compensated for the lack of poetic fragrance by an abundance of exalted, powerful thoughts that have sprung from a most noble character, and by a \"magnificent passionateness\", as the preface aptly says. it is a pity that these poems were not published a few months earlier, 'when german national consciousness rose against the imperial russian european pentarchy [47]; they would have been the best reply to it. perhaps the pentarchist, too, would have found in them many a motto for his work. [allusion to k. goldmann's book die europische pentarchie]"
9
+ ]
10
+ }
Data in JSON/Poverty-Philosophy.json ADDED
The diff for this file is too large to render. See raw diff
 
Data in JSON/Progress of Social Reform On the Continent - 2.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "progress of social reform on the continent",
5
+ "written: the beginning of november 1843; first published: in the new moral world, 3rd series, no. 21, nov. 18, 1843; signed: f. engels; printed: according to the newspaper. english original; transcribed: in 2000 for marxists.org by andy blunden.",
6
+ "germany and switzerland",
7
+ "the new moral world no. 21, november 18, 1843",
8
+ "germany had her social reformers as early as the reformation. soon after luther had begun to proclaim church reform and to agitate the people against spiritual authority, the peasantry of southern and middle germany rose in a general insurrection against their temporal lords. luther always stated his object to be, to return to original christianity in doctrine and practice; the peasantry took exactly the same standing, and demanded, therefore, not only the ecclesiastical, but also the social practice of primitive christianity. they conceived a state of villainy and servitude, such as they lived under, to be inconsistent with the doctrines of the bible; they were oppressed by a set of haughty barons and earls, robbed and treated like their cattle every day, they had no law to protect them, and if they had, they found nobody to enforce it. such a state contrasted very much with the communities of early christians and the doctrines of christ, as laid down in the bible. therefore they arose and began a war against their lords, which could only be a war of extermination. thomas mnzer, a preacher, whom they placed at their head, issued a proclamation, full, of course, of the religious and superstitious nonsense of the age, but containing also among others, principles like these: that according to the bible, no christian is entitled to hold any property whatever exclusively for himself; that community of property is the only proper state for a society of christians; that it is not allowed to any good christian to have any authority or command over other christians, nor to hold any office of government or hereditary power, but on the contrary, that, as all men are equal before god, so they ought to be on earth also. these doctrines were nothing but conclusions drawn from the bible and from luther's own writings; but the reformer was not prepared to go as far as the people did; notwithstanding the courage he displayed against the spiritual authorities, he had not freed himself from the political and social prejudices of his age; he believed as firmly in the right divine of princes and landlords to trample upon the people, as he did in the bible. besides this, he wanted the protection of the aristocracy and the protestant princes, and thus he wrote a tract against the rioters disclaiming not only every connection with them, but also exhorting the aristocracy to put them down with the utmost severity, as rebels against the laws of god. \"kill them like dogs!\" he exclaimed. the whole tract is written with such an animosity, nay, fury and fanaticism against the people, that it will ever form a blot upon luther's character; it shows that, if he began his career as a man of the people, he was now entirely in the service of their oppressors. the insurrection, after a most bloody civil war, was suppressed, and the peasants reduced to their former servitude.",
9
+ "if we except some solitary instances, of which no notice was taken by the public, there has been no party of social reformers in germany, since the peasants' war, up to a very recent date. the public mind during the last fifty years was too much occupied with questions of either a merely political or merely metaphysical nature questions, which had to be answered, before the social question could be discussed with the necessary calmness and knowledge. men, who would have been decidedly opposed to a system of community, if such had been proposed to them, were nevertheless paving the way for its introduction.",
10
+ "it was among the working class of germany that social reform has been of late made again a topic of discussion. germany having comparatively little manufacturing industry, the mass of the working classes is made up by handicraftsmen, who previous to their establishing themselves as little masters, travel for some years over germany, switzerland, and very often over france also. a great number of german workmen is thus continually going to and from paris, and must of course there become acquainted with the political and social movements of the french working classes. one of these men, william weitling, a native of magdeburg in prussia, and a simple journeyman-tailor, resolved to establish communities in his own country.",
11
+ "this man, who is to be considered as the founder of german communism, after a few years' stay in paris, went to switzerland, and, whilst he was working in some tailor's shop in geneva, preached his new gospel to his fellow-workmen. he formed communist associations in all the towns and cities on the swiss side of the lake of geneva, most of the germans who worked there becoming favourable to his views. having thus prepared the public mind, he issued a periodical, the young generation,' for a more extensive agitation of the country. this paper, although written for working men only, and by a working man, has from its beginning been superior to most of the french communist publications, even to father cabet's populaire. it shows that its editor must have worked very hard to obtain that knowledge of history and politics which a public writer cannot do without, and which a neglected education had left him deprived of. it shows, at the same time, that weitling was always struggling to unite his various ideas and thoughts on society into a complete system of communism. the young generation was first published in 1841; in the following year, weitling published a work: guarantees of harmony and liberty, in which he gave a review of the old social system and the outlines of a new one. i shall, perhaps, some time give a few extracts from this book.",
12
+ "having thus established the nucleus of a communist party in geneva and its neighbourhood, he went to zurich, where, as in other towns of northern switzerland, some of his friends had already commenced to operate upon the minds of the working men. he now began to organise his party in these towns. under the name of singing clubs, associations were formed for the discussion of social reorganisation. at the same time weitling advertised his intention to publish a book, the gospel of the poor sinners. but here the police interfered with his proceedings.",
13
+ "in june last, weitling was taken into custody, his papers and his book were seized, before it left the press. the executive of the republic appointed a committee to investigate the matter, and to report to the grand council, the representatives of the people. this report has been printed a few months since. it appears from it, that a great many communist associations existed in every part of switzerland, consisting mostly of german working men; that weitling was considered as the leader of the party, and received from time to time reports of progress; that he was in correspondence with similar associations of germans in paris and london, and that all these societies, being composed of men who very often changed their residence, were so many seminaries of these \"dangerous and utopian doctrines\", sending out their elder members to germany, hungary, and italy, and imbuing with their spirit every workman who came within their reach. the report was drawn up by dr. bluntschli, a man of aristocratic and fanatically christian opinions, and the whole of it therefore is written more like a party denunciation, than like a calm, official report. communism is denounced as a doctrine dangerous in the extreme, subversive of all existing order, and destroying all the sacred bonds of society. the pious doctor, besides, is at a loss for words sufficiently strong to express his feelings as to the frivolous blasphemy with which these infamous and ignorant people try to justify their wicked and revolutionary doctrines, by passages from the holy scriptures. weitling and his party are, in this respect, just like the icarians in france, and contend that christianity is communism.",
14
+ "the result of weitling's trial did very little to satisfy the anticipations of the zurich government. although weitling and his friends were sometimes very incautious in their expressions, yet the charge of high treason and conspiracy against him could not be maintained; the criminal court sentenced him to six months' imprisonment, and eternal banishment from switzerland; the members of the zurich associations were expelled the canton; the report was communicated to the governments of the other cantons and to the foreign embassies, but the communists in other parts of switzerland were very little interfered with. the prosecution came too late, and was too little assisted by the other cantons; it did nothing at all for the destruction of communism, and was even favourable to it, by the great interest it produced in all countries of the german tongue. communism was almost unknown in germany, but became by this an object of general attention.",
15
+ "besides this party there exists another in germany, which advocates communism. the former, being thoroughly a popular party, will no doubt very soon unite all the working classes of germany; that party which i now refer to is a philosophical one, unconnected in its origin with either french or english communists, and arising from that philosophy which, since the last fifty years, germany has been so proud of.",
16
+ "the political revolution of france was accompanied by a philosophical revolution in germany. kant began it by overthrowing the old system of leibnitzian metaphysics, which at the end of last century was introduced in all universities of the continent. fichte and schelling commenced rebuilding, and hegel completed the new system. there has never been, ever since man began to think, a system of philosophy as comprehensive as that of hegel. logic, metaphysics, natural philosophy, the philosophy of mind, the philosophy of law, of religion, of history, all are united in one system, reduced to one fundamental principle. the system appeared quite unassailable from without, and so it was; it has been overthrown from within only, by those who were hegelians themselves. i cannot, of course, give here a complete development either of the system or of its history, and therefore must restrain myself to the following remarks. the progress of german philosophy from kant to hegel was so consistent, so logical, so necessary, if i may say so, that no other systems besides those i have named could subsist. there are two or three of them, but they found no attention; they were so neglected, that nobody would even do them the honour to overthrow them. hegel, notwithstanding his enormous learning and his deep thought, was so much occupied with abstract questions, that he neglected to free himself from the prejudices of his age an age of restoration for old systems of government and religion. but his disciples had very different views on these subjects. hegel died in 1831, and as early as 1835 appeared strauss' life of jesus, the first work showing some progress beyond the limits of orthodox hegelianism. others followed; and in 1837 the christians rose against what they called the new hegelians, denouncing them as atheists, and calling for the interference of the state. the state, however, did not interfere, and the controversy went on. at that time, the new, or young hegelians, were so little conscious of the consequences of their own reasoning, that they all denied the charge of atheism, and called themselves christians and protestants, although they denied the existence of a god who was not man, and declared the history of the gospels to be a pure mythology. it was not until last year, in a pamphlet, by the writer of these lines, that the charge of atheism was allowed to be just. but the development went on. the young hegelians of 1842 were declared atheists and republicans; the periodical of the party, the german annals, was more radical and open than ever before; a political paper was established, and very soon the whole of the german liberal press was entirely in our hands. we had friends in almost every considerable town of germany; we provided all the liberal papers with. the necessary matter, and by this means made them our organs; we inundated the country with pamphlets, and soon governed public opinion upon every question. a temporary relaxation of the censorship of the press added a great deal to the energy of this movement, quite novel to a considerable part of the german public. papers, published under the authorisation of a government censor, contained things which, even in france, would have been punished as high treason, and other things which could not have been pronounced in england, without a trial for blasphemy being the consequence of it. the movement was so sudden, so rapid, so energetically pursued, that the government as well as the public were dragged along with it for some time. but this violent character of the agitation proved that it was not founded upon a strong party among the public, and that its power was produced by the surprise, and consternation only of its opponents. the governments, recovering their senses, put a stop to it by a most despotic oppression of the liberty of speech. pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, scientific works were suppressed by dozens, and the agitated state of the country soon subsided. it is a matter of course that such a tyrannical interference will not check the progress of public opinion, nor quench the principles defended by the agitators; the entire persecution has been of no use whatever to the ruling powers; because, if they had not put down the movement, it would have been checked by the apathy of the public at large, a public as little prepared for radical changes as that of every other country; and, if even this had not been the case, the republican agitation would have been abandoned by the agitators themselves, who now, by developing farther and farther the consequences of their philosophy, became communists. the princes and rulers of germany, at the very moment when they believed to have put down for ever republicanism, saw the rise of communism from the ashes of political agitation; and this new doctrine appears to them even more dangerous and formidable than that in whose apparent destruction they rejoiced.",
17
+ "as early as autumn, 1842, some of the party contended for the insufficiency of political change, and declared their opinion to be, that a social revolution based upon common property, was the only state of mankind agreeing with their abstract principles. but even the leaders of the party, such as dr. bruno bauer, dr. feuerbach, and dr. ruge, were not then prepared for this decided step. the political paper of the party, the rhenish gazette, published some papers advocating communism, but without the wished-for effect. communism, however, was such a necessary consequence of new hegelian philosophy, that no opposition could keep it down, and, in the course of this present year, the originators of it had the satisfaction of seeing one republican after the other join their ranks. besides dr. hess, one of the editors of the now suppressed rhenish gazette, and who was, in fact, the first communist of the party, there are now a great many others; as dr. ruge, editor of the german annals, the scientific periodical of the young hegelians, which has been suppressed by resolution of the german diet; dr. marx, another of the editors of the rhenish gazette; george herwegh, the poet whose letter to the king of prussia was translated, last winter, by most of the english papers, and others: and we hope that the remainder of the republican party will, by-and-by, come over too.",
18
+ "thus, philosophical communism may be considered for ever established in germany, notwithstanding the efforts of the governments to keep it down. they have annihilated the press in their dominions, but to no effect; the progress parties profit by the free press of switzerland and france, and their publications are as extensively circulated in germany, as if they were printed in that country itself. all persecutions and prohibitions have proved ineffectual, and will ever do so; the germans are a philosophical nation, and will not, cannot abandon communism, as soon as it is founded upon sound philosophical principles: chiefly if it is derived as an unavoidable conclusion from their own philosophy. and this is the part we have to perform now. our party has to prove that either all the philosophical efforts of the german nation, from kant to hegel, have been useless worse than useless; or, that they must end in communism; that the germans must either reject their great philosophers, whose names they hold up as the glory of their nation, or that they must adopt communism. and this will be proved; this dilemma the germans will be forced into, and there can scarcely be any doubt as to which side of the question the people will adopt.",
19
+ "there is a greater chance in germany for the establishment of a communist party among the educated classes of society, than anywhere else. the germans are a very disinterested nation; if in germany principle comes into collision with interest, principle will almost always silence the claims of interest. the same love of abstract principle, the same disregard of reality and self-interest, which have brought the germans to a state of political nonentity, these very same qualities guarantee the success of philosophical communism in that country. it will appear very singular to englishmen, that a party which aims at the destruction of private property is chiefly made up by those who have property; and yet this is the case in germany. we can recruit our ranks from those classes only which have enjoyed a pretty good education; that is, from the universities and from the commercial class; and in either we have not hitherto met with any considerable difficulty.",
20
+ "as to the particular doctrines of our party, we agree much more with the english socialists than with any other party. their system, like ours, is founded upon philosophical principle; they struggle, as we do, against religious prejudices whilst the french reject philosophy and perpetuate religion by dragging it over with themselves into the projected new state of society. the french communists could assist us in the first stages only of our development, and we soon found that we knew more than our teachers; but we shall have to learn a great deal yet from the english socialists. although our fundamental principles give us a broader base, inasmuch as we received them from a system of philosophy embracing every part of human knowledge; yet in everything bearing upon practice, upon the facts of the present state of society, we find that the english socialists are a long way before us, and have left very little to be done. i may say, besides, that i have met with english socialists with whom i agree upon almost every question.",
21
+ "i cannot now give an exposition of 'this communist system without adding too much to the length of this paper; but i intend to do so some time soon, if the editor of the new moral world will allow me the space for it. i therefore conclude by stating that, notwithstanding the persecutions of the german governments (i understand that, in berlin, mr. edgar bauer is being prosecuted for a communist publication; and in stuttgart another gentleman has been committed for the novel crime of \"communist correspondence\"!), notwithstanding this, i say, every necessary step is taken to bring about a successful agitation for social reform, to establish a new periodical, and to secure the circulation of all publications advocating communism."
22
+ ]
23
+ }
Data in JSON/Progress of Social Reform On the Continent.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,29 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "progress of social reform on the continent",
5
+ "written: october 23 1843; first published: in the new moral world, 3rd series, nos. 19, nov. 4, 1843; signed: f. engels; printed: according to the newspaper. english original; transcribed: in 2000 for marxists.org by andy blunden.",
6
+ "the new moral world no. 19, november 4, 1843",
7
+ "it has always been in some degree surprising to me, ever since i met with english socialists, to find that most of them are very little acquainted with the social movement going on in different parts of the continent. and yet there are more than half a million of communists in france, not taking into account the fourierists, and other less radical social reformers; there are communist associations in every part of switzerland, sending forth missionaries to italy, germany, and even hungary; and german philosophy, after a long and troublesome circuit, has at last settled upon communism.",
8
+ "thus, the three great and civilised countries of europe england, france, and germany, have all come to the conclusion, that a thorough revolution of social arrangements, based on community of property, has now become an urgent and unavoidable necessity. this result is the more striking, as it was arrived at by each of the above nations independently of the others; a fact, than which there can be no stronger proof, that communism is not the consequence of the particular position of the english, or any other nation, but that it is a necessary conclusion, which cannot he avoided to be drawn from the premises given in the general facts of modern civilisation.",
9
+ "it must, therefore, appear desirable, that the three nations should understand each other, should know how far they agree, and how far they disagree; because there must be disagreement also, owing to the different origin of the doctrine of community in each of the three countries. the english came to the conclusion practically, by the rapid increase of misery, demoralisation, and pauperism in their own country: the french politically, by first asking for political liberty and equality; and, finding this insufficient, joining social liberty, and social equality to their political claims: the germans became communists philosophically, by reasoning upon first principles. this being the origin of socialism in the three countries, there must exist differences upon minor points; but i think i shall be able to show that these differences are very insignificant, and quite consistent with the best feeling on the part of the social reformers of each country towards those of the other. the thing wanted is, that they should know each other; this being obtained, i am certain, they all will have the best wishes for the success of their foreign brother communists.",
10
+ "i france",
11
+ "france is, since the revolution, the exclusively political country of europe. no improvement, no doctrine can obtain national importance in france, unless embodied in some political shape. it seems to be the part the french nation have to perform in the present stage of the history of mankind, to go through all the forms of political development, and to arrive, from a merely political beginning, at the point where all nations, all different paths, must meet at communism. the development of the public mind in france shows this clearly, and shows at the same time, what the future history of the english chartists must be.",
12
+ "the french revolution was the rise of democracy in europe. democracy is, as i take all forms of government to be, a contradiction in itself, an untruth, nothing but hypocrisy (theology, as we germans call it), at the bottom. political liberty is sham-liberty, the worst possible slavery; the appearance of liberty, and therefore the reality of servitude. political equality is the same; therefore democracy, as well as every other form of government, must ultimately break to pieces: hypocrisy cannot subsist, the contradiction hidden in it must come out; we must have either a regular slavery that is, an undisguised despotism, or real liberty, and real equality that is, communism. both these consequences were brought out in the french revolution; napoleon established the first, and babeuf the second. i think i may be short upon the subject of babouvism, as the history of his conspiracy, by buonarroti, has been translated into the english language. the communist plot did not succeed, because the then communism itself was of a very rough and superficial kind; and because, on the other hand, the public mind was not yet far enough advanced.",
13
+ "the next french social reformer was count de saint-simon. he succeeded in getting up a sect, and even some establishments; none of which succeeded. the general spirit of the saint-simonian doctrines is very much like that of the ham-common socialists, in england; although, in the detail of the arrangements and ideas, there is a great difference. the singularities and eccentricities of the saint-simonians very soon became the victims of french wit and satire; and everything once made ridiculous is inevitably lost in france. but, besides this, there were other causes for the failure of the saint-simonian establishments; all the doctrines of this party were enveloped in the clouds of an unintelligible mysticism, which, perhaps, in the beginning, attract the attention of the people; but, at last, must leave their expectations disappointed. their economical principles, too, were not unexceptionable; the share of each of the members of their communities in the distribution of produce was to be regulated, firstly, by the amount of work he had done; and, secondly, the amount of talent he displayed. a german republican, boerne, justly replied to this principle, that talent, instead of being rewarded, ought rather to be considered as a natural preference; and, therefore, a deduction ought to be made from the share of the talented, in order to restore equality.",
14
+ "saint-simonism, after having excited, like a brilliant meteor, the attention of the thinking, disappeared from the social horizon. nobody now thinks of it, or speaks of it; its time is past.",
15
+ "nearly at the same time with saint-simon, another man directed the activity of his mighty intellect to the social state of mankind fourier. although fourier's writings do not display those bright sparks of genius which we find in saint-simon's and some of his disciples; although his style is hard, and shows, to a considerable extent, the toil with which the author is always labouring to bring out his ideas, and to speak out things for which no words are provided in the french language nevertheless, we read his works with greater pleasure; and find more real value in them, than in those of the preceding school. there is mysticism, too, and as extravagant as any, but this you may cut off and throw it aside, and there will remain something not to be found among the saint-simonians scientific research, cool, unbiased, systematic thought; in short, social philosophy; whilst saint-simonism can only be called social poetry. it was fourier, who, for the first time, established the great axiom of social philosophy, that every individual having an inclination or predilection for some particular kind of work, the sum of all these inclinations of all individuals must be, upon the whole, an adequate power for providing for the wants of all. from this principle, it follows, that if every individual is left to his own inclination, to do and to leave what he pleases, the wants of all will be provided for, without the forcible means used by the present system of society. this assertion looks bold, and yet, after fourier's mode of establishing it, is quite unassailable, almost self-evident the egg of columbus. fourier proves, that every one is born with an inclination for some kind of work, that absolute idleness is nonsense, a thing which never existed, and cannot exist: that the essence of the human mind is to be active itself, and to bring the body into activity; and that, therefore, there is no necessity for making the people active by force, as in the now existing state of society, but only to give their natural activity the right direction. he goes on proving the identity of labour and enjoyment, and shows the irrationality of the present social system, which separates them, making labour a toil, and placing enjoyment above the reach of the majority of the labourers; he shows further, how, under rational arrangements, labour may be made, what it is intended to be, an enjoyment, leaving every one to follow his own inclinations. i cannot, of course, follow fourier through the whole of his theory of free labour, and i think this will be sufficient to show the english socialists that fourierism is a subject well worthy of their attention.",
16
+ "another of the merits of fourier is to have shown the advantages nay, the necessity of association. it will be sufficient only to mention this subject, as i know the english to be fully aware of its importance.",
17
+ "there is one inconsistency, however, in fourierism, and a very important one too, and that is, his nonabolition of private property. in his phalanstres or associative establishments, there are rich and poor, capitalists and working men. the property of all members is placed into a joint stock, the establishment carries on commerce, agricultural and manufacturing industry, and the proceeds are divided among the members; one part as wages of labour, another as reward for skill and talent, and a third as profits of capital. thus, after all the beautiful theories of association and free labour; after a good deal of indignant declamation against commerce, selfishness, and competition, we have in practice the old competitive system upon an improved plan, a poor-law bastile on more liberal principles! certainly, here we cannot stop; and the french, too, have not stopped here.",
18
+ "the progress of fourierism in france was slow, but regular. there are not a great many fourierists, but they count among their numbers a considerable portion of the intellect now active in france. victor considrant is one of their cleverest writers. they have a newspaper, too, the phalange, published formerly three times a week, now daily.",
19
+ "as the fourierists are now represented in england also by mr. doherty, i think i may have said enough concerning them, and now pass to the most important and most radical party in france, the communists.",
20
+ "i said before, that everything claiming national importance in france must be of a political nature, or it will not succeed. saint-simon and fourier did not touch politics at all, and their schemes, therefore, became not the common property of the nation, but only subjects of private discussion. we have seen how babeuf's communism arose out of the democracy of the first revolution. the second revolution, of 1830, gave rise to another and more powerful communism. the \"great week\" of 1830 was accomplished by the union of the middle and working classes, the liberals and the republicans. after the work was done, the working classes were dismissed, and the fruits of the revolution were taken possession of by the middle classes only. the working men got up several insurrections, for the abolition of political monopoly, and the establishment of a republic, but were always defeated; the middle class having not only the army on their side, but forming themselves the national guard besides. during this time (1834 or 1835) a new doctrine sprang up among the republican working men. they saw that even after having succeeded in their democratic plans, they would continue the dupes of their more gifted and better educated leaders, and that their social condition, the cause of their political discontent, would not be bettered by any political change whatsoever. they referred to the history of the great revolution, and eagerly seized upon babeuf's communism. this is all that can, with safety, be asserted concerning the origin of modern communism in france; the subject was first discussed in the dark lanes and crowded alleys of the parisian suburb, saint-antoine, and soon after in the secret assemblies of conspirators. those who know more about its origin are very careful to keep their knowledge to themselves, in order to avoid the \"strong arm of the law\". however, communism spread rapidly over paris, lyons, toulouse, and the other large and manufacturing towns of the realm; various secret associations followed each other, among which the \"travailleurs egalitaires\", or equalitarian working men, and the humanitarians,\"\" were the most considerable. the equalitarians were rather a \"rough set\", like the babouvists of the great revolution; they purposed making the world a working-man's community, putting down every refinement of civilisation, science, the fine arts, etc., as useless, dangerous, and aristocratic luxuries, a prejudice necessarily arising from their total ignorance of history and political economy. the humanitarians, were known particularly for their attacks on marriage, family, and other similar institutions. both these, as well as two or three other parties, were very short-lived, and the great bulk of the french working classes adopted, very soon, the tenets propounded by m. cabet, \"pre cabet\" (father c.), as he is called, and which are known on the continent under the name of icarian communism.",
21
+ "this sketch of the history of communism in france shows, in some measure, what the difference of french and english communism must be. the origin of social reform, in france, is a political one; it is found, that democracy cannot give real equality, and therefore the community scheme is called to its aid. the bulk of the french communists are, therefore, republicans besides; they want a community state of society, under a republican form of government. now, i do not think that the english socialists would have serious objections to this; because, though they are more favourable to an elective monarchy, i know them to be too enlightened to force their kind of government upon a people totally opposed to it. it is evident, that to try this would involve this people in far greater disorders and difficulties than would arise from their own democratic mode of government, even supposing this to be bad.",
22
+ "but there are other objections that could be made to the french communists. they intend overthrowing the present government of their country by force, and have shown this by their continual policy of secret associations. this is true. even the icarians, though they declare in their publications that they abhor physical revolutions and secret societies, even they are associated in this manner, and would gladly seize upon any opportunity to establish a republic by force. this will be objected to, i dare say, and rightly, because, at any rate, secret associations are always contrary to common prudence, inasmuch as they make the parties liable to unnecessary legal persecutions. i am not inclined to defend such a line of policy, but it has to be explained, to be accounted for; and it is fully done so by the difference of the french and english national character and government. the english constitution has now been, for about one hundred and fifty years, uninterruptedly, the law of the land; every change has been made by legal means, by constitutional forms; therefore the english must have a strong respect for their laws. but, in france, during the last fifty years, one forced alteration has followed the other; all constitutions, from radical democracy to open despotism, all kinds of laws were, after a short existence, thrown away and replaced by others; how can the people then respect their laws? and the result of all these convulsions, as now established in the french constitution and laws, is the oppression of the poor by the rich, an oppression kept up by force how can it be expected that the oppressed should love their public institutions, that they should not resort to the old tricks of 1792? they know that, if they are anything, they are it by meeting force by force, and having, at present, no other means, why should they hesitate a moment to apply this? it will be said further: why do not the french communists establish communities, as the english have done? my reply is, because they dare not. if they did, the first experiment would be put down by soldiers. and if they were suffered to do so, it would be of no use to them. i always understood the harmony establishment to be only an experiment, to show the possibility of mr. owen's plans, if put into practice, to force public opinion to a more favourable idea of the socialist schemes for relieving public distress. well, if that be the case, such an experiment would be of no avail in france. show the french, not that your plans are practical, because that would leave them cool and indifferent. show them that your communities will not place mankind under an \"ironbound despotism\", as mr. bairstow the chartist said, in his late discussion with mr. watts. show them that real liberty and real equality will be only possible under community arrangements, show them that justice demands such arrangements, and then you will have them all on your side.",
23
+ "but to return to the social doctrines of the icarian communists. their \"holy book\" is the voyage en icarie (travels in icaria) of father cabet, who, by-the-by, was formerly attorney-general, and member of the chamber of deputies. the general arrangements for their communities are very little different to those of mr. owen. they have embodied in their plans everything rational they found in saint-simon and fourier; and, therefore, are very much superior to the old french communists. as to marriage, they perfectly agree with the english. everything possible is done to secure the liberty of the individual. punishments are to be abolished, and to be replaced by education of the young, and rational mental treatment of the old.",
24
+ "it is, however, curious, that whilst the english socialists are generally opposed to christianity, and have to suffer all the religious prejudices of a really christian people, the french communists, being a part of a nation celebrated for its infidelity, are themselves christians. one of their favourite axioms is, that christianity is communism, \"le christianisme c'est le communisme\". this they try to prove by the bible, the state of community in which the first christians are said to have lived, etc. but all this shows only, that these good people are not the best christians, although they style themselves so; because if they were, they would know the bible better, and find that, if some few passages of the bible may be favourable to communism, the general spirit of its doctrines is, nevertheless, totally opposed to it, as well as to every rational measure.",
25
+ "the rise of communism has been hailed by most of the eminent minds in france; pierre leroux, the metaphysician; george sand, the courageous defender of the rights of her sex; abb de lamennais, author of the words of a believer and a great many others, are, more or less, inclined towards the communist doctrines. the most important writer, however, in this line is proudhon, a young man, who published two or three years ago his work: what is property? (qu'est ce que la proprit?) where he gave the answer: \"la proprit c'est le vol\", property is robbery. this is the most philosophical work, on the part of the communists, in the french language; and, if i wish to see any french book translated into the english language, it is this. the right of private property, the consequences of this institution, competition, immorality, misery, are here developed with a power of intellect, and real scientific research, which i never since found united in a single volume. besides this, he gives very important remarks on government, and having proved that every kind of government is alike objectionable, no matter whether it be democracy, aristocracy, or monarchy, that all govern by force; and that, in the best of all possible cases, the force of the majority oppresses the weakness of the minority, he comes, at last, to the conclusion: \"nous voulons l'anarchie!\" what we want is anarchy; the rule of nobody, the responsibility of every one to nobody but himself.",
26
+ "upon this subject i shall have to speak more, when i come to the german communists. i have now only to add, that the french icarian communists are estimated at about half a million in number, women and children not taken into account. a pretty respectable phalanx, isn't it? they have a monthly paper, the populaire, edited by father cabet; and, besides this, p. leroux publishes a periodical, the independent review, in which the tenets of communism are philosophically advocated.",
27
+ "f. engels manchester, oct. 23, 1843"
28
+ ]
29
+ }
Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany - 2.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "rapid progress of communism in germany",
5
+ "written: april 1845; published: in the new moral world, no. 37, march 8, 1845.",
6
+ "the new moral world no. 37, march 8, 1845",
7
+ "barmen, feb. 2nd, 1845",
8
+ "ii",
9
+ "since i last addressed you, the cause of communism has been making the same rapid progress as during the latter part of the year 1844. a short time ago i visited several towns on the rhine, and everywhere i found that our ideas had gained, and were daily gaining more vantage ground than when i last left those places. everywhere i found fresh proselytes, displaying as much energy in discussing and spreading the idea of communism as could possibly be desired. a great many public meetings have been held in all the towns of prussia, for the purpose of forming associations to counteract the growing pauperism, ignorance and crime among the great mass of the population. these meetings, at first supported, but when becoming too independent, checked by the government, have, nevertheless, forced the social question upon the public attention, and have done a great deal towards the dissemination of our principles. the meeting at cologne was struck so much by the speeches of the leading communists, that a committee for drawing up the rules of the association was elected, the majority of which consisted of thorough communists. the abstract of rules was, of course, founded upon communist principles; organisation of labour, protection of labour against the power of capital, &c., and those rules were adopted almost unanimously by the meeting. of course the sanction of government, which is necessary in this country for all associations, has been refused; but since those meetings have been held, the question of communities has been discussed everywhere throughout cologne. at elberfeld, it was pronounced as the fundamental principle of the association, that all men had an equal right to education, and ought to participate in the fruits of science. the rules of the association, however, have not yet been confirmed by the government, and in all probability they will share in the lot of the cologne rules, as the parsons got up an association of their own as soon as their plan, to make the society a branch of the town mission, had been rejected by the meeting. the liberal association will be prohibited, and the parsons' association will be supported by government. this, however, is of the little importance as the question having been mooted once, is now generally discussed throughout the town. other associations have been formed at munster, cleve, dsseldorf, etc., and it remains to be seen what the results will be. as to communist literature, a collection of papers relating to this subject has been published by h. pttmann, of cologne, containing among the rest, an account of the american communities, as well as of your own hampshire establishment, which has done very much towards annihilating the prejudice of the impracticability of our ideas. mr. pttmann, at the same time, has issued the prospectus of a quarterly review, the first number of which he intends issuing in may next, and which will be exclusively dedicated to the promulgation of our ideas. another monthly periodical will be commenced by messrs. hess of cologne, and engels of barmen, the first number to be published on the first of april next; this periodical will contain facts only, showing the state of civilised society, and preaching the necessity of a radical reform by the eloquence of facts. a new work by dr. marx, containing a review of the principles of political economy, and politics in general, will be published shortly. dr. marx himself has been forced by the french conservative government, to quit his abode at paris. he intends to go to belgium, and if the vengeance of the prussian government (which has induced the french ministers to expel marx) follows him even there, he must go to england. but the most important fact which has come to my knowledge since my last, is, that dr. feuerbach, the most eminent philosophical genius in germany at the present time, has declared himself a communist. a friend of ours lately visited him in his retired country seat, in a remote corner of bavaria, and to him he declared his full conviction that communism was only a necessary consequence of the principles he had proclaimed, and that communism was, in fact, only the practice of what he had proclaimed long before theoretically. feuerbach said, he had never been delighted so much with any other book, as with the first part of weitling's guarantees i never dedicated, he said, a book to anybody, but i feel much inclined to dedicate to weitling my next work. thus the union between the german philosophers, of whom feuerbach is the most eminent representative, and the german working men represented by weitling, an union which, a year ago, had been predicted by dr. marx, is all but accomplished. with the philosophers to think, and the working men to fight for us, will any earthly power be strong enough to resist our progress?",
10
+ "an old friend of yours in germany"
11
+ ]
12
+ }
Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany - 3.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,23 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "rapid progress of communism in germany",
5
+ "written: april 1845; published: in the new moral world, no. 46, may 10, 1845.",
6
+ "the new moral world no. 46, may 10, 1845",
7
+ "iii",
8
+ "dear sir,",
9
+ "having been unable, for a time, from certain causes, to write you on the state of affairs in germany, i now continue my reports, hoping that they will interest your readers, and follow each other more uninterruptedly than heretofore. i am glad of being enabled to tell you that we are making the same rapid and steady progress which we made up to my last report. since i wrote to you last, the prussian government have found it unsafe to continue their support to the \"associations for the benefit of the working classes\". they have found that everywhere these associations became infected with something like communism, and therefore they have done everything in their power to suppress, or at least obstruct, the progress of these associations. on the other hand, the majorities of the members of those societies, being composed of middle-class men, were totally at a loss with regard to the steps they might take to benefit the working people. all their measures savings-banks, premiums and prizes for the best workers, and such like, were instantly proved by the communists to be good for nothing, and held up to public laughter. thus the intention of the middle classes, to dupe the working classes, by hypocrisy and sham philanthropy, has been totally frustrated; while to us it gave an opportunity which is rather rare in a country of patriarchal police government: thus the trouble of the matter has been with the government and the moneyed men, while we have had all the profit.",
10
+ "but not only these meetings were taken profit of for communist agitation: at elberfeld, the centre of the manufacturing district of rhenan prussia, regular communist meetings were held. the communists of this town were invited by some of the most respectable citizens to discuss their principles with them. the first of these meetings took place in february, and was more of a private character. about forty or fifty individuals assisted, including the attorney-general of the district, and other members of the courts of law, as well as representatives of almost all the leading commercial and manufacturing firms. dr. hess, whose name i have had more than once an opportunity of mentioning in your columns, opened the proceedings by proposing mr. koettgen, a communist, as chairman, to which no opposition was made. dr. hess then read a lecture on the present state of society, and the necessity of abandoning the old system of competition, which he called a system of downright robbery. the lecture was received with much applause (the majority of the audience being communists); after which mr. frederick engels (who some time ago had some papers on continental communism printed in your columns) spoke at some length on the practicability and the advantages of the community system. he also gave some particulars of the american colonies and your own establishment at harmony in proof of his assertions. after which a very animated discussion took place, in which the communist side was advocated by the foregoing speakers and several others; while the opposition was maintained by the attorney-general, by dr. benedix, a literary character, and some others. the proceedings, which commenced about nine o'clock in the evening, were continued until one in the morning.",
11
+ "the second meeting took place a week after, in the large room of the first hotel in the town. the room was filled with the \"respectables\" of the place. mr. koettgen, chairman of the former meeting, read some remarks on the future state and prospects of society, as imagined by the communists, after which mr. engels delivered a speech in which he proved (as may be concluded from the fact, that not a word was offered in reply), that the present state of germany was such as could not but produce in a very short time a social revolution; that this imminent revolution was not to be averted by any possible measures for promoting commerce and manufacturing industry; and that the only means to prevent such a revolution a revolution more terrible than any of the mere subversions of past history-was the introduction of, and the preparation for, the community system. the discussion, in which some gentlemen of the profession of the bar, who had come from cologne and dsseldorf for the purpose, took part on the communist side, was again very animated, and prolonged till after midnight. some communist poems, by dr. mller of dsseldorf, who was present, were also read.",
12
+ "a week afterwards a third meeting took place in which dr. hess again lectured, and besides, some particulars about the american communities were read from a printed paper. the discussion was repeated before the close of the meeting.",
13
+ "some days afterwards a rumour was spread through the town that the next meeting was to be dispersed by the police, and the speakers to be arrested. the mayor of elberfeld, indeed, went to the hotel-keeper, and threatened to withdraw the licence, if any such meetings in future should be allowed to take place in his house. the communists instantly communicated with the mayor about the matter, and received, the day before the next meeting, a circular directed to messrs. hess, engels and koettgen, by which the provincial government, with a tremendous amount of quotations from ancient and written laws, declared such meetings to be illegal, and threatened to 'put a stop to them by force, if they should not be abandoned. the meeting took place next saturday the mayor and the attorney-general (who after the first meeting had absented himself) were present, supported by a troop of armed police, who had been sent by railroad from dsseldorf. of course, under such circumstances, no public addresses were delivered: the meeting occupied themselves with beef-steaks and wine, and gave the police no handle for interference.",
14
+ "these measures, however, could not but serve our cause: those who had not yet heard of the matter were now induced to ask for information about it from the importance ascribed to it by the government; and a great many of those who had come to the discussion ignorant or scoffing at our proposals, went home with a greater respect for communism. this respect was also partially produced by the respectable manner in which our party was represented; nearly every patrician and moneyed family of the town had one of its members or relatives present at the large table occupied by the communists. in short the effect produced by these meetings upon the public mind of the whole manufacturing district was truly wonderful; and in a few days afterwards those who had publicly advocated our cause were overrun by numbers of people who asked for books and papers from which they might get a view of the whole system. we understand that the whole proceedings will shortly be published.",
15
+ "as to communist literature, there has been exhibited a great activity in this branch of agitation. the public literally long for information: they devour every book published in this line. dr. pttmann has published a collection of essays, containing an excellent paper by dr. hess, on the distress of modern society, and the means of redressing it; a detailed description of the distressing state of the working people of silesia, with a history of the riots of last spring; some other articles descriptive of the state of society in germany; and, finally, an account of the american and harmony communities (from mr. finch's letters and that of \"one who has whistled at the plough\"), by f. engels. the book, though prosecuted by the prussian government, met with a rapid sale in all quarters. a number of monthly periodicals have been established: the westphalian steamboat , published at bielefeld, by lning, containing popular essays on socialism and reports on the state of the working people; the people's journal at cologne, with a more decided socialist tendency; and the gesellschaftsspiegel (mirror of society), at elberfeld, by dr. hess, founded expressly for the publication of facts characteristic of the present state of society, and for the advocacy of the rights of the working classes. a quarterly review, the rheinische jahrbcher (rhenish annals), by dr. pttmann, has also been established; the first number is now in the press and will shortly be published.",
16
+ "on the other hand, a war has been declared against those of the german philosophers, who refuse to draw from their mere theories practical inferences, and who contend that man has nothing to do but to speculate upon metaphysical questions. messrs. marx and engels have published a detailed refutation of the principles advocated by b. bauer; and messrs. hess and brgers are engaged in refuting the theory of m. stirner: bauer and stirner being the representatives of the ultimate consequences of abstract german philosophy, and therefore the only important philosophical opponents of socialism or rather communism, as in this country the word socialism means nothing but the different vague, undefined, and undefinable imaginations of those who see that something must be done, and who yet cannot make up their minds to go the whole length of the community system.",
17
+ "in the press are also-dr. marx's review of politics and political economy; mr. f. engels' condition of the working classes of great britain; anecdota, or a collection of papers on communism; and in a few days will be commenced a translation of the best french and english works on the subject of social reform.",
18
+ "in consequence of the miserable political state of germany, and the arbitrary proceedings of her patriarchal governments, there is hardly a chance of any but a literary connection between the communists of the different localities. the periodicals, principally the rhenish annals, offer a centre for those who, by the press, advocate communism. some connection is kept up by travellers, but this is all. associations are illegal, and even correspondence is unsafe, as the \"secret offices\" of late have displayed an unusual activity. thus it is only by the newspapers that we have received the news of the existence of two communist associations in posen and the silesian mountains. it is reported that at posen, the capital of prussian poland, a number of young men had formed themselves into a secret society, founded upon communist principles, and with the intention of taking possession of the town; that the plot was discovered, and its execution prevented: this is all we know about the matter. this much, however, is certain, that a great many young men of aristocratic and wealthy polish families have been arrested; that since (more than two months) all watch posts are doubled and provided with ball cartridge; and that two youths (of 12 and 19 years respectively), the brothers rymarkiewicz, have absconded, and not yet been got hold of by the authorities. a great number of the prisoners are youths of from 12 to 20 years. the other so-called conspiracy, in the silesian mountains, is said to have been very extensive, and also for a communist purpose: they are reported to have intended to take the fortress of schweidnitz, to occupy the whole range of mountains, and to appeal from thence to the suffering workpeople of all germany. how far this may be true, nobody is able to judge; but in this unfortunate district, also, arrests have taken place on the depositions of a police spy; and a wealthy manufacturer, mr. schlffel, has been transported to berlin, where he is now under trial, as the supposed head of the conspiracy.",
19
+ "the associations of german communists of the working classes in switzerland, france and england continue to be very active; though in france, and some parts of switzerland, they have much to suffer from the police. the papers announce that about sixty members of the communist association of geneva have been expelled from the town and canton. a. becker, one of the cleverest of the swiss communists, has published a lecture delivered at lausanne, entitled, \"what do the communists want?\" which belongs to the best and most spirited things of the sort we know of. i dare say it would merit an english translation, and i should be glad if any of your readers were acquainted enough with the german language to undertake it. it is, of course, only a small pamphlet.",
20
+ "i expect to continue my reports from time to time, and remain, etc.",
21
+ "an old friend of yours in germany"
22
+ ]
23
+ }
Data in JSON/Rapid Progress of Communism in Germany.json ADDED
@@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1
+ {
2
+ "title": "untitled",
3
+ "sections": [
4
+ "rapid progress of communism in germany",
5
+ "written: november 1844; published: in the new moral world, no. 25, december 13, 1844.",
6
+ "i",
7
+ "the new moral world no. 25, december 13, 1844",
8
+ "hoping, as i do, that your countrymen will be glad to hear something on the progress of our common cause on this side of the channel, i send you a few lines for your paper. at the same time, i rejoice in being able to show that the german people, though, as usual, rather late in mooting the question of social reform, are now exerting themselves to make up for lost time. indeed, the rapidity with which socialism has progressed in this country is quite miraculous. two years ago, there were but two solitary individuals who cared at all about social questions; a year ago, the first socialist publication was printed. it is true, there were some hundreds of german communists in foreign countries; but being working men, they had little influence, and could not get their publications circulated among the \"upper classes\". besides, the obstacles in the way of socialism were enormous; the censorship of the press, no right of public meeting, no right of association, and despotic laws and secret courts of law, with paid judges to punish every one who in any way dared to set the people about thinking. and notwithstanding all this, what is the state of things in germany now? instead of the two poor devils who wrote about socialism to a public no ways acquainted with, or interested in the question, we have dozens of clever writers preaching the new gospel to thousands who are anxious to hear everything connected with the subject; we have several papers as radically socialist as the censorship will allow, principally the trier'sche zeitung (gazette of trier), and the sprecher (speaker) of wesel; we have a paper published under the free press of paris, and there is no periodical, save those under the immediate influence of the governments, but comments every day, and in very creditable terms, upon socialism and the socialists. our very opponents want the moral courage to speak their full minds against us. even the governments are obliged to favour all legal movements in the direction towards socialism. societies are forming everywhere for ameliorating the condition of the working people, as well as for giving them the means to cultivate their minds, and some of the highest officers of the prussian government have taken an active part in those associations. in short, socialism is the question of the day in germany, and in the space of a year, a strong socialist party has grown up, which already now commands the respect of all political parties, and is principally courted by the liberals of this country. up to the present time our stronghold is the middle class, a fact which will perhaps astonish the english reader, if he do not know that this class in germany is far more disinterested, impartial, and intelligent, than in england, and for the very simple reason, because it is poorer. we, however, hope to be in a short time supported by the working classes, who always, and everywhere, must form the strength and body of the socialist party, and who have been aroused from their lethargy by misery, oppression, and want of employment, as well as by the manufacturing riots in silesia and bohemia.",
9
+ "let me on this occasion mention a painting by one of the best german painters, hbner, which has made a more effectual socialist agitation than a hundred pamphlets might have done. it represents some silesian weavers bringing linen cloth to the manufacturer, and contrasts very strikingly cold-hearted wealth on one side, and despairing poverty on the other. the well-fed manufacturer is represented with a face as red and unfeeling as brass, rejecting a piece of cloth which belongs to a woman; the woman, seeing no chance of selling the cloth, is sinking down and fainting, surrounded by her two little children; and hardly kept up by an old man; a clerk is looking over a piece, the owners of which are with painful anxiety waiting for the result; a young man shows to his desponding mother the scanty wages he has received for his labour; an old man, a girl, and a boy, are sitting on a stone bench, and waiting for their turn; and two men, each with a piece of rejected cloth on his back, are just leaving the room, one of whom is clenching his fist in rage, whilst the other, putting his hand on his neighbour's arm, points up towards heaven, as if saying: be quiet, there is a judge to punish him. this whole scene is going on in a cold and unhomely-looking lobby, with a stone floor: only the manufacturer stands upon a piece of carpeting; whilst on the other side of the painting, behind a bar, a view is opened into a luxuriously furnished counting-house, with splendid curtains and looking-glasses, where some clerks are writing, undisturbed by what is passing behind them, and where the manufacturer's son, a young, dandy-like gentleman, is leaning over the bar, with a horsewhip in his hand, smoking a cigar, and coolly looking at the distressed weavers. the painting has been exhibited in several towns of germany, and, of course, prepared a good many minds for social ideas. at the same time, we have hid the triumph of seeing the first historical painter of this country, charles lessing, become a convert to socialism. in fact, socialism occupies at this moment already a ten times prouder position in germany than it does in england. this very morning, i read an article in a liberal paper, the cologne journal, the author of which had for some reasons been attacked by the socialists, and in which article he gives his defence; and to what amounts it? he professes himself a socialist, with the only difference that he wants political reforms to begin with, whilst we want to get all at once. and this cologne journal is the second newspaper of germany in influence and circulation. it is curious, but, at least in the north of germany, you cannot go on board a steamer, or into a railway-carriage, or mail-coach, without meeting somebody who has imbibed at least some social idea, and who agrees with you, that something must be done to reorganise society. i am just returning from a trip to some neighbouring towns, and there was not a single place where i did not find at least half-a-dozen or a dozen of out-and-out socialists. among my own family and it is a very pious and loyal one-i count six or more, each of which has been converted without being influenced by the remainder. we have partisans among all sorts of men commercial men, manufacturers, lawyers, officers of the government and of the army, physicians, editors of newspapers, farmers, etc., a great many of our publications are in the press, though hardly three or four have as yet appeared; and if we make as much progress during the next four or five years as we have done in the past twelve months, we shall be able to erect forthwith a community. you see, we german theorists are getting practical men of business. in fact, one of our number has been invited to draw up a plan of organisation and regulations for a practical community, with reference to the plans of owen, fourier, etc., and profiting of the experience gained by the american communities and your own experiment at harmony, which i hope goes on prosperously. this plan will be discussed by the various localities and printed with the amendments. the most active literary characters among the german socialists are: dr. charles marx, at paris; dr. m. hess, at present at cologne; dr. ch. grn, at paris; frederick engels, at barmen (rhenan prussia); dr. o. lning, rheda, westphalia; dr. h. pttmann, cologne; and several others. besides those, henry heine, the most eminent of all living german poets, has joined our ranks, and published a volume of political poetry, which contains also some pieces preaching socialism. he is the author of the celebrated song of the silesian weavers, of which i give you a prosaic translation, but which, i am afraid, will be considered blasphemy in england. at any rate, i will give it you, and only remark, that it refers to the battle-cry of the prussians in 1813: \"with god for king and fatherland!\" which has been ever since a favourite saying of the loyal party. but for the song, here it is;",
10
+ "without a tear in their grim eyes, they sit at the loom, the rage of despair in their faces; \"we have suffered and hunger'd long enough; old germany, we are weaving a shroud for thee and weaving it with a triple curse. \"we are weaving, weaving!",
11
+ "\"the first curse to the god, the blind and deaf god upon whom we relied, as children on their father; in whom we hoped and trusted withal, he has mocked us, he has cheated us nevertheless. \"we are weaving, weaving!",
12
+ "\"the second curse for the king of the rich, whom our distress could not soften nor touch; the king, who extorts the last penny from us, and sends his soldiers, to shoot us like dogs. \"we are weaving, weaving!",
13
+ "\"a curse to the false fatherland, that has nothing for us but distress and shame, where we suffered hunger and misery- we are weaving thy shroud, old germany! \"we are weaving, weaving!\"",
14
+ "with this song, which in its german original is one of the most powerful poems i know of, i take leave from you for this time, hoping soon to be able to report on our further progress and social literature.",
15
+ "yours sincerely, an old friend of yours in germany"
16
+ ]
17
+ }