Split (1)

train · 7.7k rows

text stringlengths 11 74.3k
first of all, allow me to subscribe to the statement delivered this morning by the foreign minister of luxembourg, mr. jacques poos, on behalf of the european union. in particular, sir, i wish to join him in his congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the general assembly. as the year [number] draws closer, our feelings somehow make us ponder more keenly the achievements and misfortunes of the present century, and make us look ahead to the next one. as i do this, central to my thoughts is the united nations, an institution created when i was an adolescent, at the end of a war whose horrors were just then coming to light. i remember having been elated at the time about the purposes and principles of the new organization, and i remember how intrigued i was to see that, in a way, devastation and despair had given rise to the belief that a better world could yet be built, a world marked by peace, development and respect for human rights, notions i was just beginning to learn about. soon enough, i came to realize that such a world would be rather longer in the making than the charter had led me to hope that old questions were giving way to new ones that the united nations was not a panacea for all the troubles of mankind and, more to the point, that the united nations could never be stronger than its member states collectively willed it to be. yet somehow my expectations remained, expectations which i shared with a growing audience around the globe, and which one generation was passing on to the next. rightly or wrongly, nations and individuals, governments, civil society and the public at large they all have expectations about what the united nations can do for them, and about how it might change their lives and their destiny for the better. the question then is not so much whether the united nations can meet all of those expectations. for it cannot, and it probably should not even try. the united nations has neither the mandate, nor the resources, nor the power to be the world s keeper. the question is rather how we can exploit the strong points of the charter, how we can make the united nations play a role that only the united nations can play, and how we can better equip the organization to do more by doing what it does better. with that in mind, i wish to highlight three matters this afternoon the fitness of the organization the potential of the united nations to manage crises in the wider context of development and the organization s action in the field of human rights. part of the reason why the united nations has problems in meeting expectations is what it has turned into over the past [number] years an amazing structure of boards and committees populated by a growing membership and assisted by an army of civil servants. for that reason alone, the organization has lost credibility. efforts to streamline and revitalize the organization are therefore long overdue. united nations reform is a must. the proposals put forward by the secretary-general are an important first step in that process, as the foreign minister of luxembourg, mr. poos, said this morning, a process that will have to incorporate more ambitious ideas as it unfolds. the kingdom of the netherlands supports the secretary-general in his reform drive, we applaud the fact that he has made reform his number-one agenda item, and we welcome the reform package mr. kofi annan has put in our care. but we should get on with it. the world cannot afford to wait. we are looking at an organization that is far behind on its maintenance schedule. yet over the past three years, the reform debate has inched forward as if oblivious to the need to produce results. fortunately, the secretary-general has injected new momentum into the debate, and we should all welcome this. as we are about to engage in this reform assembly , as the secretary-general has called it, we should be conscious of the underlying concerns that have surfaced in the reform debate from time to time. these concerns are real, and dismissing them would jeopardize a promising outcome for the present session. indeed, various groups of nations have doubts about what other groups of nations are ultimately aiming for in this exercise. developing countries have even expressed misgivings about the reform process as a whole. some of them are clearly afraid that major western governments [number] are out to recast the united nations as an institution that would run on the lowest possible budget and concentrate on peacekeeping, humanitarian aid and human rights. another concern is that the development programme of this organization perhaps its single most important achievement over the past [number] years might actually suffer as a result of reform. understandably, many nations see the decline in recent years of official aid levels as the writing on the wall. they are disheartened by the empty promises of rio de janeiro in [number]. moreover, they are worried about the current financial crisis of the united nations. and finally, a handful of nations describe the secretary-general s proposals as a northern package one that caters mainly to the needs of the industrialized world. instead, developing nations would wish to see the united nations strengthened in what to them is perhaps its most critical field of action, a field of action that corresponds to one of the main purposes mentioned in the charter social and economic development. they rightly argue that if the united nations membership wants to be serious about that objective, it needs to equip the organization accordingly. and so, in their view, more resources should flow into the organization. before consenting to change anything, they are inclined to play it safe and to hold on to what is there. this line of thought, assuming i am reading it correctly, calls for comments. my first remark is that, clearly, the secretary-general was well-advised in having most of his package focus on the economic and social sectors. this is indeed the area that commands the widest interest among the membership. if we look at the merits of the package, it seems fair to say that many industrialized nations might have wanted to see more ambitious and comprehensive proposals. still, speaking for the netherlands government, i would argue that the present package of reform measures is well-directed, substantial and worthwhile. evidently, the secretary-general, on the basis of consultations which only he could undertake, has concluded that the contents of the package represent the maximum of what is achievable in the present state of play. and we should all accept that as a given. furthermore, it is important to remember that reform might strengthen the development sector of the united nations to the point where it can actually deliver better service with the resources that are presently available. this exercise is not about cutting costs. yet a leaner and meaner organization might give better value for the money. at the same time, we welcome the idea of a development dividend, as put forward by the secretary-general. a stronger development sector may help make the united nations a more attractive organization not only to recipients, but to donor countries as well. voluntary contributions should not come only from the same small group of traditional donors year after year. for a long time now, the netherlands has been among the top contributors to the united nations system, and we intend to remain so. we appreciate the spectacular gesture by mr. ted turner. but donor contributions should also come from those nations that fall far below the [number]. [number] per cent mark, as well as from newly industrialized countries in asia and elsewhere. finally, all member states should become current and stay current on their financial obligations under the regular and peacekeeping budgets and payments should be prompt, in full and certainly without conditions. all in all, the heart of the matter is not about core concepts and not about mindset it is about trust. it is about feeling comfortable with the idea that among [number] member states, a difference of views is inevitable, particularly when they are asked to discuss such a wide- ranging matter as the future of this organization. we have arrived at a crossroads where we face a critical choice. this is a moment when we have to rise above the level of squabbling over details in working groups. no doubt, we all have a point to raise, a question to ask and a change to make. but that avenue would lead us nowhere, for soon enough the package would fall apart. now is the time to start trusting each other. this is a time for vision and political courage. we, as statesmen, should be ready to accept our responsibility in this regard, to join forces and to forge a breakthrough. we should all rise to the occasion and accept the package of the secretary-general as it is before us now and work out the details and implementation later. endorsement in general terms needs to be expressed before we all adjourn next december. without such endorsement, the momentum in the reform process will be lost. we, the member states of the united nations, pledged ourselves, in the words of the charter to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace . [number] next to the united nations development effort, peacekeeping and peace-building are perhaps the most visible part of what the united nations does an impression refreshed by cable news network cnn almost daily. more importantly, those who are on the run, who are afraid for their lives, who watch their homesteads invaded, who are occupied and repressed, who look starvation and genocide in the face they have expectations of the united nations. they expect the organization to bail them out. we need to improve the capacity of the united nations to deal with crises, be they military, political or humanitarian ones, whether man-made or not. there is considerable room for improvement here, as illustrated by the situations in bosnia, somalia, rwanda and zaire. as we speak, innocent blood is flowing in many places around the world. yet all too often the united nations remains impotent. we cannot allow this to continue. here again lies a major area where reform is indispensable, and the secretary-general has duly underlined this. a number of member states, including the kingdom of the netherlands, have been trying to develop the concept of a standby high-readiness brigade within the framework of the united nations standby agreements. they have been making modest progress over the last three years. a rapidly deployable headquarters is now being established. tomorrow a small group of nations will informally deliberate on how to promote further steps. several other initiatives are under way, including regional ones. given the complexities, this is going to be an incremental process, but one where we cannot afford to let up. the real test is where to position peacekeeping in the wider context of the overall concerns of the united nations. our agenda should be wider and should include conflict prevention and peace-building. the difficulty we need to address here is how to integrate different policy instruments political, military, relief, rehabilitation and social and economic development into one comprehensive framework. crises require a coherent and effective international response, a response that should integrate preventive diplomacy, political mediation and humanitarian relief, but also social action, economic alternatives and cultural communication. in sum development. of course, prevention is the key. the united nations can be much more effective when we invest in prevention. diplomacy, economic sanctions, arms embargoes and political pressure will reduce risk and costs as compared to military intervention in an escalated conflict. we could avoid the loss of life and escape generalized human misery. as a result of timely prevention, we could also avoid the immense costs for rehabilitation, resettlement and reconstruction that arise after violence is over. military intervention, under united nations auspices, for humanitarian purposes may be necessary in certain conflict situations. but it should always be a means of last resort. intervention implies that prevention has failed. the link between development on the one hand and peace and security on the other is a tenuous one in the united nations system. yet experience has proved that making the link is imperative. we need to find the best combination of conflict management, humanitarian assistance and social and economic programmes to pave the way for sustainable development and for sustainable peace. in san francisco we promised to promote and encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all . it is a pledge we will have to renew again and again, perhaps indefinitely. yet such a pledge may not degenerate into lipservice. commitments must be turned into reality obligations must be implemented. we cannot let our guard down as we face reports on violations of human rights. torture is still being practised on a wide scale. people continue to disappear. arrest and detention without cause take place routinely. and freedom of the press is non-existent in too many countries. still, we recognize that human rights are in better shape worldwide than they were [number] years ago, and certainly [number] years ago. totalitarian regimes have all but disappeared democracy is on the rise. also, there is more interest than ever before in the triangle of democracy, good governance and human rights. today, human rights are well established as an important objective in their own right and a major field of activity for the united nations. but, perhaps more important, human rights have become a leitmotif in a wide variety of other areas of united nations policy, from sustainable development to population, from trade to humanitarian aid, and from peacekeeping to human settlements. that human rights is a cross-cutting issue is evident from the reform proposals of the secretary- [number] general and from the way he has revised the top management structure in the secretariat both of which we welcome warmly. expectations on what the united nations can achieve in the field of human rights have run high, among victims of human-rights violations, among mothers of the disappeared, among grass-roots groups, and among non-governmental organizations. then again, there are governments that expect the united nations to stay out of their precincts entirely governments that accept the universality of human rights, but only as a debating point governments that accept the united nations actions against human rights-violations, but only at a theoretical level and not when it concerns them. all in all, the instruments the united nations can apply have become the core of an extensive machinery that in many cases has worked strikingly well. examples are numerous and expanding. i refer to such diverse methods as international dialogue, the integration of human rights activities into cooperation arrangements, the work of human rights field offices, human rights education and strengthening regional supervisory machinery. more recently, a new high commissioner for human rights took up her position. if this is indeed the age of human rights, as the secretary-general says, then mrs. mary robinson will be one of its key personalities. we wish her courage and wisdom in her new assignment, and she can be sure of our commitment. one major platform in the realization of human rights and the international administration of justice is soon to take its definitive shape. next summer, a diplomatic conference will convene in rome we should all be grateful to the italian government for hosting it that will, hopefully, adopt a convention establishing an international criminal court. once established, the court will be the natural counterpart to the international court of justice. my government is looking forward with anticipation to this new offspring in the international legal order, and i take pride in announcing that my country is offering to house the seat of the court, in the city of the hague. the fitness of the united nations as an organization, its capacity to manage crises in the wider context of development, and its action in the field of human rights are areas of ongoing concern to all member states. this assembly will continue to address them, either on their own merits or in the context of united nations reform. the united nations is expected to perform in these areas and to produce results. yet there is only one way this is going to happen if all of us join forces, join forces to make the united nations a viable and credible institution, join forces to make it a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends. for only then will we keep the promise of san francisco.
i should like to begin by extending our warmest and most heartfelt congratulations to the foreign minister of the republic of argentina, mr. dante caputo, upon the occasion of his election to the post of president of the forty-third regular session of the united nations general assembly. we consider him to be a friend of our government and of our people and we recognize his great experience and ability. we can therefore say that his presidency represents an assurance that the work of this assembly will proceed in an orderly fashion. it is also my pleasure to think mr. peter florin of the german democratic republic for his brilliant and efficient work as president of the assembly during the previous session. i should also like to express our admiration for the secretary-general for the efforts that he has been making for peace. his activities, intelligent, prudent and, at the same time, bold, notwithstanding the institutional and financial constraints upon the organization, have represented an invaluable contribution to the resolution of various regional conflicts and they sure eloquent testimony to the value of the united nations as a forum and instrument for the maintenance of international peace and security. the lengthy agenda of this session of the general assembly reflects all the major issues of concern to mankind today. taken as a whole, it shows that in fulfilling the purposes and principles laid down in articles [number] and [number] of the charter [number] years ago, we are continuing resolutely to search for and to safeguard international peace and security, which continue to be the raison d' tre of the organization and which determine all its other activities and objectives. peace has been declared to be a human right. consequently, all the efforts made to preserve and to restore it are simply the consequences of this right, and the attainment of its objectives becomes a duty for the organization and all its member states. today, as in the past, the efforts for peace call for direct action by the united nations, which presupposes, in turn, that states must respect certain principles, such as non-intervention, renunciation of the use or threat of force, self-determination, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. ever since the early years of the united nations, uruguay has complied strictly with those principles which underlie the organization and has promoted respect for them. it has also done everything within its modest means to contribute to the success of the united nations peace efforts. at this time, as we celebrate the well-deserved awarding of the [number] nobel peace prize to the united nations peace-keeping forces, i cannot but recall with pride that uruguayan officers have been present since [number] in the united nations military observer group in india and pakistan umoglp , and recently in the iran-iraq military observer group uniimog . our effective participation in these efforts reflects our unswerving faith in the organization as an instrument for peace. the progress that the united nations has made in the cases of afghanistan, angola and namibia, in the iran-iraq conflict, and in the question of western sahara, must be hailed as a happy resurgence of the capacity for action and the negotiating ability of the organs and mechanisms operating within the framework of the united nations. we earnestly hope and trust that the processes currently under way will culminate in a just and lasting peace for the nations currently embroiled in conflict. unfortunately, we cannot be so optimistic with respect to the present situation in central america and that in the middle east. in the case of central america, uruguay believes that only by full compliance with the esquipulas ii agreements and the arias plan, and by strict compliance with the principles of non-interference, self-determination and non-use of force, combined in a process of international democratization in the countries in conflict, will it be possible to achieve a stable peace in the region. our country has participated in the efforts of the contadora support group with sincere enthusiasm, encouraging the parties to comply with the esquipulas ii agreements, and it is willing to continue to do so because it feels that the pacification and democratization of central america are essential objectives for the harmonious development of all of latin america, which is, in the end, an objective that is shared by all. as for the middle east, it is clear that there can be no lasting peace in the region without recognition of the right to exist of all the states in conflict, and without recognition of the full validity of the principle of self-determination of peoples. but at the same time, we must remember that the rights of those peoples are inexorably linked to the establishment of adequate safeguards, that the borders that have been set, or are to be set in the future, will be duly respected by all. likewise, the continuation of artificial political divisions, such as those affecting the korean people, do not contribute to the attainment of lasting peace in the region. at the special session devoted to disarmament, uruguay confirmed its conviction that the arms race could lead to a world war, and that we must continue the efforts already under way to bring about general and complete disarmament. this is essential for the creation of a climate compatible with the search for peace, in the hope that when this is achieved the resources that today are spent on weapons may be put to constructive uses, such as the economic development of the non-industrialized countries and their technological modernization. latin america has given the world the example of the treaty of tlatelolco, which proscribes the proliferation of nuclear weapons among developing countries, without affecting the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes and scientific and technological progress, in this respect, we emphasize our support for the declaration of the south atlantic as a zone of peace and co-operation, and we hope that the zone of peace in the south pacific will soon become reality as well. we think that the establishment of these zones of peace constitutes a promising attempt to preserve vast stretches of sea and ocean free from the tensions and conflicts that arise from the threat or use of force or from the dangers resulting from the deployment of nuclear weapons. among the conflicts that are still unresolved, we should like once again to emphasize our position with respect to the malvinas islands. uruguay has supported argentina's claim of sovereignty over the islands. but we also are mindful of our historic ties with the united kingdom, with which uruguay has maintained relations of friendship and co-operation for over a century. we should like now to reaffirm our willingness to co-operate in the search for solutions to a conflict that, with its recent military events, opened a painful breach throughout latin america. the wounds must as a matter of urgency be healed through negotiation and dialogue. the world is currently undergoing an unprecedented process of rapid change. we have fully entered the information age and are witnessing the end of the so-called industrial age with no sense of loss. the united nations must adapt to this process of change in order to be able to continue to fulfil its mission and to ensure the equitable distribution of technological resources and the enjoyment of their benefits by all states. the monopoly of advanced technologies in the hands of a few countries is turning a majority of nations into compulsory purchasers of imported technology. as a result of this, their political sovereignty is as much endangered as it would be by an act of war. consequently, we need to universalise the availability of the new resources that are being produced through science and technology. this means an attitude of universal openness, on the part of all countries of the world, industrialized and developing, to the free circulation, not only of goods and services, but ultimately of ideas and knowledge. if this objective is not faced with all its political implications, any attempts to overcome the world's current economic and financial crisis will be impossible. today, we cannot think of the work of the united nations without thinking of the question of human rights. these never were - and certainly are not today - a matter within the jurisdiction of states. the international promotion and protection of human rights, on the basis of the charter and of many international instruments is an objective to which mankind as a whole is committed. in this context, we once again repeat our condemnation of apartheid, a shameful doctrine based on inequality and racial discrimination, which is a clear, institutionalized violation of human rights. in this connection there are other scourges in the world today such as terrorism and drugs. terrorism is not merely a factor that contributes to - international insecurity and a form of action that violates fundamental principles of civilized coexistence , it is essentially a flagrant violation of human rights, an attack upon the freedom and dignity of man, and especially on his right to life. ws consider that the action by the united nations against terrorism must be firm and clear, based on the view that terrorism is a crime against humanity, one that calls for the co-operation of all states. as for the fight against the illegal use of drugs, international action roust be greatly expanded in order to confront this plague, which is particularly severe today. the united nations is the appropriate setting for the adoption and promotion of economic, social, cultural and legal measures for its prevention and sanction. but such measures should not be considered as negating the responsibility of producer countries, nor of consumer countries since, if there were no large consumer market, there would not be any drug-producing market. we should also call attention to the responsibility of the countries that allow their territory to be used for drug trafficking. our country confirms its determination to co-operate in the international fight against the narcotics trade and pledges its support to any co-ordinated effort at the regional or international levels. conservation of the environment is a matter of growing concern for the international community. the quality of man's life on earth and his very existence are at stake. we reaffirm our support for the recommendations in the report entitled "our common culture", prepared by the world commission on environment and development, and we agree with the basic principles of maintaining the steady productivity of the ecosystems and the biosphere as a whole. we are convinced of the need to increase efforts and to act in a co-ordinated fashion to avert the grave danger of altering the ecological balance and the progressive and rapid physical and chemical deterioration of the environment that is affecting the infrastructure of planetary life. the achievement of full economic development has been the basic challenge of the last years of our century. without balanced and global economic development, there can be no firm and lasting peace the existence of both highly industrialized countries and countries hindered by underdevelopment is, over the medium- or long-term, a constant source of instability and tension and a threat to world peace. even if one recognizes that development is also the responsibility of the developing countries themselves, at this time in our century it seems clear that, even in those developing countries that are willing to absorb the social and political costs of painful adjustments in their economies, there eventually comes a time when national instruments of economic rationality are exhausted. hence there arises the indispensable need for greater international solidarity, which starts with clear and stable trade regulations - free from irritating protectionism - and greater flexibility and co-operation in solving the financial problems caused by the current foreign debt crisis, the weight of which is frustrating the efforts of the debtor countries to promote their economic growth and placing the stability of their democratic institutions at risk. nevertheless, it must be said that the overwhelming debt burden is monopolizing international attention, pushing into the background the urgent need to discuss new resources necessary to promote the scientific and technological modernization and development of the non-industrialized countries. naturally, the problem has transcended the mere economic nature of the issue. it is now time to recognize that the world's financial problems - the past debt and the future debt - are also political problems that must be faced from an international perspective based on a faithful and honest commitment by creditors and debtors alike, in which both recognize their due share of responsibility for the past and the future. to this end, i believe that it is constructive to highlight the recent commitment of the president of the spanish government at the close of the twenty-fifth meeting of latin american governors, spain and the philippines before the international monetary fund and the world bank. it is useful to recall this here because it shows that the sensitivity which we have been calling for is starting to emerge among the leaders of industrialized creditor countries as well. president felipe gonzalez began by recognizing the failure of the strategy thus far pursued to resolve the debt crisis and recognized that from [number] to date the situation of the banks and creditor countries has improved sufficiently for them to assume a more realistic and flexible attitude in this matter, . consequently, he feels that the time has come for the creditors to redefine their debt strategy by specifically proposing the capitalization of interest and the reduction in outstanding debt, along the lines, i suppose, of explicitly recognizing the devaluation of the debt in the securities market. i believe that this is the appropriate forum and time to welcome views such as the one expressed by the president of the spanish government, which tend to bring balance into international attention by recalling that, in spite of the progress in political terms observed at the international level, at this level there still persist serious problems - with no clear solutions - affecting not merely the quality of life of millions of inhabitants of the world but also the possibility of building a world at peace. soon, two international events will occur expressing our active commitment - uruguay's - at the regional and international levels. the first is the meeting of latin american presidents of the group of eight to be held at punta del este. this group, which was created in rio de janeiro, emerged out of the conviction of its democratic governments that it is important for latin america as a whole that there be a mechanism for co-ordination and consultation enabling it to harmonize its international activities, promote regional democratization and act in unity in analysing all the problems affecting the region. there can be no doubt that this group has acquired clear international standing and can now play its part in maintaining relations with other international organizations and countries outside the region. the forthcoming summit meeting at punta del est will undoubtedly provide a timely opportunity to analyse what has been done since the acapulco declaration and to define a realistic plan of action to pursue in the future in the political, cultural, educational and technological fields. the second is the uruguay round of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt , a result of the punta del este conference, where discussions were held which, we hope, will serve as an example of international wisdom, promoting international trade free from discrimination and protectionism and capable of promoting international trade exchanges on the basis of which the shared objective for development of all states on earth can be solidly established. within this broader picture, the importance of multilateralism and the transcendental role of the united nations is clear. but for our organization to be active and respected, it is necessary that it have the wherewithal necessary for the attainment of the goals assigned to it by the charter and the resources efficiently to conduct the operations for which its machinery was established. we recognize, therefore, that in order to revitalize the organization once and for all, we need to start with honest self-criticism aimed at eliminating inefficiencies, lessening bureaucracy and improving existing systems. in saying that, we also realize that the way to achieve this objective is surely not by suffocating it financially to the point of undermining not only its functioning but also its very existence. hence it is the duty of all member states particularly the large industrialized countries, to reconsider their position as contributions to the united nations budget and to make the necessary efforts to keep the organization going and functioning. in summary, my country reaffirms its commitment to the united nations. uruguay is today living in peace, free from conflicts with other states. it maintains relations of friendship and co-operation with states of all political and economic systems in the world it has developed a strong democratic life that fully respects human rights and is governed by leaders elected through the free expression of the will of the people. that is why we come before the assembly today and express our views on foreign policy as the result of national consensus on the basis of which the country is participating at the regional and international levels in the search for the reaffirmation of the fundamental principles that gave birth to the organization. in closing, while confirming my country's confidence in the results of this session, let us recall that the difficult challenges we are currently facing and will have to face in the future can only be overcome through decisive and clear international action without unrealistic rhetoric or expressions of one-sided intent. this call for pragmatic and rational action includes strict observance by all members of the organization of the fundamental principles of the san francisco charter, because these principles are not merely rhetorical phrases but rather inescapable legal duties that all states must observe in order to ensure the credibility and efficiency of the united nations in accomplishing its basic objectives.
let me begin by congratulating mr. udovenko on his election as president of the general assembly at this fifty-second session. the country and the group he represents have seen great changes in the last decade. it therefore seems particularly fitting that he is presiding over a general assembly which will lay the foundation for significant changes to the united nations itself changes which must equip it better for the new and potentially more cooperative international environment in which we find ourselves. it is thus not only right but necessary that reform is the major theme of the united nations at present, and of this general assembly in particular. we would like to thank the former president of the assembly, ambassador razali, for the outstanding contribution he made to pursuing the reform agenda during his presidency, notably [number] in his capacity as chairman of the general assembly working groups. today i want to concentrate on three issues in particular reform of the united nations reorienting our approach to human rights so as to promote cooperation and institution building, creating durable structures to give substance to the goals set out in the charter of the united nations, the universal declaration of human rights and other international human rights instruments and reconfiguring the traditional united nations groups better to reflect the regional groupings of the contemporary world. in dealing with reform, my purpose is to build a world for the next generation, and i am inspired by the hope and aspirations of the next generation. in that context, i am pleased that we are joined in the general assembly today by mr. perry cross, a distinguished and courageous young australian who is leading the fight against paralysis. he exemplifies the australian belief that individuals with a will and a practical focus can make a difference in fighting barriers and reforming structures which are representative of an earlier era. australia wants to work with you, sir, and with the secretary-general and all members of the united nations, to ensure that by the end of this session of the general assembly further, substantive progress has been made in the three critical areas of reform financial reform and resolution of the crisis surrounding the united nations budget and scale of assessments reform of the security council and reform of the organization. when i made my first statement to the assembly last year, i stressed the need to move ahead urgently with reform and the reinvigoration of this important organization, to ensure its future effectiveness and relevance. this year reform has been given real impetus by the new secretary-general, whose appointment australia warmly welcomed. both in march and in july this year he announced significant organizational reforms aimed at the renewal of this body. i have enthusiastically supported these initiatives. we must now build on them. we share the secretary-general s conclusions about the shortcomings of the united nations. the organization s mission, as enshrined in the charter, has been repeatedly reaffirmed and remains valid today. but the machinery and the working methods to pursue that mission need thorough review and revision. we agree that there is too much fragmentation of structures, too much rigidity within bodies and too much emphasis on bureaucracy and process. i would like to highlight in particular the reforms suggested to the united nations structure and to the secretariat. the integration of [number] secretariats and entities into [number], and the proposed consolidation of five intergovernmental bodies into two are particularly welcome. they will help streamline and remove unnecessary bureaucratic structure and duplication from the secretariat. it is an approach we commend also to the specialized agencies as member nations seek to streamline and even merge some of these bodies. important steps are proposed in reforming the way the secretariat works. we applaud the removal of [number], [number] staff posts and the cutting of administrative costs by one third to which the secretary-general has committed himself. we also wish to see all secretariat staff move to fixed-term, renewable contracts to allow for greater employment flexibility in the organization. we support the introduction of a merit-based promotion system and performance appraisal in the place of a system where seniority plays a disproportionate role. we also encourage management to improve training opportunities for junior as well as senior staff. these reforms will not only make the united nations work better, but also provide real savings. these savings will be available for programmes, programmes which benefit all of us, but especially support the developing members of the united nations. thus it is a package which is in the interests of all, and deserves support from all. we believe the assembly needs to provide broad endorsement of the package as a whole early in this session to allow the reform process to proceed, even if some details are negotiated subsequently. but i acknowledge that for reform to succeed and for the united nations to carry out its mandate adequate resources must be made available to run the organization. australia continues to meet all its financial obligations in full and on time and without conditions, and seeks the same commitment from all our fellow members. we continue to believe that the negotiation of financial reforms would be facilitated by early settlement of all unpaid contributions. the adoption of a responsible negative- growth budget and a new scale of assessments which accurately reflects relative shares of national income and thus the principle of capacity to pay will also be key issues at this year s session. it is important that the result [number] ensures the burden of supporting the organization falls fairly on member states. australia remains committed to an expanded, more representative and transparent security council, better able to tackle the challenges of the twenty-first century. it should include as permanent members important powers able to make a major contribution to international peace and security, particularly at this time japan and germany. it should also include permanent seats for under-represented regions as well as additional non-permanent seats. middle powers such as australia have made a significant contribution to the united nations since its foundation, notably in disarmament, development, peacekeeping and human rights. we are concerned that the interests of small and medium-sized countries not be forgotten in this exercise. in this context, and because of our long-standing historical concerns about the veto, we would like to see an expansion of the council accompanied by a new understanding on the application of the veto. we would also support a review of any new arrangements after [number] years so that countries like australia and all other members of the international community have a further opportunity to examine the size, composition and working methods of the council. i am optimistic about what can be achieved by the united nations if we can bring about some essential reforms which would make the organization function more efficiently and effectively. let me mention one of the areas in which the united nations has proven it can function effectively as a forum and catalyst for international arms control and disarmament efforts. in recent years we have witnessed several landmark developments in this field, notably the indefinite extension of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the adoption of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. the general assembly was the forum, one year ago, for the adoption of the comprehensive nuclear-test- ban treaty, and australia is particularly proud to have been able to play a role in that historic event. there are many challenges ahead as we work with, and through, the united nations to reduce global stockpiles of conventional and non-conventional weapons and to make the world a safer and more humane place. let me single out two. the immediate commencement and early conclusion of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty has repeatedly been identified by the international community as the next major goal for nuclear non- proliferation and disarmament efforts, most recently by the parties to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty which now has more members than the united nations itself at their first preparatory meeting for the sixth review conference in [number]. the canberra commission on the elimination of nuclear weapons also identified an agreement to cease the production of fissile material for nuclear explosive purposes as an important step towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. capping the amount of nuclear material available for nuclear weapons use by extending safeguards coverage over currently unsafeguarded, sensitive nuclear facilities would in itself be a significant achievement for international peace and security, quite apart from its significance as a step towards the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons. as i said to the committee on disarmament in january this year, the achievement of a fissile material cut-off treaty is a priority objective for australia, and i now commit australia to redoubling its efforts to achieve a cut-off treaty at the earliest possible date. we must not allow ourselves to be put off by the obstacles that currently face the achievement of this goal. the effective elimination of landmines as a weapon of war is another important task facing the united nations collectively and its members individually. i have been gratified by the gains made to date, through the ottawa process, through the inhumane weapons convention, through national and regional measures and, perhaps most important, through enhanced contributions to demining and mine-victim assistance programmes to address the terrible human toll of anti-personnel landmines. we owe it to the victims of anti-personnel landmines to continue working through all avenues to achieve a real and lasting solution to the global landmines problem. the elimination of landmines is one necessary step in creating a more humane world, a world where individual human rights can demand proper respect. but further measures need to be taken involving the establishment of durable national human rights institutions to advance the goals to which our international human rights treaty commitments aspire. we are encouraged by and support the proposal to integrate human rights issues more fully into a range of united nations activities. in our view, the linkages between respect for human rights, good governance and sustainable development are important. the fact that all four executive committees established by the secretary-general will take human [number] rights issues into account in their deliberations should ensure that more effective coordination is possible across united nations activities. we warmly welcome also the steps taken by the secretary general to reform and reinvigorate the secretariat s organizational structure to support human rights, particularly the consolidation of the office of the high commissioner and the centre for human rights into a single office. his appointment of the former president of ireland, mary robinson, as high commissioner for human rights is an excellent choice. we pledge ourselves to support her in her task. another important recent development at the international level has been the negotiation of a draft statute for an international criminal court. australia is strongly committed to the early establishment of the court as a major human rights objective. we urge all nations to support by consensus the proposed resolution at this general assembly calling for the convening of a diplomatic conference in june [number] to finalize and adopt the statute of the court. as we approach the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, we pay tribute to the universal standards the declaration has helped to establish. let us never forget as well that the declaration, along with the two international covenants, and the whole body of treaty law and practice that has since developed, was reaffirmed by all nations at the vienna world conference on human rights in [number]. australia is a nation committed to the advancement of human rights and regards human rights issues as integral to its diplomacy. however, the australian government does not want the important area of human rights to become an unproductive battleground or an environment for sloganeering. what we seek is results, not rhetoric, with the outcome being genuine improvements in human rights. the real basis for a sustained improvement in the quality of human rights needs to be through domestic reform founded on working institutions that guarantee participation and accountability. reform of the institutions of civil governance must come from within. it is not something that can be imposed from outside, for if there is not the political will and the people with the knowledge and a commitment to making those institutions work, then they will simply founder. almost all nations have dark moments in their history where abuses have occurred, where vigilance has failed. abuses and corruption are most likely to disappear when there are institutions established to bring light into this darkness. all too often, however, instead of working patiently to encourage and help others to build these institutions, countries have tended to address issues of human rights by criticism alone. there is no doubt that in the [number] years since the united nations was established the world has witnessed many egregious and vile acts committed for the most inhumane of reasons, and deserving the strongest condemnation. however, the condemnatory approach alone has only limited practical value. we need to recognize that in practical terms protecting human rights must primarily be done at the national level. the international human rights system, which we have worked hard to build, inevitably has a broad focus and a limited ability to assist states to implement agreed standards. regional human rights mechanisms also have a role, and we should do what we can to encourage their establishment and strengthening, including in the asia-pacific. however, it is clear that the ability of each state effectively to protect human rights depends to a significant degree on the strength of its own institutions, including a representative legislature, an accountable executive and an independent judiciary. a vigorous civil society is another important element in creating a culture of human rights. a critical element that has often been undervalued in the national implementation of human rights standards is the importance of effective institutions as a means to achieving good governance. it is this institution-based good governance that offers a real hope of eradicating the randomness and violence that can characterize systems where there is neither popular participation nor genuine accountability. good governance creates the environment in which civil and political rights are respected and protected. good governance also promotes an environment for sound economic management and sustainable use of resources to increase prosperity. these conditions are important to the protection of economic, social and cultural rights. at the same time, the exercise of civil and political rights through participatory processes is essential to good governance because it helps ensure governmental accountability and effectiveness. the interlinkages are such that action in one area of human rights has a positive reinforcing effect on other dimensions of human rights, making all human rights indivisible. accountability, participation and effective institutions are three fundamental principles necessary for the protection of human rights. [number] it is with all this in mind that australia gives priority to institution building in the human rights field. one of the most significant developments in recent years has been the spread of national institutions for the promotion of human rights. such institutions, able to work with governments and civil society, can reflect to a significant degree the different cultures and local conditions of the societies in which they are established, while remaining consistent with international human rights standards. moreover, it is worth noting that the general assembly has endorsed a set of minimum standards for such institutions the so-called paris principles. despite considerable early scepticism, recent experience has been very positive, and many governments and non-governmental organizations are now looking positively at independent national institutions as an important means to promote and protect human rights. the generally positive view of the work of national institutions held by most states was reflected in the adoption by consensus of australia s resolution on this subject at this year s session of the commission on human rights, with an increased number of co-sponsors. developing countries are showing rapidly increasing interest in establishing or strengthening existing national human rights institutions, as a constructive way to take positive action at the national level, bearing in mind national circumstances, to promote respect for human rights. important examples of human rights institutions recently established in my part of the world that are making a difference on the ground include those in india and indonesia. i was encouraged recently by the statement of papua new guinea s prime minister that he intends to press ahead to establish a human rights commission in the near future. we will also watch with expectation the development of the proposed cambodian national human rights commission. a credible and independent human rights commission, along with a genuinely independent national electoral commission, could make an important contribution to protecting stability and promoting the observance of human rights in cambodia in the lead-up to what we strongly hope will be free, fair and credible elections in may next year. the work of national institutions in individual countries can be strengthened through subregional and regional arrangements which provide a framework for exchanges of views and experiences. australia is a strong supporter of the development of such arrangements in the asia-pacific region. since an inaugural meeting in darwin in [number] there has been a steady consolidation of links among established and emerging asia-pacific human rights commissions. the [number] meeting saw the commissions of australia, new zealand, indonesia and india later also joined by the philippines establish a regional network of human rights commissions, the asia-pacific forum of national human rights institutions, with a supporting secretariat based in and financed by australia. the aim of this network is to strengthen cooperation among national human rights institutions, including through information sharing, staff exchanges, technical cooperation and an annual regional meeting. it also assists other regional governments wishing to establish such institutions. the most recent regional meeting has just been held, in new delhi. it attracted participation from the founding human rights commissions as well as that of sri lanka. other regional countries from asia and the pacific attended as observers, some of which are considering the establishment of their own human rights commissions. a most effective area of united nations operations in this field has been the work of the special adviser to the high commissioner for human rights on national institutions, regional arrangements and preventive strategies. the united nations work with a number of governments, including in our own region, is at an important stage. australia was therefore pleased to provide additional financial support this year to enable the united nations to continue to support national institutions. we welcome the secretary-general s commitment in his report on the work of the organization to strengthening cooperation on issues of democratization and good governance. we note his comment that this past year has seen a dramatic increase in activities relating to the establishment of national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights. a [number] [number], para. [number] we are heartened by this development and by the responsiveness of the secretary-general. his report clearly reflects the need i am stressing here for support for national institution-building to be at the centre of united nations human rights endeavours. earlier this year i announced the establishment in australia of a centre for democratic institutions. this centre will be devoted to the provision of practical support for the consolidation and strengthening of [number] democratic institutions in developing countries included in australia s aid programme. it exemplifies a cooperative rather than a conflict approach towards promoting human rights, and it will be the flagship of our good governance initiatives. the focus of the centre s training programmes will be on electoral, parliamentary, judicial and human rights institution-building and the processes by which broader society, notably the media and community groups, can contribute to democratic decision-making. it will also facilitate visits and secondments of appropriate participants, such as parliamentarians, senior administrators and other influential persons to relevant australian organizations. while human rights remain at risk, our values are compromised and international stability is jeopardized. the protection of human rights to promote the dignity of the individual is too important a matter for symbolic gestures alone. it is only through the pursuit of practical and effective efforts to promote human rights that we show our real commitment to the welfare of individuals and society. and it is vital to such practical outcomes that we orient our approach to human rights to emphasize cooperation and the creation of durable structures. if i may stay briefly with the subjects of practical outcomes and durable structures, the nations of the world are facing today the threat of climate change and will need to agree later this year in kyoto on sustainable responses to that threat. at the recent south pacific forum, australia, along with other forum countries, acknowledged deep concern about the impact of increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases on rising sea levels and changing weather patterns, especially low-lying islands. australia, along with others, is working hard to ensure that the kyoto meeting delivers a sustainable environmental outcome. we stand ready to play our part, although, as we have made clear in these negotiations, we have no intention of imposing upon australians an unfair and disproportionate cost in addressing this global problem. before concluding, i should like to address the third and final reform issue i said i would be raising. australia believes there is an element missing in the present discussion on reform. i am referring to the existing electoral group system, which dates back to the last major reform of the group system in [number]. since the size of the united nations has nearly doubled since [number], mostly with new nations from africa, asia and the pacific, this issue needs to be addressed again. the present configuration contains many conspicuous anomalies and inequities which constitute powerful arguments for reform. the substantial disparities in the size of the various groups and the inadequate level of representation available to the many subregions, including in our own geographic region of east asia and the pacific, has long been an evident source of frustration. comparisons between the size of the african and east european groups embracing [number] and [number] members, respectively demonstrate the legitimacy of dissatisfaction with the status quo in this regard. this widespread sense of under-representation is exacerbated by the social and political diversity of the larger groups and the limited extent to which a single member can be said to represent the group as a whole. while we have our own ideas, australia does not believe it would be helpful to prescribe any rigid formula for reconfiguration of the group system. we acknowledge this is a sensitive issue on which there are many views. but i believe it is time we began to think about and discuss this matter, as we seek to equip the united nations for the future. ultimately, reform of the united nations means one thing. it means a more efficient organization capable of delivering practical outcomes to the people of the world. if we are to achieve that reform, then we must focus on cooperation, not conflict. we must build institutions which will guarantee effective vigilance, and above all else we must have the courage to abandon the ideas and structures of the past and embrace the changes which bring the future.
the delegation of the byelorussian soviet socialist republic associates itself with the congratulations which have been addressed to the president of the twenty ninth session, mr. bouteflika, foreign minister of algeria. we are sure he will conduct a well organized and effective session so that we can in due course take part in the adoption of important decisions to strengthen the cause of peace and cooperation on an equal footing among all states. [number]. the delegation of the byelorussian ssr has been following the general debate very closely. now that it is drawing to a close, we can say with good reason that virtually all states highly appreciate the continuing process of international detente and ever increasing confirmation of the principle of peaceful coexistence between states with different social systems in the practice of international relations. the current year has brought new illustrations of the further strengthening of universal peace and international security and of the growth and cohesion of the forces of peace, socialism and progress and the deepening of their influence on the development of the international situation. [number]. detente is ever more confidently gaining ground, because powerful forces are working in its favor first of all, world socialism, which is exerting a decisive influence over the course of world events, and also the forces of national liberation and social progress, together with all peace-loving forces and public opinion that are actively working for the defense of the cause of peace. it should also be pointed out that western leaders who are realistic in their thinking cannot fail to take into account the changed balance of forces in the world, and they acknowledge more and more that there can exist no other ground for relationships between states with different social systems than the principles of peaceful coexistence. [number]. the developing countries approve of the relaxation of tension as the main trend in the development of events in the international arena. it is well known that the atmosphere of the cold war was a suitable source of nourishment for antidemocratic trends in international relations and for the suppression by imperialism of the interests and rights of the countries of asia, africa and latin america. the historic experience of those countries shows how important the fruitful and versatile activities of the socialist states are for them, those activities designed to put the relations between the opposing social systems on the road to peaceful coexistence and making detente irreversible. detente creates the necessary prerequisites to the realization of the plans for building a new future. [number]. the further improvement in the international climate is inseparably linked to the results of the third sovietamerican summit meeting. the peoples of all countries without exception have every reason to experience satisfaction that the ussr and the united states have clearly confirmed their determination to continue the course envisaged by them in [number] and [number] and to do their best to diminish and ultimately to eliminate completely the risk of a military collision between the two countries which would be tantamount to a world nuclear war with catastrophic consequences for the whole of mankind. in addition to the treaties and agreements that have been concluded already, of which the agreement on the prevention of nuclear war is particularly important, the parties have agreed upon new practical measures with a view to limiting and curbing the arms race. [number]. the fruitful development of bilateral relations between the states of the socialist community and france, the federal republic of germany and other countries of the opposing social system and their joint quest for ways to settle important international problems have promoted the strengthening of international detente. [number]. we stress with satisfaction the increasing role in international affairs of the nonaligned states and their anti-imperialist policy, their contribution to the struggle for detente, the struggle against war and aggression, the struggle for peace, national independence and social progress, their cooperation with the socialist states in the solution of important international problems. as experience has already shown, while deepening and expanding relations in a spirit of trust and solidarity, the socialist and developing states are able decisively to influence the development of the international situation in the interest of peace. [number]. some very important and welcome changes have occurred in europe. a number of bilateral treaties and multilateral agreements concluded between the socialist and capitalist countries in recent years constitute a foundation for the political life of the continent in our era. [number]. the successful completion of the conference on security and cooperation in europe at the highest level is to play an immense role in bringing about a sharp turn for the better in relations between the european states and the strengthening of peace throughout europe. for the conference to be successful, it is first of all necessary that the basic principles of peaceful development of the continent should be clearly proclaimed and strengthened by the united will of all its participants, and that no one should try to slow down its work by submitting proposals incompatible with the principles of equality and noninterference in the domestic affairs of other countries. [number]. successful completion of the talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in central europe on the basis of strict observance by all of the rule of undiminished security for each side would be a substantial contribution to the cause of political detente on the european continent and would supplement political detente by military detente. [number]. the byelorussian people ardently welcome efforts to strengthen european security. thirty years ago, in july [number], peace and freedom returned to byelorussia. they were won at an unprecedently high cost, requiring unparalleled military feats and toil by the entire soviet people. in the byelorussian ssr alone, every fourth citizen perished more than one half of the national wealth of the republic was plundered or destroyed. while solemnly observing the thirtieth anniversary of the liberation of the byelorussian ssr from the german nazi invaders, the working people of the republic welcomed with satisfaction the award to our capital, the city of minsk, of the glorious title of "heroic city". they rejoiced at the results achieved in the construction of a communist society. in [number], industrial production increased fold compared to the prewar period. this year, farmers have reaped [number]. [number] metric centers of grain for every hectare of grain crops. science and culture have flourished, and the standard of living of the population has risen significantly. [number]. we cherish the memory of the soldiers, partisans and underground workers who sacrificed their lives to secure freedom and independence for the soviet union and to save world civilization from the brown shirt plague we are engaged in peaceful creative work, and we most emphatically insist that europe should never in future be the source of a new world war or military conflict. we want a europe that will be a continent of lasting peace and equitable cooperation. [number]. the byelorussian ssr feels that detente should not be limited to one part of the globe. it should extend to all areas of the world. the idea of creating collective security in asia put forward by the soviet union is finding increasing favor. the putting into effect of that proposal is being promoted by new positive trends on the continent. it goes without saying that much still has to be done in this direction. it is necessary, first of ail, that problems arising between states should be settled by peaceful means, due account being taken of the legitimate rights and interests of all nations. [number]. adoption by the general assembly without delay of a decision to withdraw all foreign troops stationed in south korea under the flag of the united nations and cessation of interference in the domestic affairs of the korean people would be an important contribution by the united nations to the cause of relaxation of tension on the asian continent. [number]. there is no doubt that all i have said accords with the interests of those who truly want to strengthen peace and to work for peace. bilateral and multilateral cooperation between states with different social systems for the solution of extremely important international questions is fully and entirely in accord with the purposes and principles of the united nations and supplements its activities in implementing its main task the strengthening of peace and international security. [number]. as was shown by the general debate, it is no mere coincidence that such a trend of development in interstate relations finds the widest support. and approval. therefore no one in the united nations takes seriously the wild theory about the so-called conspiracy of the two superpowers put forward by the opponents of the cause of peace, detente and equitable cooperation. the statement of the representative of china 2252nd meeting , who since [number] has repeated the same prefabricated cliches and utter inanities in the united nations, reminds us of the situation of a blind man who has come up against a fence and cannot find his way round it. [number]. detente does not come of its own accord. it is a complicated process requiring constant and single minded political struggle, active joint endeavors of the peace-loving states and broad support for that course of action by the popular masses of all countries. "we are firmly convinced", said comrade leonid ilyich brezhnev, general secretary of the central committee of the communist party of the soviet union, several days ago, "that the struggle for the strengthening of peace and for the enhancing and development of detente must never cease". it is the untiring and consistent struggle for the strengthening of international security which the soviet union, in cooperation with other states of the socialist community, has been carrying out in implementing the program of peace put forward by the twenty fourth congress of the communist party of the soviet union, and which has become the banner of all peace loving forces. [number]. in fighting for detente and developing relations with the capitalist countries on the basis of peaceful coexistence, the states of the socialist community at the same time consistently and firmly support the struggle of peoples for freedom and consolidation of national independence, against the forces of imperialism, reaction and aggression. scores of african, asian and latin american states are experiencing the beneficial effect of the solidarity and support of the soviet union and other countries of the socialist community in their struggle to consolidate their national independence. [number]. the need to strengthen further the joint actions of all peace-loving states is all the more evident in that the reactionary and aggressive forces have not laid down their arms. the tragedy of the people of the republic of cyprus is an illustration of this. who can remain indifferent when the military circles of the north atlantic treaty organization nato have embarked upon the materialization of plans hatched long in advance and directed against the republic of cyprus as a nonaligned state? it is inadmissible that cyprus, a state member of the united nations, should lose its independence and territorial integrity, whether through foreign military interference or through the behind the scenes machinations of nato. [number]. like other socialist states, the byelorussian ssr has always been on the side of the people of cyprus. urgent and effective measures must be taken to safeguard the republic of cyprus from outside interference, to ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory, to restore constitutional order in that country and to allow the cypriots to decide their destiny by themselves. the byelorussian ssr favors the realization of the proposal of the soviet union for the convening, within the framework of the united nations, of an international conference to settle the problem of cyprus. it is at such a conference that it will be possible to achieve an effective solution of the international aspects of this problem with the proper authoritative international guarantees. the byelorussian ssr has resolutely advocated this fundamental position in the security council. the dispatch of a special mission of the security council to cyprus would meet the policy of ensuring the existence of cyprus as an independent, sovereign and territorially intact state. [number]. for many years the self-sacrificing and heroic struggle against imperialist aggression by the peoples of indochina has benefited from constant and comprehensive assistance and support from the soviet union and other socialist. countries, and today we stand together with the peoples of viet nam, laos and cambodia. [number]. the cessation of imperialist aggression in indochina and the conclusion of the paris agreement on viet nam have created prerequisites for the consolidation of the turn away from war to peace, for the normalization of the situation in the indochinese peninsula and in southeast asia as a whole. at the same time, we cannot but denounce resolutely the provocative activities of the saigon administration which, relying on the support of foreign forces, has been trying by every means possible to frustrate a political settlement in indochina. the byelorussian ssr considers that the real way to strengthen peace and to normalize the situation in south viet nam lies in the strict and consistent fulfillment of the paris agreements, a full ceasefire, the release of all detained military and civilian persons, the granting of full democratic rights to the population of south viet nam, the speedy conduct of negotiations between the two south vietnamese parties on the formation of a national council for reconciliation and concord with a view to creating favorable conditions for the holding of universal, genuinely free and democratic elections. this is the real way to strengthen peace and to normalize the situation in south viet nam. [number]. the byelorussian ssr favors the granting of the status of observer to the provisional revolutionary government of the republic of south viet nam. [number]. more favorable conditions have been created for the struggle against imperialist aggression and the elimination of the hotbed of war in the middle east, thanks to the active joint endeavors of the socialist states and nonaligned countries. agreement on troop disengagement in the areas of the sinai peninsula and the golan heights has been reached. however, these are only the first steps towards a settlement of the problem of the middle east. it is not possible to permit the situation to be dealt with only by half measures, which is exactly what israel and its protectors would like to see. such a situation would be fraught with the dangers of a new military outbreak. the main issues of a political settlement in the middle east are to be considered and solved at the geneva peace conference which should resume its work as soon as possible. as is known, the withdrawal of israeli troops from all occupied arab territories and the elimination of the consequences of the israeli aggression constitute the basis for a political settlement in the middle east. [number]. it goes without saying that the political settlement in the middle east should guarantee the security and rights of all states and peoples in the area, including the legitimate national rights of the arab people of palestine, whose representatives must have a seat at the table of the geneva negotiations as an independent party. [number]. the byelorussian ssr has supported the proposal of the arab countries to consider the question of palestine at the current' session of the general assembly, and is a cosponsor of the draft resolution inviting the representatives of the plo to participate in the discussion of this problem ajl. [number] . [number]. today we are faced with a paradoxical situation in which real preparations for war continue while international tension is tangibly becoming relaxed. this is not only because of inertia but also because powerful imperialist forces are still active in the world, forces which for various economic and political reasons continue to speed up the flywheel of the arms race. these forces are trying to whip up the race of missiles and nuclear armaments which are most dangerous for mankind, trying to utilize the greatest achievements of the human mind for the creation of new and ever newer types of weapons. [number]. the socialist countries have always fought against such a dangerous development, and we have every reason to pride ourselves on the fact that it is on the initiative of those countries that most disarmament questions have been considered or are being considered in the united nations. the socialist countries have achieved positive results which are known to all, due to their consistent and resolute position and because they have proceeded in cooperation with the young independent states. this is in accord with the interests of all states, including the large group of developing countries which, in the solution of economic and social problems which they are 'facing, urgently need the release of funds being swallowed up by the arms race and the switching of those funds to the development of their national economies. for those countries peace is a primary and necessary prerequisite to save them from the colonial heritage and to give them a weapon to fight against neocolonialism. how pathetic is the attitude of one country which, in words, tries to present itself here as a friend of the third world and at the same time, by its deeds, opposes the cessation of the arms race and opposes disarmament. [number]. the soviet union has submitted an important new item, entitled "prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human wellbeing and health" item [number] , for the consideration of the general assembly at its twenty-ninth session. in the opinion of the byelorussian ssr, the drafting and conclusion of an appropriate international convention is most timely and indeed farsighted. it is imperative today that measures should be taken to save humanity from the danger of the use of new means of waging war which tomorrow may widely proliferate and which will then be much more difficult to curb. the conclusion of such a convention would be not only a step forward in the limitation of the scope of the arms race but also an important means of protecting the human environment. [number]. we should do all we can at this session to implement the resolution adopted at the twenty-eighth session of the general assembly on the reduction of the military budgets of states permanent members of the security council by [number] per cent and the utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries resolution [number] xxviii . that decision, which links together the problems of disarmament and those of development, may promote the cause of the strengthening of universal peace and socioeconomic development, provided there is good will on the part of all the permanent members of the security council. [number]. the byelorussian ssr will press for the adoption at this, session of a decision making it possible to start directly on the preparation of recommendations on the practical questions related to the convening of the world disarmament conference. we are confident that through the combined efforts of peace-loving countries the opposition of the enemies of the convening of such a conference will be overcome. [number]. the world community continues to face the task of bringing about the prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons, the cessation by everyone, everywhere, of nuclear weapons testing, and the implementation of other measures towards complete and general disarmament. [number]. we expect at this session of the general assembly to consider anew and in a broad context the question of the implementation of the declaration on the strengthening of international security resolution [number] xxv , which should result in additional specific steps for the strict implementation of the main provisions of that declaration. it is essential that the discussion of this question should promote the strengthening and further development of the results already achieved in the general normalization of the international situation. [number]. as a member of the security council, the byelorussian ssr favors the adoption by the council of appropriate measures to make mandatory the solemn resolution of the general assembly on the non use of force in international relations and the permanent prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons resolution [number] xxvii . such a decision by the security council will have a longterm favorable influence on international relations. it is high time for those permanent members of the security council that have been opposing the adoption of such a decision to cease their obstructionism. [number]. the general assembly must make the best use of the favorable opportunities available for a fruitful discussion of the problems of disarmament and the strengthening of international security. that in turn will serve the cause of the further extension and deepening of the process of detente and the solution of the tasks of economic development. [number]. the admission to the united nations at this session of three states, bangladesh, grenada and guineabissau whose delegations we warmly welcome here is further proof of the continuing, powerful upsurge of the national liberation movement and of the emergence on the world arena on a broad scale of the independent developing countries of asia, africa and latin america. [number]. international support for those fighting for freedom, national independence, democracy and socialism has always been an integral part of the foreign policies of the socialist states. as members will recall, in [number], on the initiative of the soviet union, the general assembly adopted the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples resolution [number] xv , an event of historic importance. the results of the struggle of the people of guineabissau have convincingly shown that the liberation movement is invincible when the alliance between it and world socialism has become an objective reality. the colonialists, though armed to the teeth, were incapable of bringing the heroic people of guinea bissau to their knees. [number]. the chauvinists, blinded by their greatpower aspirations to hegemony, ultimately proved to be incapable of preventing the people of bangladesh, who had embarked on the road to freedom and independence, from seeing their country become a member of the united nations. [number]. the circumstances of detente have made it possible for the developing countries to intensify their struggle to eliminate unequal economic relations between developed capitalist countries and developing countries. the byelorussian ssr actively supports the attitude and demands of the developing countries. the byelorussian ssr took that stand at the sixth special session of the general assembly, at which the developing countries presented a fully justified historical bill to imperialism and colonialism for centuries of exploitation and appropriation of their wealth and demanded the cessation of the pernicious activities of transnational monopolies. [number]. as was rightly pointed out by the foreign minister of algeria at the sixth special session, the adoption of the anti imperialist decisions at that session was the result of natural alliances of the developing countries with the socialist states, alliances and here i would quote mr. bouteflika's words "which are profoundly motivated by the will of the international community to establish a new era based on justice, progress and peace". 2230th meeting, para. [number] , [number]. the support given by the socialist countries to the former colonial and dependent peoples has received a new and deeper meaning during the period in which a number of developing countries have embarked on and are carrying out broad socioeconomic transformations. that support and that assistance are rendered as a matter of principle and are devoid of any consideration of short term gain or aspirations to one sided benefits. we resolutely support the african fighters against colonialism, racism and apartheid, all democrats struggling for the freedom of their peoples and against fascist tyranny. [number]. we consider that the united nations should increase its efforts to bring about the cessation of repression of democrats, the release of all political prisoners in chile and the cessation of the arbitrary rule and lawlessness of the fascist junta, which has sold itself down the river to foreign capital. and no matter how often an agent of the fascist military regime of chile runs up to this rostrum to spread slander, abusing the right of reply, honest people whether in chile or in other countries will not stop their struggle against the crimes of the bloody dictatorship in chile they will constantly render support to the patriots and democrats of chile in their just struggle, which is inseparably linked with the peoples aspiration to lasting peace on earth. [number]. during the general debate, a number of representatives have tried to criticize the charter of the united nations and have even called for its revision. the charter has been subjected to attacks for a long time now. there have always been people and there evidently are such people around today who regard the charter as an obstacle. on the other hand, a number of young independent states which sincerely seek the speedy implementation of the basic provisions of the charter are inclined to yield to the temptation to revise it, to reorganize the united nations, and so forth. we should like to draw their attention to the fact that it is precisely at the moment when the united nations has begun to solve more effectively the tasks assigned to it in the'charter, at the moment when the rote and influence of the nonaligned countries have grown immensely, that the rabid supporters of the revision of the charter have become active. [number]. we oppose any attempts to revise the charter of the united nations, for it fully reflects the existing balance of forces in the world and the presence of two social and political systems socialism and capitalism it ensures the vitality of the united nations it is in accordance with the interests of the maintenance and strengthening of peace. the whole history of the united nations convincingly shows that it has been the strict observance of the charter and the consistent implementation of the decisions of the security council and the positive recommendations of other united nations bodies that have ensured the way to the success of the united nations activities. those who would strengthen the united nations should vigorously and actively press for this, while unmasking and isolating those who try to undermine the organization on the false pretext of perfecting its charter. [number]. the delegation of the byelorussian ssr, like many other delegations that have spoken in the general debate, is convinced that in the discussion and solution of any questions in the united nations problems related to the strengthening of peace and international security, disarmament, decolonization, the struggle against racism and apartheid, economic development, the working out and observance of the rules of international law it is always necessary to have unity and cohesion, a high degree of activity and consistency on the part of all the anti-imperialist forces, in the vanguard of which the states of the socialist community march on and cooperate on a fraternal basis with the nonaligned and developing countries.
[number]. it is my pleasure to convey on behalf of my government, and on my own behalf, warmest congratulations to mr. lievano of colombia on his well deserved election to the honourable post of president of this general assembly. his election is a universal recognition of his high qualities as a statesman and a diplomat and a tribute to the noble nation which he so worthily represents, as well as an honour for the whole of latin america. [number]. i wish also to congratulate his predecessor, mr. lazar mojsov, on the way in which he conducted the work of the previous regular session and the three special sessions held this year. i should like also to convey my respects to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, whose intense and untiring work deserves the gratitude of all of us who share his concern for the attainment of the purposes of our organization. [number]. i want, too, to take this opportunity to welcome the delegation of solomon islands, which is taking part in this assembly for the first time. the admission of that recently independent nation to our organization gives practical application to the principle of universality. [number]. a few days ago we received with great satisfaction news of progress towards peace in the middle east which had been achieved in the camp david talks. we sincerely believe that the efforts of president carter, president el-sadat and prime minister begin deserve every praise. it is quite certain that, although there are still many agreements to be reached, through these talks a way has been opened towards a total and final solution. we hope that all the parties interested and concerned in the middle east situation will continue to seek a just and lasting peace which would eliminate the danger of recourse to violence and its possible extension to other areas. [number]. we have followed with due attention the situation in lebanon and have viewed with great concern the difficulties which the united nations forces have met with in striving to fulfil their noble mission, but we hope that the events i referred to earlier will have a decisive impact on a forthcoming settlement soon to be achieved. [number]. in cyprus, stagnation has been reached and all the efforts of the united nations to find a solution have remained fruitless. it is our greatest wish that negotiations should be resumed and, with the goodwill of the parties to the conflict, that a just solution to the problem should be found. [number]. on the other hand, we are very pleased to note the progress made in the question of namibia, which, of course, is a very difficult one. encouraged by the results thus far attained, we should spare no effort now until the situation has been finally resolved. [number]. we regard disarmament as closely linked to the maintenance of world peace and security and the same applies to economic development. [number]. a few months ago the general assembly held a tenth special session, devoted to disarmament, the results of which can be judged as contradictory in the light of the preconceived idea which people had of them. my country considers that the result is a step forward. the very fact that the final document resolution s-[number] [number] was adopted by consensus shows the existence of a political will to achieve general and complete disarmament. [number]. of course, there are still many difficulties to be overcome, but the final document establishes the negotiating bodies and the back-up activities that we regard as suitable for its achievement. we should all express our desire to co-operate to the best of our ability in order to smooth the way so that such praiseworthy aspirations become reality in a short time. [number]. in economic matters the world outlook is not favourable. last week the committee established under general assembly resolution [number] [number] reached the end of its session without agreement on the mandate entrusted to it. [number]. meanwhile, the position of the developing countries is daily worsening. fluctuations in the prices of raw materials produced by them, prices which are always on the downward trend, accompanied by the rise in the prices of manufactures produced by the developed countries, result in an imbalance in the balance of payments of the former, the loss of their reserves and an increase in their foreign indebtedness. in turn, this has the effect of preventing development and infringes the right to health and education of the peoples concerned. [number]. as developing countries, we are aware of the injustice of the situation and believe that we must find a solution. in our view, the solution lies in the so-called north-south dialogue, but for this dialogue to produce practical results it is essential for the developed countries also to recognize the injustice of the situation, to be willing to give up the undeserved advantages that they have enjoyed and to accept the establishment of a new international economic order that would regulate with greater equity economic relations between countries. [number]. similarly, we believe that technical and economic co-operation among developing countries should be increased, though this should not be a substitute for the co-operation that the developed countries are obliged to give. [number]. i turn to the question of the law of the sea. we note that in the second part of the seventh session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea very little progress was made. in particular, there are still serious differences between the developed and the developing countries over the regime for the exploitation of the sea-bed. we are concerned about the statement by one of the developed countries that it will introduce unilateral legislation on this matter. it seems to us that that will make it even more difficult to reach a compromise on the matter of the sea-bed, which, according to a statement of this general assembly, is the common heritage of mankind. [number]. a new session of the conference has been convened for next year. we hope that it will be more successful and that negotiations will focus on the differences that divide us, without reopening discussions on points that have already been agreed. that is our most fervent desire. we do not want even to think about the alternative that the developed countries should be able to exploit the sea-bed exclusively for their own benefit, thus widening even more the difference between them and the developing countries. [number]. nicaragua is continuing its unchanging policy of respect for human rights, and firmly believes in the need to promote them at the international level, a principle enshrined in the charter of our organization. [number]. in accordance with that conviction, my country has invited the inter-american commission on human rights of the oas to visit nicaragua and is most willing to give all the cooperation that the committee feels useful for its work. [number]. in order to check subversive terrorist activities, of which i stall speak a little later, my government was forced temporarily to suspend constitutional guarantees and safeguards, but it was done only for that end, and was done with the greatest moderation. in any event the inter-american commission of human rights has been invited to visit nicaragua as soon as possible. this visit might take place on [number] october, a date agreed upon with its president, mr. andres aguilar this commission will go to nicaragua any day now to observe how human rights are respected in my country. [number]. the government of nicaragua is a democratic government, and our current president, general anastasio somoza debayle, received his mandate in popular elections as a candidate of the nationalist liberal party. the conservative party, traditionally the opponent of the liberal party, also took part in those elections. the presidential term ends on [number] may [number], and before that date new popular elections will be held. [number]. despite what i have just said, there are groups in nicaragua which seek to change the constitutional order by force-some because they are not sufficient numerous to organize themselves as a political party and take part in the election, others because they do not believe in the democratic principle under which the majority elects the government. some of those groups have received assistance from abroad for their subversive purpose. [number]. last month a group of terrorists in a surprise attack seized the national palace [number] where the national congress was in session and where the offices of the ministries of the interior and the treasury are situated. the terrorists took hostage members of parliament, the minister of government and officials and employees who were doing their work, as well as members of the public who were there-in all, almost [number], [number] persons, including many women and children. in return for the release of the hostages the terrorists demanded of the government that [number] people who were in prison for crimes committed, such as murders, kidnappings and armed assault, and whom they described as political prisoners should be allowed to leave the country and that a ransom should be paid. for humanitarian reasons and to save the lives of so many innocent persons, the government acceded to those demands. [number]. in the following days, possibly owing to this humanitarian gesture being taken for weakness, terrorist attacks were carried out in many cities throughout the country, causing great loss of life and destruction of property. [number]. in order to carry out its duty to maintain public order, the government was obliged to use force, relying on the support of the majority of the nicaraguan people, who are peace-loving and repudiate the use of violence for the purpose of subverting the constitutional order. [number]. the government of nicaragua considers that international action is necessary to prevent and put down terrorism, and is taking part in both of the committees set up by the general assembly for that purpose. none the less we believe that the action undertaken thus far should be stepped up and made specific furthermore, we favour 25ad hoc committee on international terrorism ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages. renewal of the mandate of the ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the taking of hostages. [number]. i am therefore pleased to inform this assembly that yesterday the report of the ad hoc commission of observers of the permanent council established to verify border incidents brought to its attention by the governments of costa rica and venezuela was completed. that report, which was read yesterday afternoon, and in which both parties have set forth their views, was found satisfactory by the council. in such circumstances, i was surprised by the statement of the president of costa rica to the effect that there had been aggression on the part of nicaragua. the aforementioned report makes reference to that situation, and i repeat that that report was considered yesterday as the result of the impartial efforts of the ad hoc commission. i stress my surprise at the statement made by the president of costa rica at this meeting because, as an important statesman of his country, he has been in a position to observe that before this year, in which we have been torn asunder, there had been attacks against the territory of nicaragua. i had the honour to witness his inauguration. in his message the president declared "costa rica will no longer be a haven for outlaws and international brigands. we will not allow our country to be a staging ground for extremist groups of any political tendency. " [number]. i listened with rapt attention to that promise uttered by the president of costa rica implying acknowledgement of the fact that before that date invasions had been mounted against my country by organized terrorist groups from the territory of that sister republic. none the less, [number] days after the president had taken office, a pardon was issued to the detained communist chief -- communist, extremist or "sandinista", as he likes to call himself. that pardon was granted by the government council, despite the fact that it had previously been refused by the supreme court, pursuant to a ruling of which i have a copy in this file but which it is not convenient to read out because of its length. [number]. we are awaiting the fulfilment of all international agreements that we have signed and, indeed, favourable reports have been received to the effect that calm has been restored in nicaragua. yesterday it was ordered that all the political detainees who had been arrested because of the recent events which caused bloodshed in our homeland should be released. [number]- we understand that we have, in costa rica, a fraternal neighbour which has always managed to find peaceful solutions to our differences. but we cannot but regret that the terrorists operating from costa rica, who recently attacked my country, have gone unpunished. [number]. nevertheless, everything is returning to normal, and i hope that with the visit of the inter-american commission on human rights, which will be arriving in my country at the beginning of next month, all of our current problems will be settled, since my government and the president of the republic are committed to the maintenance of relations of the greatest friendship with all nations of the american continent, particularly with the friendly countries of costa rica and honduras. [number]. i am making no reproach i am simply stating what has happened, and there is no lack of respect on my part for the sister republic of costa rica, which is making all possible efforts for the restoration of peace between our two countries. [number]. i would conclude by thanking this assembly for its attention, and with the fervent promise that nicaragua is committed to the maintenance of peace in the republic and to the restoration of constitutional order after these days of unrest and bloodshed on our national soil.
mr. president, on behalf of the government of the republic of panama, may i express great pleasure at the choice of your excellency to carry out the responsible task of presiding over the forty-third session of the general assembly of the united nations. your excellency s experience and capacity, as well as your thorough knowledge of world problems, and in particular your familiarity with the cause of central american peace, will, without doubt, contribute to the achievement of satisfactory results in the assembly's consideration of the complex and delicate issues with which it will be dealing. i wish to pay a special tribute also to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, for his diplomacy, which has produced significant results in the case of some of the issues that concern us most. he is to be commended for his immense and positive activity in the cause of peace, particularly with regard to the cessation of hostilities between iran and iraq, those achievements seem to have brought closer the realization of the ideals espoused by the founders of the united nations, enabling the organisation to serve effectively as a system of collective security. from the secretary-general's report, there are many lessons we can learn concerning the need, in the case of external debt, to recognize that debtors and creditors share responsibility, and concerning the relationship between the arms race and inequalities of economic development. in addition, there is the question of the net export of capital to which the latin american nations have been subjected in the servicing of their debt. the imposition of terms that are quite our of keeping with their capability, or even with the most elementary criterion of equity, constitutes a graphic accusation against their creditors, a decade of zero growth in our continent, and even, in many areas, of decline in the production of wealth, constitutes an irrefutable and terrible denunciation of the imbalance that still persists in our world. what has really been happening is a greater concentration of wealth in a tiny minority of nations, while the difficulties placed on the majority of the less privileged nations, which are trying to break out of the trap of poverty and backwardness, have increased. if it is calculated that there may be [number] million latin americans living in poverty by the end of this century, surely that is more than enough reason to assert that the problem requires immediate action through the integration of latin america, leaving aside traditional considerations. apart from the grave economic and social problems encountered everywhere, we are deeply disturbed by the international conflicts that keep the world in a state of instability and anxiety. even so, let me observe that the recent understandings between the two great powers on the reduction of certain types of nuclear weapons allows us to hope that the world is moving away from the danger of a holocaust and that immense resources may be released for the solution of the most serious economic and social problems. it is encouraging that the principal source of fear and disquiet for several decades among large segments of mankind now appears to be less threatening. however, these nuclear-arms limitation agreements coincide with the emergence of new concepts of security among the powers that feel the need for greater emphasis on the use of conventional weapons as an instrument with which to subjugate weak and smaller peoples. this in turn means that renewed importance attaches to military installations located in strategic sites of regional or global importance. thus, while the world moves towards peace, a new danger hovers over many underdeveloped countries, and this is particularly true of panama because the united states is now attaching greater importance to its military bases on panamanian soil than it did before its agreements with the soviet union. that is why the united states does not wish to honour the commitments it entered into under the current panama canal treaties and seeks to prolong its military presence in my country beyond the agreed terms. our geographical position, our most important and valuable natural resource, is thus being turned into the greatest danger to our sovereignty and independence. what for us is a bridge between the seas for the strengthening of international trade and for our own development is for others becoming a strategic position with global implications. what we have offered for the benefit of the world, others want for control of the world. we in panama have no ambitions or aspirations to wield power. we aspire only to being allowed to develop, under normal conditions, our capacity and potential to bring about material and spiritual improvements for our people. another of the great dangers now hanging over small peoples is disinformation. using the weapon of disinformation to subjugate a smaller people, a great power has set in motion its enormous established capacity to influence and control systems of collection, generation, distribution and presentation of news and comment, and has established a network for the manipulation of public opinion the world over. the defenceless state in which societies now find themselves, confronted with massive processes of distortion in the mass media, is one of the most terrible problems of our time, particularly for the underdeveloped peoples, which are very vulnerable to disinformation. if that vulnerability is exploited at the national level, or at the level of regional hegemony, and if the strategy includes cultivating, exporting and introducing methods of nazi fascism, from the defeat of which this organization was born, then the time has come to give thought to the need for broad-based action to halt such a diversion of mankind from the right path. discord has been introduced into panamanian society in a studied and planned way by the manipulation of minds, which has been extended to the rest of the world through the substitution of invented reality for truth - an invented reality in keeping with the will and designs of the present american government. it should be recalled that in the last two years disinformation has been functioning as a propaganda ministry whose purpose it is to introduce everywhere a monstrous image of panama and its highest officials. if i say here and now that the whole campaign against the commander-in-chief of the panamanian defence forces, general manuel antonio noriega, is nothing but a sinister tissue of lies and falsehoods organized and spread by agents of the present government of the united states, and if i say that the panamanian defence forces have struggled in an exemplary manner against narcotics trafficking throughout the whole time they have been under his authority, some of the distinguished statesmen and officials in this hall will perhaps think i am not talking about the same man against whom such immense power has been unleashed. what, then, is the truth? on [number] july [number], in the senate of the united states, mr. john c. lawn, chief of the united states drug enforcement agency, declared that he had never seen any evidence at all linking general noriega with drug trafficking. what the united states government has done is to introduce into world public opinion an image of panama and its leaders that is nothing more than the product of its own invention, a fiction manufactured by its agents and transmitted and disseminated through channels under its control and orchestrated to lend dignity and merit to united states objectives. the peoples of the world, and particularly the people of the united states, have been feed deplorable lies about panama and have been induced to yield to fear of panama. in the implementation of this plan not only the norms and fundamental principles of the united nations have been breached but also even the most elementary considerations of humanity. what is being inflicted on the panamian nation today deserves the most careful attention and very serious thought by the governments of states members of this organization, because a new mode of war of conquest is now being set in motion against the republic of panama. since the end of february of last year the present united states government has committed against my country an astonishing series of violations of the basic norms of international law and the rules of peaceful coexistence. i wish to place on record categorically that my government has more than sufficient reason to fear direct military aggression by the united states against the republic of panama. the heads of state or government of countries which have diplomatic or consular representatives accredited to my government know quite well what i am talking about. with the presidential succession of [number] february this year, when i took over as constitutional head of state, all the masks were torn away, to leave exposed to the eyes of the whole world the objectives of the united states government - that is, to overthrow the legitimate government of panama and impose a de facto regime headed by figures committed to the renegotiation of those clauses of the panama canal treaties which guarantee the panamanian people definitive consolidation of an independent, free, sovereign and neutral nation at noon on [number] december [number]. i strongly urge all representatives to focus most emphatically on this painful account of the grievous sufferings which my country and my people have endured, and which i shall now describe. panama was a flourishing, tranquil, happy and simple country with a satisfactory growth index. dialogue had been the normal way of resolving our internal and international differences, when suddenly we found that discord had been insidiously injected into panamanian society, with a strategy of subjugation aimed at my country under the pretext that the system of government was not democratic. we have long understood that the only way to give the word "democracy" any teal meaning is by means of a high level of popular participation and a just distribution of wealth and opportunities, so that all sectors may have access to the political decision-making machinery and the benefits of growth. aware of the inherent weaknesses of institutions which are copied or imposed by force, we have worked constantly on the vital substance of democracy, striking at the essence of social injustice and the social and economic obstacles that confine the liberty and equality of individuals, because they are prejudicial to human dignity. of course, this mode of thinking gave rise to opposing reactions among those who felt that it was a threat to the privileges which they had accumulated with a regime of supposed formal democracy, but which could not be sustained. there were also opposing reactions in sectors which felt that we were moving too slowly, because the solution of problems could not be delayed. those reactions were viewed and accepted by us as a domestic issue. we find it utterly unacceptable that a foreign power should use all the resources of disinformation and manipulation of peoples' minds in order to penetrate those sectors and force them to act against the interests of our nation. democracy is forged through the daily practice of a combined effort, by those who govern and those who are governed, designed to establish the true economic and social justice on which is based the development of a new mode of life, which each nation has the right to try for itself. no country may take upon itself the power to intervene in another in order to impose on it an institutional pattern contrary to its self-determination. our sovereign rights were violated when the government of the united states proceeded to freeze [number] million belonging to the national bank of panama belonging to the panamanian people, thus unleashing a fierce campaign designed to create widespread distrust in the panamanian banking system. this was action provided for in plans made long ago to destroy the banking centre of panama, an objective which, independently of the destabilising campaigns, had been attempted some years before. so arbitrary was this action that it included the denial of justice to the national bank of panama, which has been unable to bring its case before united states courts or even obtain any information on the fate of its funds. similarly, another thing that is completely inconceivable is the retention of payments which the united states government undertook to make to our country under the panama canal treaties, and of payments which should be made by united states individuals or corporations in the form of taxes or duties established in our fiscal legislation. it is without precedent, moreover, that by virtue of the executive order of the united states president, of [number] april [number], the state department authorises individuals to dispose with absolute impunity and no legal controls of public and private panamanian funds arbitrarily withheld and deposited in a bank of the united states federal reserve. that executive order, to provide a reason to invoke the war powers act, makes the absurd claim that my government "constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, the foreign policy and the economy of the united states of america. " a country such as panama cannot be a threat to the united states from any point of view, and our legitimate exercise of our independence, sovereignty and self-determination cannot be a threat to any people in the world. but, when the united states resorts to arbitrary actions and capricious moves in its relations with another nation, that certainly has very grave consequences. world leadership in the political field imposes great responsibilities in both the execution and the formulation of policies. the united states declared economic war on the republic of panama. in this war the effects of warfare are not quantified in terms of loss of life and material destruction, but rather through the grave political, social, economic and moral damage which has had such a severe impact on the entire panamanian people. in [number], the gross domestic product will drop by more than [number] per cent, which represents more than [number] billion. in a country of [number] million inhabitants, sudden impoverishment of this sort makes the whole job of strengthening democratic institutions very much more arduous and difficult. when we have seen the destruction of our economy, of the sources of our work, of our means of production and exploitation of our resources, and when supplies of food and medicine for our population have been seriously jeopardized, how can panama fail to protest in the most energetic terms? how can it fail to protest when its financial negotiations are sabotaged, when public panamanian funds, which have been withheld, are dealt with in a piratical manner without precedent in history, and in particular when every day may be the eve of a military attack from those united states bases located in our own territory? allow me now to state the reasons why the panamian people is increasingly afraid of direct military intervention. we are now experiencing a visible, tangible and permanent threat, as can be discerned from the facts i have given and shall now continue to give because the entire international community needs to know these things. the [number] panama canal treaty authorizes united states military presence in my country only for the purposes of the defence and protection of the inter-ocean canal. however, that presence has now been turned into a base for hegemony and influence, particularly since [number] with the fundamental restructuring of the nature and purposes of that military presence. with the establishment of the southern army, and the reorganization of the hierarchy of the chain of command in the southern command, and with the considerable build-up of troops and military hardware, the united states military bases became a part of a structure designed to have the capacity to plan and carry out armed attacks against other countries. at the beginning of [number], the total united states manpower present in panama exceeded by several thousand the figures permitted by the panama canal treaty. between [number] february and the first days of march of this year, commando units specialized in surprise attacks arrived in panama together with an elite battalion of the 82nd airborne division, groups specializing in electronic warfare and more than [number] attack helicopters and troop helicopters in addition to special units for control and occupation of urban centres. later, [number] more soldiers arrived, and [number] marines, combat helicopters and offensive military equipment which has never been a part of the military facilities used by the united states for the defence of the panama canal. fighters planes have taken over the panamian skies. they are carrying out, with significant frequency, threatening manoeuvres not only against installations of the panamian defence forces but even against international commercial flights flying different flags. there has been a steady, unbroken succession of movements of arriving troops, reinforcing and taking over from those already present, together with more armaments having overwhelming destructive power. in addition, every day an interminable succession of manoeuvres and war exercises is rehearsed continuously its purpose can only be to display the power constantly available for attack. i wish now to refer again to the secretary-general's report in order to reiterate the position the panamian republic has traditionally upheld at the united nations and as a member of the movement of non-aligned countries in the light of the problems dealt with in this important paper presented to us by mr. perez de cuellar. we agree with the secretary-general's concerns about central america and, as panama has done within the contadora group and the contadora support group, we insist on the need for a halt to pressure and foreign interference so that the central american republics can press ahead on the path to the broad-based agreement adopted in the esquipulas ii agreement. mr. perez de cuellar's report also touches on a problem of vital importance to my country and people when it refers to the manifestations of contempt for international law which have occurred lately. if states do not properly implement treaties they have entered into and are currently in force, that will mean the collapse of the entire superstructure of international law and of the foundation of the organized international community. the secretary-general tells us this in words which are a warning laden with grave implications. seeing the sufferings being endured by ray country as a result of the determination of the united states to disregard substantive commitments under the [number] panama canal treaties, i wish to add some final considerations because contempt for international treaties implicitly involves a very grave breakdown of the moral basis for coexistence among nations. when force replaces the mandates of international law, the door is opened to all sorts of abuses. the united states maintains a diplomatic mission in my country but does not recognize my government that mission continues to engage in destabilizing activities, and we cannot have it removed from our soil because we are quite sure that that would be used as a pretext to use force against us. this is a new dimension of abuse of power. it is a day-to-day humiliation, an affront to the dignity of nations and their leaders. it is disrespect for the law of peoples. panama is not the only vulnerable nation. many other nations now run the same risk and are faced with the same threat, a threat we can avoid only by uniting more strongly, because the sole protection of weak countries lies in our common defence of the principles the united states is violating. is not the power to decide upon the legitimacy of a government and to give the funds of a sovereign state to individuals to use as they like a threat to everybody? only through the fullest and most resolute exercise of solidarity in union by all now and the taking of concrete steps towards prompt integration can it be guaranteed that panama will be the last in a chain of similar cases. the political alliance constituted by the movement of non-aligned countries is a powerful moral force in the international community. it is an unquestionable political force which is now obliged to extend its influence to the economic field in order to generate greater solidarity among the smaller, weaker countries. that is the best protection against situations such as that now inflicted on my country. latin america bears an excessively onerous burden in terms of its problems of social, economic and cultural development, with immense numbers of people plunged into despair. in that context the introduction of discord into societies in the name of democracy, justice and freedom may give rise to results that will be quite contrary to those same ideals. one hundred and sixty-seven years ago, one of the most distinguished of the founders of the united states, john quincy adams, uttered a prophetic warning against the danger of its government going beyond its frontiers seeking monsters to destroy, warning that the consequences would severely tarnish its libertarian ideals. those who love freedom, in my country and indeed all over the world, are certainly dismayed and indignant that the united states government now resorts to the invention of monsters in pursuit of its designs of continental domination. the fact that the united states government is now using its economic and military might to asphyxiate panama and trying to bring it to its knees is seen by the countries of latin america with weak economies as a sinister precedent. that policy can turn into a grievous parasitic burden for continental development and for the normal deployment of united states capital. foreign investment would give rise to apprehension and well justified fear, particularly in the latin american countries, which would find themselves abruptly obliged to identify such investment as potential instruments of imperialist designs. the orders and prohibitions imposed by the current united states government on the corporations of its nationals in panama are really tantamount to stamping its foreign investments with the label of weapons of aggression. there are many countries which, like panama, require massive capital investment in their development process, countries which have reformed their policies, have modernized their methods, have invested efforts and valuable resources in the training of qualified personnel. they have adapted their laws and signed agreements in order to help attract foreign capital for the strengthening of their economy. however, if those countries now see that panama, with an economy so closely linked to united states investment, suddenly finds that the united states government is exploiting the relative dependence which emanates from that bond, and if they see that it is then brandishing that fact as a weapon in order to strangle the panamanian economy, bring its government to its knees and subjugate its people, then, of necessity, they are bound to have grave misgivings. in the world economy a formula whereby more dollars are generated with less dignity can only give rise to fear. panama has rigorously fulfilled its international function as a centre for inter-ocean communication for the benefit of mankind and will continue to fulfil its historic role with absolute self-denial whatever difficulties may come its way and notwithstanding all the obstacles deliberately placed on its path. for that reason we demand respect for our dignity as an independent nation. we demand full compliance with the terms of the treaties which govern the functioning and maintenance of the canal, with a view both to achieving full control by the end of this century and to ensuring its strict neutrality. as the main reason for the existence of the united nations is the desire of all mankind for peace, i am obliged to invoke the full capacity for moral deterrence which its assembled members represent as protection for a nation which is threatened and against which aggression has been committed. my government wants peace and will seek a dialogue and broad-based agreement for the solution of all its international disputes. i wish to place on record in this assembly that panama has proved itself able to withstand aggression and has upheld its dignity because of the sense of nationhood and the feeling of the sovereignty of the panamian people, which has gradually deepened with each passing generation in my country. our will not be stifled however unequal the terms of the struggle that lies ahead of us may be. the deliberate aggravation of differences and the stepping up of aggression against panama can only result in driving our peoples further apart and doing serious damage to the peace and security of that part of the world. it can have no other result. on the other hand, stretching our hands to each other and reaching an understanding will have great mutual benefits for the community of nations as a whole.
i extend my congratulations on your election, madam, and my respects to his majesty king hamad bin isa al-khalifa and to the government and people of the kingdom of bahrain. i assure you of brunei darussalam s full support in the coming year and wish you great success during your term of office. i would also like to thank your predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, for his excellent leadership of the assembly over the past year. finally, may i express my special appreciation to our secretary-general. for many years, he has been the united nations most public figure. that has never been easy, but he has served us with great distinction. his programmes of action have strengthened our voice. his personal leadership has inspired us, and i thank him most warmly for that. during the past few years, we have regularly discussed united nations reform, and i am sure that discussions will continue in the coming years. therefore, at the opening of the sixty-first session of the general assembly, i would like to take this opportunity to mention a few of our own feelings in brunei darussalam about the question of united nations reform. i would like to start by acknowledging the fine work done for so many years by our united nations agencies in the field, particularly by the world health organization, the united nations economic and social commission for asia and the pacific, the united nations children s fund, the united nations development programme, and the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization, and by united nations volunteers all over the world. those agencies can truly be called our body s life blood, and at times literally so. every day of every year, they attempt to bring hope, confidence and meaning to the lives of ordinary people. they provide people with the simplest and most basic definition of security. by that, i mean that they give people a feeling that even the most severe problems can be faced and solved. i thank them with great respect for their dedication and their professionalism. they represent the united nations at its best. consequently, i believe that any reform of our organization should be considered with one crucial primary question in mind does it directly strengthen the work of our agencies and people in the field? that is becoming more and more important to the ordinary people we represent. the new century has brought a host of new challenges. the past year, like every year of this new century, has presented problems that are typical of those the united nations is increasingly going to face and expected to solve. they are, sadly, all the stuff of regular breaking news natural and environmental disasters, health, economic and security disasters, countless political failures and the enormous human suffering that follows. the immediate impression is a dramatic one. our new century seems to be defining itself in images of disaster landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis and terrorist bombings. the most lasting images are human ones. those are the countless victims of events over which they had no control and of which they had no knowledge or warning. the long-term result is a deep sense of insecurity. it is reaching into the lives of every individual, every family and every community in every country we represent. many people are feeling so insecure that they are engaged in finding any way they can to salvage some hope for themselves. in asia, africa and the americas, they are doing so in their hundreds of thousands. they are leaving their families and homelands to emigrate. they often put their lives at enormous personal risk in the search for somewhere where they hope to find hope. that presents a bleak vision of the future for millions of our people. it would be even bleaker without the united nations. sometimes, in the refugee camps, in the disaster areas and in all the other arenas [number]-[number] [number] of destruction, the united nations offers all they have by way of hope. hence, the second consideration we give to proposals for reform is a human one. we ask a simple question is the proposal relevant to ordinary peoples personal lives and problems? those lives are increasingly dominated by the extremely complex challenges of our new century. those challenges are global. they are scientific, technological, economic, environmental and political. they now involve over six and a half billion people. those people are becoming more and more dependent on each other for survival. that means, i believe, that we must continue to stress the need for more than just administrative reform. so our third consideration regarding reform is practical. does the proposed reform reflect the current century, its priorities, its special challenges and its changing character? in other words, are we certain that we are not trying to solve twenty-first-century problems with the mechanisms, priorities and procedures of the twentieth century and sometimes even of the nineteenth century? we look forward to continuing our discussions with colleagues in the coming year on this critical matter of effective and lasting reform. we are starting to see what the twenty-first century is presenting, both the good and the disturbing. we are also seeing the demands it is making on the united nations. they are considerable. we believe, however, that the considerations i have mentioned are the essential basis for reforming the united nations in a manner that will ensure that our world body is well capable of meeting the twenty-first century on twenty-first century terms.
permit me to congratulate mr. razali ismail on his unanimous election to preside over this session. his election is a reaffirmation by the united nations member states of the confidence that they have placed in him and in the government of [number] malaysia. in this regard, i should like to assure him of the cooperation of the delegation of the republic of rwanda in our shared desire to galvanize the community of nations in their common resolve to fulfil the objectives of the united nations charter. i should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to his predecessor, his excellency mr. diogo freitas do amaral, for presiding over the fiftieth session of the general assembly in a most efficient and able manner. the session over which mr. razali is presiding will be addressing a considerable agenda of more than [number] items, which, when put together, will contribute to world peace, security and stability. the united nations is the most appropriate forum to discuss these and other related matters of global peace, development and international cooperation. the agenda before us therefore seeks to address the implementation of the objectives of the charter, as enshrined in article [number]. as we move towards the twenty-first century, it is our individual and collective responsibility to re-examine the extent to which our countries have or have not contributed to the attainment of these objectives. the united nations agenda for peace and its valuable initiatives on peacekeeping, human rights and other development-related issues collective security, terrorism, denuclearization, conflict prevention and resolution will be discussed during the session. rwanda would like to join its voice to those of the delegations that spoke from this rostrum and who called for world peace, security and the development of developing countries. statements have been made from this rostrum in connection with what some have described as the ghastly events that took place in rwanda in [number]. many, perhaps inadvertently and in a simplistic manner, have described the events of [number] in rwanda as a conflict, a crisis, ghastly events or as gross violations of human rights. there was genocide in rwanda, nothing else but a genocide. it was not a tribal or ethnic conflict, as it is often referred to. between april and july [number] more than one million rwandans were butchered in a systematic and planned manner. this carnage was carried out in only [number] days. the devastating effects of the aftermath of the rwandan genocide are still with us, and we live with them. rwanda s population now consists of [number] per cent women, [number] per cent of whom are widows, and we have [number], [number] orphans in the country. the perpetrators of the rwandan genocide are still at large in some capitals. far from feeling remorse, they pride themselves in their unfinished agenda. their army, militia and political leadership are in military and refugee camps within walking distance of the rwanda-zaire border. they have recently stepped up infiltrations into rwanda in order to kill the remaining survivors of genocide. we call upon the international community to exert pressure on the government of zaire to relocate the refugees away from its borders with rwanda, in conformity with the [number] geneva convention relating to the status of refugees . the withdrawal of united nations peacekeeping troops in april [number], at the height of the execution of the genocidal agenda, was not helpful. for us in rwanda, it remains, and will continue to remain, a reminder of the responsibility of the united nations to ensure that this does not reoccur anywhere else. more importantly, it points to the need for the united nations to support rwanda in its efforts to rebuild its socio-economic infrastructure. this is critical. there can be no sustainable peace without reconstruction and development. the recent high-level symposium on conflicts in africa, which was held in tokyo this month, on [number] and [number] september, came to the same conclusion. allow me to put on record my government s appreciation of the efforts made by those countries, institutions and humanitarian agencies that helped and continue to assist rwanda in the various sectoral rehabilitation programmes. we are equally grateful to those who have shown their disposition to do so in the near future. the recently concluded round table conference, which was organized with the support of the united nations development programme undp , has been helpful. we are grateful for the commitments that were made. this will go a long way in assisting rwanda to consolidate and build on the achievements of the past two years. the government of national unity of rwanda, under the leadership of his excellency president pasteur bizimungu, has made significant strides to return the country to normalcy. tremendous achievements have been made, including the gradual and steady rehabilitation of the security structure, the judiciary, the legislature and the economy. the sound macroeconomic policies that have been adopted have contributed, in less than two years, to a reduction in inflation from [number] per cent in [number] to [number] per cent in [number]. this will drop to [number] per cent by the [number] end of [number]. agricultural production has reached [number] per cent of the pre-war level, and we have recorded impressive levels of food production. we are also pleased to inform the international community that more than [number]. [number] million refugees have now returned to rwanda. all rwandan refugees originally based in burundi have been repatriated and successfully resettled in their own communities without incident. this is sufficient proof that rwandan refugees in other neighbouring countries, apart from being the hostages of genocidal leaders in the refugee camps, have no other reasons to remain. these achievements have been made in spite of some critical factors that the international community could help rwanda overcome if we are to maintain the pace of our continuing progress towards stability, durable peace and development. the crippling debt burden has hamstrung all social sectors, especially the most vulnerable groups. children, women, widows and the elderly are among the most affected. rwanda s debt stock at the end of [number] stood at a staggering high of [number] billion, or [number] per cent of the gross domestic product gdp . most of this, [number] per cent, is owed to multilateral institutions [number] per cent is bilateral and the remaining [number] per cent is on account of suppliers credits. given the magnitude of this suffocating debt, the government cannot rebuild its shattered socio-economic infrastructure in the aftermath of genocide. we therefore urge the international community, and especially the multilateral financial and development institutions, to cancel immediately rwanda s debt. short of new resources in the form of a marshall plan, this cancellation would greatly contribute to rwanda s recovery and sustainable growth. we know very well that where there has been a significant infusion of financial resources in post-war periods, peace and stability have been achieved and sustained. the question of conflicts and insecurity in the great lakes region has been mentioned by many speakers. the situation in burundi is cause for concern to many, especially the countries of the region. i should like in this regard to commend the efforts of the organization of african unity, the leaders of the region and all those who are involved in the search for a durable solution. regional instability has been complicated by the systematic persecution of kinyarwanda-speaking zaireans. this process was stepped up this year with the massacre of several north kivu region zaireans of rwandese culture others were forced to flee to rwanda and uganda. this persecution has recently been extended to the south kivu region of zaire, where, again, kinyarwanda-speaking zaireans have been subjected to brutal attacks by zairean forces, along with former rwanda government soldiers and interahamwe militias, who did not finish but exported their genocidal and ethnic cleansing agenda. survivors of these attacks predominantly women and children, as men and boys are either killed or imprisoned have been forced to seek refuge in rwanda. it is the responsibility of the government of zaire to unconditionally repatriate its nationals who are currently living in refugee camps in rwanda. we call upon the international community to prevail upon the government of zaire so as to stop the systematic ethnic cleansing currently taking place in eastern zaire. we further call upon the government of zaire to cease immediately its military aggression which has recently been directed against rwandan territory. we would like to pay tribute to mwalimu julius nyerere, former president of the united republic of tanzania, for his unequivocal and genuine search for solutions, not only for burundi, but also within the wider context of the great lakes region. the problem is not the lack of solutions. what is lacking is the decisiveness to implement commitments voluntarily entered into. that is what should be addressed. in the case of the great lakes region, former presidents julius nyerere of tanzania, jimmy carter of the united states of america and general tour of mali successfully managed to get the heads of state and government to agree and sign solemn declarations on the modalities for solving the problems of the region. at this session, we will be considering the re-election of the secretary-general. my government s position has been clear since yaound , during the summit of the organization of african unity. we are not supportive of the re-election of the incumbent. doing so would reward his failure to use the instruments of the united nations charter in order to come to the rescue of rwandans during the genocide. above all, it would be against the collective conscience of the rwandan people to support the candidacy of the incumbent. but beyond these moral grounds, we believe that the election of a contested secretary-general is not in the interest of the united nations. it would jeopardize the functioning of an institution that needs to be strengthened. [number]
i would like to begin by extending my warmest congratulations to the president on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its current session. i also take this opportunity to place on record our sincere appreciation of father miguel d escoto brockmann for his efforts and leadership during the sixty-third session. i wish as well to commend the secretary-general for his comprehensive report on the work of the organization and for his tireless efforts and dedication in the cause of international peace and security. the current financial and economic crisis affecting many countries around the globe, particularly in the west, has reached the shores of africa. originating in the west, the uncontrolled banking and mortgage crisis, arising from over-leveraged subprime lending schemes, burst into the open, destroying the liquidity and survivability of many institutions in the developed countries. it was thought that, since africa was not a player in this sector, its financial institutions and its economies would escape more or less unscathed. such was not to be african difficulties have been compounded. this crisis follows on the heels of the food and energy crises and the challenges posed by the impacts of climate change. the severity of the crisis on poor countries cannot be underestimated. poor countries have no choice but to work hard to restore strong growth and recover lost ground in order to move towards internationally agreed development goals. in this respect, it must be emphasized that the global [number] [number]-[number] crisis cannot be an excuse to avoid fulfilling existing international aid commitments. in addition to timely delivery, flexibility of resources and predictability, it is critical that the aid be effective. developing countries need access to new funding, including credit and liquidity facilities, infrastructure investment and support for domestic financial systems. members of the general assembly are by now aware of the tense standoff that prevails in the northern part of my country, following the unwarranted and deliberately provocative incursion and occupation by eritrean forces of djibouti s sovereign territory at the beginning of last year, [number]. this wholly reckless action by eritrea, a neighbour, provoked a mutual military build-up, leading to serious clashes between the two forces. in particular, the clashes of [number] to [number] june [number] resulted in many deaths, countless wounded and prisoners taken on both sides, and this merits a special note. my country embarked upon a calm and prudent policy that deliberately allowed sufficient time for the possibility of comprehensive bilateral contacts at every level in order to resolve hostilities amicably and peacefully. our efforts fell consistently on deaf ears, accompanied by rebuffs, blatant denials, and dismissive and condescending utterances. regional organizations, heads of state and government, and the united nations have all attempted to initiate dialogue these efforts have gone for naught with eritrea, which, in its usual brazen manner, has gone so far as to deny even the existence of any tension in the area, despite the clear, far-reaching and unmistakable conclusions of the united nations fact-finding mission. indeed, the mission s report represents a damning indictment of the regime s deceptive and erratic behaviour. the security council has consistently condemned eritrea s forceful occupation of my country s territory, namely, ras doumeira and doumeira island, and in resolution [number] [number] of [number] january [number], demanded, inter alia, that eritrea withdraw its forces and all their military hardware to the status quo ante acknowledge its border dispute with djibouti engage actively in dialogue to defuse the tension and in diplomatic efforts leading to a mutually acceptable settlement and to abide by its obligations as a member of the united nations. the resolution required eritrea to comply immediately, and, in any case no later than five weeks after the resolution s adoption date of [number] january. eritrea, however, rejected the resolution the next day. there the matter has essentially remained, in the light of the series of requests made by the secretariat for more time to pursue contacts, particularly with the eritrean authorities. as everyone now realizes, it is a futile exercise to seek a credible response from eritrea, whose intentions have always been to procrastinate on various pretexts while firmly entrenching itself in the occupied territory. as djibouti has repeatedly stated, the occupied areas of ras doumeira hill, which overlooks the bab-el-mandeb strait, and doumeira island, which is in the same red sea area, are situated in one of the busiest shipping lanes in the world. the militarization of this key strategic maritime route does not augur well for peace in the region or for international shipping and investment. the dispute between eritrea and djibouti must not be allowed to fester any longer. it must be resolved along the lines of security council resolution [number] [number] without further equivocation, confusion or deliberate procrastination. inaction sets a dangerous precedent that others will surely follow in the future deny and refuse to cooperate. the council must not appear to be appeasing eritrea indefinitely. it is a dangerous and an unpredictable regime that so far has not shown any respect for international norms and behaviour. the council must act now, using all means at its disposal. once again, the situation in somalia is tense, tenuous and unpredictable. somalia s plight is sickening, hopeless and disgusting, to say the least. here we have a transitional government that enjoys the full backing of the international community. yet paradoxically, that same entity is woefully lacking the money and manpower that would enable it to confront the deadly insurrection that has paralysed the whole country. mogadishu, the capital, is essentially a war zone. most of its civilian population has been displaced, having fled the never-ending anarchy, abuses, impunity and other egregious crimes against humanity. the collateral damage to the civilian population is horrendous in short, unquantifiable. coupled with that, the somali people are facing an extreme drought that threatens a widespread food shortage and starvation, which would necessitate major international emergency food aid. [number]-[number] [number] the presence of african union peacekeepers has been a major factor in keeping the transitional government in power, but they are continuously under attack, and the need for more troops, as well as for the training and equipping of sufficient somali forces, cannot be overemphasized. indeed, there is tremendous goodwill towards the current transitional federal government, in particular towards sheikh sharif sheikh ahmed, the current president, who enjoys both trust and international credibility. unfortunately, that has not been matched by a commensurate support in terms of resource flows consistent with the promises and pledges made to the government. resources make the difference in the outcome of hostilities. all the same, life in somalia goes on, and with resources that country would be able to start addressing the critical urgent problems and issues of security, governance and job creation. addressing the terrible drought now battering the country and crippling its already low food stock is a top priority. we must all fulfil our obligations to enable the government to function. no doubt that is a tall order, but that is what it takes and that is the challenge that we all have to confront. we are well aware of the flow of arms, resources and foreign fighters into somalia and of the threat that al-qaida might establish a beachhead there. one can say that the time has come for all well-meaning somalis, as well as peoples and governments of goodwill everywhere, to step forward in order to create a lasting and stable environment for the people of somalia. we owe that to the people of somalia. the stage appears set for dramatic developments in the israeli occupation of the palestinian territories, which is by far the longest occupation in modern times. as we all know, the united nations fact-finding mission investigating last winter s three-week war in gaza has issued its report. while both the israelis and the palestinians were strongly criticized, the condemnation of israel by a united nations body was unprecedented, stating that the result was a deliberately disproportionate attack designed to punish, humiliate and terrorize a civilian population, radically diminish its local economic capacity both to work and provide for itself, and to force upon it an ever increasing sense of dependency and vulnerability . a hrc [number] [number], para. [number] the peace process is frozen and there is no hope in sight of jump-starting it soon, as the new israeli government is intent on pursuing its business-as-usual policy of more settlements and refusal to engage in a process that addresses the final status issues. my country is keen to have peace and security soon restored in the northern part of the sisterly nation of yemen, within the framework of its territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity. one cannot fail to notice the number of countries that have raised the issue of the representation on and composition of the security council. it is undeniable that we are in a different world from that which existed in the aftermath of the second world war. given the critical need to have a global body capable of addressing, in some manner, the challenges of an evolving international landscape, the issue is of concern to many countries. for the united nations to retain its credibility and authority, it must continue to be relevant. new norms have risen, while whole continents lack permanent representation, let alone the power of the veto. once again, it must be said that africa, the continent with the largest number of countries, needs to have a permanent voice in the conduct of world affairs. we see no reason to change our position, which we noted in [number], that africa seeks no fewer than two permanent seats, with all the prerogatives and privileges of a permanent member, including the right of the veto, in addition to five non-permanent seats. of late, things have been changing for the better in much of africa, but the current disastrous international economic crisis was not of our making, as is true for the fallout from global warming. they and other crises underscore the urgency of our meaningful involvement in the united nations and in world affairs. permanent seats and increased membership on the security council would be in keeping with those growing international demands. time and space do not allow us to consider in any depth a number of other critical issues confronting developing countries. there should be some mention, however, of the harm to countries trade and development stemming from the protective tariffs of the industrialized west. the effort to provide subsidies for a few large farming operations, blocking competition from farmers of the developing world, only hurts the latter. perhaps cotton is a good example. [number] [number]-[number] there is also the stalemate in the doha round trade talks. those discussions must reopen in earnest, with the commitment to reach a satisfactory conclusion. lastly, we need to highlight the concern regarding the millennium development goals and the likelihood that they will not be achieved by [number] in most countries. in sum, that is tragic for so many lives. efforts must therefore increase towards mitigating that trend. in conclusion, i wish, on behalf of my government and the people of djibouti, to express our heartfelt sorrow and profound condolences to the bereaved families and to the government and the people of the philippines for the torrential rains and heavy flooding that caused havoc and unprecedented disruption of lives and destroyed infrastructure.
when i assumed the presidency of my country less than two months ago, i recalled that in the tradition of the aymara, an indigenous people of the republic of bolivia, a human being and a country and, may i say, the united nations do their work if they manage to find harmony in seven fundamental fields. for the aymaras there is a type of harmony that rises from the head, and that is the harmony we need to maintain with our beliefs and principles. there is a second type of harmony which goes from the feet down. that is the harmony we must maintain with nature, the earth and the environment. there is a third harmony that goes from the body out to the right side. that is the harmony we must have with our families, with those closest to us. a fourth type of harmony moves towards the left. that is the harmony we must have with our neighbours, our colleagues at work and those others who, without being very close to us, surround us. there is a fifth type of harmony which moves forward from us, and for the aymara people that is harmony with the past. they believe that human beings face the past and not the future, because we can see what is in front of us, and the past is the only thing we can really see. a sixth type of harmony is behind us. that is our harmony with the future, because although we do not see the future we have an intuition about it and a sense of it. often, although it has not yet come, we can already feel its weight on our shoulders. the seventh and final type of harmony is self- harmony, an inner harmony. if we achieve harmony in those seven areas, we will have a harmonious body, a harmonious country and a harmonious world. it is with that vision that we have begun to govern in ecuador and i believe it is with that vision that the united nations is doing its work. we can discuss many issues here. i want to focus on two, both related to left-sided harmony harmony with our neighbours, international harmony and their implications for the development of our peoples. in latin america, as in many parts of the world, we face one of the gravest crises in our history. we have been considering the advantages of globalization. now we are also suffering the problems of globalization. when we speak of a global system, we speak of a real network, which, like a large cobweb, encompasses us all. the problem with such a network is that wherever we touch or apply pressure to the web we produce a vibration and an impact throughout the web. the great majority of the countries of latin america have made enormous efforts to overcome the problems of previous decades. they have worked to reduce their fiscal deficits to a minimum, to open up to the global economy, to participate in trade and to share the principles of open, fair and transparent trade, free of discrimination. they have understood that integration is the tool for progress in the future. they have established regional markets, and now they seek a continental market. after so much effort, which at times has been costly in internal terms, we have found that that effort can be wasted, that it may not be a way out of our problems, because of an international crisis, which did not originate in our countries it came from outside, but because of globalization, and the network connecting us, we are all affected. we understand the mechanics of the system. we understand how something that affects markets in asia has an impact on latin america. yet, while we understand the mechanics of the system, we cannot see its fairness. if while working together we encounter problems that do not originate in our region, we must ask the industrialized countries in particular to take decisions that will ensure that not all the countries of the world suffer to the extent that we are suffering now. there is talk of risk of a global recession as severe as, or even more severe, than that of the 1930s. we see the stock markets of the largest countries of our region affected daily. we see a crisis that is already striking the industrialized countries. i think this is the appropriate forum for us to consider the need to work together. we small countries like ecuador can do little in a crisis of this magnitude but call for reflection and true fraternity among our nations so that a problem affecting the whole world can be overcome. otherwise, a crisis as big as this leaves many of us with no option but to wait and see how we can protect ourselves against these troubles. the countries of latin america see ourselves as a region, and we believe we must behave as a region. every country has its own characteristics and has to do what is necessary individually, but it is the region as a whole that is being affected by all these changes. the countries of latin america have not come here simply to ask for money and loans, as they have done at other times of crisis. the countries of the region have not appeared here one by one to try to overcome their difficulties on an individual basis, as on other occasions. this time we have made joint proposals just, global proposals. we hope these proposals will yield results. all analysts maintain that unless interest rates are lowered, in particular in the industrialized countries, this global trend is undoubtedly not going to change. the [number]. [number] per cent drop in interest rates was widely considered important but insufficient in view of the magnitude of the current crisis. it is therefore crucial that we deal with this matter here in the assembly. along with this international crisis, ecuador is confronting an issue that is fundamental to its development its relations with peru, and the search for a definitive peace with peru. we have a problem that has been dragged out over many decades. in its most recent stage, for the last [number] years, we have had a protocol of peace, friendship and boundaries, which should now enter a definitive phase. peace is our objective we see it as an ethical, moral and economic good. nothing is more advantageous to the budgets of our countries than peace. we can do great things for the benefit of our economies. in this case, peace is accompanied by a set of incentives, specifically, the possibility of [number] billion in loans from multilateral entities for border development projects, irrigation, roads, agricultural systems, schools and health centres, to give a few examples. this [number] billion a very large sum for both countries can be put into action if we achieve peace. over the past three years, we have been holding talks. commissions have reached agreements on border integration, trade, navigation in the extraordinarily important basin of the amazon river and measures of security and confidence-building for the future. but the [number] most delicate and difficult issue has yet to be resolved the establishment of the borderline between the two countries. we have held talks at a number of levels among our foreign ministers, in the negotiating commissions, among the countries that are guarantors of the protocol and these conversations have also risen to the level of the presidencies of peru and ecuador. we have had three meetings in less than two months in order to seek that final agreement. last night, i spoke with president fujimori he is planning to travel to the united states, and we agreed that tomorrow we will see each other here in new york for a fourth meeting to try to continue seeking the definitive formula that will resolve the question of our border in a way that is fitting, acceptable to the two countries and appropriate for our peoples. the principles are clear. as countries, we cannot enter the twenty-first century dragging with us problems that date back to the nineteenth. we must embark on the twenty-first century with a clear and positive vision that is directed towards the future. we share all the tenets of the united nations on issues related to this one. we are completely in agreement with the ottawa convention on the question of landmines. our country signed that convention, and at the end of last week in brasilia, the presidents of peru and ecuador submitted to president cardoso of brazil a joint communiqu requesting that plans be drawn up for the removal of all the landmines that have been placed in the border area over the years. this is a positive and very real step it means that the convention will not simply be signed and ratified but will also be applied in practical terms in the field. we are also completely in agreement with the proposals of the united nations on the reduction of military budgets and expenditures. we believe that money should be invested in poverty reduction and in the social programmes and projects our peoples need so much. we are completely in agreement with the conventional disarmament programmes. we believe that trust must replace distrust, and we believe that this task, accomplished jointly, can allow us to leave behind long decades of mutual suspicion and the great scepticism that sometimes pervades our countries. we are in agreement as regards general and complete disarmament. we agree with the prohibition of nuclear weapons. we welcome the decision of the southern cone common market mercosur to make all the countries of that region into a nuclear-weapon-free zone. we believe in peace, and we are working to achieve it. it will be hard to find, in the future, two presidents of neighbouring countries with a history of problems who are so firmly committed to peace, so deeply convinced that they must achieve peace, and so zealously at work to reach a speedy, just and honourable peace. we hope our efforts will soon meet their reward. we completely support the initiatives of the united nations on the subject of the protection of human rights. ecuador has adopted its own national human rights plan into law. we are the second country in latin america, and one of the first in the world, to adopt such a plan. it is not a plan of the ecuadorian government, but a plan made by ecuadorian society, coordinated by the ministry with the participation of representatives of various sectors of the society. we believe in human rights, and we defend them in their entirety and without reservation. our minister for foreign affairs was the first united nations high commissioner for human rights before joining our ministry for foreign relations, so our support in this field is complete. in addition, we are concerned about the issue of sustainable development, and we will vigorously promote environmental issues. for the first time in history, a woman from a country that is not in the northern hemisphere has become chairperson of the world s largest intergovernmental organization on the environment. that woman s name is yolanda kakabadse, and she is the present minister of the environment in ecuador. we seek to indicate several things by this, which are easily understandable in what i have just said. these are the central issues in the link between the united nations and my country peace, the international crisis and the search for a just global accord, the environment and human rights. other issues could be taken up, but i prefer to focus on this message. i believe that there is no better way to pay tribute to the united nations and to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights than for two countries with democratically elected governments to seek peace and endeavour to sign a peace agreement perhaps sign one this year so that the development of our peoples can proceed and their quality of life can improve. in this way we can sum up the most important human rights. democracy, freedom, development, life, the right to work, gender-related issues, the problems of minorities and the most disadvantaged groups and the protection of children are encompassed in these words that are so simple and so important peace, development and international cooperation. we want to emphasize these ideas here, in this organization which has done so much to bring them about throughout the world. i wish the assembly every success in its work for the benefit of all of humanity.
let me begin by extending, on behalf of the people and government of the republic of bosnia and herzegovina, our most heartfelt condolences to the peoples and governments of both venezuela and india, which have recently been hit severely by the tragedy of disaster. it is our hope that both countries, through the will and spirit of their peoples, will recover quickly. may we also extend our sympathies to those countries and families that have lost loved ones under the united nations flag in bosnia and herzegovina in attempting to carry out their mission of peace and humanity. indeed, our sympathies go out to all families of united nations personnel in all peace-keeping missions throughout the globe who have made the ultimate sacrifice in the name of the united nations charter. we should also like to congratulate the palestinian and israeli people on their recent efforts towards peace. we are likewise happy to see the great strides towards democracy being made in south africa. mr. president, it is my pleasure and privilege to extend to you our sincerest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-eighth session. your election to this high office reaffirms the importance of the role that small states play in the family of nations. we should also like to extend our appreciation to your distinguished predecessor, his excellency mr. stojan ganev, our balkan colleague, for conducting the deliberations of this body with great expertise and commitment. the republic of bosnia and herzegovina is pleased to welcome the organization s newest members andorra, the czech republic, eritrea, monaco, the republic of macedonia and the slovak republic. we are confident that these members will uphold the principles of the united nations charter. the international community has neither a definite policy nor a clear plan of political action that would facilitate a transition from the communist structures that have been in power for [number] years to concepts based on freedom and democracy. we believe that it is impossible to find solutions for either global or local conflicts unless a clear stand is taken on the overall question of what the post-communist heritage is to be. the negative aspects of this problem have been fully illustrated in the case of my country. it is obvious that the remaining forces of the communist potential for aggression have been exercised against us and that an extirpation of chances for democratic development has been perpetrated before the eyes of europe, america and the whole world. this act is being carried out entirely by force, in forms ranging from aggression and mass murder of civilians to destruction of all traces of civilization and culture and the extermination of whole nations by the barbaric tactics of burned and destroyed land. simultaneously with this unprecedented violence, an experiment in political vivisection is being carried out against our country. it is being carried out by an international community that, in the case of bosnia and herzegovina, has obviously been testing various models for the post-communist state. the experiment, unfortunately, is being performed in vivo by testing various hypotheses on our living national and governmental organism. in this experiment, our people are dying, and so is our country and our state. the first experiment was performed by the london conference. this concept, which sought to stop the aggression, was abandoned without a single attempt to implement it and this only intensified the war on our soil. this was followed by an attempt to find a solution by means of constitutional, legal and political reform to a crisis that was becoming ever deeper. this project, known as the vance-owen plan, no one even attempted to implement. it was abandoned only to be replaced by a new one, which is based on the false thesis that what we have in bosnia and herzegovina is a civil war between the three peoples and that territorial partition is therefore the only solution. but this plan is being fulfilled neither with respect to the idea that the partition of the land should be carried out in accordance with the criterion of ethnic majority, nor with respect to the basic intention of bringing about peace. as a result, the uncontrollable unfolding of events will continue, and will cause nothing but new suffering for our people. now the people of bosnia and herzegovina are being asked to choose between a just, defensive war and an unjust peace. the war, if continued, is likely to cause further suffering for our people and the further destruction of our nation. it could mean the death of thousands more. the unjust peace plan is flawed because it is based upon the repugnant and historically failed concept of ethnic partition and apartheid. the flaw is compounded by the fact that even the partition is unfair, since it seeks to satisfy the aggressor s appetite for an inequitably large share at the expense of the victim. however, the flaws in the so-called peace plan being forced upon us are not merely philosophical. first, any plan that legitimizes genocide and promotes ethnic partition will most likely sow the seeds for new aggression and fuel the fires of retribution. secondly, any peace that does not address the true causes of war will, at best, offer only temporary, remedial relief rather than promoting the healing that is essential. finally, any peace plan that makes no provision for a viable bosnian state, that does not address even the most basic needs of the victim and that does not provide the necessary measures for real implementation and durability is, in the end, not a plan for real peace. last week s provisional acceptance by the bosnian parliament of the peace proposals is dependent on the same minimal adjustments that we have consistently held to be necessary for a durable peace. these adjustments are the following first, the bosnian republic within the proposed union of the republics of bosnia and herzegovina must be viable geographically, economically, politically and defensively. secondly, the aggressor forces must surrender control of the territories where they have slaughtered and expelled civilian populations so that the bosnians can return to their homes. well over half a million refugees would find it impossible to return to villages, towns and cities from which they were expelled if serbian forces that committed murder, rape and torture were to continue to control those territories. there is the option that some of those territories could be temporarily administered by international peace-keeping forces. thirdly, the final agreement must contain comprehensive and specific guarantees concerning its implementation from those nations and regional organizations that will actually be enforcing the peace. such guarantees must be an integral part of the peace accords and cannot be delayed until a later date. otherwise, we risk adopting another agreement or commitment that will, like so many others previously, become worthless for peace and of value only to further legitimize the aggressor. forty-eighth session - [number] october l993 [number] fourthly, in the event that the international community is not successful in implementing the peace plan, then we must be allowed to arm and defend ourselves. consistent with its authority and unavoidable responsibility, the security council should evaluate the plan prepared by lord owen and mr. stoltenberg to determine its consistency or inconsistency with the united nations charter and numerous resolutions previously adopted by the council. the council cannot escape its responsibilities and the inherent inconsistencies by hiding behind the frequently repeated excuse that it will accept whatever all the parties agree to, when one party, the victim, is under the pressure of the very real threat of genocide. as further negotiations on these matters continue, the mediation team should be enlarged to include a representative of the north atlantic treaty organization nato , which will most likely be the agent of enforcement. this would add a degree of clarity, direction and credibility to the talks that has been lacking so far. now, let me bring to the assembly s attention the impending humanitarian tragedy unfolding in my country. on behalf of all bosnians, i must first thank the united nations and all the friendly governments, private institutions and heroic individuals that have helped provide humanitarian assistance in bosnia. we profoundly appreciate the efforts that have so far saved many lives. but with the coming of winter, more help will be needed if our wounded and malnourished population is to avoid finally succumbing to starvation, disease and exposure. in this effort it is essential that the international community and its most capable members and relevant regional organizations do the following first, take steps to encourage and enforce the maintenance of the cease-fires recently agreed to by all the relevant forces secondly, take steps, as envisioned in several security council resolutions, to stop the blockage of humanitarian relief and other essential supplies such as water, electricity and gas thirdly, reopen tuzla airport, making possible the delivery of humanitarian relief to over a million people and, fourthly, establish clear demands for the lifting of the siege of sarajevo as a first step towards the lifting of all sieges of bosnian towns, including the safe areas designated by security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . our bosnian minority in serbia, the muslims of sandzak, have been deprived of their rights. many people who have defended the rights of their countrymen have been imprisoned or expelled. while the serbian regime has ostensibly been protecting the rights of ethnic serbs in croatia, it has not been willing to recognize those same rights for minorities in serbia. we demand the same rights for the muslims of sandzak as those that serbs are demanding for themselves in croatia. future negotiations cannot neglect this very important political and human-rights issue. as united states president clinton recently stated before this body, the united nations cannot become involved in every world conflict. united nations involvement should only be undertaken with a clear political and military strategy in place. tragically, united nations involvement in bosnia and herzegovina has so far shown the very antithesis of any clarity of objective and firmness of resolve. the moral void created by this confusion has naturally been filled with a determination to defer to the aggressor s wishes at the expense of the victim. the united nations intervention, in its half-heartedness and equivocation, combined with its proud insistence that it is getting the job done and that therefore we cannot be allowed to arm ourselves, may well go down in history as the principal instrument of my country s destruction. in this regard, a few unavoidable questions arise. why has there been no implementation of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] calling for the lifting of the siege of our cities? what has happened to the security council s demands in resolution [number] [number] for the withdrawal of all serbian military and paramilitary units from our country along with their heavy weapons? why has there been no implementation of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , which were to monitor the border between serbia and bosnia and herzegovina and prevent the continuing massive flow of arms and material going to the aggressors in bosnia? it is no longer possible to speak of non-intervention. the international community s involvement in bosnia began with the imposition of the arms embargo and has continued through this whole series of unfulfilled commitments. the united nations must either follow [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session through with its intervention or decide to rescind that intervention. one way or another, it cannot continue with the present policy, which makes it an accomplice in the destruction of the bosnian people. my government remains committed to peace and to the ideals of a pluralistic, democratic and multi-religious society. unfortunately, some of the very nations that espouse these ideals world wide have betrayed them by inaction, and in their own backyards. we cannot indefinitely continue a struggle on principle without adequate help from outside or without at least being afforded the full opportunity to defend ourselves. the action of our parliament is clear in its commitment to peace, its demands for a viable state and a durable peace. principles have been shamelessly abandoned by those who had the greatest duty and reason to uphold them in our country. we cannot and will not accommodate the anxieties of those same governments and allow them to pressure us to abandon our last hope for self-preservation and a real and durable peace. although there has been a process through which many witnesses to this crime have become anaesthetized to its horror, the horror itself will never go away, and future generations of the righteous and the just in every nation will neither forgive nor trust the countries which allowed it to happen. at least a billion people are waiting for this body to act. are members really ready to surrender bosnia and its people to annihilation? those billion people i have mentioned, and not only they, will never forgive you.
the united nations is celebrating its fiftieth anniversary. today, it is up to us to take stock of its progress and its successes, as well as its and shortcomings since its inception, but also, and in particular, to consider and assess the experience it has gained, in order to provide a firmer basis for its future, which, after all, is closely linked with the future of mankind. the people of burundi, whom i have the honour to represent in this assembly, set particular store by this session, which should galvanize all the member states of our organization to work for the progress and the survival of the world as a whole. in burundi, a number of activities to promote awareness of the purposes and principles of the united nations have been undertaken. we can assure the assembly that our country duly acknowledges the eminent role that the united nations has played and continues to play in helping burundi return to the road of peace and security. we are pleased that the presidency of this session of the general assembly, which should be the springboard for its revitalization, has been entrusted to mr. diogo freitas do amaral, who has been blessed with great intellectual and moral qualities and wide political and diplomatic experience. his country and mine enjoy friendly relations in all areas. what has already been said about him here show that the congratulations my delegation extends to him are well deserved and justify the assistance it will be pleased to give him as a contribution to the success of his noble mission. we would also like to pay a sincere tribute to his predecessor, his excellency mr. amara essy, minister for foreign affairs of c te d ivoire. throughout his term of office, he applied himself to the tasks resulting from the present developments in the united nations. in this connection, foreign minister amara essy has worked wholeheartedly to promote our organization across the world and has brilliantly championed the strengthening of the united nations and the enhancement of its prestige. this is an excellent opportunity to express our sincere gratitude to mr. boutros boutros-ghali, secretary-general of the united nations, whom i had the pleasure to receive in bujumbura last july. we are extremely grateful to him for his profound commitment to peace, security and development throughout the world. the resounding appeal for peace and national reconciliation he made to the people of burundi in particular and to africa in general still rings in our ears. two years have passed since, from this very rostrum, his excellency president melchior ndadaye, who was swept to power in burundi following democratic elections, addressed a message of peace, friendship, brotherhood and solidarity to the general assembly. since the contemptible assassination of president ndadaye on [number] october [number], my country has laboured under a political, institutional, social and economic crisis that persists to this day. nevertheless, despite the devastation and the political and ethnic massacres, the people of burundi did not yield to despair. in a surge of optimism, the registered political parties and the representatives of civilian society held negotiations and in-depth discussions on how to bring the country out of the abyss into which the enemies of the fatherland had plunged it. after long and arduous debates, the convention of government was signed on [number] september [number] this was followed by the restoration of the presidency and the establishment of a national coalition government. we greatly appreciated the decisive contribution made by the united nations to the people of burundi s return to peace and security. when the crisis broke out, the secretary-general sent a special envoy to the scene. following that, he appointed his excellency ambassador ahmedou ould abdallah as special representative to burundi, and we extend our profound thanks to him for his patient and tireless efforts to bring the various political partners together, despite their often deep differences of opinion at the height of the crisis. the united nations sent to burundi two successive delegations made up of distinguished ambassadors to the security council and headed by a distinguished african statesman, his excellency ambassador ibrahim gambari of nigeria, to offer us advice and to bring us a message of peace and comfort. other delegations of the united nations and various international bodies in the united nations system came to burundi to demonstrate their support and solidarity. in the context of the promotion of human rights and education for peace and tolerance, a united nations centre for human rights and a united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization unesco peace house were established in burundi. the organization of african unity oau also deserves our profound thanks because it has, from the very beginning of the crisis, sought appropriate solutions to enable burundi to regain peace and stability. the work done by the pan-african organization is primarily to the [number] credit of its secretary-general, his excellency mr. salim ahmed salim, who displayed considerable diplomatic and human skills on behalf of burundi. his work was later carried on by his special representative, his excellency ambassador l andre bassol of burkina faso. we should like to extend our thanks to all of the friendly countries which have assisted us in various ways and continue to do so, particularly in the brother countries which gave shelter to burundi refugees. we are working to enable our compatriots to return home safely and we are coming to grips with the problem of displaced persons. the convention of government, which was mentioned earlier and the first anniversary of which we have just celebrated, gave us an opportunity to set up state institutions and organs as well as various kinds of political and legal machinery that could restore confidence and cooperation among the political partners. the first mission assigned us under this convention is to restore peace and security in the country. then it will be a question of restoring the rights of refugees and displaced persons, that is, to facilitate their return home with the assurance that in an initial phase they will be assured of the basic necessities until they can provide for their own needs. the government also intends to initiate the economic recovery and national reconstruction programme. however, if our subregion continues to produce refugees and to serve as a suitable place for illicit trafficking in deadly weapons of war, this situation would constitute an ongoing source of insecurity and destabilization for the countries concerned. last february in bujumbura, when we hosted the regional conference on refugees, repatriates and displaced persons for the great lakes region, organized under the auspices of the oau in cooperation with the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, a number of conclusions were drawn and resolutions adopted. today we recognize that the road to be travelled remains a long one because the resolutions that were adopted remain a dead letter. indeed, it is important for the international community to become better mobilized to help us eradicate the basic causes of the continued instability and fragility of our lakes region. in our opinion it would be necessary, first of all, for everyone to have the same understanding of our history and, above all, to accept it as it is. they should also give serious consideration to lasting, definitive solutions that must be found for this conflict situation. for our part, we consider that the major problem in burundi lies in the conceptions of, access to and management of power among the various political actors in the national community. we can affirm that the conflict that burundi has experienced is far from being ethnic, as many political and media circles have alleged. the basis of the problem is essentially political, which is why solutions to this problem are condemned to be political also. we must reject and denounce the advocates of the policy of exclusion, segregation and extermination, which give rise to crises, instability and repeated conflicts. we condemn the ideology of hatred, of violence and of genocide exploited by so many politicians who wish to attain power or wish to remain in power at any cost. the crisis which we are experiencing dates from the beginning of our independence and has deep roots in the organization and direction of the country during the colonial period. the various regimes which have succeeded one another in burundi were powerless to resolve this situation. the problem must be addressed by the people of burundi, assisted by the international community and not replaced by it. we rely on the regional conference on security, stability and development in the great lakes region, which will be organized under the auspices of the united nations, and which will seek to find appropriate, lasting and definitive solutions. we should like to thank the secretary-general of the united nations for having designated an african diplomat to take charge of the preparations for this conference, to which my country attaches real importance. moreover, my delegation appeals to neighbouring countries to help us neutralize the efforts of those who, working from their own territory, have endeavoured to destabilize ours. it would indeed be illusory to want to extinguish a fire from within when, outside, militias, armed bands or malevolent groups are organizing and training themselves in order to attack burundi. today, the country must face attacks waged jointly by the party for the liberation of the hutu people palipehutu , the national liberation front frolina , the national council improperly labelled the democratic defence council cndd and its armed branch, the curiously named forces for the defence of democracy fdd . these groups, in collusion [number] with military-political forces, are responsible for the genocide in neighbouring rwanda. in addition to these attacks there is another destabilizing force, the pirate radio station cynically baptized voice of the people , or, democracy radio , which inculcates ethnic hatred within the burundi population and which is working towards the dissemination of a neo-nazi-type ideology in this region of central africa at the end of this twentieth century. we are relying on the valuable assistance of our neighbouring and brotherly country, with which we share geography and history and with which we maintain the closest relations, to dismantle this medium of hatred, which is reminiscent in many ways of the infamous free radio-television of the thousand hills la radio-t l vision libre des milles collines rtlm , which galvanized the massacres last year in rwanda. we should like to reaffirm the unswerving attachment of the government of burundi to the principles of good- neighbourliness and non-interference in the internal affairs of another state. we respect the bilateral, regional and international agreements and conventions to which burundi has freely subscribed. in following these commitments the government of burundi hopes that our immediate neighbours and our partners will properly understand our problems and the problems that affect our region. they should understand the complexity and delicacy of the latter so that in trying to help us find solutions they will avoid pouring oil on the fire. we know that, alone, we cannot arrive at harmonious, satisfactory and lasting solutions, and that is why we welcome with open arms the various forms of mediation aimed at helping us get out of the present crisis and at producing stability within our subregion. however, we would not want such mediation to lead to other, unexpected problems linked to undue interference in our internal affairs. we have begun a campaign for the restoration of peace, with the support of the government, the national assembly and the political parties that are signatories to the convention of government. we are resolved to dismantle the armed gangs, be they within or outside our country. but our efforts to restore peace will be futile if we do not work towards eradicating the phenomenon of impunity, which has been aggravated by our country s current crisis. in this context, a request was sent to the united nations to establish an international judicial commission of inquiry into the crimes committed in burundi. we express our gratitude to the security council for the establishment of this commission. along these lines, we are planning to organize, in the near future, a national debate on the fundamental problems affecting the country, with a view to the adoption of a national covenant for peaceful coexistence between the various constituent parts of the nation and also of a new constitution reflecting the realities now facing the country. lately, the president of the republic, his excellency mr. sylvestre ntibantunganya, has been consulting various socio-political groups professionals, the military, representatives of religious communities, women and disaffected youth to solicit their suggestions for ensuring the speedy restoration of peace in burundi. the conclusion is inescapable everyone aspires to peace, justice and development. that is why our partners should not be discouraged, nor should they despair, when it comes to burundi. the programme of national reconciliation and reconstruction will require a mobilization of appreciable funds, which burundi alone cannot marshal. the reinstallation and reintegration of our displaced persons, expatriates and those who have been dispersed, the reconstruction of the socio-economic infrastructures that were destroyed, the training of our young people and the relaunching of the overall productive apparatus these are my government s major concerns. we call upon the international community to support us unwaveringly in order that we may implement this vast programme. we hope that our partners will respond in a positive way at the general round table of donor countries, scheduled to be held in geneva shortly, so that the necessary financial resources for the reconstruction of burundi can be mobilized. with respect to the great lakes subregion, burundi encourages the government of rwanda to continue its policy of national reconciliation and to create the conditions of peace and security conducive to the return of rwandan refugees to their homeland. for its part, the international community must ensure that those responsible for the genocide in rwanda are punished in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the security council. we strongly urge the countries of the subregion to cooperate fully with the international tribunal created for this purpose. [number] as regards the crisis in somalia, my country hopes that the protagonists will agree to form a government based on a broad consensus. we invite our somali brothers to lay down their arms and to work towards national reconciliation the only road to lasting peace and to devote themselves to rebuilding their country. as for angola, we welcome the constructive dialogue that has been established between president jos eduardo dos santos and the leader of unita, jonas savimbi. this is a positive development, which we hope will lead to a complete cessation of the hostilities that have taken so many lives among the brotherly people of angola. we also nourish the hope that the lusaka peace agreement will be implemented strictly by the parties so that peace can be restored to angola. we urge the united nations to speed up the planned deployment of forces in the context of the united nations angola verification mission unavem iii . we also welcome the developments in liberia, in the middle east and in the former yugoslavia. we hope that the recent events in the former yugoslavia will not inflame the situation further or stand in the way of a solution, which has been awaited for so long by the international community. a look at the political configuration of the united nations reveals a strange paradox at a time when hotbeds of tension are concentrated in africa, at a time when poverty there has broken every record and at a time when natural and man-made disasters are proliferating, many international forums are seeking to reduce our continent to the status of a poor relative. at a time when the golden jubilee of our organization is being commemorated, africa is the only one of the five continents to be excluded from permanent representation on the security council. but the dangers that loom over africa, both from within and from outside, require that it be at the centre of deliberations and decisions on peace and security. aside from this reality, the democratization of the united nations is tantamount to a categorical imperative. thus we strongly urge the establishment of a genuine parallel between the emergence of democracy on the scale of the member states and the reform of the united nations, so that africa could be given access to permanent seats on the security council. under the principle of democracy, the projected reforms of the united nations system should reserve for our continent the lion s share, for two reasons first, africa, as a vast collective entity, has the right to permanent seats on the security council and, secondly, africa has the right to participate in the council in a manner commensurate with its numerical significance. once this twofold requirement has been recognized, africa will be prepared to select those countries that are best suited politically, diplomatically, economically and demographically to sit permanently on the security council, on behalf of the entire continent. on the eve of the twenty-first century, burundi is keenly aware that the united nations remains the source of salvation for the human race. my country reiterates and reaffirms its unswerving dedication to the ideals and objectives of the united nations. as a concrete manifestation of that dedication, the government of burundi even though it has borne the brunt of the effects of the international economic situation and of its own, two-year-long, severe national crisis has just disbursed more than [number], [number] by way of contribution to the regular budget of the united nations. nevertheless, burundi must stress the imperative need for the world organization to become an ever-present shield for peace, security and progress. to achieve this, it must evolve with the times and become a genuine universal forum in which all countries, regardless of their political, economic, geographical and economic disparities, can join together and unite in order to take decisions on the future of humankind. this metamorphosis, to which the countries of the united nations so strongly aspire, requires of member states and other accredited agencies working to that end not only the political will but also and above all the creative genius to revitalize and breathe new life into the organization, allowing it to meet the challenges as this century enters its twilight years and to adapt to the vital issues of a planet moving inexorably into the third millennium.
[number]. it is a great pleasure for me to congratulate you. sir, in the name of the delegation of afghanistan, on your unanimous election to the high office of president of the twenty-eighth session of the general assembly. we are extremely happy to see that this year the work of the general assembly will be directed by an eminent son of latin america, a continent whose people have always stood steadfastly at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and emancipation. their long history has always demonstrated their determination to associate themselves with all progressive forces for building a world free of discrimination and injustice. added to these qualities of latin america, your personal qualifications and your vast experience and knowledge confirm us in our belief that under your guidance this session of the general assembly will fulfil its great responsibilities. [number]. i should like also to extend the sincere felicitations of the delegation of afghanistan to mr. trepczynski of poland, who skilfully guided the work of the general assembly during its past session. [number]. it is with great pleasure that we welcome the admission of the federal republic of germany and the german democratic republic and greet them in the family of nations. we have traditional friendly ties and relations with the great german people. the history of our relationship is one of close co-operation in the economic and cultural spheres. we are confident that their joining the united nations contributes to the strengthening of this organization and peace and security in the world. they have already set an example in the field of international relations by their policy of peace and conciliation. in fact their admission will enhance this spirit in the world organization. [number]. i wish also to extend the congratulations of the afghan delegation to the delegation of the bahamas on its admission to membership in the united nations. the admission of the bahamas exemplifies a triumph of the will of people in the process of self-determination, a cause which afghanistan has consistently supported in all parts of the world. [number]. my government welcomes the independence of guinea- bissau and declares that it has been recognized by afghanistan. the sacrifices endured by the people of guinea-bissau in their protracted fight against colonialism have not been in vain. it is a source of gratification for us to witness today the great victory achieved by the liberation movements in guinea-bissau in establishing their independence and in freeing their country from alien domination. we wish the people of guinea-bissau success and prosperity. [number]. on [number] july [number], a great fundamental, institutional change took place in afghanistan. the monarchy was abolished and a republic was proclaimed. the objectives of the newly created republic, supported by the genuine aspirations and democratic traditions of the afghan people, are to promote the material and spiritual development of its people and to create a new society founded on justice and equality for all citizens without any discrimination, to allow all afghans to participate fully and responsibly in the affairs of their country, and to curb the forces that have hitherto hampered the realization of these aspirations. the republic aims at establishing a trustworthy security within the country that would permit sound and positive economic, social and cultural reforms, and pave the way for political, economic and cultural advancement. this requires the mobilization of all available resources and energy in all fields in the interest of the people. [number]. therefore, the new order has the full and sincere support of the majority of the people. as soon as a new constitution is promulgated, one that will reflect the true aspirations of the people and will extend democratic rights and liberties for the progress and evolution of society, elections will be held in accordance with its provisions, based on the principles of democracy. [number]. to overcome economic backwardness, the government is determined to take new measures as rapidly as possible to bring about basic changes, to create a national economy through effective planning based on modern science and technology and founded on the principle of full sovereignty over its natural resources. great importance is attached to the encouragement of national industries, handicrafts and arts and to their protection against competitive foreign products. [number]. since ours is mainly an agricultural country, the new regime, as a major step in its programme to bring about fundamental progress, will institute land reforms in the interests of the majority of the people. [number]. in the social field, the situation is in no way compatible with contemporary conditions in the world. therefore, new programmes for social reform are contemplated, particularly for improving working conditions and the standard of living. a progressive and democratic labour law will be sought to secure the protection of the individual and social rights of industrial and agricultural workers. new and effective steps will be taken for creating equal opportunities for afghan women in all spheres of life economic, social, political and cultural. [number]. the founder of the republic, mohammad daoud, in his statement of [number] august [number], said "it is evident that economic and social progress are closely linked with fundamental reforms and the establishment of a true democracy. . . . therefore, afghanistan, keeping in view the changes in the world, should have a progressive domestic policy. " [number]. in the international sphere, afghanistan will remain a peaceful country and will consistently follow the policy of peaceful coexistence with countries pursuing different social systems, and will firmly continue its policy of non-alignment and non-participation in any blocs or military pacts. it will maintain its adherence to and respect for the charter of the united nations. it will seek the strengthening of amicable relations with all peace-loving countries in the economic, technical and cultural fields. [number]. the new government attaches the utmost importance to maintaining and creating relations based on the principles of justice, mutual respect and neighbourliness with countries with which we share the same region. the good neighbourly ties of friendship with our neighbour to the north, the union of soviet socialist republics, are unfaltering. we have friendly and sincere relations with our other neighbour the people's republic of china. we have always had neighbourly relations with iran. i sincerely reciprocate the friendly remarks of the foreign minister of iran in his statement in connexion with the relations between our two countries. with regard to our relations with pakistan, i must say that, regrettably, our political differences regarding the issue of pakhtunistan and the restoration and respect of the inalienable rights of our pakhtun and baluchi brothers, remain unsolved. [number]. the question of pakhtunistan, which has emanated from a refusal of pakistan to recognize the legitimate demands of over [number] million people separated by the military force of a colonial power from their fatherland. afghanistan, is a national issue. we shall seriously endeavour to find a peaceful and just solution of this problem. a just solution is one that would conform to the best interests of afghanistan and pakistan in bringing peace and progress to the entire region. we believe that any solution should be sought on the basis of the will of the people and on international justice. [number]. we have strong traditional . bonds of friendship with india and bangladesh. we are desirous of strengthening further these bonds in the interest of mutual co-operation and permanent peace in the region. [number]. in the wider sphere of international relations, the republic of afghanistan will adhere to the purposes and principles of the united nations charter and will continue its unfailing support of its aims and objectives. [number]. we shall pursue our policy of political, economic and cultural co-operation with the third world. we are most desirous of following our policy of mutual respect and friendliness with all nations of the world, big or small, near or far, east or west, without discrimination against anyone. [number]. the situation in the middle east is a great source of concern to afghanistan. the most strategic region of the world is still in a state of war. the resolutions of the security council and the general assembly remain unheeded. all peace efforts to head off a conflict have virtually come to a standstill. the creeping paralysis of the mandatory resolutions of the security council and not only with respect to the middle east, but also concerning vital decisions taken on rhodesia, the portuguese colonies and the situation in south africa is eating away at the very foundations of the united nations as the custodian of both the rule of law and the goal of peace. peace efforts, particularly those made by the non-aligned nations, have been vetoed and the prestige of the united nations is threatened even as a symbol of international morality. [number]. the occupation of the arab territories by israel and the toleration of the acquisition of land by force does not imply the toleration of injustice to the arabs alone, but threatens the very security of all small countries in all regions of the world. it is inconceivable to expect any peace in' the middle east unless the israeli forces are withdrawn from the occupied arab territories. [number]. it is true that nothing really effective in peace-keeping can be achieved without, the unanimity of the big powers. but it is most difficult to understand the position of some big powers that demur from implementing and enforcing the very decisions for which they have voted. the resolution on the middle east unanimously adopted on [number] november [number] security council resolution [number] [number] is a classic case of this ambivalence. [number]. our position on the question of the middle east and our full support of the arab cause and the aspirations of the people of palestine for the restoration of their undeniable rights has been made clear on all occasions and in all international gatherings. [number]. at the last summit conference of non-aligned nations, we called for the strongest measures to be taken in connexion with the implementation of the security council resolution, including the restoration of the national rights of the palestinian people as a basic prerequisite for the establishment of a lasting peace in the area. we emphasized the necessity of the individual and collective measures to be taken against israel, not only by the non-aligned nations but by all member states of the united nations, in accordance with the provisions of chapter vii of the united nations charter. here, in this assembly, we emphasize once again that the unanimous recommendations of the non-aligned nations should be endorsed by all member states. [number]. there is no need for us to explain at length the policy pursued by my government with regard to the elimination of colonialism and the securing of the right of peoples everywhere to self-determination and independence. this policy is well known. we shall always remain at the vanguard of the struggle against alien domination and colonialism. [number]. colonialism comprises all forms of alien domination, and not only that which is referred to as western colonialism. the classical form of western colonialism is perhaps gradually drawing to an end, but, regrettably, the domination of certain peoples and territories, quite often by countries which themselves have suffered from colonial occupation, continues. this state of affairs creates tensions and causes concern and anxiety. the imperialistic designs of western powers during the heyday of their colonial advance created artificial frontiers without regard to the rights of the peoples. [number]. these legacies of the colonial era persist in some regions, impeding the development of a better understanding among nations. vestiges of western colonialism should be terminated without the tensions that would hamper friendly relations among countries and peoples. [number]. the apparent failure of the united nations to implement its own resolutions concerning the elimination of the colonial administration of portugal and to put an end to the inhuman and repressive policies of apartheid in south africa, as well as to the illegal racist minority regime of southern rhodesia, can be construed only as a disturbing example of non-co-operation by certain countries with the united nations, countries that are members of this organization. [number]. my delegation reiterates its support for the right of the people of angola and mozambique, as we did in the case of guinea-bissau, to sell-determination and independence, and shares the view that the continuation of the policies of apartheid by the government of south africa and its extension to namibia has now reached a point which can no longer be tolerated by the international community. we fully support the aspirations of the liberation movements in the defence and restoration of their undeniable rights. [number]. a basic characteristic of the present international situation is a relaxation of power politics in some areas and persisting crises and manifestations of power politics in others. while we welcome the positive tendencies manifested in relations between certain big powers, we cannot at all dismiss lightly the concern of the small countries of the world. evidently there seems to be an inclination towards bypassing the united nations, in which the small nations form the majority of the membership and represent the interests of the majority of the people of the world. from our point of view, detente, like peace, is indivisible. [number]. we were very impressed by the statement of mr. walter scheel, the foreign minister of the federal republic of germany, in which he said that "universality also means universality of obligations" 2119th meeting, para. [number] and that "detente, is not meant to be exclusive. . . " ibid. , para. [number] . it is evident that peace will remain precarious without the full participation of all countries in all matters of world peace and security. [number]. we have arrived at the right time to expect and urge the international community to direct its efforts towards complete disarmament. we welcome the success of the various stages of the strategic arms limitation talks. we wish to see the machinery of the united nations' fully used in all matters of disarmament and to see this session of the general assembly make a decision as to the date and venue of the world disarmament conference. we hope that the present session of the general assembly will prohibit nuclear tests in all environments and pay special attention to the question of nuclear disarmament. [number]. but we are no less concerned about the stockpiling of conventional arms and the flow of such arms to other regions. there is no doubt that the security of smaller particularly non-aligned countries is threatened by conventional armaments. in our region the balance of power is already seriously threatened by important stockpiles of conventional weapons that can be acquired only by countries with privileged geographical or political positions, by countries which belong to a military alliance, or by countries which have acquired financial strength. [number]. i had that situation in mind when i stated at the summit conference of non-aligned countries in algiers that the recent acquisition of enormous quantities of sophisticated conventional armaments is a matter of grave concern to us. the political declaration of the summit conference of non-aligned nations noted this with concern. it noted "that the flow of conventional arms to non-nuclear states, which is a threat to the security of non-aligned countries and which gives rise to tension in some regions, is continuing" a [number], p. [number] . and then the summit conference demanded that an end be put to the flow of such armaments. [number]. referring to one of the items that has been proposed for discussion at this session, i should like to say that the delegation of the republic of afghanistan welcomes the item proposed by the foreign minister of the union of soviet socialist republics during his statement in the general debate 2126th meeting, para. [number] . the item i am referring to is entitled "reduction of the military budgets of states permanent members of the security council by [number] per cent and utilization of part of the funds thus saved to provide assistance to developing countries" item [number] . we note with satisfaction the timeliness of the soviet union's initiative and hope that it will be supported by all peace- loving and progressive countries and that meaningful measures will be taken in this regard by the general assembly. [number]. regarding the economic situation, we shall take the opportunity to deal with most of the questions related to it when they come before the second committee. here i shall mention only that the failure of the first united nations development decade and the unsatisfactory application of the recommendations adopted at the third session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , together with the disappointing results of the years that have elapsed since the coming into force of the second united nations development decade, means that the international development strategy resolution [number] xxv cannot be viewed without profound anxiety. we note with regret that the attitude of some of the developed countries has not in any way been conducive to an international economic order in compliance with the target set for the international development strategy. the burden of heavy external debts on the economies of developing countries is increasing while the flow of external assistance is decreasing in proportion to the growing needs of the developing countries. meanwhile, the arms race, as i mentioned before, continues to absorb large sums of capital. [number]. we support the very important decisions unanimously made in algiers, with special emphasis on the essentiality of giving more consideration to the group of countries referred to as the least developed. the conference of non-aligned nations adopted a resolution with respect to special measures in favour of these countries see a [number], p. [number] . in that resolution the conference recommended that international economic action should be given top priority and that top priority should be given also to the urgent implementation of the programmes adopted by unctad at its third session and by other international organizations, especially in the area of trade, and that efforts should be exerted towards formulating and implementing new measures in all fields. it also requested the speedy implementation of the various resolutions and decisions adopted by the united nations and its related agencies, as well as the continued review of the implementation of the measures. [number]. another resolution was adopted which i would like particularly to mention, with respect to the special-measures related to the particular needs of land-locked developing countries see a [number], p. [number] . in that resolution it was recommended that a set of special provisions should be urgently considered and implemented in order to ensure the right of land-locked developing countries to free access to and from the sea, and to provide the international assistance necessary to remedy their special situations. [number]. it is our hope that the subject of these resolutions will be given urgent attention and consideration at this session. [number]. in conclusion, mr. president, the afghan delegation places itself at your disposal and at the disposal of all members of the assembly for co-operation in the work ahead. we look forward to the realization of our wish for a successful twenty-eighth session of the general assembly under your guidance.
mr. president, i have great pleasure on behalf of the state of bahrain in offering you my sincere congratulations on the occasion of your election as president of the general assembly at its thirty-fourth session, and in wishing you success in the work of this session. i should also like to thank mr. indalecio lie'vano, the president of the general assembly during its previous session, for his valuable contribution to the conduct of the work of that session. [number]. it is my pleasure to join with other delegations in praising the role played by mr. kurt waldheim, the secretary-general of the united nations, who deploys his utmost efforts to strengthen the role of the united nations, with patience, ability and strict adherence to the spirit of the charter. [number]. i also welcome the admission of the state of saint lucia, as the one hundred and fifty-second member of the united nations family. [number]. the united nations has been able to survive for [number] years, to react to international events and to overcome tremendous obstacles that were about to cause its disintegration, including the cold war through which the world lived after the end of the second world war. it has been able to play a fundamental and effective role in bringing to an end colonial empires in many parts of the world. this organization and its related agencies have also been able to achieve victories, unprecedented in history, in the fields of technical, technological, economic, cultural, health, food and other types of aid among nations. during this period, the world has seemed to grow smaller by virtue of scientific and technological development, but this has not yet brought the states of the world closer to one another, as relations among states are still fraught with tension and conflict. [number]. we meet today in a new session, and on the 24th of this month the united nations will celebrate its thirty- fourth anniversary. every year, we meet within the premises of the united nations to hold meetings, to make successive contacts with each other and to adopt a number of resolutions for the solution of issues and questions which are of importance to the world. to our great regret, the majority of such resolutions are ultimately neglected or forgotten. i should like to refer here to the report of the secretary-general of the united nations, on the work of the organization submitted to this session, in which he says "the past year has been full of uncertainty, tension and conflict. the international scene has never been more complex nor the old concepts of power so diffused. there have been sudden shifts in the political balance and unexpected developments rooted in a variety of forces economic, political, social and even religious. there is an increasing uneasiness as to the manageability of the affairs, and especially the economic life and social organization, of the planet in circumstances now prevailing. these uncertainties and unforeseen developments affect in different ways the lives and the future of virtually all nations and peoples and give rise to deep-seated feelings of anxiety and frustration, which in turn create a climate favourable to new and unpredictable events. " [number]. therefore, the united nations has to continue its ceaseless struggle to bridge the gap between its aspirations and its performance in the world of today. such struggle is, in truth and in fact, tantamount to the fundamental difference between civilization and chaos. it is regrettable that such a gap between the aspirations and the performance of the united nations still exists. we should therefore do our utmost to narrow such a gap, so as to eliminate the dangers that threaten mankind. [number]. we need to reflect, as representatives of states, on the position and real nature of our organization. if we go through the agenda for this session, we find several questions and issues that are virtually mere repetitions of questions and issues that have now been included in the agenda for more than [number] years and some which have coexisted with this organization since its inception. [number]. the united nations has adopted resolutions on such matters, but most of those resolutions have not seen the light of day, because of the failure of a minority of members to comply with the international will and abide by the united nations charter. the majority of those resolutions are closely linked to the goals and principles of the united nations, and aim at serving the best interests of man, promoting equity and justice and establishing security and peace all over the world. this bitter fact leads us to pose the following questions. are we acting to build a world in which security and peace prevail? are we acting to establish equitable relations in the world, based on justice, dignity and freedom for all nations and to resist unhealthy relations among states, which tend towards domination, racial discrimination and the practice of persistent aggression against the welfare of other nations? these are merely questions submitted to this assembly for serious consideration by us all, so that an end may be put to the risks that threaten peace and stability in the world. [number]. we should like in this respect to refer to some pressing questions and matters, such as the situation in the middle east, the issues of racial discrimination and apartheid and the challenges that confront the states of the third world. [number]. during last year, events of international importance and significance have occurred one after the other events which have been characterized by tension and recklessness in the relations of states, particularly in the developing world. the third world has been through a period of tension and conflict among its countries. it is regrettable indeed that the third world should have become a dangerous scene for disturbances and bloody clashes among its states. although tension between the two super-powers has disappeared or diminished in europe, it has started to reappear in the third world, where focal-points of tension have been created by the super-powers and where conflict and rivalry between them have been transferred. it appears that the super-powers, which agreed to freeze the conflict between them on the european continent, have found fertile ground in the third world on which to increase the momentum of war and rivalry between them and are transforming it into blocs of conflict. the confrontations that are now taking place in africa and asia among developing countries are clear proof of the outbreak of a covert third world war between the superpowers. [number]. it is regrettable that some states of the third world, which struggled to liquidate colonialism, to resist racism and to defeat political and economic domination, are today waging regional wars to change the legitimate regimes in some other states. it is noted also that the super-powers have turned to the kindling of conflicts and clashes among the states of the third world, as we can see today in africa and asia, instead of to direct intervention, as was their practice in the past. we therefore call upon all the states of the world, members of this organization, to abide by the principles of the charter, particularly the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states. [number]. peace in the middle east is still a long way off. israel persists in the policy of aggression and expansionism, which it has followed since the zionist aggression against the land of palestine, which was aimed at driving the people of palestine from their land and depriving them of the right to exercise self- determination. the matter has not stopped at that but has been extended into continuous israeli aggression against these people and the neighbouring arab countries, the latest example of which is the aggression against the sister country of lebanon. lebanon is still from time to time subjected to brutal aggression by the israeli forces against sites on which are housed civilian lebanese and palestinian refugees. thus israel has become the most dangerous racist and expansionist force of this age. [number]. the current developments in lebanon and the increase in tension in that country clearly reveal the expansionist plans of israel and its attempt to divert attention from its daily practices in the occupied arab territories practices such as annexation, occupation, the establishment of settlements and the violation of the human rights of the inhabitants of the occupied territories in breach of and contrary to the fundamental principles of the united nations charter, the rules of international law and international custom and covenants, which prohibit such practices. [number]. the united nations cannot stand by with its hands folded in the face of such a situation, in which the sovereignty and security of the territory of a member state is daily subjected to grave violation. the international community is requested to act swiftly to save lebanon from repeated israeli aggression, which threatens to destroy its sovereignty and its economy and to drive out its people. [number]. israel could not have adopted such an arrogant stand and. challenged the will of the international community had it not been for the military, economic and political support it receives from some of its allies among western states. such support and material and military aid, received annually by israel, has helped it to perpetuate its aggressive policy and to take measures to change the nature of life in and the geographical characteristics of, the territories it occupied and also to refuse to comply with the resolutions of the security council and the general assembly of the united nations that call upon israel to withdraw from the arab territories it occupied and to recognize the inalienable rights of the palestinian people. [number]. the united nations resolutions on the situation in the middle east call for a just settlement of the problem and request israel to put an end to its occupation and its disregard of the united nations resolutions on palestine and the situation in the middle east. all the appeals and exhortations addressed to israel by the international community calling upon it to withdraw from all territories occupied since [number] and to recognize the national rights of the palestinian people have been met only by disregard on the part of israel. it continues to disregard them and to pursue its policies of annexation, occupation and establishment of jewish settlements, and israel has recently declared that its nationals are permitted to buy arab land on the west bank, in violation of the fundamental principles of the united nations charter and international law. [number]. we have on more than one occasion explained that the palestine question is at the core of the middle east dispute and that realization of a just and lasting settlement should conform to the principles of justice and equity and should include the following first, israel's withdrawal from all arab territories occupied since june [number], including jerusalem secondly, recognition of the inalienable right of the palestinian people to return to their homeland and properties and to exercise in peace and freedom their rights to self- determination, independence and national sovereignty, including their right to establish an independent state thirdly, the participation of the plo, as the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people, on an equal footing with all parties to the dispute in the middle east. this is an indispensable condition in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the middle east. [number]. i must emphasize here that arab jerusalem is part of the occupied palestine territories and that israel must withdraw from it completely and unconditionally and restore it to arab sovereignty and abide by the resolutions adopted in this regard by the general assembly and the security council. [number]. in our opinion, such principles constitute the right framework within which a peaceful settlement may be reached, one based on the principles of justice and the rules of international law. [number]. bearing in mind this basic stand, the delegation of the state of bahrain considers that any agreements that do not include all parties to the dispute will not lead to a durable and just peace and to a peaceful settlement of the dispute in the middle east. nor will they be successful unless they take into account the core of the problem, which is the palestine question, and involve the participation of all parties concerned, including the plo. such being our belief, we consider that the camp david agreements of [number] and the washington treaty of [number] between the egyptian government and israel do not meet the real requisites of peace in the area since they do not contain the minimum basic principles for the realization of a just settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the united nations, and they do not provide for the complete withdrawal of israel from all occupied arab territories and for their recognition of the inalienable rights of the palestinian people, particularly their right to establish an independent state of their own. [number]. the palestinian people and the arab states concerned seek peace based on justice, and they would do their utmost to create a climate favourable to its achievement. but it is certain that there will be no peace in the middle east if the legitimate rights of the palestinian people are excluded, including their right to establish a palestinian state on palestinian soil. [number]. therefore we consider that the united nations is now, more than at any other time, required to stand on the side of fairness and justice and to support the palestinian people in their unanimous rejection of such agreements and to defeat all settlements or solutions that aim at the liquidation of their cause and infringe upon their inalienable rights. the palestinian people alone have the right to determine their future, and no agreement concluded behind their backs can be legally valid or binding upon them. [number]. we therefore agree with what the secretary- general of the united nations has said on the question of the middle east in his report on the work of the organization that he considers it "central to the political, economic and military stability of the world. we submit that the realization of peace in the middle east is an international responsibility requiring international action to face up to this critical situation in the region so that the conflict may not explode again and lead to terrible results for whose grave consequences the world will be responsible. among the encouraging signs that mark the awakening of the conscience of the world and which lead to optimism and relief is the increasing attention being paid by the states of the world to the palestine question and the plo as a major force in the middle east conflict whose contribution is indispensable in any serious search for a peaceful settlement in the middle east. [number]. i should here refer to the important speech made by his majesty king hussein, king of the sister hashemite kingdom of jordan, before this assembly on [number] september, as it contains a complete and useful analysis by an arab leader who has lived the problem in all its dimensions. we share his majesty's opinion that the united nations is the natural framework for the achievement of the comprehensive settlement of this question that we all seek. [number]. the region of southern africa is passing through a delicate and decisive stage. the developments in that region have been and remain a source of serious concern to the family of nations due to the policies of deceit and procrastination being pursued by the white minority regimes in southern africa with regard to the transfer of authority to the black majority and the establishment of equality among all the inhabitants there. the efforts of the united nations to find a peaceful settlement to the question of namibia have not produced tangible results due to the arrogant attitude of the south african regime and its manoeuvres. real independence for namibia cannot be achieved except through free and democratic elections under the auspices of the united nations in which all national parties concerned may take part, including the south west africa people's organization swapo , as the legitimate representative of the people of namibia, in accordance with united nations resolutions, particularly security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . [number]. the situation in zimbabwe has not changed towards democratic rule, as required by united nations resolutions. the sham elections held last april within the context of the internal settlement have not led to the establishment of black majority rule in zimbabwe in accordance with united nations resolutions. in this respect, we hope for success for the discussions in which all the parties concerned are taking part, now taking place in london, to find a peaceful settlement of the question of zimbabwe and to maintain peace and stability in that region. [number]. bahrain would like to reaffirm its support for the struggle of oppressed peoples that yearn for freedom and to condemn the policies of apartheid, which have been denounced by the international community as a crime against humanity as a whole. bahrain supports the call for continuation of the complete blockade imposed on the racist regimes in southern africa pursuant to the provisions of chapter vii of the united nations charter and the application of such sanctions against the racist regime in israel. it also supports the measures for the isolation of such regimes internationally. [number]. as a state in the gulf region, we attach special importance to the designation of the indian ocean and its natural extensions as a zone of peace and stability. therefore, we supported on various occasions the general assembly resolution on the declaration of the indian ocean as a zone of peace, called for the implementation of the principles contained in that declaration and requested the gulf region be kept aloof from the rivalry of the great powers. we should like to emphasize in this regard that peace and stability in the region are the exclusive concern of the countries of the area, on whose shoulders alone lies the responsibility to protect it, and we declare our complete rejection of any attempt by any party to interfere in the domestic affairs of the region. therefore, we have called for the establishment of mutual co-operation among the states of the gulf in the political, economic, cultural and technical fields, on a basis of mutual respect, equality, integrity and non-intervention in domestic affairs, in accordance with the principles of the united nations charter. [number]. the state of bahrain has supported the efforts made in various international forums for the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equity. we have also explained the need to consider the means to ensure the establishment of such an order. it is regrettable that the various negotiations and the numerous dialogues between the developed and developing countries within the framework of the united nations and other international forums have not led to tangible progress as a result of the failure of the developed countries to understand the demands made by the developing countries that structural changes be made in international economic relations, which are now based on exploitation. this is what happened at the fifth session of unctad, held in manila, which did not arrive at tangible results in this respect. [number]. negotiations and dialogue between the north and south are still going on very slowly, although the doors have not been closed to the search for solutions to pending problems. we call in this regard on developed countries to reconsider their stand so that the negotiations may be completed. we hope that the special session of the general assembly due to be held in [number] will be able to review the implementation of the new international economic order in the light of the resolutions passed by the united nations general assembly at its sixth and seventh special sessions. we hope, too, that the mistakes made in the international development strategy for the second united nations development decade will be avoided as the united nations general assembly comes to adopt in the forthcoming special session the new international development strategy. [number]. the united nations has proved over more than three decades its ability to accommodate states from all parts of the world irrespective of their political, social or economic systems. this international organization has been able to find suitable solutions to many crises, conflicts and challenges which confront humanity in a world whose conditions increase in complexity day by day. we hope that this assembly will discharge its responsibilities and pass suitable resolutions to promote justice and equity and to eliminate the oppression and injustice suffered by oppressed peoples yearning for freedom and independence, and that it will act to establish a political and economic system in international relations based on equality, justice and equity. this has to be done if we wish indeed to meet the great expectations that peoples all over the world place in our organization.
it gives me great pleasure to extend to julian hunte warm congratulations on his election as president of the fifty-eighth session of the general assembly. i wish also to take this opportunity to commend his predecessor for his invaluable contribution to the success of the fifty-seventh session of the assembly. allow me also to extend my sincere appreciation to our secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, for the great effort he has been making to maintain the integrity of the united nations in this difficult period in the history of the organization. i wish also to commend the secretary-general for his invaluable contribution in enhancing humanitarian assistance, fostering development cooperation and strengthening our esteemed organization. i wish to preface my brief statement with sincere appreciation for all those who have responded with generous support to assist the people of ethiopia to overcome the consequences of a devastating and extended drought, which put at risk more than a dozen million of our compatriots. the responses from the united nations, the united states, the european union and many others were indeed as timely, as they were generous. the people of ethiopia are grateful for this demonstration of solidarity. we in ethiopia are the first to realize that this state of affairs in our country cannot continue. our people cannot be allowed to be vulnerable to famine every other year because of drought. it is a must for us, and a matter of national survival and dignity, to ensure food security for our people in the shortest time possible. but this can be done only when our people are given respite for peace and are able to fully concentrate on economic development. we have come to be convinced that, for our strategy on economic development and good governance to succeed, we need to enhance our capacity in human resources development and institution-building. it is imperative for us to focus on capacity-building and to make it a priority. it has also been found critical that we expand further our decentralization exercise, with a view to empowering our people at the grass-roots level. we have embarked on a fundamental shift in the country s foreign and national security policy, focusing on the internal needs of our country and on ensuring its viability, which can be realized only through rapid economic development and the nurturing of democratic governance. like many countries in our continent, and perhaps more than most, ethiopia has suffered at length as the result of conflict and war and its consequences. the internal causes of the absence of peace and tranquillity in our country were removed, once and for all, when the military dictatorship came to an end and when we embarked upon laying the foundations for a democratic and just society [number] years ago. until [number], ethiopia made great progress that, if continued, would certainly have made us far more prepared to withstand the consequences of the extended drought last year and the year before. but the assembly recalls what befell ethiopia in [number]. the strong momentum we had managed to create for rapid economic development was pushed off track by the aggression we suffered in may [number], which took us two years to reverse. having reversed the aggression, ethiopia showed its unflinching respect for the principles of international law by taking the lead in [number] ensuring the signing of the algiers agreement. with little hesitation, ethiopia withdrew from territory that it had seized in a counteroffensive to expel the invading army from its territory and to make room for the temporary security zone, to which the united nations mission in ethiopia and eritrea unmee was subsequently deployed. we have now come to the point at which the united nations will have to take greater interest to ensure that the hopes and promises engendered by the algiers agreement are fulfilled. the agreement was designed to lead to durable peace between ethiopia and eritrea. it was not meant to punish the victim of aggression. this is why ethiopia has felt it necessary to call on the security council to help us achieve the hopes implicit in the algiers agreement. ethiopia is committed always to being a peaceful country. we have always been second to none in our commitment to the principles of international law. this will remain one of our people s distinguishing features. this is a tradition we will continue to maintain and foster. this is also how we intend to tackle the present complications in the implementation of the algiers agreement. few regions of the world have suffered as a result of conflict as much as the horn of africa. we in ethiopia are committed, along with others in our subregion, to change this existing reality. with the progress that continues to be made in the peace process to resolve the conflict in somalia, we are today more hopeful than ever that the long saga of the somali people might be about to end. i wish to seize this opportunity to thank the european union, the united nations and others for the invaluable assistance that they have continued to give to ensure the success of the peace process in somalia. little progress could have been made without that support. the frontline countries of the intergovernmental authority on development igad will need even greater support for the success of the peace process in somalia, which is now entering into its most critical phase. we are also deeply encouraged by the peace process aimed at resolving the conflict in the sudan, which has also entered into a very delicate phase. the parties deserve to be commended for the great resolve they are demonstrating in addressing the common challenges they are facing. the framework agreement on security arrangements for the interim period, signed on [number] september between the two parties, represents a major breakthrough, which will no doubt help lay the foundation for more progress in other areas. we would like to thank all those, the united states government in particular, who have made contributions to the progress that has been made in the peace process in the sudan. these developments show that the situation in the horn of africa is not hopeless. the challenges we are facing are nonetheless formidable. we in ethiopia are determined to contribute more than our share to assist in the regeneration of our subregion, which has also been the target of international terrorism. the achievement of peace and national reconciliation in somalia is extremely critical in the fight against this scourge as well. that is why all those who are willing to join in the fight against international terrorism should be automatically supportive of the peace effort by igad in somalia. as a country from a region that has lost much and has stayed far behind in development because of the absence of peace, ethiopia feels solidarity with all the peoples of the middle east who yearn for peace, security and justice. as a people very close to the middle east, ethiopia has close affinity with the people of palestine and with the people of israel. it is our hope that the suffering of both will end soon and that the hope held up by the road map will be realized. the hope we have for economic development and the prospect we see for peace in our subregion can hardly be made a reality without international conditions that are conducive to countries such as ethiopia to make progress. in this respect, the general situation is not very promising. under the circumstances, without greater commitment by the developed world to the rapid economic development of africa, countries such as ethiopia will hardly be in a position to meet the millennium development goals. there is, without any doubt, an urgent need for increasing the quality and the level of assistance by the developed world to africa. there is a critical need for addressing the problems surrounding issues related to subsidies and the access of products from african countries to developed countries markets. international solidarity and the promotion of our [number] mutual interests make it imperative that a lasting solution is found to the debt burden. africa is passing through a very difficult and critical period. the hiv aids pandemic is wreaking havoc in the continent. as is now widely acknowledged, this is not simply a health crisis. the pandemic is also an economic, security and social crisis with broad and potentially devastating implications. hence, this is a challenge not only for africa, but also for the entire world. but africa is not asking to be rescued by the international community without discharging its own responsibilities. what africa is asking is to be given a break, as many have been given in the past at some point in their history. in fact, what is involved here are mutual obligations. this is the overriding principle upon which the new partnership for africa s development nepad is based. it is ethiopia s hope that nepad will be taken more seriously as a framework for expanding the cooperation between africa and the developed countries in the interest of ensuring success in africa s fight for prosperity and development, and for a safe, peaceful and truly globalized world. the united nations is facing today one of the most difficult periods in its close to [number] years of history. its legitimacy and credibility is being increasingly questioned. many have also questioned its effectiveness. not a few have also wondered on many occasions whether they have always been assisted by the organization in nurturing and fostering peace. my own country has also been disappointed in the past. but we have never abandoned hope in the united nations or in multilateralism, because we know, at the end of the day, that the united nations is indispensable. that is why ethiopia will always be committed to the united nations and its ideals. it is our hope that all member states, big and small, will be fully committed to the united nations and its ideals and carry out the long overdue reform of the organization with a view to making it more effective.
the lofty aspirations of the millennium development goals guided our first steps into the era of the second millennium and enabled us to realize, in part, the priorities that we hold so dear. with this shared experience, which is extraordinary in terms of what it has made concrete, and aware of the new challenges that have been imposed on us over the past [number] years, we now have clear lessons on which to build the future we want. we now know that peace and development are inseparable. the future to which we all aspire can be understood on three levels, based on the three pillars of sustainable development that command our attention equally. the work we have started on defining the post-[number] era, by its very nature and given the challenges it poses, merits committed efforts by the entire international community, which have already been undertaken. indeed, it requires a contribution by all states and all parts of society, including the private sector, academia, philanthropy and, obviously, non-governmental organizations. it also must be, as a matter of ethics but also to ensure its viability, inclusive, participatory and based on good governance. those are therefore the bases for defining the post- [number] era, despite the glaring paradoxes and the many obstacles we unfortunately face. at a time when the world is highly interdependent, its communications technology performing as never before and its riches abundant, inequalities continue to grow, and too many of us remain marginalized and live in unacceptable conditions. inevitable climate change, which is recognized as the greatest challenge of our time, will decide the fate of our planet and darkens our future prospects by already threatening our present. conflicts persist, while others are born, and terrorist acts lead to a range of problems that challenge traditional defence strategies. this past year, existing and new conflicts have escalated towards an unacceptable level. the monegasque authorities can only reiterate their commitment to the values of the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations and join the efforts of those who seek a peaceful and political settlement of the crisis in ukraine. the use of chemical weapons in syria and the assault on civilian targets in syria, iraq, the gaza strip, south sudan, mali, the central african republic and nigeria have spread horror and are barbarous practices. they are intolerable. that is why the government of monaco condemned acts of abject violence by supporting the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] last week, which establishes a new legislative and policy framework to coordinate international efforts to fight against the phenomenon of foreign terrorist fighters. the principality shares the grief of the french, british and american peoples following the heinous killings of their nationals who were held hostage. in memory of those victims, his serene highness prince albert ii asked that flags at administrative buildings and monegasque public institutions be flown at half-mast. those who commit such heinous crimes in the name of a religion they blaspheme annihilate the foundation of our society by violating the rule of law and respect for the standards that we have developed together. they use communications networks and social networks, which we might think would be used to spread harmony and unity, to spread hatred and chaos. we have reason to wonder about their motivations and the reasons that make their appeal so convincing. the response is obviously rooted in exclusion and the marginalization of people who have not yet benefited from what we call progress. it often involves young people without prospects for the future. therefore, it is our responsibility to design inclusive social integration policies, promoting education and youth employment. young people have never formed such a large proportion of the world population particularly in developing countries. they must be an integral part of the decision-making process in order to allow them to realize their human potential. we welcome, in that respect, the rights up front initiative of the secretary-general, launched in november [number], whose primary objective is to make sure that human rights violations do not become mass crimes and to enable the organization to act more quickly by placing people at the heart of its strategies and operational activities. on the eve of the tenth anniversary of the [number] summit, and especially as memories of sinister genocides come to mind, we must do a better job of promoting the responsibility to protect. that is the primary responsibility of every state, as we know, but we also need to be able to help states for which capacity- building is difficult. prevention remains a fundamental aspect of our organization s work. in that regard, the involvement of regional and subregional organizations is essential to the effective implementation of the protection of populations from genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. the promotion and protection of human rights must be at the heart of our policies. prince al-hussein has our full confidence. with his experience and his unwavering commitment to peace and the rule of law, he can be the right united nations high commissioner for human rights for our times. another aspect also deserves emphasis the delivery of humanitarian assistance in conflict zones. it must not depend on the political context. the politicization of humanitarian assistance should be a priority item for discussion at the global summit in [number]. in the light of the increasing number and persistence of crisis areas, caused both by conflicts and by natural disasters, whose frequency we now associate with the rate of climate change, we must take into consideration the needs of over [number] million people. the magnitude of those needs justifies the new partnerships that have been formed around organizations, local partners and the private sector and individuals. the unprecedented threat of the ebola virus in west africa is testing our ability to respond in an effective and coordinated manner. we support the establishment by the secretary-general of the united nations mission for ebola emergency response to counter the large-scale threat ebola poses to international peace and security. in that regard, i wish to acknowledge the commitment of the principality of monaco, which is effectively contributing to that unprecedented struggle, together with the world health organization and the international committee of the red cross. we share in the grief of the victims and that of their families. we are aware that the families tragedies are compounded and their pain is made unbearable by the fact that they are unable to take care of their loved ones or provide proper funerals for those who die. in these difficult times, we need to establish a new post-[number] sustainable development paradigm. universal, inclusive, ambitious and concrete, it must accommodate the pressures of a growing global population and the urbanization that comes with it. it requires us to adapt our methods of production, consumption and transport and to opt for clean technologies. we need to define the nature of the world we want to live in, with and for our children. as i mentioned earlier, it is vital that the needs of the most vulnerable be duly taken into consideration and that economic independence for women and young people be ensured. it is time for women to realize the transformation that the secretary-general announced by breaking through the glass ceiling that for too long has kept them from achieving their potential. without the full contribution of those who constitute [number] per cent of humankind, sustainable development will not be achieved. the year [number] will also mark the fifteenth anniversary of the adoption of security council resolution [number] [number] , on women, peace and security. we reiterate our call to end impunity for crimes related to sexual and gender-based violence against women, as well as all the abuse women suffer. the undeniable success of the climate summit should be measured not only by the commitments announced, but also by the broad participation of the private sector, foundations and civil society and by the sense of ownership expressed by all the stakeholders concerned. the summit therefore succeeded in catalysing society as a whole, thus ensuring that the political momentum will be maintained in lima and paris. as the issue of climate change cannot be separated from the question of the oceans, the prince s government will continue to defend an objective of sustainable development dedicated to healthy and productive oceans for all. the assembly may rest assured that monaco will engage in discussions, which will begin in january, and we will continue, in both national and international policies, to act as a responsible and unifying partner.
i should like to congratulate you, sir, on your election to the presidency at a time when the organization stands at the threshold of opportunity and faces complex challenges. what is true for the organization is true, too, for my country. in new zealand [number] marks [number] years since the foundations of our nation state were laid. the basic compact, the treaty of waitangi, was signed in [number] by the tribal chiefs of the country they referred to as aotearoa, and by representatives of the british crown on behalf of the new settlers in the country they called new zealand. it was an agreement to live and work in co-operation. there are still significant challenges to our partnership - to honour broken promises and to redress historical wrongs. we are working for a society where ethnic and cultural differences are valued as strengths rather than rejected as weaknesses. we are trying to put our house in order. the end of the cold war presents the united nations with the opportunity in [number] to put the global house in order, to make a fresh and reinvigorated commitment to the world's security. the secretary-general reminded us in his annual report that a comprehensive approach to security is the very essence of the existence of the united nations. new zealand vigorously endorses that view, balanced and integrative approach to security - acknowledgement of our common security needs and of the role of the unite nations - is central to the protection of the interests of small countries. we believe that small countries have much to offer the united nations. many of the world's citizens live in small countries which have modest aspirations, which do not wish to engage in wars, and which cannot force their views on others. indeed, the major security threats to our country and its immediate region, the islands of the south pacific, are not military but rather environmental and economic. new zealand and the rest of the south pacific are fortunate in that we are removed from areas of conflict or significant international tension. but we are by no means isolated. global, economic, political and environmental developments can often impact sharply on small countries which are distant from the epicentre of world events, a commitment to the common security needs of the global community is important at a time like this when we all face the crisis in the persian gulf. new zealand has unreservedly condemned iraq's aggression against a small neighbour and the repugnant actions taken against foreign nationals. the people most affected, of course, are the kuwaitis themselves, who are suffering from an attempt by an aggressive neighbour to extinguish their country's independent existence. however, also experiencing immediate anguish are the many thousands of foreign nationals caught up in the crisis, especially those detained against their will. there are only a handful of new zealanders amongst them, but the small number does not diminish the significance of their plight for the government and people of new zealand. we consider the continued holding of hostages to be an outrage and we urge iraq to release all those detained and to respect immediately all the resolutions of the security council. of course, a fundamental concern remains the dreadful possibility of a war that could escalate rapidly to encompass many countries and perhaps spread to other regions. the whole world has an interest in ensuring that does not occur and that a resort to armed conflict is avoided. in that process, respect for the principles and values of the united nations - and the use of its mechanisms by all of us - is essential. new zealand indicated at an early stage to the united nations secretariat its readiness to contribute to any operations in the gulf region under united nations auspices. i confirm that offer today. in particular, new zealand has demonstrated willingness and ability to contribute to united nations peace-keeping operations. we have committed ourselves to the supply of food and medical assistance, and our aircraft have ferried some of the refugees from the area back to their home countries - pakistan and the philippines in particular. the gulf crisis has illustrated vividly the potential for the united nations to provide a swift, effective response to regional conflict. the achievement to date has been considerable. this is the first opportunity for new zealand to state its view of the gulf crisis in the framework of the organization, and i would like to add a cautionary note to what other speakers have said. we all understand the implications of a further escalation of the gulf crisis. against that background, it is vital that the support of all united nations members be sustained for collective responses. care must be taken never to presume too much. it is after all the united nations members as a whole who, in article [number] "confer on the security council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security". that act of conferral underpins all else. the actions in the past weeks in the security council in regard to that whole issue have truly historical significance. they establish precedents for practical responses to other and different regional conflicts or disputes. all of us - security council permanent members, non-permanent members, and non-security council members - are, i think, sufficiently clear about the importance of what is currently being achieved. but we need to give more thought to how that process is undertaken. as a first step, there is room for improving among us all, and, irrespective of our place in the scheme of things, the sharing of information, perceptions and conclusions about how united nations responses should best be formulated. such a process is going to be indispensable in the longer run to achieving our shared purpose, big country and small, within the organization. our collective response to the present threats to global stability depends on a background of substantial achievement at and since the last session of the general assembly. the independence of namibia, the signs of political progress in south africa, the constructive steps towards a settlement in the western sahara, and the progress towards resolution of the situation in cambodia together comprise a significant list of achievements. the gathering consensus among the five permanent members of the security council, and the new spirit that animates the relations between the super-powers, are great achievements. but it is the tasks which remain that will provide the real test of the united nation s capabilities and of what the future will hold for us all. that brings me back once again to common security. at a time when there has been so much hope expressed - and yet we still face such daunting problems - there is a need for increased commitment to strengthening the threads of our common security. many hope that we are now witnessing the emergence of a new order. it is certainly time for it. but to achieve it we must put away the old ways of thinking, the old ways of acting. we need a change of attitude towards what constitutes security. we need s new respect for our rapidly diminishing natural resources. we need an acknowledgment that human rights and freedoms depend not only on resolutions passed at international meetings, but on the implementation of decisions that will facilitate real economic choices for countries. for many nations, particularly those of the south, the problems of trade, indebtedness and economic underdevelopment are enduring. unless there are greater moves towards the liberalization of trade, there will be no real progress. in the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt , the uruguay round of trade negotiations is nearing the deadline for its completion. new zealand is pinning its hopes on its success. the prospects of new trade opportunities for all cannot be overrated. this represents a last chance for gatt. in [number] years, the system has failed to produce an equitable trading environment for the majority of its members. in the area of agricultural trade, which is of principal concern to my country, gatt has been a singular disappointment. it has condoned protectionism and subsidization, principally by the major economic powers, which have over the years corroded economic opportunity and potential for commodity-trading countries. at a time when the idea of burden-sharing is gaining currency, we should reflect upon the fact that the burden of protectionism in several major industrialized economies has been carried by other countries. it is even more instructive to reflect that agricultural support and subsidization inside the countries of the organisation for economic co-operation and development was estimated for [number] at [number] billion - six times the total of resources transferred by those countries to developing countries in that same year. the gatt outcome in december is the litmus test. the principal adjustments in that trade round will have to come from those more powerful economies whose influence has shaped, or misshaped, the trade rules for nearly half a century. at this very moment, those self-same countries have in their grasp the opportunity to effectively manage regional political security in our world in better and more imaginative ways than have ever boon contemplated previously. resource transfers are needed not only address the endemic problems of economic underdevelopment, but also to assist in the attack on what has been only toe recently acknowledged - environmental degradation. that is another in which the interests of some countries are inextricably involved with the actions of others. it is an area where the embracing of the idea of common security is essential for survival. new zealand's own immediate neighbours in the south pacific provide ample demonstrations of that. far from being a vast, uninhabited sea, the great south pacific ocean contains tens of thousands of islands, over [number], [number] distinct languages, and a great variety of different cultures. but many of those are small islands, atoll countries whose very existence is threatened by the sea-level rise predictor it greenhouse gas emissions are not contained by industrialised countries. the ecosystem of our marine environment is also threatened from the outside by the wanton stripping of resources and the dumping of wastes. the environmental security of the south pacific is totally interdependent with that of the wider asia-pacific region and the global community. to preserve our environmental security we must have sustained political commitment to making hard decisions. the united nations has just begun preparations for the vitally important [number] conference on environment and development. new zealand intends playing a full and constructive part, and our government will be working with our non-governmental organizations to bring our country's perspective to the conference. assistance must be given to the developing countries, in particular to enable them to repair the environmental damage aggravated by poverty and to help them avoid reliance on environmentally destructive technologies. the general assembly has a critical role in carrying forward the environmental debate, forming decisions upon which governments can act. the achievement last year of a significant resolution on driftnet fishing and the actions which have followed it provide ample proof of what can be achieved. we need to build upon that. urgent measures must be taken in a number of areas, particularly to prevent climate change and preserve the earth's biodiversity. even though it has undoubtedly been triggered by a crisis situation, the increasing recognition of the need for international co-operation to preserve the environment is an encouraging sign of global support for new sorts of security policies. however, in the final analysis our common security also depends on maintaining and strengthening world peace. we all welcome the new opportunities offered by the end of the cold war. there has undoubtedly been major progress over the last year, in the conclusion of the treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles, the agreement in principle on reductions in strategic nuclear weapons and the negotiations on conventional stability in europe. but the most remarkable symbol of the end of the cold war is of course that from this week onwards there will be only one german delegation at the united nations. the peaceful reunification of the german nation is a momentous achievement. we support unreservedly the efforts of the two major powers and other countries involved in those processes. we look to a world ruled by peace and stability rather than by military confrontation. but, while we look to the future with greater hope, we must also do so without illusions. the crisis in the gulf region reminds us all too starkly that the maintenance of peace requires a real commitment. we cannot assume that peace will happen as the inevitable result of historical trends. all of us - great powers and small - share a responsibility to ensure that new opportunities become significant achievements. up till now the vigorous pursuit of conventional arms dealing has played a major part in the creation of conflicts. governments cannot escape their responsibility to halt this proliferation. we in new zealand are committed to playing a constructive and imaginative role in the disarmament process and in participating in achieving real security in our region and internationally. new zealand's commitment to peace-keeping is reflected in our involvement in the middle east in the united nations truce supervision operation and in the iran-iraq observer group, as well as in the non-united nations peace-keeping operation in the sinai. new zealand police assisted with the transition to independence in namibia. in our own region, we recently provided facilities to help with the negotiation and reconciliation of the dispute over the island of bougainville in papua new guinea. an important contribution made by the countries of our region to the global nuclear disarmament process has been the south pacific nuclear-free zone, endorsed overwhelmingly by the general assembly last year. the treaty complements the nuclear-free policies which new zealand has adopted domestically. two permanent members of the security council have given their formal commitment to this initiative by signing the relevant protocols of the treaty. two others have given assurances that their actions are not inconsistent with the treaty's provisions. we urge all the nuclear-weapon states to make a formal commitment by signing the protocols to the treaty. the establishment of a south pacific nuclear-free zone has thrown into even sharper contrast the way france continues to test its nuclear weapons, in defiance of the wishes of the countries of the region. our protests against testing by a nuclear power in the south pacific, outside its metropolitan territory, have been ignored. it is intolerable that a region which is com- . d to nuclear-free principles should be used as a test site for the development of nuclear-weapon technology. for a number of years new zealand and australia have sponsored draft resolutions in this assembly calling for an end to the testing of all nuclear weapons. we shall be sponsoring such a draft resolution again this year. more than any other single measure, a comprehensive test ban would help slow down the nuclear arms race. we ask the permanent members of the security council to respond to the overwhelming demand of the assembly for the early achievement of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. we share the concern of many members of the organisation about the possible spread of nuclear weapons to areas of tension such as the middle east, north asia or the korean peninsula. the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is a vital part of the process of global nuclear disarmament. in this contest, we welcomed the widespread support evident at the recent review conference for stronger safeguards to restrict further the possible spread of nuclear weapons. it was a matter of great regret to us that it was not possible to have these and other important gains made by the review conference formally adopted in a final document. it is imperative to take other follow-up action to ensure that those gains are not now lost. it is most frustrating that there has been so little progress on banning nuclear testing, which we see as an important part of the non-proliferation treaty bargain. nevertheless, the stakes are too high to place this treaty at risk. one other aspect of disarmament that is currently the cause of considerable interest in our region is chemical weapons destruction. the decision by the united states and the soviet union to destroy most of their stocks of chemical weapons is welcome. less welcome has been the united states decision to use an atoll in the pacific ocean for the destruction of some of its stocks. we certainly understand the need to destroy in site where possible and look forward to the day when existing stocks in our region are no more. but, along with other south pacific countries, we are concerned that our region must not be viewed as a convenient disposal area far from the crowded cities of the countries which created the armaments. it is the clear view of our region that there should be no further transfer to the pacific from outside of chemical weapon stocks for destruction. we have therefore welcomed the assurance to this end given to the south pacific forum by the united states. we shall continue to resist the idea of our region being used as a testing ground for nuclear weapons or for the dumping or disposal of nuclear or toxic waste. the threshold of challenge and of opportunity for the united nations obliges us all to ensure that our organisation is equal to new tasks. the system in many aspects reflects another world and another time. in [number] years new and significant players have become active in our world community of nations and their position in the scheme of things does need to be better acknowledged. old enmities have subsided divided countries are reuniting. the many smaller countries ponder how their interests are now best preserved in this scene of unprecedented change. it is necessary to have a system that better reflects a comprehensive view of our world's security, that allows clear decisions and, most importantly, that encourages faithful observance of agreed conventions. the general assembly must strive for that, and we must all bear in mind the final beneficiaries of our actions - our children. at a time when the united nations is drawing attention to the needs of the children of the world, it is worth reminding ourselves that it is neither the technology nor the resource that is missing in the search to integrate environmental and developmental needs, to create a commonwealth of security for the next generation. what is missing is the political will. we all know that the bizarre reality is that solutions to the real and compelling needs of children, which have been discussed here in the past few days, could be found by reducing the bloated arms budgets of the world. at this time of such great hope - and such great peril - perhaps we should also remember that those who will inherit our political bequests have simple needs. as we make decisions, choose to act or choose not to act, i would ask the question in the language of the maori of aotearoa, the language of my sons "ha aha te taonga o te ao gon? " - "what is the treasure of the new dawn? " and the answer is obvious "nga mokopuna, nos mokopuna. ma mokopuna" - "it is the children, it is the children".
at this forty-second session of the general assembly, it is fortunate that the united nations has honoured you. sir, by electing you president. your election, which comes at a time when the united nations is reviewing its past, taking stock of its present and pondering its future, is for my delegation and myself a most pleasant opportunity to congratulate you most warmly. we are all the more pleased in that the assembly has, through you, singled our and honoured the german democratic republic, your beautiful and great country, with which gabon has long maintained the closest links. we are convinced that under your leadership, arid thanks to your commitment, lucidity and selflessness, our work will be brought to a happy conclusion. in this respect ray delegation assures you of its full co-operation. we should like to pay a tribute also to ambassador choudhury, your predecessor, whose actions throughout the forty-first session of the general assembly and whose outstanding qualities encouraged the hope and convinced us that there is always in the spirit of man the resources needed to strive for the best and the most just for all. the excellent report of the secretary-general is a proof of his determination and courage in tackling the problems with which it deals. we assure him that in all his undertakings and in the comprehensive reforms that he is proposing, we are and shall continue to be at his side, combining our will and our strength with his. finally, i greet the representatives of member states, with whom we share the efforts and responsibilities of this session so that together we can contribute positively to the strengthening of the principles enshrined m the charter. the celebration two years ago of the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the united nations gave my country an opportunity to express the hope that the organization would do everything possible to achieve the purposes and principles set out when it was established to meet the hopes that each of its members placed in it. these include the maintenance of world peace and security and the promotion of international co-operation towards the complementarity of our economies. peace and development are not just two major questions of concern to the world today, but the very heart of the problems facing our organization. in general, the united nations has certainly made praiseworthy efforts to instil in the economic relations among states a striving for peace and an ideal of justice, which are the necessary conditions of the establishment of a new international economic order. however, its clear shortcomings must be put on the debit side of its actions. we note in particular that it is far from having completely achieved its goals and from playing its full role, certain big countries showing a lack of goodwill in this respect. in today's world the arms race, acts of aggression and regional conflicts are a constant source of concern for developing countries which are striving to protect their independence, sovereignty and security and working actively to develop their economies and strengthen international co-operation. nevertheless, the talks that have been going on at the highest level over the last few months between the united states and the soviet union with a view to concluding an agreement on nuclear disarmament offer a glimmer of hope. gabon cannot but encourage such initiatives. it is now a fact that certain states, directly or indirectly, are cultivating egocentrism, thus weakening the multilateral development of international relations. the loss of enthusiasm for multilateralism, caused essentially by states preoccupied with their own interests, relegates to the background the ideals which were supported unanimously in [number]. this is a subject of profound concern for my country, for this attitude seems likely to make more acute the major problems of the time, particularly those of peace and security, justice and dignity among peoples and nations, international co-operation and the progress of mankind. regarding the questions on the agenda for this session, i stress the unchanging position of my government on the problems of security and the arms race. gabon is deeply devoted to the fundamental principles and ideals o the charter and has always advocated the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. it remains convinced that security cannot be maintained in a climate characterized by the use of force, military interventions, acts of aggression or the occupation of territories by foreign forces. security and disarmament are closely linked. consequently, international security cannot be strengthened by increasing armament. only the creation of a climate of mutual trust in relations among states can lead to the solution of security problems. moreover, over the last year there seems to have been no sign of feasible solutions to the various problems facing the united nations some of which, such as that of the situation in south africa, have, rather, grown worse. the united nations has branded apartheid, a crime against humanity, for the racial oppression of the south african people, the illegal occupation of namibia and the constant acts of intimidation and aggression against the front-line states could hardly be more accurately described. having long flouted the many appeals of the general assembly, the security council, the organization of african unity, the organization of the islamic conference, and the movement of non-aligned countries that it put an end to the hateful practice of apartheid. south africa arrogantly defies the universal consensus and is perfecting its system of racial oppression. in flagrant and deliberate violation of the charter and the elementary norms of international law governing the behaviour of states, the south african government continues its acts of armed aggression against neighbouring states, with the avowed intention of destabilizing them. the imposition of the state of emergency has further complicated the already complex south african question. unfortunately, strategic interests and the possible loss of the vast profits which the allies are making under the reign of apartheid seem to prevail over the many pertinent appeals to the security council finally to exert its authority. the international community should seize true opportunity offered by the present session of the general assembly to demand that pretoria put an end to repression, bantustanization, the banishment, harassment of black leaders fighting for their independence, and the extermination of freedom fighters, and begin as soon as possible a constructive dialogue with the oppressed black population, in order that it may at last freely exercise its rights. apartheid cannot be reformed. no attempt to reform that hateful system should be encouraged. it must be eradicated and destroyed. it is the entire south african population that must decide the fate of its country, without distinction on the ground of race, colour, sex or belief, on a basis of full equality. for its part, the territory made the responsibility of the united nations, namibia, last year commemorated the twentieth anniversary of its illegal occupation by the country of apartheid. during this time, the pretoria regime has developed in the territory colonialism, apartheid and aggression, all practices rejected by the international community as seriously threatening world peace and security. at the same time, foreign economic activities and interests stubbornly obstruct the road to the exercise of full and genuine independence by the valiant namibian people, under the enlightened leadership of its sole representative, the south west africa people's organization swapo . these same foreign interests are accelerating the systematic plundering of the natural wealth of the territory in flagrant violation of the relevant resolutions of the united nations. for my delegation, only the relevant decisions of our organization can be considered as valid measures likely to guarantee the independence of the namibian people. consequently, full implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , which defines a coherent plan for the immediate independence of namibia, is still the only framework likely to promote the decolonization process in namibian territory. gabon considers with interest, and supports, all attempts on the part of the parties concerned for the independence of namibia to accelerate this process and considers the fallacious linkage of the granting of independence to namibia with the withdrawal of cuban troops based in angola to be a subterfuge. i should like to reaffirm strongly my country's support for swapo in its implacable struggle for the liberation of namibia. these are in no way mere statements of intention. gabon has long since gone beyond this stage and is now undertaking concrete measures, of which i will only mention the granting of diplomatic status to swapo, the issuance of special postage stamps the profits from which will go to swapo, and the granting of stipends to namibian students. to sum up, it is a direct responsibility on the part of the united nations to guarantee the namibian people the exercise of the right to self-determination and to ensure the independence of namibia through free elections. the united nations cannot abdicate its responsibility to put an end to the constant acts of aggression perpetrated by south africa in the region. likewise guided by the principles and objectives of the charter of the united nations, like those of the organization of african unity oau , my country is following with great concern the development of the conflicts, particularly in chad and western sahara, that are tearing fraternal peoples apart. the question of chad has always been viewed in its two aspects the intra-chadian problem on the one hand, and the border conflict between chad and libya on the other. as regards the first area, everyone here will remember the contribution made by my country and its head, al hadj omar bongo, in the reconciliation of all the sons of this fraternal country. it is comforting that the leaders of the various components of the opposition are actively trying to work out the unification process. as regards the border conflict between chad and libya, the general assembly will recall that on [number] april [number] the security council referred the matter to the oau for consideration within the framework for appropriate oau machinery. one of these mechanisms is precisely the ad hoc committee set up in [number] by the fourteenth summit meeting of the oau and chaired since then by gabon. that is why, in application of the resolution adopted at the twenty-third summit meeting of the oau, and taking into consideration the worsening of the military situation in the area. president bongo had, first, made an appeal to the two parties in the conflict, and then undertook efforts to convene the committee in lusaka, with the agreement of president kenneth kaunda of zambia, current chairman of the oau. it is my privilege to confirm to the assembly, as many eminent delegations have done before me, that the ad hoc committee did indeed meet in the capital of zambia on [number] and [number] october, under the chairmanship of el hadj omar bongo, with the presence of president kaunda and with the effective participation of the heads of state of the following member states president diouf of senegal and president chissano of mozambique and of other member states, namely algeria, cameroon and nigeria, who were represented at the ministerial level. for the first time the ad hoc committee had the participation of both parties in the conflict, chad represented by its head of state, president hissene habre, and libya by the head of the people's bureau of external relations. after expressing their pleasure with the chadian and libyan decisions to respond positively to the appeal of the current president or the oau that they lay down their arms and co-operate frankly and loyally with the committee, the committee called upon both parties, first, to make available to it all relevant documentation to support their arguments, by [number] october [number] [number] at the latest secondly, to maintain and consolidate the cease-fire at all levels thirdly, to refrain from any action that would make the conflict an international one. moreover, the following timetable was drawn up from [number] november to [number] december [number], a meeting of juridical and cartographic experts at libreville on [number] january [number], a meeting of ministers in libreville in the first two weeks of january [number] [number], a meeting of heads of state at dakar. respect for this timetable and strict observance of the lusaka decision by the parties to the conflict should lead to further progress in their effort undertaken since [number] both at the oau level and at the united nations level, to achieve a peaceful settlement of this dispute. despite alarming reports received lately we believe that the two parties in conflict will not dare to continue to turn a deaf ear to the various appeals made, or remain deaf to wisdom and reason. that same striving for peace among nations through dialogue has always been advocated by gabon with regard to the question of western sahara. my country is still convinced that only the organization of a referendum on free democratic and honest self-determination can lead to a final settlement of this conflict. we therefore welcome the recent initiative of the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. perez de cuellar, who visited morocco and algeria to study on the spot the practical conditions for organizing such a referendum. i shall not conclude my statement on the political situation on the african continent without mentioning the question, still topical, of the comorian island of mayotte. my government reaffirms its solidarity with the comorian people and condemns and rejects all new forms of consultation that might be organized on the comorian territory of mayotte and reiterates its desire to continue to pursue the efforts already under way to return the comorian island of mayotte to its motherland as soon as possible. my government's position as regards the middle east is clear. we m gabon are persuaded that the withdrawal of israel from the occupied arab territories, occupied since [number] is the sine qua non condition for achieving a just and lasting solution. we believe that the palestinians, like all other people in the world, must claim the full exercise of their legitimate rights, including that of existing within secure and internationally recognized borders. we are convinced that the palestine liberation organization as the legitimate representative of the palestinian people, must play an essential role in the efforts made to find a solution to this problem, efforts in which all interested parties should participate. the situation in lebanon causes us concern, because of, among other things, the excellent relations between our two countries. we urge all the parties concerned to put an end to that fratricidal struggle and to devote themselves to the difficult but noble task of rebuilding the country. as regards the conflict between iran and iraq, gabon in particular and the international community in general have several times expressed their extreme concern over that endless and bloody confrontation. it is absolutely essential that there be a cease-fire and that the two sides accept and fully apply all the relevant security council resolutions. in order to speed up the opening of negotiations, gabon encourages and supports the international initiatives - above all, of course, the action taken by the secretary-general, who, under security council resolution [number] [number] , adopted unanimously on [number] july, went to baghdad and tehran to work out a platform for negotiations. in afghanistan foreign intervention has fomented the war for nearly eight years. far from being ended, the fighting is spreading. the only way out is through the search for a political solution guaranteeing both the withdrawal of foreign forces and the free determination of their future by the afghan people. as for the painful situation in kampuchea, gabon reaffirms its condemnation of the occupation of that country by foreign forces. it deplores the sacrifices inflicted on the innocent civilian population and recalls the urgent need to find a peaceful solution based, here too, on the withdrawal of foreign forces and the national reconciliation of all the sons of that friendly country. the division of the korean people, a long-running drama, having gone on for [number] years, continues. gabon, which is pleased to count both koreas among its best friends, continues to support a negotiated solution aimed at the peaceful reunification of those two parts of the same country. latin america is another area of our world where tension is increasing daily. my country believes that only the implementation of the principles of peaceful coexistence, good neighbourliness, the non-use of force, respect for territorial integrity and non-interference advocated by the charter of our organization can contribute to halting the worsening of the climate in that region. therefore, we renew our support for the contadora group and welcome the complementary contributions of the lima group, which provide propitious frameworks for renewing the chances of a better understanding between all peace-loving people. the pitfalls of our era require from us nothing less than respect for the ideals on which the united nations was built. the organization can be strong only through our strength? it can be rational only through our reason it can be efficient only through the means we can offer it. having created the united nations for a better world, we must know that ultimately the world will only be the result of what we collectively intend to make of it. that applies both to political and to economic problems, on which i shall now put forward my country's position. it must be recognized that the world economy, as we see it today, is naturally a result of policies advocated, followed or applied in the past. they have led us into a cycle marked by negative changes, all of which were seen during the course of [number]. they are characterized by a new collapse in production and in the international trade system, as well as by an increase in protectionism. all those negative factors, together with world monetary disorder and the imbalance in capital markets, clearly have an unfavourable impact on the economies of developing countries. our countries, whose economies are essentially based on the commodities trade, have overall been seriously affected in recent years by the prolonged weakening in the prices of those products. the oil-producing countries in particular, including gabon, face a grave economic crisis as a result of the fall both in the price of oil and in the exchange rate of the dollar. in american dollars the annual average price was [number] per cent lower in 19t l that it had been in [number] - about [number] per cent in real terms. in other words, africa's share of world commodity exports fell, for most commodities, particularly in the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s. gabon believes that the machinery of the integrated programme for commodities, and its accompanying common fund, should have the full support of all trading partners. stabilization of commodity markets requires appropriate regulation at the international level. it should be noted that trade flows have been such that the exports of developing countries fell from [number]. [number] per cent in [number] to [number]. [number] per cent in [number]. in the same period their imports fell from [number]. [number] to [number]. [number] per cent. an additional cause of concern is the effect on the international market in commodities from developing countries of the proliferation of substitute products from developed countries. in the light of what i have said, which is by no means exhaustive, my country endorses the fundamental conclusion of the secretary-general of the united nations conference on trade and development unctad in his report for the past year that. "in the present situation the improvement in the world financial and trade environment is the key that should make it possible for the developing countries to begin to realize their development potential. " we feel that that is a realistic evaluation, for any effort made at the national level by our country is doomed to failure if it is not supported by a real change in international economic structures. it is in this context - a reduction in international trade and an increase in protectionism in all its forms, the floating of the main reference currencies, a fall in public aid and a hardening of the terms of private loans - that we note with a feeling of anguish and impotence the disturbing increase in africa's foreign debt. in fact, by the end of 19t85 africa's total debt amounted to [number] billion, more than [number] billion of which is swallowed up each year by debt servicing. various solutions have been advocated, among them the rescheduling of debts. i take this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to the representative of canada and, through him, to his great and generous country, which in a magnanimous action has just wiped out the debts of seven african countries, including gabon, in a total amount of [number] million. it is in order to find a solution to this grave problem that the african countries decided, in the organization of african unity, to hold a conference on africa's foreign debt. on several occasions, under the terms of the relevant resolutions and declarations of that organization, our countries have solemnly undertaken to honour their debts. africa's creditors should therefore feel protected from the confrontation which they seem to fear, and should not regard this conference as the framework for defining a strategy aimed at refusal to pay. beyond this question of the external debt of the developing countries there is another question, which is linked to it the absence of international liquidity facing our countries, which reduces and hinders our development possibilities. hence, the five-member group of experts established in july [number] [number] by the late prime minister of india, indira gandhi - at that time the chairman of the movement of non-aligned countries - recommended in its report a greater allocation of resources and the implementation of a process of reform of the international monetary and financial systems. finally, if development is to be integral, we cannot hide its social aspect, because it is precisely that aspect which most directly affects the people - who, as the president of the republic of gabon constantly repeats, are at the start and the end of any action for development. we note with interest the inclusion in the agenda of this session of items relating to the fate of the disabled and the elimination of all forms of discrimination based on sex, as well as items relating to actions to be taken to ensure the protection of women. my government stresses how important these problems are. the distortions created by a period of relative economic growth and by the social changes it engendered have made my government aware of the need to establish appropriate compensatory mechanisms to ensure, among other things - in the framework of its social action policy - the social reintegration and rehabilitation of the physically and mentally disabled. moreover, women, like men, have access to education, vocational training, employment, and government - which now includes five women. we view our policy of social assistance, in the context of national solidarity, and our policy of improving the status of women as being in full accordance with the relevant provisions of tried resolutions of the organization in this field. that, in substance, is the message which, on behalf of my country, gabon, i have the pleasure to address to the general assembly on this solemn occasion. may the words it contains find in members countries the favourable response which it deserves as a contribution to the dawning of a new era of peace, justice and harmony in the world.
on behalf of my delegation. her majesty's government and the people of the kingdom of swaziland, i should like to convey our profound gratitude and sincerest congratulations to mr. jaime de pinies on his well-deserved election to the presidency of this historic fortieth session of the general assembly. my delegation has no doubt whatsoever that his wisdom and rich diplomatic experience will help galvanize this vital session so that it reaches a fruitful and happy conclusion. my delegation, therefore, wishes to pledge its unreserved commitment and fullest co-operation in all the crucial deliberations ahead of this body. the delegation of swaziland also wishes to express its warm and heartfelt appreciation to his predecessor, mr. paul lusaka of zambia. indeed, my delegation salutes that fellow african and brother from our part of africa, who not only demonstrated his skill and prudence but also, in conducting the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly, showed excellent leadership abilities. i should like once again to convey our profound gratitude to the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. javier perez de cuellar, and the entire staff of the united nations for the noble service they continue to render the international community. we also commend them for the excellent united nations reports before us and their untiring zeal in the maintenance of international peace and security. the delegation of the kingdom of swaziland wishes at the very outset, on behalf of her majesty's government and the people of swaziland, to convey our heartfelt condolences to the people and government of mexico in connection with the recent tragedy, entailing a heavy loss of human life and destruction of property, in the wake of the devastating earthquakes in their beloved country. it is my delegation's strongest and sincerest conviction and we firmly assert that anniversaries are times for serious reflection and stocktaking, particularly in the management of international political statecraft. i therefore consider that the fortieth anniversary of the united nations provides member states with a rare and excellent opportunity for this. we cannot fail to mention that we in swaziland have vivid and painful memories of the first and second world wars and their historic aftermath. indeed, it was an era marked by the total destruction of man's achievements on our planet and of gigantic disruption of global diplomacy that laid the foundations of dangerous theses about the proper conduct of international diplomacy. if we do not take advantage of this present opportunity, the present generations will never forgive us for missing this golden opportunity to save mankind from disaster. it is my honest observation that it is human nature and almost customary for people to make massive charges of failure and criticisms about anything on earth, and the united nations is no exception. however, on the contrary, we in the kingdom of swaziland attach great significance to the existence of the united nations and to the expanding roles it plays for the sole benefit of mankind. thus, we continue to cherish our membership of this body. above all, we in swaziland salute the excellent and admirable achievements of the united nations in matters of decolonization, achievements that have even changed the membership of this organization from a mere [number] member states in [number] to [number] today. we are also grateful to the united nations for its efforts and measures towards achieving international economic co-operation and for the role that it plays in encouraging member states to observe human rights and fundamental freedoms. indeed, one may well shudder at the idea of a world without the united nations, even given its fair share of omissions. today we live in an unstable world, a world threatened by all kinds of conflicts, be they inter-state or global. it is therefore incumbent upon us as member states of the united nations, to uphold hie charter and to interpret its sacrosanct provisions with the utmost care. international peace and security seem to be elusive nowadays. many nations tend to be indifferent to resolutions of the general assembly and the security council. we therefore note with grave concern that, should such a trend persist unabated, armageddon will soon befall the world, and peaceful economic development and good-neighborliness will be things of the past. my delegation views socio-economic and political developments in southern africa with added concern. indeed, the question of apartheid policies as instituted by the government of south africa was first placed upon the agenda of this very august body years and years ago. ever since, this assembly has debated the issue and passed numerous resolutions and declarations, condemning apartheid in south africa. furthermore, member states of the united nations have continued to call strongly on south africa to move progressively from its racial policies of discrimination based solely upon the color of one's skin and to give universal suffrage to all its people, but to no avail. we in swaziland recognize the urgent need to establish a non-racial society based upon the fundamental norms of democracy, whereby participation by all the people, irrespective of their color, race, politics or religious creed, is sacrosanct. our delegation further asserts that the problems of south africa must be solved peacefully, for violence has never benefited anybody, but has brought its sinister and pernicious lesson of counter-productivity. we are therefore greatly perturbed at witnessing this blood-bath unprecedented in modern history unleashed by the apartheid policies in that part of our world. however, it is the view of her majesty's government that it is perhaps not too late to effect drastic changes inside south africa, and that south africa, as a first step, should release all political prisoners unconditionally and then begin a process of negotiations with all genuine leaders of the black community. it is exactly [number] years since the security council terminated the colonial mandate of south africa to administer namibia. moreover, resolution after resolution has been unanimously passed by this assembly, appealing to south africa to relinquish namibia. above all, it is also a sacrosanct principle that the namibians, like all other people, should enjoy the right to self-determination and national independence. on the other hand, like many others, my country had higher hopes and expectations when the security council adopted resolution [number] [number] unanimously and, for that matter, with the overwhelming support of the leading western countries. however, my delegation observes with grave concern that such well-intentioned efforts emanating from the solidarity of the international community have been thwarted by certain member states in utter disregard for the independence and aspirations of the namibian people. we therefore continue to assert that the namibians have suffered for too long and call for the urgent implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] in order to save mankind from yet another carnage of war and gross threats to international peace and security. the delegation of the kingdom of swaziland further views with a sense of shock and dismay the rapid deterioration of peace and security in our southern african region. we are perturbed by the aggressive policies of destabilization aimed at the disruption of both our economic and political stability, and especially in mozambique after the signing of the nkomati accord. swaziland has suffered economically as a result of the repeated derailment of railway trucks taking our exports to the port of maputo in mozambique. the disturbances that occur in neighboring countries have an overspill effect on the kingdom of swaziland. thus we find ourselves having to share the meager resources available with the uncontrollable influx of refugees from neighboring states. we note with concern that whenever the question of destabilization in the region arises, swaziland is at least partly, if not completely, disregarded, in spite of its contribution towards peace in that region. i once again reaffirm that swaziland strongly believes in the policy and philosophy of peaceful negotiations, a philosophy whose firm foundations were laid down by our beloved late king sobhuza ii. above all, history has taught us time and again that violence has never benefited anybody but has left its sinister legacy of counter-violence. my delegation cannot fail to express its serious concern about the fact that we have witnessed, over the years, gross violations of the united nations charter, and particularly of article [number], paragraphs [number] and [number], and article [number], to the detriment of international peace and security. it is therefore the concern of her majesty's government that the explosive situation prevailing in the middle east, and created by the persian gulf war and the protracted occupation of kampuchea, afghanistan and chad, continues to deprive the people of those countries of their inalienable and sacrosanct right to self-determination. he also note with grave concern that such tendencies are a direct cause of tension, and therefore pose a grave threat to both regional peace and international security. my delegation firmly believes that peace in those areas of conflict can be achieved only by the complete withdrawal of all foreign forces from and the end of interference in those trouble-spots of our time. in our pursuit of world peace and security, it is important that we refer to the sensitive political situation that continues to divide north and south korea. my delegation submits that the reunification of korea is a matter to be decided by the koreans themselves in direct inter-korean negotiations. it remains for the united nations to continue to encourage the resumption of those talks without preconditions or external interference. the delegation of the kingdom of swaziland is equally perturbed by developments in central and latin america. we therefore urge all the parties concerned to exercise both moral and political constraints and resolve their differences through peaceful contacts all possible assistance must be given to the contadora group for the creation of bridges of peace in that troubled area of the region. my delegation is also particularly perturbed by the recent trend aimed at dismantling the role of multilateralism in international economic relations. i also view with the utmost concern the plight of the economies of many developing countries due to unfavorable international economic scenarios. thus, my delegation wishes further to assert that swaziland is a small land-locked country whose economic development depends solely on the goodwill of natural forces and external trade. the unprecedented decline in commodity prices and unfavorable international economic scenarios therefore represent a major blow to our fragile economy. in conclusion, the delegation of the kingdom of swaziland wishes to reaffirm that swaziland is a peace-loving country, whose foreign policy is dictated by pragmatism rather than political and ideological realism. whence our continued concern regarding the unprecedented escalation of the proliferation of dangerous nuclear armaments, whose end result will be the total destruction of mankind. above all, the kingdom of swaziland is an ardent believer in the norms of international economic co-operation, and in the positive spirit of multilateralism. thus, at this fortieth session of the united nations our country expresses its firm conviction in and continued adherence to the united nations charter, and reiterates that the united nations remains the only appropriate international forum for finding solutions to the major world problems today. therefore, it is incumbent upon all of us as states members to renew our dedication and commitment to the noble purposes and principles of the united nations.
it is an honour for me to deliver this statement on behalf of mr. surakiart sathirathai, minister for foreign affairs of thailand. allow me to join all previous speakers in expressing our deepest sympathies to the families and friends of those who lost their lives or suffered from the tragic incidents of [number] september [number]. the people and government of thailand share the feelings of sorrow and outrage caused by those acts of terrorism. our condolences go to the people and government of the united states. i wish to extend my congratulations to the president on his election to the presidency for the fifty- sixth session of the general assembly and express my full confidence that, under his guidance, we shall be able to build upon the united nations millennium declaration and accomplish our goals of bringing peace, prosperity and well-being to this world. i also wish to express our warmest congratulations to secretary-general kofi annan on his being conferred the nobel peace prize, together with the united nations, as well as on his re-election as secretary-general. this prestigious recognition has been made because of the tireless efforts of the secretary-general himself and of the dedicated united nations staff. the achievement of the secretary- general is noted in his millennium report, which encapsulates the united nations activities ahead, outlines the framework for the tasks and focuses on people as the centre of development, both at the international and national levels. after the events of [number] september [number], the shared destiny of the world will depend greatly on how we manage to cope with these emerging new realities and growing complexities. no country is truly safe from terrorism and no one is capable of fighting it alone. now is the time for every nation to contribute and participate in the joint efforts to combat terrorism. in thailand, we resolutely condemn all forms of terrorism and are fully supportive of all the international community s efforts to combat this grave threat to global peace and security. thailand supports all actions against terrorism in the framework of the united nations and in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the united nations and international law. we have extended cooperation to the international [number] community through existing laws, such as those on mutual assistance in criminal matters in the form of information exchange and intelligence sharing. the thai government is amending existing domestic legislation and regulations to enable the country to be party to relevant international conventions, especially the international convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism. at the regional level, thailand has participated actively in the recent regional gatherings at the highest level, where international terrorism received a high priority, namely the recent asia-pacific economic cooperation apec economic leaders meeting in shanghai. we joined other apec leaders in expressing grave concern over the threat to world peace and the stability of the world economy caused by terrorism and in reaffirming a renewed sense of urgency to restore confidence to the global economy. at the 7th summit of the association of south- east asian nations asean on [number] november [number] in brunei darussalam, asean leaders issued a declaration outlining specific measures to further strengthen cooperation to deal with the threat of terrorism in the region. measures proposed include the enhancement of intelligence exchange and the deepening of cooperation among law enforcement agencies. asean leaders also stressed the need to strengthen cooperation with asean dialogue partners and within the framework of the asean regional forum and affirmed that the united nations should play a major role in this regard. my country, thailand, supports a ministerial-level international conference on international terrorism, under the auspices of the united nations, to be held at the earliest opportunity. this should facilitate the discussion of problems and cooperation on antiterrorism, leading to possible concrete measures at the global level. terrorism should not be identified with any ethnic group, faith, or nationality. otherwise, our efforts could result in greater danger for our peoples. international terrorism has also exacerbated the slowdown in the global economy. this carries with it significant social ramifications as well. airlines, tourism and related industries worldwide have felt the impact of international tension. countries already struggling to recover from the recent economic slowdown are preparing to safeguard their economies from sliding further into sluggishness. confronted with the ever widening gap between developed and developing countries, the united nations and member states must work together to arrest and reverse this trend. the efforts to bridge the gap must not be confined to the united nations framework alone. the world trade organization meeting in doha, qatar, which was just concluded, was a timely opportunity in which nations proved that they could work together and achieve substantial progress in pushing forward the global trade agenda for the common good of the world. since assuming office early this year, the present thai government has been pursuing a new approach to economic and social policy. the thai government has introduced a series of economic and social schemes aimed at promoting the capacity-building of the people at the grass-roots level. for instance, it has established the people s bank and microcredit schemes for both the rural and the urban poor. this is to assist each community by financing small, local projects so as to develop and market a community s own products based on local know-how. in addition, more than [number] million small-scale thai farmers will benefit from the government s debt suspension scheme and a nationwide health insurance scheme. on the issue of afghanistan, the united nations and the international community, in collaboration with the afghans themselves, must move quickly to formulate modalities that would help restore order and stability. we should also render all possible assistance to afghanistan, starting with assistance of a humanitarian nature at this crucial time and assistance aimed at capacity-building in the near future. thailand, for its part, will provide a fairly large amount of rice approximately [number], [number] metric tons as food relief for the afghans. the thai red cross has also donated [number], [number] blankets. within our own region of south-east asia, thailand has reinvigorated bilateral relations with our immediate neighbours and has cooperated closely in pursuing a common vision of opening borders. we have also decided to establish joint production bases and transportation linkages. these initiatives carry on the momentum begun last year when the economic and social commission for asia and the pacific escap adopted a resolution proposed by thailand on the decade of greater mekong subregion development [number] cooperation, [number]-[number] . this subregion has been placed at the forefront of the asia-pacific development agenda. in addition, thailand also has a role in keeping peace in the region. we take special pride in the fact that two thai generals have successively served as force commanders of the united nations transitional administration in east timor untaet , the successor operation to the international force in east timor interfet . this is part and parcel of thailand s commitment to shouldering its fair share of international responsibility, particularly in south-east asia. we envisage the united nations playing a major role in strengthening the foundation for a future world that will be peaceful, tolerant, and sustainable for our peoples and future generations. therefore, thailand is fully supportive of the united nations year of dialogue among civilizations and participated actively in the recently concluded world conference against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance held in durban, south africa. as we celebrate the fifty-sixth anniversary of the united nations, and as we congratulate the secretary- general and the organization, we must ask ourselves what do we expect of the united nations? i believe we expect it to work even harder towards cultivating a culture of peace, as well as improving the pace of international social and economic development. in these endeavours, we believe that rich and poor nations alike must contribute in their varied capacities. these national efforts must go hand in hand with those of the united nations. let us focus on the immediate priorities of maintaining peace and harmony in the world. let us pledge to work together with even greater vigour for the political, economic, social, and physical well-being of our peoples. these are, and should be, the enduring priorities for the united nations and for all humankind.
it gives me pleasure at the outset to join the speakers who preceded me in congratulating you. sir, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. my delegation is confident that your wide experience and diplomatic skill will contribute to the success of the session. i should like also to pay tribute to your predecessor, mr. samir shihabi, for the exemplary manner in which he conducted the affairs of the forty-sixth session of the general assembly. i am pleased also to convey our appreciation and praise to the secretary-general, his excellency mr. boutros boutros-ghali, for this consistent efforts, in the face of numerous impediments, to strengthen the role of the organization in achieving the purposes and principles of the united nations charter, as well as for his agenda for peace proposals aimed at enhancing the role of the united nations in preserving international peace and security, ensuring justice and protecting human rights. i should like too to welcome the new members of the organization armenia, azerbaijan, bosnia and herzegovina, croatia, kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, slovenia, moldova, san marino, tajikistan, uzbekistan, turkmenistan and georgia. their accession to the organization's membership is a further step towards the complete universality of our organization. it also enhances international acceptability of the principles and purposes of this great organization and boosts its efforts to achieve justice, prosperity, progress and international peace and security. since the last session, international relations and the international balance of power have undergone profound changes and transformations. those changes have resulted in, among other things, the collapse and disintegration of what was known as the soviet union, and the end of bipolarity. the world has begun to seek the establishment of an alternative order whose features have not crystallized. in the meantime, there are signs that several of the cold-war problems such as certain regional conflicts, the dismantling of the apartheid system in south africa and the slowing down of the arms race may be amenable to solution. these developments in international relations have created new opportunities and new challenges. the challenges must be confronted by the international community with all seriousness and determination. ' this should be done by strengthening the spirit of understanding and reconciliation that now prevails in international relations. however, this optimism should not stop us from conceding that certain old questions and problems have not been resolved yet. furthermore, those developments have created new hotbeds of tension in certain areas of the world, as evidenced by the eruption of the ethnic conflicts and civil wars that have cast their shadows on the international arena. such unwelcome trends make it incumbent upon the international community to do more to strengthen the positive trends in international relations so that we may resolve the residual and the new problems alike. within that context, my country supports the efforts of the states of the economic community of west african states ecowas to reach a speedy solution to the liberian problem. we also urge the international community to encourage the afghans to settle their differences in a manner that would spare them new confrontation. and we call on the international community to work seriously to end the bloody conflict in the balkans by encouraging the republics of the former yugoslavia to settle their disputes through dialogue and negotiation instead of force and violence. the international community should redouble its efforts to put an end to the human tragedy of the somali people and to take appropriate measures to reach a rational reconciliation, thereby guaranteeing a dignified life for the somalis, who are facing a massive famine. as for the conflict between the islamic republic of iran and the united arab emirates, over the islands of abu mousa, greater tunb and lesser tunb, we would like to state the need to adhere to the international norms and conventions that prohibit the occupation by force of the territory of another state. we call upon our brethren in iran and the united arab emirates to allow reason, respect for good-neighbourliness, and the principle of sovereignty to prevail, and to search for a peaceful solution to this conflict, thereby sparing the region an escalation in tensions. the just cause of the palestinian people has been with the united nations since its inception. notwithstanding the adoption of numerous resolutions by the general assembly, the security council and other organs, the organization remains unable to implement its own resolutions. as the secretary-general states in his report to the security council on preventive diplomacy, "the principles of the charter should be applied consistently, not selectively, for if the perception should be of the latter, trust will wane and with it the moral authority which is the greatest and most unique quality of that instrument. " a [number] [number], para. [number] due to clear discrimination against the palestinian people who remain under the yoke of israeli occupation and suffer all forms of oppression, repression, enslavement and injustice caused by an international community which employs double standards that people rose up in an intifadah against israeli occupation, insisting, properly, on their right to self-determination and demonstrating that the will of peoples cannot be crushed by repression. we should like to reaffirm from this rostrum our support for the intifadah of the palestinian people against injustice and for that people's right to liberate their land, to exercise self-determination and to establish their own independent and sovereign state. we urge the international community to translate its support of the palestinian people into practical measures by pressing for the immediate halting of jewish immigration to palestine and the occupied arab territories, the complete halting of the building of israeli settlements, the protection of the palestinian people and the implementation of all resolutions relevant to the palestinian question and to the occupied arab territories, so that peace and justice may prevail in all parts of the middle east. despite all the encouraging developments in south africa over the past two years, recent events have shown that the situation there is still a source of tension and cause for concern. the recent eruption and escalation of violence is an ominous sign of a possible explosion that may jeopardize the process designed to abolish apartheid through negotiation. while welcoming the steps recently taken by the international community in this respect, my country will continue its support of the south african people's struggle to eradicate the system of apartheid, which, it seems, is unwilling to desist from its racist practices voluntarily and, chameleon-like, is desperately trying to disguise itself. therefore, all of us must maintain the pressure on that regime to make it heed the will of the majority, the will of the international community and the relevant united nations resolutions. the remarkable changes and developments in today's world impose new responsibilities on the united nations in performing its role as an instrument of preserving world peace and security and promoting stability, reconciliation, development and prosperity for all. small and vulnerable countries have taken heart from the organization's increased capabilities, especially now that the organization has achieved marked success in the settlement of disputes in cambodia and afghanistan, in the realization of namibia's independence and in supporting the legitimate struggle of the people of south africa to dismantle apartheid. notwithstanding those positive indications in the organization's work, it has been noted that some still continue to dominate the organization and to use it, under various pretexts, to serve their own political purposes through the law of force rather than the force of the law, and by pursuing policies of political and military intervention as well as economic pressure. the pressures to which libya has been subjected are part and parcel of those policies. the same is true of what has been visited upon the iraqi people. thus, we call for an end to the embargo imposed against the people of iraq, for an end to their starvation, for respecting their sovereignty and for non-interference in their internal affairs. what has become known as the lockerbie case is one of the by-products of the present international situation and illustrates its effect on small countries that pursue independent policies and take independent positions. the case also shows the need to introduce basic changes in the mechanism by which resolutions are adopted in the united nations, and especially in the security council, so as to make them more expressive of the will of the international community. the case also pinpoints the dangers inherent in the tendency of certain states to use the powers of the security council to achieve their own private objectives and to use double standards in dealing with issues before the council in a manner that deals high-handedly and arbitrarily with the sovereignty and rights of small and vulnerable countries. the lockerbie case was raised and forced upon the security council and dealt with under chapter vii of the charter, which does not apply, since libya neither threatened world peace nor threatened or committed aggression against another country, actions it would have to have taken to be liable under the provisions of chapter vii, which relates to the maintenance of international peace and security. conscious of that, and based on its abhorrence of terrorism, of which it is a victim, my country expressed, in good will, its sincere willingness to cooperate in uncovering the facts and circumstances relating to the case. upon being notified of the matter, my country took all required legal measures consistent with international law and conventions that do not violate libya's sovereign rights. regrettably, however, the interested parties refused to cooperate with the libyan legal authorities, which had offered to conduct joint investigations of the two libyan suspects. when the states concerned referred the matter to the security council, which adopted resolution [number] [number] calling upon libya to cooperate, my country, in letters to the united nations secretary-general, expressed its acceptance of the resolution and proposed a series of initiatives to implement it. throughout, my country has been motivated by a desire to reach a settlement that would guarantee the rights of all parties and spare the region the dangers of tension and instability. however, the libyan initiatives concerning the implementation of the provisions of the resolution met the same fate as earlier ones, for the countries concerned rushed to the security council to seek adoption of another resolution imposing unjust sanctions against the small, peaceful libyan people, without any legal basis or moral justification. that action completely ignored my country's declared commitment to effective cooperation in the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , as set out clearly in document s [number] of [number] may [number]. the commitment was welcomed by the great majority of the family of nations as represented in the movement of non-aligned countries, the organization of african unity, the organization of the islamic conference and the league of arab states, all of which expressed solidarity with the fair libyan position from the very start of the crisis. in all of their decisions and final statements issued in september [number] those organizations were unanimous on the following points. first, praised libya's cooperation in seeking a peaceful settlement of the crisis within the context of libya's national sovereignty, international law, and the principles of the united nations charter that govern relations between independent states. secondly, called on the parties concerned to respond positively to libya's initiatives calling for dialogue, negotiation, and non-escalation, in order to reach a solution to the crisis under chapter vi of the charter of the united nations and under the auspices of the secretary-general, in a manner that would be conducive to ending the crisis and its repercussions peacefully, fairly and quickly. thirdly, called upon the security council to lift the measures imposed on libya, which has expressed its commitment to resolution [number] [number] as part of its initiatives, libya has recently called on the secretary-general of the united nations to send an international committee to verify that libya has met all the requirements of security council resolution [number] [number] related to terrorism. once again, the parties concerned prevented the secretary-general from responding to this proposal, and - at a time when my country had expected the council to lift or reduce the unjust sanctions in the light of libya's positive response to the requirements of resolution [number] [number] concerning terrorism, which we unequivocally condemn, and its complete willingness to provide a fair and unbiased trial for the suspects, which has been agreed to sought to persuade the security council to adopt a new resolution extending the sanctions for four more months. my country still calls for a peaceful settlement to this situation, a settlement that will safeguard the rights of all, maintain the principles of international law, and save the world from escalation and confrontation. the unjust sanctions against my country have caused a great deal of human and material harm, loss and suffering to the libyan people. my country has already detailed those losses and damages in official circulating documents of the security council. the embargo has affected numerous sectors, especially in the fields of health and social services. one example of this is the fact that the delay in the arrival of medical supplies and instruments has led to the deaths of a large number of children, and pregnant women who died in labour. it was also impossible to send abroad over [number], [number] medical cases that can not be treated locally, including cases of heart disease, kidney transplants, bone-marrow transplants, neurosurgery, and burns. one hundred and fifty gravely ill patients, who could not be treated locally, died while being transported overland to airports in tunisia and egypt. in addition, the overuse of land routes to and from the jamahiriya resulted in an increase in road accidents during the last four months of this year compared to the same period in [number]. the number of accidents rose from [number], [number] in [number] to [number], [number] over the past four months. deaths from these accidents rose from [number] to [number], an increase of about [number] per cent. as for economic losses resulting from the air embargo, they have amounted to [number], [number] million as a result of the fall in revenues generated by exports of fruits and vegetables, in addition to a [number] per cent drop in non-oil exports. the sanctions also resulted in the interruption of many industrial activities due to the shortage in means of production and spare parts, not to mention agriculture. the losses in animal and agricultural production, for example. are estimated at [number], [number], [number], [number]. [number] as a result of the non-arrival of medicines and sera necessary for protecting the livestock sector against animal epidemics and communicable diseases. those who prompted the security council to impose these sanctions on our small, peaceful population which has limited resources and has threatened no one bear the political, legal, and moral responsibility for the deaths of women, children, the aged, the handicapped, and the sick. they also bear responsibility for the decline in the standard of living, the slow pace of development, the spread of epidemics, and the imprisonment of an entire people inside its own borders. there is no doubt that all of this relates directly to human rights. history will bear witness to what is being perpetrated in the name of the security council against a small, peaceful population. thus, my country would like from this rostrum to call upon the international organization and the international security council, out of respect for the principles of justice, to lift these sanctions, which have harmed the libyan people and the peoples of neighboring states. it also invites the concerned parties to engage in dialogue and to cooperate in order to reach a solution to this dispute based on sovereignty and mutual respect in accordance with international norms and laws. i must put before this international forum some facts that are no doubt universally accepted. the first fact is that all countries, large and small, must respect the charter of the united nations and uphold international law if the world is not to slip into a state of anarchy, which is in no one's interest. the objective of the united nations should be the protection of the sovereignty of states and respect for their laws. the second fact is that the security council, the authority entrusted with maintaining international peace and security, should not become a tool used by some world powers as a cover for their hegemonistic designs. the third fact is the need for an international judicial organ entrusted with trying those who commit acts of terrorism of any sort or source. hence, we welcome the call for the establishment of an international criminal court to look into international criminal cases. the consolidation of security and cooperation in the mediterranean region is high on the agenda of the libyan arab jamahiriya, for we believe that security and peace in that region is vital, not only to the coastal states, but also to the peace and security of the world. thus, my country remains convinced that effective security in the region can be achieved only after the causes of tension that beset the mediterranean are removed and after the foreign navies and military bases are withdrawn from it. moreover, cooperation among its coastal states should be increased, coordinated and intensified. that is why my country would like to underscore the findings in the final declaration of the tenth summit of the non-aligned movement countries, which called for supporting the efforts aimed at transforming the mediterranean into a zone of peace, security and cooperation on the basis of the principles of respect for the equality and sovereignty of states, non-intervention in the internal affairs of others, and the non-use or threat of force. my country has consistently affirmed that it supports disarmament because it is aware of the terrible dangers that armaments pose to our planet. in this context, libya submitted to the assembly a proposal calling on the united nations general assembly to look into the serious phenomena of concern to all nations, such as international terrorism how to deal with its causes and how to eradicate it weapons of mass destruction, and offensive strategic weapons, which constitute a terrifying danger for all, including those who own them. the proposal refers also to offering compensation to the peoples who were colonized and subjected to repression and suppression by their colonizers. our proposal deals also with other important issues, such as the question of refugees, exiles and the kidnapped, in addition to reviewing the charter of the united nations. it proposes studying various economic and social problems and the ills that afflict humanity with a view to finding a solution for all these problems and to realizing stability, prosperity and happiness for the whole world. in addition to this, it is important to solve certain political questions which have been with the united nations since its inception. all those questions are contained in document a [number] [number] of [number] january [number]. once again, my country renews its call for disarmament through the elimination of all weapons of mass destruction of all countries which possess, produce or stockpile them, without exception or discrimination. my country, as party to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and to the treaty on the prohibition of bacteriological weapons and the geneva protocol, supports all efforts aimed at curbing the arms race and at eliminating nuclear weapons. that is why we welcome the recent agreement between the united states of america and the russian federation further to reduce their nuclear weapons. my country also welcomes france's accession to the non-proliferation treaty. to further expand this tendency, my country supports the establishment of zones that are free of all nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons, including africa and the middle east. it also supports the proposal of the arab republic of egypt which calls for declaring the middle east an area free of weapons of mass destruction. this objective, however, is obstructed by persistent difficulties resulting from israel's continued production, possession and stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction as well as its testing of these weapons and its refusal to heed repeated international appeals to submit its nuclear facilities to the safeguards regime of the international atomic energy agency. in this present era of change one concrete fact emerges, namely that the international community has not shown the same concern over questions of economic development as it did in regard to other questions such as those of political crises. economic problems, which are a significant factor in the obstruction of development and growth, are still with us. this does not seem logical, especially at a time when the world looks forward to a new era of security and stability. if this new era is to materialize, appropriate measures should be taken to solve the intractable economic problems of the developing countries in particular. these include the problems arising from protectionism, lack of transfer of technology, reverse flows of resources, external debts and low commodity prices. furthermore, the imposition of arbitrary measures and sanctions, such as economic embargoes, trade restrictions and the freezing of funds and assets by certain developed countries against a number of developing countries, must be halted. in addition, it is very important for the international community to honour its commitments vis-a-vis certain programmes, such as the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s. africa expects a great deal from this programme which is supposed to bolster development efforts started on the continent at the regional level by establishing the african economic community, and at the subregional level in the form of groupings such as the arab maghreb union, to which my country is honoured to belong. this union aims at intensifying cooperation among its member countries and with the rest of the continent. it also seeks to enter into wider cooperation with other countries of the world, especially the european mediterranean countries, and to enhance cooperation between the countries of the south and the north. the results of the summit on environment and development which was held in the middle of this year are a great achievement that bespeaks the international community's determination to protect the world's natural resources. the commitment of the world to preserve the environment was evident in the agreements on climatic change and biological diversity that were reached at that conference. the important thing now is to cooperate internationally and effectively in implementing the conclusions and recommendations of the earth summit. in this respect, my country welcomes the decision of the summit concerning the setting up of a standing developmental committee and hopes that this committee will become a forum for implementing the decisions of agenda [number] which are aimed at preserving the environment while pursuing development. conservation of the environment requires both international cooperation and national efforts. my country participated in the rio de janeiro conference and signed its conventions and agreements. at the national level my country accords top priority to questions of development. accordingly, my country has begun to combat drought and desertification through the great man-made river project which will carry millions of cubic metres of water from the southern part of libya to the arable land in the coastal area where the greatest part of our population lives. our national plans aim at the reclamation of thousands of hectares of land for both agriculture and human settlement. despite all this, my country still suffers from a severe shortage of water which is necessary for its economic development plans. this shortage not only threatens my country, but will imperil the continuation of life in north africa and the middle east unless it is dealt with through international cooperation. i must state here that our aspirations after development face certain difficulties which my country has raised in several regional and international forums, including the general assembly. the secretary-general himself spoke about those difficulties in his report. an agenda for peace. i am here referring to mines and the remnants of war. during the second world war, libyan territory was used as one of the main theatres for military operations. our people have paid an exorbitant material and human price for a war in which our country had no stake. since the end of that war, the libyan people have continued to suffer from the remnants of the war and the mines and explosives planted by the warring armies in its territory. many regional and international organizations, including the general assembly, have adopted resolutions calling upon the countries responsible to submit the required information and technical assistance needed for the removal of those mines and remnants, and to pay compensation for the damage caused by them. today, we reiterate our call to those countries to act in a responsible manner, to respond positively to the appeals of the international community and to implement the provisions of general assembly resolutions relating to the remnants of war. the environment in my country is also threatened by the harmful effects of pollution in the mediterranean, caused by the wastes poured into its water by foreign navies stationed in the area, the over-consumption and over-production of the developed mediterranean countries and the dumping of hundreds of tons of pesticides and combustibles in its waters. this has caused an environmental imbalance that is being further aggravated by the exploitation of the mediterranean by countries from outside the region. human rights issues are the focus of the international community's attention and are at the top of its scale of priorities. while appreciating the role of the united nations in ensuring the exercise of human rights and basic freedoms, we must state that those rights are not scrupulously respected in a number of regions. in addition, the double standards and the selectivity that mar the conduct of certain countries in the area of protecting human rights have prevented the united nations, and especially the commission on human rights, from effectively performing their role in this area. we hope that the world conference on human rights, to be held in vienna in mid-[number], will afford us opportunities to deliberate on all these questions and will adopt practical measures to deal with them and identify the ways and means whereby human rights may be protected and defended against violations. my country attaches great importance to human rights and to the dignity and welfare of man. this was reaffirmed in the great green document on human rights, which includes numerous basic principles for the promotion of human rights. this has been crowned by effective and legal procedures, such as the law on enhancing freedoms, which was promulgated in [number], the establishment of a national human rights commission and an international committee for the qaddafi human rights award. furthermore, libya has acceded to most international agreements and instruments relating to human rights and measures are being taken to meet our commitments arising from accession to these agreements and instruments. one of the items on the international agenda is the setting up of a new world order. there is no doubt that such a world order will not function properly and effectively unless we overcome and rectify certain shortcomings of the united nations, since the organization will be the world body that will play a fundamental role in the management and coordination of that new world order. thus, the most urgent task now is to reinvigorate the united nations, restructure and democratize it. my country welcomes the efforts being made at present to reform the organization and enhance its effectiveness, including the encouraging initiatives of the secretary-general. however, a great deal remains to be done in this respect, such as ensuring full respect for the charter, and consistent adherence to its provisions, without selectivity and without any breach of its principles. we must also ensure that the organization is not dominated by any one and that its resolutions are respected and implemented non-selectively. furthermore, the role of the general assembly should be strengthened in a manner that would ensure the effective and full implementation of all its resolutions, as those resolutions are the true expression of the sum-total of the positions of all the member states. also, the current composition of the security council should be reviewed and expanded in order for it to reflect the increase in membership of the united nations. it is also highly important to review some of the provisions of the charter. we would like specifically to focus attention on the veto right in the security council. my country was the first to call for the abolition of that privilege, because it is one of the main impediments to the most important role for which the united nations was established, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. we have lately felt satisfaction at the expansion of this call. many countries, including some current members of the security council, have voiced similar views, and have come to share our conviction that a system of collective security that continues to be subject to a veto by some countries can never be depended on to maintain peace and security. in a few years time, we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations. over the past four decades, the organization has performed a remarkable role in decolonization and has worked tirelessly for the consolidation of international peace and security. it has taken many initiatives towards the achievement of economic development and social well-being. hence, my country's welcome for the call to convene an international conference on human rights in [number] and an international conference on population in [number], as both conferences will afford an opportunity for the re-assessment of international programmes of assistance to developing countries, with a view to achieving an optimum balance between population growth and development resources. my country welcomes also the call for convening an international conference on women in [number], and attaches great importance to the world summit for social development, because it will give political impetus to national, regional and international efforts and activities aimed at meeting the social needs of many developing countries. as all those world conferences will take place under circumstances of international change and transformation, my country looks forward to their results and hopes that they will lead to the laying of solid foundations and the formulation of clear-cut approaches that would lead to international efforts aimed at the strengthening of peace, security and stability for all as well as the creation of opportunities for the progress of all mankind. in these critical times and in the context of this unstable international situation, the small countries of the world look towards the united nations with all their hopes for a brave new world of peace, security, justice and equality for all that would be built by the hands of all nations alike, large and small, wealthy and poor a brave world in which the values of freedom, democracy and human rights are upheld and which will be free of violence, injustice and dictatorship a world of love and brotherhood, where god's light shines above the whole earth the one god, who is lord of the universe. we sincerely hope that the united nations will rise to the great challenges that face it. the president of the assembly can count on my country's cooperation in every endeavour that will promote, enhance and realize these principles and objectives i have spoken of. with peace and love from the small, peaceful libyan people to all your peace-loving peoples.
i would like first to congratulate the president, the representative of a country that is making a great contribution to the establishment of peace and expanding international cooperation, on his election to preside over the forty-sixth session of the united nations general assembly and to assure him of my delegation's willingness to give him every assistance in the performance of his important and responsible task. our delegation is especially pleased at the admission to membership in our organisation of latvia, lithuania and estonia, with which we have for centuries enjoyed a tradition of friendly relations. we hope that those will grow stronger and be further enriched. we also congratulate the republic of korea and the democratic people's republic of korea on their admission to membership in the united nations. we express our willingness to expand cooperation with those countries on a multilateral and bilateral basis. we welcome the admission to united nations membership of the federated states of micronesia and the republic of the marshall islands. in [number] maxim bogdanovich, the well-known belarusian poet, whose centenary is this year being celebrated under the aegis of the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization unesco , wrote the following lines "there is such wealth and beauty everywhere, "yet men still starve and toil "in poverty, in ignorance, "because of boundaries and barriers. " the poet was expressing concern at man's deepening isolation, at his alienation from the world. he was inspired to seek the establishment of a sew and store just world order based oil the unshakeable principles of freedom and respect for the individual. maksim bahdanovich could not be criticized for believing in the idea of some kind of universal state without borders. he was one of the champions of the awakening of the national self-awareness of his people to whose selflessness we owe a great deal for the establishment of our modern state, the republic of belarus. in order to understand the historical destiny of our people, we must of necessity take a look at the past that would shed light on the darkness of long-past centuries with their bloody past and on our movement towards freedom, the glorious and also tragic pages of our national history, which would help us better understand and try to envision our future. today we note with pride that the traditions of belarusian statehood have a history that goes back many centuries. it was embodied in various forms of a state system and reached its zenith in the middle ages. the belarusians - whose language was used back in [number] to draft the statute, a code of legal norms which was advanced - even classic - for the europe of that day, never showed any feelings of enmity or hostility towards their neighbours nor any desire to kindle the flames of disputes among nationalities. the traditions of statehood were again made manifest in the first quarter of the twentieth century, when the belarusian state was proclaimed. during the relatively short time of its independent existence it was recognized de jure and de facto by a number of european states, with which it began to develop bilateral relations. it would, however, be wrong to portray the history of our ethnos as a serene sequence of achievements and successes. i think the contrary would be true. it is hard to find in europe any people that has suffered so much and been so destitute, and which has so often been exposed to devastating raids, invasions and acts of aggression. over the last [number] years, according to a very conservative estimate we have lost in the flames of war no fewer than [number] million people. because of fate our geopolitical situation - at the crossroads between central and eastern europe - was tragically reflected in the destinies of belarusians, casting them implacably from the moloch of one war to another. between the hammer and the anvil, between two strong neighbours - that, very generally speaking, is the way i would express the quintessential nature of our national history. thus it was in the late eighteenth century, when under certain well-known historical conditions the belarusian lands became part of russia. thus it was in [number] in brest, when the territory of belarus was carved up at will, forgetting to ask the people what it wanted. thus it was in [number], when the tragic, for us, riga treaty was signed, cutting up into two parts for almost [number] years the war-ravaged, bleeding land of belarus. thus it was in january [number] at yalta, where the ruthless hand of stalin laid hold of the map and manipulated the destinies of hundreds of thousands of belarusians. we do not want to be a shadow of our neighbours we do not want to be the small change in a big european game. i say this, not in order to reverse the course of history or rewrite it the past remains the past. but today we are absolutely devoted to the spirit of the helsinki and paris agreements and we believe in the unconditional recognition of the primacy of international law. now my motherland is experiencing another stage in its development of statehood. that is why i am deeply moved to inform this world parliament, the entire international community, that on [number] august of this year, a decision by the supreme legislative organ of our republic gave constitutional status to the declaration of state sovereignty of the republic. our supreme soviet also proclaimed the political and economic independence of the republic, and on [number] september of this year took a decision to rename the state - it is now called the republic of belarus - and also to establish new state symbols, the white-red-white flag and the coat of arms, the pahonia, or chase, as it is called, which have a centuries-old history behind them. so the first steps have already been taken on the way to develop sovereignty expressed in the conclusion or start of the negotiating processes with contiguous states - russia, ukraine, poland and lithuania - a desire to build bilateral relations with our neighbours and other states on an equal footing. the republic of belarus is counting on support from the world community for its initiatives and is hoping to establish full inter-state relations, to develop mutually advantageous cooperation in all areas with all interested states. these days we are often asked, what guidelines will belarus use in its foreign policy? answering the question from this lofty rostrum i would say that the vital interests of the belarusian nation are the cornerstone of our policy in international affairs a balanced approach and realism are components of that policy. by dint of this, the foreign policy principles and priorities of the republic of belarus might be summarized in the following points. first, we must achieve real independence and sovereignty for our state. we must establish favourable domestic and external political conditions leading to a "wave" of diplomatic recognition. yet we realize that sovereignty is not so much something that is proclaimed or declared, but rather a quality that is recognized and confirmed. for belarus, sovereignty is not merely a goal it is a difficult, thorny path, the historical distance of which is probably long. in no way can we slow down these processes we would simply find ourselves on the sidelines of european development were we to do so. nor can we speed them up, for that would lead to a dangerous divorce from reality. the belarusian way to genuine sovereignty, as we hope, will be consistent, calm and civilised, reflecting the unshakable traditions of our tolerance and our respect for the peoples living in the territory of the republic, taking account of the constant growth of the national self-awareness of our people. for us, sovereignty and independence, won by much suffering in our tragic history, is the desired ideal, the hope for survival in the extreme chernobyl situation in which we now find ourselves. in fact, we have been proceeding towards this over the last centuries, and only in the late twentieth century have we really gained the eternal human right to be masters of our own land. the second point is cooperation in the establishment of a unified economic space, a new union of sovereign states. we are in favour of preserving, developing and giving a new quality to traditionally established economic ties, and on this basis we favour participation in the process of creating a community of sovereign states to replace the ussr. the realistic approach belarus has taken tells us that destroying the work of decades and establishing tariff barriers would lead to a sharp reduction in living standards and would be detrimental not to the belarusian people alone. according to the available statistics this would mean for the sovereign republics losses of tens and hundreds of billions of roubles. therefore the republic of belarus favours a common economic, energy and transport space within the former ussr, functioning on the principles of a modern, regulated market. we adhere to this approach not only in respect of the economic interaction within the borders of the former ussr but also at the global level. in this connection belarus is following with interest the uruguay round being conducted under the aegis of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt this is broadening the framework of the universal international trading system. the third point is mobilization of international support to resolve the chernobyl problem. this problem is of crucial importance to us because chernobyl was the worst disaster of the twentieth century - as far as its consequences go - and will be our national tragedy for centuries to come. everything in this world is transient. we will all disappear from it, but there will be an endless stream of new generations of belarusians who will continue this difficult, agonizing search for answers to the most complex questions posed during those few days of april [number] by the chernobyl disaster. that is why the chernobyl problems have become one of the main priorities of our foreign policy. in fact chernobyl has turned out to be a catalyst in our movement towards sovereignty. our people, our republic, has always been amongst the first to assist others. however, at the most difficult time of our sufferings from chernobyl we felt that we had been left alone to face our national misfortune in a country that was being torn by many contradictions. to be frank, it must be acknowledged that the socio-economic system in our country was not prepared properly to react adequately to this major nuclear disaster of the century, to this tragic challenge of history. members can judge for themselves. during the five years since the disaster, belarus has received from union funds for the republic's health care a mere [number] million foreign exchange roubles whereas its annual requirements for health care are [number] million. at the same time, the ministry for atomic energy of the ussr, the main culprit of the chernobyl disaster, in [number] received from its export deliveries us [number] million. all this compels us to take another look at previous assessments and approaches and to focus now on the problem of international cooperation. however, it is not a question only of assistance in that narrow, traditional, even over-simplified meaning of the word, as was the case before, with food assistance, clothing, and so on. belarus, ukraine and russia now need very special equipment such as children's oncological tomographs, the latest diagnostic equipment, the most modern kinds of oncological preparations and the latest methods for treating the many diseases from which dozens of countries are suffering. the tragic experience of chernobyl, a unique planetary disaster, can be understood and handled only by the collective intellect of mankind, only through comprehensive international cooperation. in a way we have inherited the tragedy of hiroshima and nagasaki as a focal point of human suffering. the course of events has shown that practical implementation of the programme of cooperation under united nations auspices is not easy indeed, it has encountered obstacles. in these conditions we are particularly grateful to countries that stated at the pledging conference on [number] september that they would participate financially in international programmes to mitigate the consequences of the chernobyl catastrophe. we are sincerely grateful to the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. javier perez de cuellar, and the united nations coordinator of international cooperation for chernobyl, ms. margaret anstee, for breathing life into the well-known general assembly resolution [number] [number] and for doing so much also to convene the conference of donor countries and to coordinate future international cooperation. mr. javier perez de cuellar has constantly demonstrated a warm, friendly attitude towards belarus and has visited our republic. he have profound respect for him as one of the most authoritative political leaders of our time. the fourth point is transformation of belarus into a nuclear-free zone and a neutral state. i wish to stress that the achievement of this priority is dictated by the fundamental interests of our people, especially in the post-chernobyl era. in the course of moving towards this goal proclaimed in the declaration on state sovereignty of belarus, in october [number] we put forward from this lofty rostrum the initiative of establishing a nuclear-free belt - from the baltic sea to the black sea, including belarus, the three baltic states and ukraine. the experience of this past year has certainly shown that in putting forward that idea our evaluation of these processes was correct. moreover, over the past year and in particular over the past month we have moved even farther towards the goal that we proclaimed than we had thought possible. a powerful catalyst for these and other processes with regard to deepening the democratisation process was the defeat of the august putsch in moscow. taking the next step forward, we are proposing today that practical consultations be held with all interested parties regarding the necessary measures to establish such a nuclear-free zone and also the procedures, methods and steps to be taken to that end, including the international legal steps. the truth is that the belarus people is tired of being hostage to other people's military decisions. far too often, and all too ruthlessly, our well-being, culture and future were trampled underfoot by the military boot. today, we are doubly reluctant to be hostages to, other people's nuclear decisions. the future of the nuclear potential on the territory of belarus, its use, deployment or re-deployment, can be and should be resolved only with the participation of belarus, not behind its back. at the same time we state clearly that monitoring and management of nuclear weapons must of course lie with the unified centre. belarus will promote the speedy ratification of agreements between the ussr and the united states on reducing nuclear arsenals. while understanding the great complexity and delicacy of the military and political problems here and knowing that their solution depends on european realities and the positions of other countries, belarus considers it necessary to have appropriate channels for conducting the necessary international work to bring about these goals. these very considerations compelled us at the beginning of this year to address the conference on disarmament, working on a permanent basis in geneva, to request membership there. the fifth point concerns integrating belarus into the all-european process. at the present time we are re-analysing the problem of integrating belarus into the helsinki process. if belarus, particularly in its dire post-chernobyl situation, becomes a site for the deployment of large numbers of armaments and armies withdrawn from central and eastern europe, should we not have a say in the military decisions being taken during this process? if human rights and the exercise of them in our territory are to be determined from now by the laws of belarus and not any other acts, should we not too participate in the fashioning of the contents of the helsinki humanitarian basket? if the economic realities for the existence of an [number]-million-strong nation, including settling foreign trade problems, are now to be determined by decisions taken in minsk, should not the capital of belarus participate directly in fashioning the common economic space in europe? we do not see any serious obstacles to participants in the helsinki process recognising the new realities and accepting the equal participation of belarus in its important efforts which, to a large extent, will determine the future of the continent. the proper time for this might be the foreign- minister-level meeting of the countries of the conference on security and co-operation in europe, to be held in january [number] in prague. the times we are living in pose many new questions, and we must all give a lot of thought to them and work hard to see to it that answers to them will provide the stability that our people seek - genuine stability, not pseudo-stability long-lasting, not fleeting stability stability based on justice, without any discrimination. anyone familiar with history can say that discrimination and stability are political antonyms. the sixth point concerns creating conditions for establishing market structures in belarus for its economic development. he view the unequal levels of economic development as the basic destabilizing factor in europe as well as at the global level, and today this contains the seeds of further cataclysms. what we previously called the ideological confrontation turned out to be totally surmountable, but it is being replaced by new contradictions stemming from highly unequal levels of economic development and of the conditions necessary to start and expand a market economy. of course, they can be ignored. so far they are not as acute as the economic problems in north-south relations, but i am convinced that if we do not act now, then in a few years' time they will definitely recur. economic migration alone can become a serious problem for all europeans. of course, as an antidote, the protective functions of the state, stricter visa regulations and the building of camps for displaced persons could be used, but all these administrative measures - which, by the way, can be called a kind of iron curtain - are doomed to failure, as history suggests. the way to resolve many tragedies that lie in wait for peoples that have gained their long-awaited freedom should be sought in the market economy. belarus is consciously adopting this approach, and recently a number of in-depth reforms have been implemented. he are now focusing on establishing a legal, socio-economic infrastructure for the market economy. dozens of laws that lay down the basis for business activities have been enacted, or soon will be. our serious and fundamental attitude to the market economy stems from the fact that we view it as a means of accumulating material resources for resolving many problems caused by chernobyl. but the need at this time to concentrate enormous resources in this area is making this shift to a new type of economic activity difficult. the new political and economic realities facing the republic - further, complicated by the chernobyl factor - have compelled us to re-evaluate the adequacy of the current contribution of belarus to international organizations. this is a complicated methodological and political problem. but for us it is relevant, and we are prepared to engage in consultations and to have close cooperation with the appropriate organisations in order to find possible approaches to resolving it. the seventh point relates to ensuring ecological security. unless this is achieved, any further progress for mankind and its survival at the beginning of the third millennium will be impossible. in this context, the preparations for the conference on environment and development, to be held in [number] in brazil, are of primary importance. we must see to it that this conference become a landmark in mankind's growing awareness of the full magnitude of the ecological threat and of coordinating for the next decades common approaches to a strategy for ecological cooperation among states. the decision to create in the united nations at the beginning of [number], on an experimental basis, the centre for emergency environmental assistance is a clear sign of success in moving towards this new understanding of the problem. we are convinced that it is high time - particularly bearing in mind the bitter lessons of chernobyl - to think about creating, within the united nations system, a mechanism that would be automatically triggered and provide large-scale humanitarian assistance in the case of major disasters. the eighth point provides for free interchange of cultures. here our basis is the universal value of culture its great humanitarian function. we are convinced that culture should play a major role in the rapprochement, integration and development of mutual understanding among states and peoples. accordingly, we will be playing a more active role in forming the cultural basis and preserving the heritage of europe and the world and in restructuring our relations with our neighbours on the basis of constant cultural values and ideals and common traditions in our spiritual lives. culture is national in its essence, but knows no boundaries. for example, the stained glass windows in the cathedrals of reims, prague, krakow and those of the cathedrals of the belarusian city of grodno are close in their spirit and artistic form. this example demonstrates the great magnetic force of culture, its irreplaceable integrating role, and its historic mission. belarusian culture has always been developed in the best humanitarian traditions of europe, creating a favourable environment for the different forms of human genius. we note with satisfaction that the writer f. dostoevsky, the composers i. stravinsky and s. shostakovich, the artist m. chagall, and the poet guillaume apollinaire, all had their ancestral roots in belarus, and all made a significant contribution to the spiritual treasure house of our peoples and influenced the culture of the world with their philosophical depth, their innovative methods, their originality and individuality and refined aesthetic principles. we are determined to create conditions for the free movement of peoples, the exchange of ideas and cultural values, by preserving and developing our age-old tradition of tolerance. our great interest in the work of agencies and organs of the united nations system may be explained to a large extent by the fact that for many years the united nations was for belarus virtually the only window onto the outside world. but even in these new circumstances, when the republic is beginning to establish and expand bilateral relations, the significance of the united nations will endure. therefore, we are particularly mindful of the historic role the organisation will play in the future and we are ready to work with others to enhance its authority and prestige. at this time the renaissance of the united nations is being noted by all. accordingly, we are renewed interest in the united nations by the large states too, which sometimes believed the united nations to be marginal. we are a small state and we welcome this process. therefore, it must be noted that it reflects a living truth that if in certain sharp turning-points in history the interest in the united nations increases, this demonstrates that it is necessary as an instrument for cooperation and mutual creative action by states. it must be recognised, however, that the world has undergone a radical change. therefore, the instruments being used by the world community must also be updated. the required changes in the united nations can be made without shaking the foundations established in [number], but on the basis of the new realities in our reading of the existing charter of the organization. we are proposing at this session of the general assembly that a process of consultations could be initiated, the subject of which would not be merely the machinery of the general assembly itself but, in the broader sense, the new role of the united nations as a whole. in particular, we need to establish consensus on the new role of the united nations in the maintenance of peace, and the main importance of this goes beyond resolving a specific conflict, such as what is happening now in the persian gulf region. in fact, there is a new understanding of the forms and methods of work of the united nations appropriate to this particular period of world history, where the primacy of universal interests over selfish aspirations is recognised. the renaissance of the united nations is not a mere fortuitous occurrence, nor is it episodic. it has been prepared by the entire development of mankind in recent decades. the organisation, the idea of which was clearly ahead of its time, is now in step with its time. the national state renaissance of belarus, which we are seeing now, is no mere happenstance, nor is it a mere episode. now is the time for embodying in practice the age-old aspirations of belarusians, a quarter of all slav peoples. in ancient times we were between the varangians and the greeks. now we feel that we are part of the community of nations and the renaissance of belarus is our unique contribution to the renaissance of the world family of nations. a family is truly powerful and prosperous when that time of prosperity is valid for all members. blessed be the future of my native belarus!
as i begin my statement in the general debate, allow me to express to you, mr. han seung-soo, minister for foreign affairs of the republic of korea, the pleasure of my delegation at seeing you preside over the work of this session of the general assembly. your personal and professional qualities, with which we are familiar, will ensure the success of our work. your election is also recognition of the sisterly republic of korea, a country with which we have close links of cooperation and friendship. you can be sure of the steadfast and determined support of the delegation of paraguay as you carry out your duties. likewise, i would like to take this opportunity to recognize the work being done by the secretary- general of our organization, mr. kofi annan, who was recently honoured with the nobel peace prize for his dedication to the cause of the united nations, which is peace itself. we are certain that under his leadership, the efforts of the united nations will reach all peoples and the organization will adapt itself to the new reality and important challenges imposed on us by the context of international politics. allow me today, two months after the tragic and condemnable events of [number] september, to reiterate the solidarity of my government and of the people of the republic of paraguay with the government and people of the united states and state our unswerving commitment to the fight against terrorism in all its manifestations. the republic of paraguay is not neutral in the face of such a cowardly crime, and it will continue to support all the efforts of this organization and the international community to put a definitive end to these crimes against humanity. we must not confine ourselves exclusively to demonstrations of solidarity [number] and condemnation. we must make definite commitments to the international consensus that has been built in order to face this grave threat to humanity. this general debate is taking place in circumstances that would have been unimaginable to us and that have reminded us of our vulnerability to individuals and groups of individuals that commit indiscriminate violent acts that are totally unjustified in the minds or feelings of civilized human beings. we must also recall that the theme of international terrorism has been on our organization s agenda since the twenty-seventh session of the general assembly, and since then to date we have not been sufficiently diligent in taking the legal and collective security measures necessary to prevent events such as those we are belatedly regretting the urgent fight against terrorism in all its manifestations, which should not be interpreted as a clash of civilizations or of religious beliefs, is the top priority on our international agenda, and we cannot assert that any country is free of the danger posed by international terrorism. rarely in history have there been such grave challenges to international peace and security like the one we face today a fact which forces us take clear and firm positions that are in keeping with the provisions of the charter and the prevailing norms of international law. not only is international security at stake today, but so is the democratic system itself, which represents victory and universal good in its constant aspiration to and struggle for freedom and justice. immediately after these events, my government strengthened internal measures required by the circumstances so as to be able to exercise greater control and security over movements into and out of the country, while respecting the principle of the free movement of persons. mindful of its responsibility and consistent with the commitment made as a member of this organization, the republic of paraguay, by a decree of the executive branch of [number] october [number], established an inter-ministerial commission to implement resolution [number] [number] , recently adopted by the security council. the republic s judicial and legislative branches and the attorney general s office were called on to designate various governmental division representatives. the commission was installed on [number] november [number], under the coordination of the ministry for foreign relations. a draft law is also currently under consideration by the judicial branch, which defines and sets penalties for the crime of terrorism, and it enjoys the full support of the executive branch. on [number] october [number], paraguay signed the international convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism, which is being referred to the national congress for adoption. the national government has embarked on constitutional procedures so that the other conventions on this matter to which it is still not a party will be signed and ratified or adhered to as soon as possible. we also expect the early adoption by the general assembly of the two conventions on terrorism, which are under discussion in the ad hoc committee created for this purpose in the sixth committee. we must not wait for a replay of the events of [number] september in order to accelerate our strengthening of the international legal framework. the time we delay in strengthening our legal framework will be an opportunity for the terrorists to increase their capacity and expand their criminal activities to other countries. within the framework of the organization of american states oas , we have participated with full conviction in deciding on actions and formulating decisions that were recently adopted during the consultative meeting of ministers of foreign affairs. in the context of our regional association the common market southern cone mercosur on [number] september [number], it was decided to undertake the broadest possible cooperation among its members in order to carry out information exchange, studies, concerted actions against terrorist acts and the establishment of an open-ended working group to appraise and devise common policies in the fight against terrorism. in recent weeks we have experienced once again a new terrorist threat, and i am referring particularly to the use of biological agents, whose effects could reach a planetary level and threaten humanity itself as a whole. this new criminal practice compels us to react as rapidly and energetically as possible and be determined in all our efforts to uncover the perpetrators and their sponsors, who are acting in anonymity. [number] international concern and actions generated by the events of september must also prompt us to reflect and evaluate other themes of transcendental importance on our agenda, such as the fight against poverty, the need to strengthen international economic cooperation for development, access to markets and information and communication technologies by the developing countries so that the imbalances that still characterize international relations may become less severe. achieving the goals set in the millennium declaration, along with other commitments entered into in the context of development in the various forums of our organization, must continue to be one of our greatest and urgent challenges in coming years. for this reason, we fully concur with the point made by the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organization that the most difficult battle facing the international community is the eradication of poverty which is exactly why we must speed up the economic growth of the developing countries. we trust that the international conference on financing for development, to be held next year in monterrey, mexico, will achieve the desired results. to this end, we believe that consideration must be given to the clear-cut differences among existing levels of development, to the unevenness that prevails in the capacity of countries to participate in international processes and, in this regard, to the special situation of landlocked countries, which, because of the nature of their territory, face greater difficulties in engaging in external trade, thus putting a brake on their economic development. it is our hope that the final outcome of that conference will not be confined solely and exclusively to a mere political declaration or expression of wishes. we hope that it will set clear objectives and goals to ensure that the globalization process, rather than widening the existing gap between rich and poor, will promote the development of all nations within an inclusive and equitable framework. given the new challenges and changes that have arisen since the beginning of the new millennium, we reaffirm our commitment to the urgent need to strengthen our organization, underscoring first and foremost the central role that should be played by the general assembly as the most representative, universal and equitable deliberative organ. we should not allow the general assembly to become a mere meeting place where we participate in order to fulfil a routine function within a pre-established timetable of work. speeding up reform of the security council is another of the key aspects in strengthening the united nations. the council should become a more democratic, representative and transparent organ so that it can strike a better political balance. this process should provide for an increase in both permanent and non-permanent members, so as to secure a better level of participation for developing countries which, at the present time, are under-represented. likewise we believe that, in the area of transparency of the council s activities, it is appropriate to establish interactive machinery involving the other member states of the organization so that they will have greater access to the council s work. for this reason, we have welcomed the briefing meetings that the chairman of the special committee established pursuant to security council resolution [number] [number] is giving to other members of the organization. another outstanding issue that needs to be resolved by our organization, and one that gives us utmost concern in view of the recent increase in violence and loss of life, is the situation in the middle east. we believe that both the general assembly and the security council should redouble their efforts to arrive at a solution that will respond to the rightful aspirations of the parties concerned. it should include recognition of israel s existence within secure and well-defined borders and the palestinian people s full enjoyment of the right to have its own homeland. we need to tackle this issue firmly and resolutely, ensuring that we work together with the necessary political will to contribute to international peace and security. my country, paraguay, also hopes that other areas of tension in the world may be settled. in this regard, mindful of the principle of universality enshrined in our charter, we advocate a solution to the question of the republic of china and taiwan within the framework of the norms of international law. the current economic and social state of affairs, and its consequences, obliges us to mobilize efficiently, with the greatest possible degree of responsibility and solidarity, the cooperation required from the developed countries and the international financial institutions to tackle the challenges that we, as leaders, face when we try to create conditions of equal opportunity for paid employment, and when we seek to eliminate income [number] inequities that undermine social stability, and to provide for basic care and services for our peoples and for the sustainable development of our countries. in conclusion, we are aware today, more than ever, of the need to begin a process that allows us to work together in a rational way to build a more supportive and participatory new economic world order, the ultimate purpose of which would be to promote development and well-being for all of our peoples, once and for all. in this regard, i wish to express my government s utter conviction that the current international situation underscores the importance of this process beginning and ending within the sphere of the united nations, thus ensuring full participation in it of all member states.
mr. president, allow me, first, to offer to you my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the general assembly. i can assure you of the full co-operation of the danish delegation in the performance of the duties of your high office. denmark's strong and persistent support, in deed as well as in words, of the united nations is well known. over the years denmark has been a major contributor to united nations efforts in the economic, social and technical fields as well as to united nations peace-keeping forces. our contributions have steadily increased also in relative terms. this increase reflects our strong belief that in a rapidly i slanging world of growing interdependence, multilateral co-operation remains indispensable. the focus of attention of the general assembly is on what is widely seen as an acute financial crisis of the united nations. we commend the secretary-general for having taken the measures approved by the general assembly in april. they have served to alleviate the situation in the short run. it will be a main task of this session of the general assembly to address the question of appropriate medium and long-term measures. the viability of the organization itself is at stake. it is essential that all member states fulfill their part of the responsibility for financing the united nations. unilateral action by heiabee states in contravention of the charter undermines the authority and work of the organization. we welcome the report of the group of high-level intergovernmental experts to review the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the united nations. it contains a number of valuable recommendations which, it is to be hoped, will initiate a process of reform. as i see it, we must pursue two objectives simultaneously first, we must make a determined effort towards administrative and financial reform second, and probably more important, we must seek a more realistic common understanding of what can be expected from the united nations. as in previous years a number of important international issues are before the general assembly. turning first to developments in the east-west relationship, i am encouraged to note that there has been some improvement. the united states and the soviet union are preparing for a new summit meeting. denmark hopes that the negotiations will provide a better climate and renewed confidence and dialog between east and west. we should not assume that dialog can remove all differences between east and west. it cannot. but the dialog must address itself to the real problems and aim at concrete solutions. the extent to which we achieve such solutions will be the proper measure of the attainment of genuine detente. thus, detente must not be limited to efforts towards relaxation of political and military tens ions. it must be comprehensive and comprise also a dialog on humanitarian issues of direct relevance to individuals in east and west alike as well as on economic co-operation, trade and environmental problems. it is of overriding importance that all countries in east and west should participate in this dialog. in difficult times for the east-west relationship, contacts between the smaller and medium-sized european countries of east and west have helped the dialog along. after the summit meeting in geneva in november [number], contacts contacts between the two great powers have taken a new dimension. but all countries in europe, allied or neutral or non-aligned, have something to contribute to the dialog between east and west. the process initiated by the final act of the helsinki conference on security and co-operation in europe forms a focal point for dialog and confidence-building among the participating conference on security and co-operation in europe csc2 states in europe and north america. the recent successful conclusion of the stockholm conference with the adoption of new confidence and security-building measures has laid the foundation for improving confidence in the military field. confidence-building is, however, a subject that cannot be limited to the military area. compliance with the commitments which the participating states have undertaken in the helsinki final act and the madrid concluding document, not least within the human dimension, is equally important for creating confidence between east and west. the csce follow-up meeting due to open in vienna this autumn will be a most important forum for efforts to intensify dialog and improve confidence between east and west. at the vienna meeting, there will be a particular need for progress towards the solution of humanitarian questions. countries which are still lagging behind should be persuaded to improve their standards in, above all, family reunification. no state should deny a citizen the right to go abroad to be reunited with his relatives there. as a polish philosopher has said . "i can respect a no-entry sign, but i am disgusted when i see a no-exit sign. n in the field of arms control and disarmament no effort must be spared to halt the current arms race. only through concrete verifiable arms control agreements can a new and improved security be created at a lower level of armaments the current arms control negotiations in geneva between the united states and the soviet union must lead to effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it cm earth, at limiting and reducing nuclear arms, and at strengthening strategic stability. the danish government attaches the utmost importance to the ongoing deliberations at the conference on disarmament, in particular, i wish to urge the conference on disarmament to speed up its endeavors to reach agreement on initiating negotiations for an early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. similarly, we believe that there is every reason for the conference to step up its efforts to achieve early agreement cm a global and comprehensive ban on chemical weapons. the upsurge of terrorism represents an alarming aspect of the international situation posing a mortal threat to the very fabric of our societies as well as to orderly and friendly relations between nations. the world-wide nature of the problem requires concerted international action to stamp out this evil. the proper forum for dealing with international terrorism is the united nations, and we were therefore gratified by the adoption last year of resolutions both by the general assembly and the security council on these problems. the entire international community agreed to condemn as criminal all acts, methods and practices of terrorism, wherever and by whomever committed. we urge all member states to intensify international co-operation to apprehend, prosecute and punish the perpetrators of such acts. there must be no safe haven for terrorists. among the positive elements in the work of the united nations, and a source of great inspiration and satisfaction, is the fact that over the years the organization has been able to agree on an impressive body of internationally recognized human rights standards. these standards command the universal acceptance of the world community unfortunately, we are witnessing daily violations of these standards. various mechanisms have been set in motion to supervise the implementation of these standards and in our opinion it is vital for the credibility of the relevant human rights instruments that these median isms be used. it is the responsibility of governments to respect and ensure the enjoyment of human rights for their citizens, and governments which shrink from fulfilling this obligation should constantly be reminded of their duty through the appropriate organs of our organization, including from this general assembly rostrum. may i now turn to another serious subject which must be of concern to all of us - the world refugee situation. it is a gloomy picture we are faced with, and our public rightly expects this universal organization, the united nations, to live up to its responsibility as laid down in the charter. in the united nations charter we have pledged ourselves to promote and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and to let the world organization be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common goals. it follows from this solemn undertaking that when human rights violations force people to leave their country of origin and become refugees all other countries must take steps to alleviate the sufferings of those people and thereby secure respect for their human rights. my government wishes, during this session of the general assembly, to share with all representatives some concrete ideas that we have developed with a view to establishing a mechanism whereby the international community, basing itself on the principles of burden-sharing and solidarity, could take a major step forward in solving the world refugee problem. the key elements in that mechanism are voluntary repatriation, regional integration, increased united nations presence in different regions of the world, and allocation of quotas based on a united nations scheme. we shall present our more detailed views when the relevant agenda item is discussed in the third committee. racism and racial discrimination are flagrant violations of human rights. one government in the world not only condones racial discrimination on its territory but has made racism the very essence of its social order. to maintain its abhorrent apartheid system the government of south africa pursues atrocious repression at home, brutal aggression and destabilization against neighboring states, and an illegal occupation of namibia which openly defies decisions of the united nations security council and general assembly. it is in cunt en t upon this organization to reflect and act upon the deep concern and indignation of the entire international community at the persistence of such serious violations of fundamental human rights as are being committed by the apartheid regime. but apartheid and what goes with it are more than a violation of human rights. the provocation which that system presents to the neighboring countries, to other african nations and to the whole world is a threat to international peace and security - a threat that will persist until apartheid has been totally eliminated and replaced by a system based on democracy and equality for all south africans. it is a basic feature of danish policy that we believe in and strive for peaceful solutions to international conflicts. we believe that mandatory sanctions in accordance with chapter vii of the united nations charter should be imposed on south africa. they are the most effective instrument available to the international community to promote peaceful change. as a member of the security council, denmark has worked actively for the adoption of such measures and will continue to do so. in the absence of agreement in the security council on sanctions under chapter vii, denmark has decided to take measures, together with our nordic and european community partners and on our own, on a voluntary unilateral basis. in fact denmark has gone further in this regard than any other western country. nearly all danish contacts with south africa, including trade, will come to a halt before the end of this year. our diplomacy is engaged in a systematic effort to encourage other countries to increase their contribution to reinforced and more effective international pressure against apartheid. outside pressure is not only intended to be a signal to the south african government", it serves as a sign of solidarity with the south african population and as encouragement and an indication that an alternative can be found to violence and destruction. let president botha's new rigid position on what he calls "outside interference" and his increasingly oppressive policies be a warning to the international community. delay in making the message clear to those in south africa who hold the key may soon place the situation beyond reach. we must act now. as for namibia, the danish government remains convinced that security council resolution [number] [number] is the only internationally acceptable solution to the namibian question. delaying tactics on south africa's part cannot be tolerated. namibia's independence is long overdue and should be pursued by all peaceful means, including sanctions in accordance with chapter vii of the united nations charter. the countries in southern africa have for many years been important partners in denmark's development co-operation program. the priority given to that region is a natural correlate to the restrictive measures which we have adopted against south africa. together with the other nordic countries, we will work actively at . the united nations to obtain agreement on a contingency plan for economic assistance to south africa's neighbors in the event of south african reprisals against those countries. in fact, approximately one third of our bilateral development assistance is provided to the countries of the southern african development co-ordination conference sadcc . at the sadcc meeting in harare in january, denmark pledged a [number] per cent increase to [number] million danish kroner in its assistance to regional sadcc co-operation. together with the other nordic countries and the sadcc member states, a joint declaration on expanded economic co-operation was signed on the same occasion. the joint declaration between the sadcc and nordic countries reflects the it tual determination of the two regions to intensify co-operation and constitutes the framework for new avenues of collaboration extending beyond the traditional donor-recipient relationship. the economic difficulties facing the african continent remain staggering, and profound changes in domestic policies are required to turn the situation around. against this background, the special session of the general assembly on africa took place at a crucial point in time. the courageous approach of the african countries reflected their readiness to seek new avenues and make a firm commitment to policy reform. denmark regards the adoption of the program of action by consensus as a very positive outcome of the conference, both for the united nations as an organization and for the member states. but now let us not lose momentum. the real achievement is not the adoption of the program but its implementation. donors and recipients must both shoulder their responsibility. in the middle bast three major conflicts remain of serious concern to the world community, and not least to the countries of europe, which have close and vital links with the area. guided by the general principles set out by the countries of the european community in their venice declaration, we have in the past year continued to support initiatives aimed at bringing the parties to the arab-israeli dispute together in talks for peace. " . ere encouraged by the efforts made by king hussein of jordan to open the path to a constructive engagement of authentic palestinian representatives in the peace process, and we were correspondingly discouraged when the king concluded that he had not been able to secure the necessary commitment from the palestine liberation organization. if the peace process is to move forward, it will be necessary for those who are most directly involved and who have the welfare of the palestinian people at heart to put their political differences aside and unite in support of a realistic and constructive engagement aimed at a negotiated peace. in this context i should like to pay a tribute to those courageous leaders in the middle east who are showing the way by realistic and constructive initiatives to widen the dialog. in lebanon sectarian strife continues to exact a terrible price in human life and suffering. we can only appeal once again for moderation and reason and a will to compromise, without which it appears the very existence of lebanon is threatened. when the lebanese themselves choose to build on their common humanity and engage in true national reconciliation they shall find our ready support for the full restoration of lebanese unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. the continuation of the conflict between iran and iraq, which is now in its seventh year, presents us with a picture of untold human carnage and suffering. both parties, as well as the world community and the standards of civilization, stand only to lose by further continuation of this appalling war. from this rostrum i appeal to both parties to respect security council resolution [number] [number] and use the united nations and the good offices of the secretary-general to work out a compromise on this conflict, which need never have escalated into war and which by its nature is negotiable. in afghanistan another war is taking place. there soviet forces continue with undiminished determination their brutal attempts to suppress popular resistance within the country, with horrifying consequences for the civilian population. the soviet occupation of afghanistan must be brought to an end. might does not make right, no matter how strong the power. the danish government hopes that the talks held under the auspices of the united nations, which have made important progress, will lead to an early agreement acceptable to all parties concerned and provide for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops. the situation in kampuchea also remains an issue of grave concern to the international community. it is denmark's long-standing position that a solution to the kampuchean problem must be found on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the united nations. in this spirit denmark supports the endeavors of the association of south-east asian nations asean with regard to kampuchea. we see merit in the eight-point proposal of the coalition government, which in our view represents a positive contribution to the search for a just and durable negotiated settlement of the conflict. as to the complex problems of central america, the danish government fully understands and supports the aspirations of the peoples of central america to a life in peace and dignity, a life in countries committed to democratic systems of government, free elections, freedom of the press and respect for human rights and a life in communities that strive for a more just and equitable distribution of much too scarce resources. in our view the discrepancy that exists in most central american countries between those aspirations and the hard realities is at the root of the present conflicts. only the countries of central america themselves can, within their respective borders, eliminate the fundamental causes of the current strife. what the outside world can and must do is to offer its co-operation, economic and political, to the countries of the region and encourage and support initiatives designed to fulfill those aspirations. the danish government continues to believe that there is no realistic and acceptable alternative to the contadora peace process. at the core of that process lies the belief that the central american countries themselves are responsible for solving their differences and that a lasting solution must be achieved by peaceful means without any kind of military pressure or other forms of coercion. the global economic situation has improved in important respects over the last few years. in general, growth has resumed, inflation been brought down and interest rates reduced. exchange-rate patterns have been brought more in line with fundamental economic conditions. however, difficult problems and uncertainties remain and pose a threat to global economic development and stability. let me mention some of the problems that can be addressed only through international co-operation for the benefit of industrialized and developing countries alike. since ancient times international trade has been the most powerful transmitter of growth, development and civilization that we can conceive of. but international trade is crucially dependent on the maintenance and further strengthening of the free-trade system. i should therefore like to congratulate our colleagues in punta del este on their success in launching a new round of trade negotiations within the general agreement on tariffs arid trade gatt . the result is immensely important for international economic co-operation, but also for the political climate as a whole. most developing countries continue to face serious debt problems, which in many cases are aggravated by persistently low prices for their exports of commodities. true, though varying in size and composition between different countries, the debt burden remains a serious obstacle to growth and development. measures to relieve this burden are therefore indispensable. but at the same time it must be ensured that debt relief measures are adapted to the circumstances of individual debtor countries and utilized in a context of economic policy reform and structural adjustment. in this spirit denmark has responded positively to a large number of requests for the cancellation of official development assistance oda debt from least-developed countries. denmark's commitment to the developing world is reflected in our official development assistance. this year sees an extraordinary rise in danish development assistance, which has long surpassed the international [number]. [number] per cent target. denmark will increase its aid volume further in each of the coming years, reaching the [number] per cent target in [number]. the multilateral development system is an important element of united nations activities. the call for improved efficiency in the work of the united nations applies also to activities financed by voluntary contributions. important progress has already been achieved, not least within the united nations development program. denmark expects all development organs and organizations to intensify their efforts to ensure the necessary flexibility, efficiency, co-operation and co-ordination in their work. if such efforts are to succeed, the international donor community must respond by maintaining and increasing voluntary contributions. denmark is prepared to fulfill its responsibility in this regard. we expect all donor countries to live up to their responsibility and to make voluntary contributions to the multilateral development system commensurate with their ability to contribute. we have watched with growing concern the tendency in industrialized countries to solve problems in domestic economies at the expense of development aid. the world of today is a world with bitter conflicts rooted in opposing ideologies, competing interests and rivaling claims to influence and power. naturally, all member countries seek to use the united nations for the advancement of their aims, to strengthen their ideology, their interests and their claims. so the activity of the organization is characterized by struggle and confrontation, because it faithfully reflects the world we live in, and because the substance of its work is considered by its members to be of fundamental importance. but even bitter debates come to an end, and mostly the end reflects recognition of the overriding need for co-operation to solve our common problems to which there can only be common solutions. the present crisis of the united nations can be overcome if -is strengthen the tendencies of co-operation and restrain the tendencies of confrontation. the crisis is also an opportunity. we must do our utmost to preserve and fully utilize the potential for action inherent in this much needed organization. we must see to it that it not only survives, but constantly develops as a universal forum for heir iconizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends and purposes. such, in brief, is the challenge to the wisdom and imagination of this session of the general assembly.
allow me, at the outset, to extend my warmest congratulations to his excellency mr. vuk jeremi , minister for foreign affairs of serbia, on his election to the presidency of the general assembly. i should like to express to him the pleasure of the union of the comoros at seeing him preside over our work and to assure him of the full support of the comorian delegation in discharging his noble task. i should also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, mr. nassir abdulaziz al-nasser, former permanent representative of the state of qatar, who presided over the general assembly with such wisdom, skill and determination and who was successful in working to strengthen its role. finally, i wish to congratulate the secretary- general, his excellency mr. ban ki-moon, for the vision with which he has led the organization and for the worthy initiatives he has ceaselessly undertaken to promote respect for the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations, especially peacebuilding and stability for greater development. as was the case last year, the general assembly is meeting in a context of global uncertainty. it is a climate marked by multifaceted crises, all of them major challenges for our institution. it is meeting at a moment when one of the members of our united nations family, syria, is being rent asunder by a steadily deterioraiting fratricidal war, which poses a serious threat to peace both for the region and for the world, due to that country s strategic geopolitical position. the resignation of the joint special envoy of the united nations and the league of arab states, former united nations secretary-general kofi annan, demonstrated, were there any need for such, the complexity of managing the syrian conflict. it therefore behoves us to act without delay to put an end to the terrible suffering of the brotherly syrian people and to save what can be saved of its various infrastructures. just as important is the palestinian cause. for decades now, it has awaited a fair and lasting solution, one found through our shared desire to establish together the solid foundations for a world of peace and prosperity. the union of the comoros reiterates its full support for the palestinian people and associates itself with the formula of a palestinian state as a full-fledged member of the community of nations, living side by side and in perfect security with the state of israel. the situation in northern mali is also alarming. the attacks carried out against the civilian population of the region, the serious violations of human rights, the obstacles erected to humanitarian access, and the destruction and looting of holy places and other religious, historical and cultural sites are barbarous acts that are contrary to the principles of islam. that is why my country supports the commitment of the economic community of west african states, alongside the african union and the united nations, to put an end to those violations, which have gone on for much too long. one should not, however, lose sight of the fact that while some advocate fanaticism and extremism, islamophobia is also taking on alarming proportions. indeed, the dissemination of the video innocence of muslims has led to waves of indignation and many demonstrations throughout the world. several million believers have felt their faith insulted and harmed. however, the protests against the unspeakable insults to islam, muslims and the prophet muhammad peace be upon him cannot justify the violence against western missions in many countries. my country therefore condemns the terrorist attacks that in benghazi, libya, caused the death of the american ambassador, chris stevens, and a number of his colleagues. i take this opportunity to reiterate to the american people and to the grieving families of the victims the most heartfelt condolences of the people and the government of the comoros. the ongoing existence of many hotbeds of tension throughout the world, the violation of fundamental human rights, and the growth of piracy and terrorism all speak to the need for urgent and in-depth reform of the security council. my country therefore reiterates its support for the african union s position regarding the need to reform the council for better representation of the international community and for greater effectiveness in the settlement and management of conflicts. a few decades ago, my country resolutely committed itself to the path of democracy. it wishes to make its contribution to the promotion of a world of peace, security, justice and fairness. that is why i have committed myself, since my accession to the presidency, to spare no effort in promoting the rule of law and good governance in the union of the comoros. above and beyond the setting up of all institutions provided for under our constitution, including the supreme court, i have given major priority to the fight against corruption. an anti-corruption law has already been promulgated, and a national commission to combat and prevent corruption has now been set up and made operational. i thank the european union for its assistance and expertise in this area, which enabled us to develop the document for our national strategy to combat corruption. this year once again, the global economic and financial crisis is at the heart of the assembly s general debate. that crisis has made evident the urgent need for a global form of economic governance based on the values of responsibility, fairness and solidarity. it has also placed before the eyes of the world the urgency of an in-depth reform of the international financial institutions. the repercussions of the crisis are becoming increasingly palpable, particularly in developing countries, where the rising price of staples threatens peace and stability. the crisis has also intensified problems linked to energy, which powers all socioeconomic development, limiting our ability to promote development through investments. climate change is another major challenge our countries face. we must respond effectively to that phenomenon, which affects the entire planet, especially small island developing states such as the union of the comoros. i wish to stress that last april my country experienced two weeks of unusually violent torrential rains that hammered our islands, causing damage that had disastrous consequences for our population and the national economy. ten per cent of the population was affected, a high percentage for a country as sparsely populated as the comoros. in the name of the whole comorian people and of my government, i would therefore like to thank all the partners and friends who offered us urgent humanitarian aid to help us address that dramatic situation. the unprecedented storms led my government to draw up a rapid recovery plan, with the aid and support of the international community. it will enable us to better help those affected and to restore destroyed infrastructure throughout our territory. that plan, which contains procedures aimed at restoring the situation within a period of six to [number] months, was launched at a round table held on [number] september in pretoria, with the fraternal support of our friendly brother country, the republic of south africa. i would therefore like to appeal to all here to help finance the rapid recovery plan, whose cost has been estimated at [number] million. that will allow my country to better face the current situation and to better prepare for the future. the time has come to relaunch with greater determination a number of pending international issues, in particular those regarding measures to mitigate or adapt to climate change and to make operational the copenhagen climate fund. we need to honour the commitments made to the countries of the south by implementing, inter alia, the agreements on emissions linked to deforestation and forest degradation, as well as a comprehensive agreement on climate change. we must also respect the kyoto protocol on the reduction of greenhouses gases within the framework of the united nations framework convention on climate change. finally, we must do our utmost to achieve the millennium development goals. faced with all those equally important challenges, i urgently call on the most developed countries to apply to the most fragile countries the same mechanisms that have been implemented to reduce the impact of the crisis in europe, in order to prevent more unfortunate consequences, knowing that our countries depend on the financial contributions of our people abroad. in that context, my country, which is currently a beneficiary of the extended credit facility of the international monetary fund, hopes by december to have reached the completion point of the heavily indebted poor countries initiative. in other words, the new world economic order, based on the shared principles of fairness, transparency and prosperity that we have willingly embraced, requires a real and dynamic easing of the crisis that has struck the world. africa impatiently awaits the advent of that new order to realize economic and social integration and to embark resolutely on the path of sustainable development. in conclusion, with respect to my country s stability, before the general assembly, i once again appeal to france that a frank and sincere dialogue finally be set up between our two closely linked nations on the question of the comorian island of mayotte. it has grown increasingly clear that the fact that mayotte remains under french administration constitutes a threat to the peace and stability of the three other comorian islands the peace that remains the foundation of freedom and prosperity. it is true, and a secret to no one, that that island has always served as a rear guard for the detractors of the comoros, those who would prefer not to see our country move forward despite its great potential. moreover, the year [number], now drawing to a close, proved particularly dramatic for my people. men, women and children aboard f limsy boats known as kwassa kwassa perished in the narrow waters that separate the comorian islands of anjouan and mayotte because of the visas that france imposed on the comorians of the other islands. surely that painful, unacceptable situation, which has lasted for decades, cannot fail to move this worldwide assembly, whose chosen theme for this year is bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means , including the rule of law at the national and international levels. i therefore hope that france will honour its commitments as a country that respects international law. finally, i hope it will respond positively to our urgent call so that together we may find a positive way for mayotte to return to its natural home, which remains the union of the comoros. that is how to put an end to the humanitarian tragedy and to guarantee lasting stability for my country. it is through a definitive solution to this conflict, which has lasted far too long, that france can contribute to the ongoing efforts to enhance regional integration, and thus to safeguard the interests of this region of the indian ocean that we hope to build together in stability and peace.
allow me at the outset, on behalf of the delegation of the socialist republic of vietnam, to congratulate mr. diogo freitas do amaral on his election as president of the general assembly at this session, a historic session that coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations. i am confident that under his guidance, our session will be crowned with success. let me take this opportunity also to convey our appreciation for the dynamic and effective activities undertaken by his predecessor, his excellency minister amara essy. we would like to express our appreciation also for the perseverance shown by his excellency mr. boutros boutros-ghali in serving the common cause of all nations for peace, national independence and development. this session of the general assembly is a special occasion for us to look back at the changes in the world and at the growth of the united nations over the past [number] years, since the end of the second world war. out of the tumultuous course of mankind s history in those [number] years, let us identify what has changed, what has not, and what cannot change. only with such a clear vision will we be able to chart our course into the twenty-first century and to find the confidence to build a united nations that can meet the expectations of all of us. while the first half of the twentieth century has left in the mind of mankind the haunting memories of two dreadful world wars, in the second half of this century, despite the fierce local wars that have taken place such as those in indochina, korea and viet nam nations have been spared the horrors of a global conflagration. moreover, after several decades of an unbridled arms race, the world has chosen the course of reason, striving for the long-term goal of general and complete disarmament, especially with regard to nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. the recent indefinite extension of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons gave rise to much hope. however, the nuclear testing undertaken right afterwards caused disillusion in international public opinion and has made it imperative for all nations first and foremost the nuclear-weapon states to redouble their efforts in a fully responsible manner, so as to [number] complete the comprehensive test-ban treaty in the course of the next year. while the threat of a new world war and a nuclear holocaust is receding, peace and security remain elusive for many regions and countries beset by racial, ethnic and religious conflicts, and terrorist activities that take on disquieting proportions. in the intractable case of bosnia and herzegovina, a peaceful solution should be pursued, without the imposition of measures, from any quarter whatsoever, that may complicate the situation further and cause more suffering to the multi-ethnic population of bosnia. the past half-century can also be said to have been a shining chapter in the history of the struggle of peoples to regain their national independence, sovereignty and the right to be the masters of their own destinies, and to strive for well-being, freedom and equality within the international community. the international community has been following very closely the peace process in the middle east and welcomes its recent progress. only strong political will and respect for the fundamental national rights of the palestinian people and the legitimate interests of all the parties concerned can bring about lasting stability in this region of the world. in practice, however, the basic and universal principles of sovereignty and sovereign equality continue to be ignored or violated by reason of the unequal and undemocratic set-up of international relations and through impositions upon, and interference in, the internal affairs of other countries, for different reasons and with a variety of justifications. at the end of this twentieth century, thanks to mankind s achievements in science and technology and in communication and production, and thanks also to the hard work of all nations, our world as a whole has become more prosperous and more alive, with the manifold increase in material and non-material flows and exchanges, thus facilitating better mutual understanding and closer relationships among nations. however, our conscience cannot rest easy in view of a reality that we cannot ignore the fact that one-fifth of mankind still lives in abject poverty, and the challenges posed by the enormous gap between the annual per capita gross national product for the least developed countries less than [number] and that of advanced industrialized countries, which is more than a hundred times higher. furthermore, all nations, no matter where in the world, face global problems that threaten our economic achievements and the progress made in enhancing the quality of life. nowadays, mankind has a clearer, more holistic awareness of development, peace and security. we understand better the close correlation and interaction between economic development and social development, between internal security and external security, and between economic, social and military security. another reality of the world today, which is of far- reaching significance to each nation and individual, is the increasing role of international law, which binds nations and circumscribes and harmonizes the behaviour of states through multilateral instruments and institutions. such a role is all the more crucial in the light of the tendency to blur the boundaries between national and international jurisdiction, as well as to extend the enforcement of one country s laws beyond its borders. recently, international opinion has been increasingly concerned about the fact that the implementation of united nations sanctions is shifting towards punishment or retribution for private political motives, in contravention of the purposes originally assigned by the charter. nor can public opinion remain unconcerned by the fact that sanctions in reality affect mainly the life and health of the innocent civilian population, and therefore cannot accept the prolongation of sanctions regardless of their effectiveness and consequences. in view of this, international opinion cannot but protest the imposition of unilateral sanctions for several decades, such as is the case of the embargo against cuba. we express our sincere sympathy for the hardships experienced by the cuban people and strongly urge that the embargo against cuba be lifted, and that the relevant resolutions of the general assembly be promptly and effectively implemented. in short, [number] years after the second world war, the world offers us a scene of vivid contrasts between continuity and change, between stagnation and development, between division and integration, especially the vast and profound integration that unfolds before us under the impact of the trend towards interdependence, regionalization and globalization. moreover, the powerful vitality and steadfast determination which drive peoples to preserve their national traditions and cultural identities demonstrate their will to safeguard from within the inevitable process of international integration something stable and lasting, which links the present of each nation to the roots of its traditions, and the need to affirm the singularity of each society, each nation and each [number] community, and not only of each individual. the history of the past [number] years is a clear testimony thereof. over the past half century, the united nations has weathered the tests and trials of the cold war and of the immediate post-cold-war years to endure and grow. its indispensable role as a centre for harmonizing the actions of nation states in a world characterized by rapid and complex changes and increasing interdependence has been recognized by all members. as i have mentioned, the united nations has recorded some encouraging achievements for peace and development, for equality and justice. however, given the speed and scope of changes taking place in the world, it must be recognized that the united nations has failed to reform and adjust itself in keeping with the new situation and with the trend of the times, and thus to address the needs of nations. we are of the view that the peace-keeping operations of the united nations must strictly observe the principle of respect for independence, sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of states, and should go hand in hand with the persevering search for a peaceful solution. the united nations ought to draw the lessons of the successes and failures of its recent peace-keeping operations so as to better discharge the responsibility entrusted to it by the community of its member states. it is certain that in a few weeks, during the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, our heads of state and government will voice the hopes that the peoples of the world place in our organization. for this reason, it is imperative that we turn the united nations into an effective instrument to serve the common ideals and interests of mankind in the next century. the challenge for the united nations, as it tackles the burning issues of today s world, is to continue upholding the progressive spirit enshrined in its charter and adequately to implement, with all due attention, both the agenda for peace and the agenda for development , overcoming the discrepancy between the desirable and the possible so that the united nations can be a true representative in the fullest sense of the term of the expectations and interests of its members, in its structure and organization, its agenda, its mandate and its mode of operation. this requires that the general assembly should play an essential role as the secretary-general reminded us at the opening of this session, namely that by virtue of the principle of equal rights . . . of nations large and small , it is the general assembly that is endowed with the democratic legitimacy of our global organization. mr. kittikhoun lao people s democratic republic , we agree with the overall thrust of the draft declaration on the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations and believe that it is particularly important to reaffirm the principles of respect for independence, sovereignty and sovereign equality, territorial integrity and non-interference in the jurisdiction and the internal affairs of nations, the peaceful settlement of disputes and non- use of force or threat to use force. at the same time, the positive role that the united nations has played and should continue to play in helping nations exercise their right to self-determination and to development should not be forgotten. the declaration should not fail to address two topical issues. one is the need for a security council that is more effective, more representative and transparent in its workings, while the other is the need for adequate resources to enable the united nations fully to carry out its mandate. viet nam recognizes a plain fact of everyday life, which is that whoever contributes more shall be entitled to more rights. but conversely, whoever has more rights will have to show greater responsibility. therefore, the richest countries should set an example by meeting their financial obligations in full and on time, which is of vital significance for our organization at this juncture. we particularly agree with the stress placed by the draft declaration on poverty as the scourge visited upon billions of people on our planet, as well as on the human person as the centre of the whole development process. those are only some preliminary observations. in this incredibly changing world, the asia-pacific region in general and south-east asia in particular are entering a new era with profound changes and great promises for peaceful cooperation and dynamic development. most striking is the common consciousness and efforts of the whole region directed towards building a peaceful and stable environment conducive to the development of each country in the region and of the region as a whole. as a country in the dynamic region and a member of the association of south-east asian nations asean , viet nam will make positive contributions toward those common objectives. viet nam s official membership in asean since last july, the participation of laos and cambodia as observers and myanmar s accession to the bali treaty have opened up prospects for further strengthening cooperation throughout the region and for expanding asean into an association of all [number] countries of the region. these are the foundation and components of a south-east asia of peace, stability and prosperity. together with the other countries concerned, the asean countries recently held the second asean regional [number] forum, at which the participating countries agreed to promote cooperation on an equal footing among all parties, by taking the appropriate measures, and in the short term by stepping up confidence-building measures in order to consolidate peace and security in the region. alongside that favourable overall trend, there are potentially destabilizing factors in the region. the dispute in the eastern sea and other recent developments remain a source of concern for countries both within and outside the region. regarding this issue, we would like to reaffirm once again our position, which is that the disputes in the eastern sea should be settled through peaceful negotiations in accordance with the principles contained in the manila declaration adopted by asean in [number], as confirmed at the recent asean ministerial meeting in brunei, and in conformity with international law, especially the [number] united nations convention on the law of the sea, which entered into force at the end of [number]. pending a fundamental and lasting solution to these disputes, all parties concerned should maintain the status quo and refrain from any action that might further complicate the situation, especially the use or threat of use of force. for viet nam, [number] has been a year of great historic significance. as we join the rest of the international community in preparing for the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, our people are solemnly celebrating several other major events, especially the fiftieth anniversary of the proclamation of our independence. during the past half century, our people have endured tremendous human sacrifice and material loss in order to safeguard our national independence. to rebuild and develop our homeland, we have overcome innumerable tests and trials, as well as the extremely heavy consequences of long and fierce wars. thanks to the determination of the whole nation united in mind and in action, our reform and renewal process, now in its tenth year, has achieved major initial results, thus making it possible to move to a new stage of development the industrialization and modernization of our country. recent years have seen the continuous development of our economy, with an average annual growth rate of [number]. [number] per cent, an annual increase in exports of [number] per cent, and a [number] per cent annual increase in foreign investment. the standard of living is steadily improving. economic development is increasingly linked with social and cultural development. our objective is to build a strong and prosperous viet nam with an equitable and civilized society. alongside our economic reforms, we have carried out political reforms to build a state governed by the rule of law, and which is of the people, by the people and for the people. on the basis of our [number] constitution, we have promulgated a series of laws, codes and legal decrees in order ever more completely to ensure the rights and interests of all citizens, and at the same time to create a firm legal basis for governing the country. these all- round achievements constitute a firm guarantee of social and political stability and lay the foundation needed for future sustainable development. along with reform in all aspects of social life, viet nam has consistently pursued its foreign policy of broad openness, the thrust of which is to diversify and multilateralize its external relations in order to create a stable environment and external conditions conducive to the task of building and defending the country, and to enhance viet nam s position on the international scene. to implement this policy, viet nam has established diplomatic relations with nearly [number] countries, including all the world s major powers and leading economic and political centres. viet nam s accession to full membership of asean, the signing of an agreement of cooperation with the european union, and the normalization and establishment of full diplomatic relations with the united states all took place in july this year. that was no coincidence, but was the outcome of a whole process of implementing a foreign policy inspired by a new spirit, by which viet nam is willing to be the friend of all nations in the international community, and to strive for peace, national independence and development. this provides eloquent testimony to the correctness of our foreign policy and to its consonance with the trends of our times. as it broadens its relations with all countries, viet nam is also endeavouring consistently to improve and strengthen relations with international organizations, including the international financial and monetary institutions, and is ready to participate in regional and global cooperation organizations. following the normalization of its relations with the international monetary fund, the world bank and the asia development bank and its participation in the asean free trade area, viet nam is now actively preparing to join the asia-pacific economic cooperation forum and the world trade organization at an appropriate time. viet nam continues to maintain close and effective cooperation with the united nations and with specialized agencies of the united nations system. the achievements of its foreign policy provide a new impetus for viet nam to accelerate the process of regional and global integration, and to participate more [number] effectively in global forums and institutions, with a view to tackling the pressing problems facing all mankind, and to contributing meaningfully to the common endeavour of the international community to achieve peace, national independence, friendship, cooperation among states and development. today and in the weeks to come, from every point on the horizon, peoples of the world, regardless of language, race or culture, are turning to this hall, where the representatives of [number] countries are assembled at a historic moment marking half a century of the united nations with the ardent hope and expectation that the organization will truly enter a new era, in which its own motto, united for a better world can become a reality. there is no promise more dear to our hearts and no commitment more solemn than our determination to prepare ourselves for the common journey into the twenty-first century, to realize the noble purposes of the charter of the united nations for a better world and for a fairer and more reasonable world order that will meet the ardent hopes of the present generation and that will build a sound foundation for succeeding generations.
let me congratulate you. sir, and the republic of bulgaria upon your election as president of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. your experience as a respected political leader and jurist augurs well for the success of our deliberations. i wish to acknowledge the work of ambassador samir shihabi of saudi arabia and his inspired and constructive presidency of the general assembly at its forty-sixth session. i present my compliments to secretary-general boutros boutros-ghali, whose election was supported by brazil from the beginning. his experience and statesmanship, which i had the occasion to witness at the united nations conference on environment and development, will certainly stand him in good stead in the exercise of his high office. brazil welcomes the representatives of the new states members of the united nations armenia, azerbaijan, bosnia and herzegovina, croatia, georgia, kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, moldova, san marino, slovenia, tajikistan, turkmenistan and uzbekistan. my country wishes to explore the possibilities of cooperation with the new member states. the opening of the general debate requires that we should call forth national and regional aspirations without losing sight of our concern for the universal. it requires that we should seek to fulfil our individual identities in a harmonious whole, that should we be both effective and just. historical change should not be viewed as the chaotic workings of nature, which, like a storm, are beyond control. nor does it bear comparison to a theatrical play whose plot and outcome are known to the author and the performers in advance but which the audience discovers only as the play unfolds. the most pertinent metaphor for understanding the lessons of history would be that of a labyrinth. conceived of as a labyrinth, history unfolds unpredictably. this, however, does not deny the rational creativity of man and of peoples. rational creativity lies in identifying by trial and error the blind alleys in the maze of collective experience, while trusting that there are exit points and struggling to reach them. today the role of reason in the search for a way out lies in resorting to historical experience to promote those values which may ensure better and higher ways of life in an organized society freedom, democracy, human rights, sustainable development, justice and peace. in times of change it is important to stop and think about the values and concepts that lie at the foundation of international relations. the process i have described gives rise both to hopes and to concerns. it reflects the interaction of centripetal forces that tend towards the universal and of centrifugal forces that call attention to diversity. on the one hand, societies are embracing standards and practices that are well on the way to becoming universal, as witnessed by the strengthening of democracy and human rights, of sustainable development and of free enterprise and market integration. on the other hand, we witness the rebirth of nationalism and ethnic strife, religious fervour taken to extremes and forms of discrimination which multiply tension and threaten world peace. the united nations, and in particular the general assembly, should serve as the natural point of convergence for the various trends that shape the complexity of our time. that complexity requires building a new international order based on the democratic participation of all states, as stressed by the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organization. in conformity with its commitment to dialogue and cooperation, brazil wishes to make its contribution to the common task of ensuring the equitable fulfilment of the historical aspirations of mankind. brazil takes pride in its diplomatic tradition. with [number] neighbours and nearly [number], [number] kilometres of borders, all of which were peacefully negotiated, brazil's destiny is civil and fruitful coexistence with all countries. the democracy we enjoy today at the domestic level is an assurance of unity and stability. it teaches us to accept the diversity and divergence inherent in a pluralistic society. it permits us to face crises and vicissitudes within the rule of law and the strict boundaries of constitutional order. at the same time, democracy encourages us to uphold its principles and methods in our relations with other nations. in a democracy the rules of the game relate to the sharing and limitation of power. government must belong to the many, so that it can resist imposition by the few. power must be constrained by law, so as to avoid the arbitrary discretion of those who wield it. the acknowledgement of these rules aims at the qualitative transformation of life in society the passage from the realm of violence to the realm of non-violence achievable by the taming of power through law. this is what confers on the law an irrevocable ethical content. in the realm of public international law, this ethical content finds its expression in the peaceful settlement of disputes, since its procedures for choosing among available options for action seek precisely to dispel the fears that derive from the rule of violence. it is in that spirit of democratic civility that brazil intends to participate in the process of reorganizing the international system. the unprecedented historical crossroads at which we find ourselves calls for a new agenda, an agenda embodying an awareness of the present and a vision of the future. the drafting of this agenda must take into account all the dimensions of value. all values have to be susceptible of fulfilment and are inexhaustible. to subsist, they must be translated into normative and social reality. however, the fulfilment of values in history does not exhaust their content. for example, we can and may always obtain more freedom and more justice. the foreign policy of brazil stresses these twin dimensions in its response to the new international situation and stresses them through a creative adaptation and vision of the future. these concepts, we think, are appropriate as we consider the items on the agenda of the general assembly. the starting-point for a rethinking of the international system lies in the acknowledgement that peace, security and disarmament are inseparable. the suggestions put forward by secretary-general boutros-ghali in his document "an agenda for peace" a [number] [number] lend new contours and an enlarged scope to discussions on the role of the united nations. all member states should participate in an in-depth consideration of the provocative and creative suggestions put forward by the secretary-general. brazil will contribute actively to their consideration at the present session of the general assembly. the "agenda for peace" comprises timely issues, such as preventive diplomacy, peace-making and post-conflict peace-building. such innovative concepts are, by their very nature, still fluid. they open up new perspectives which remain to be explored, albeit cautiously, as befits an encounter between unknown realities and bold and imaginative ideas. the dream of a better world cannot, however, be excluded from the debate. though realism is the starting-point of all political action, it should not be taken as its final objective. justice is the ultimate value that should, in the final analysis, permeate the concept of order. peace-building is a continuous task and an evolving process. in addition to the concepts related to the means of tackling conflict situations, we should also seek to define the logical corollary of preventive peace-building, namely the forestalling of crises deriving from economic and social factors. to that end, we must strengthen the role of the united nations, not only in restoring peace and security, but also in fostering economic and social progress. other elements should therefore be added to those put forward in the "agenda for peace", such as the promotion of a more just international economic environment, full respect for human rights and the rule of law, general and complete disarmament, and the democratization of international relations based on sovereign equality and the non-use of force. it is essential to avoid the temptation of a selective application of the provisions of the charter. the instruments for the maintenance of international peace and security must not serve to consolidate imbalances based on power relations, which are not more legitimate because they are real. the fundamental attribute of legitimacy consists in the all-encompassing perspective of humanity. it is of paramount importance to uphold the provision of the charter whereby the maintenance of international peace and security is the collective responsibility of all member states. in carrying out its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, the security council acts on behalf of all member states of the united nations. now that the council is being called upon to play an increasingly decisive role, there is a clear need for an in-depth discussion of the representative nature of its composition, the scope of its competence and the powers of its members. we should consider, with prudence no less than with foresight, such readjustments as would permit the council to discharge its functions in a more representative manner. brazil is prepared to contribute constructively to this effort, taking fully into account the institutional balance among the organs of the united nations provided for in the san francisco charter. the contribution of brazil to united nations peace-keeping operations reflects our commitment to implementing the principle of collective responsibility. the issue of disarmament has been momentarily overshadowed by that of security in the wake of the unstable situations which followed the collapse of global confrontation. the progressive reduction of arms stockpiles, especially of weapons of mass destruction, remains, however, fundamental. much has indeed been accomplished in the field of disarmament, yet much remains to be done. brazil and argentina have jointly entered into an agreement with the international atomic energy agency on the application of safeguards. with argentina and chile, we launched an initiative to ensure the full entry into force of the treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons in latin america the treaty of tlatelolco. the entry into force of the treaty of tlatelolco will make latin america the first nuclear-weapon-free zone in the world. this represents a balanced agreement on non-proliferation with equality of rights and obligations. we have banned chemical and biological weapons from our territory through the mendoza agreement, which we concluded with our neighbouring states. we have thus advanced the application of the convention on chemical weapons, which sets down uniform rules of disarmament and verification binding on all signatories. we hope similarly universal and non-discriminatory disarmament conventions will be concluded in the future. regarding the zone of peace and cooperation of the south atlantic, we welcome the opportunity to work with our partners on both sides of the ocean in a process of dialogue and joint endeavour aimed in particular at the protection of the marine environment. security and disarmament are only means to achieve the highest goal to which mankind truly aspires the goal of peace. peace, not as the mere absence of war, but as an affirmative value, peace as a state of satisfaction in which relations among states can be ruled by law and disputes settled by peaceful means. peace must be linked to cooperation, of which justice is an integral part, for common interests are rooted in a balanced relation among states. it is widely acknowledged that there is a close link between the democratic system of government and the inclination of states towards peace, and conversely, a link between authoritarian regimes and a greater propensity to conflict. the values inherent in democracy pluralism, majority rule, tolerance, consensus, the rule of law extend naturally to the external affairs of the state. the strengthening of democracy on a planetary scale represents therefore a decisive contribution to the building of a more peaceful international system. an unquestionable value in the domestic order, democracy also projects itself as an organizing principle of the international order, through the strengthening of multilateral diplomacy and the search for a broad participation in the international decision-making process. brazil is convinced that relations among states must be governed predominantly by incentives to cooperation and not by disincentives. that amounts to promoting a positive and not a negative agenda for international relations, an agenda that must be negotiated in a democratic manner. the improvement of international cooperation to ensure adequate and effective treatment of world-wide issues, such as those of humanitarian, developmental or environmental character, is to bf pursued within the basic principles of international law, foremost among which is respect for state sovereignty. fortunately, a new perception has evolved in the field of human rights that focuses on the need for special protection for the most vulnerable groups in each country. cultural, religious and ethnic minorities, women, children, refugees and immigrants are social groups frequently exposed to intolerance and to the abuse of their most basic rights. we must strive to bridge the gap between what is achievable and what is desirable. respect for human rights must be universal in scope, just as the [number] declaration is universal and just as the provisions of the basic covenants and conventions on this matter are universal. in short, human rights must not be violated under any pretext whatsoever. the full enjoyment of individual rights requires material conditions of social and economic organization grounded in the idea of justice. the holding in [number] of the world conference on human rights, as well as the proposed world summit on social development, will provide opportunities to strengthen the protection and the promotion of human dignity. the government of brazil is doing everything in its power to protect and promote human rights. we maintain an open dialogue with international organizations governmental and non-governmental and we have acceded to the main legal instruments on this matter. to be assured of success in our endeavours, we further need constructive international cooperation to address better the perverse consequences of extreme poverty and to equip democratic states with conditions to reinforce their preventive and corrective actions in these areas, where serious violations of individual rights still occur. one of the most urgent tasks of the united nations will be to promote in all countries a strong campaign against all forms of discrimination. it is high time we reaffirmed the classic concept of tolerance as an essential constituent element of life in an enlightened society. equality can be genuine only when there is respect for diversity, where there is respect for heterogeneity. policies of racial segregation, by any name, will always be hateful. the idea that a nation or a social group is somehow superior because it is ethnically homogeneous is flatly wrong. the world has not lived through the horrors of a world war, the anguish of [number] years of the cold war and the hardship of conflicts that have offended the conscience of mankind to witness now the resurgence of the spectre of xenophobia, of exclusive nationalism, or of ethnic, cultural or religious intolerance. we cannot allow the concept of nationhood to serve as a cloak for the practices of oppression. brazil, as a multiracial country proud of its roots, rejects outright attitudes that are inimical to the human race. just as our societies cannot coexist with the marginalization of parts of their population, so the new international society we seek to build cannot coexist with the marginalization of entire peoples. the interdependence of the world economy paradoxically highlights the shortcomings of global cooperation. the gap between the north and the south is widening before our eyes. this situation cannot persist. we must work together to foster economic growth in all countries. there will be no peace or security so long as such disparities continue to distort the international system. in an increasingly open and interdependent international community, the leverage from international trade is extraordinary. we must therefore prevent protectionist pressures linked to short-term parochial interests from undercutting the negotiating effort of the uruguay round, inspired by free competition and the multiplication of benefits. the difficulties and sluggishness inherent in the process of multilateral-trade liberalization should not prompt us to opt indiscriminately for self-contained regional blocks. we see, and would like others to see, regional-trade liberalization as a form of creating additional opportunities for international trade as a whole, without inflicting losses on third parties. this is how we view the southern cone common market mercosur , the regional basis for our competitive integration in the international economy. brazil is a global trader. we trade with all regions of the world and we are modernizing our economy through trade liberalization and openness towards the world economy. negotiations with foreign creditors have produced positive results. science and technology today represent the crucial variable of economic success. promoting their dissemination and ensuring greater transparency and equity in the access to knowledge is fundamental for development. that is the spirit that guides the brazilian initiative now under consideration in the united nations disarmament commission, aiming at the definition of non-discriminatory and universally acceptable principles to regulate international transfers of sensitive technologies for peaceful purposes. last june brazil hosted the united nations conference on environment and development, which was the largest diplomatic event in the history of the organization and set new patterns of international understanding and cooperation. we worked creatively to face the challenges of the present and boldly in the preparations for the future. the rio conference was not aimed at simply reorganizing this or that aspect of economic activity or of life in society. it was aimed, rather, at reshaping the very notion of development, to conceive it on a more rational, more just and more generous foundation that of sustainable development. the rio declaration, agenda [number], the declaration on forests, the climate convention and the biodiversity convention outline a legal framework and a political project of paramount importance for international cooperation. the significance of these instruments will be even more evident over time. adherence to the principles that have been agreed upon and prompt ratification of the two conventions will usher in a new era of international cooperation. the rio conference set up a new paradigm, a new social contract, on the basis of the fundamental concept of sustainable development. it established as a primary concern the need to ensure the most rational balance between legitimate development goals, on the one side, and the preservation of the health of our planet and the well-being of future generations, on the other. sustainable development is the contemporary expression of progress. it is the basis for a new international environment and development order. in welcoming the heads of state and government who honoured us with their presence. president fernando collor stated that "the world has decided to assemble here to address no more, no less than the life itself on the surface of the planet. " the conference concluded that we cannot allow the persistence of social imbalances in the current international system marked by inhuman situations of poverty and by the coexistence of want and waste. as stated by the brazilian head of state, as president of the conference, "we cannot have an environmentally sound planet in a socially unjust world". the rio conference therefore fostered an awareness of the fact that development must be sustainable. sustainability requires due attention not only to environmental but also to economic and social factors. that and all the other achievements of the conference were made possible thanks only to the unprecedented engagement of the community of nations at the highest level, allowing for the consideration of problems of universal interest through the equal participation of all countries. let me stress this point the rio conference was exemplary in that it brought to a higher level the practice of democracy in international relations, thus strengthening multilateral diplomacy. at the conference, all countries - large and small, rich and poor gave proof that they were and are capable of linking their own specific interests with larger, more general interests. this is the "spirit of rio", which we hope will guide the united nations in other areas as well mutual confidence among states, a willingness to act decisively with a view to achieving common goals, and the grandeur of joint endeavours in devising forms of enhanced cooperation in line with norms defined democratically and on the basis of consensus. this session of the general assembly is called upon to address the task of taking the first steps in implementing the conclusions of the conference and in honouring the commitments entered into at rio. we therefore attribute great importance to the establishment of the commission on sustainable development. sustainable development requires new and additional financial resources on an adequate and predictable basis, as reflected in chapter [number] of agenda [number]. we expect that, at the present session, the developed countries will announce initial plans to give effect to the goals of the conference. equally crucial is the availability of technology to developing countries, so as to ensure the feasibility of established programmes. action or follow-up measures are also necessary in other areas among these i stress the development of small island states and the convening of a negotiating committee on desertification. brazil wishes to make an additional contribution to the accomplishments of the rio conference by offering to host an international centre for studies on sustainable development. we count on public and private support for this initiative, which was welcomed in a resolution adopted at the conference and for the implementation of which we have already laid the groundwork. as an academic institution, the centre will provide an international research and exchange forum for the application of decisions adopted at rio. when i spoke about the dichotomy between the real and the ideal necessary for the construction of a new order, i referred to the great opportunities for cooperation among nations to solve problems in the areas of peace and security, democracy, human rights, development and environment. the world expects the work of the organization to be concentrated on those priority areas. the capacity for joint action by the united nations must spring from the voice of each and every member state. that action becomes all the more legitimate as the basic decision-making process grows more representative and more democratic. brazil views the ongoing work on the restructuring and revitalization of the economic and social sectors of the united nations as eminently relevant. it should lead to greater efficiency, together with a wider scope for international cooperation for development. an agenda for peace cannot overlook the agenda for development. ultimate success in this enterprise requires a realistic willingness to endow the united nations with the necessary instruments and the prospective vision to make this universal forum the core of collective efforts for the improvement of relations among peoples and countries. in brazil, as elsewhere in latin america and other regions, bold and necessary reforms have been set in motion to eliminate obstacles to development, to economic competitiveness, to technological progress and to the free exercise of innovation and entrepreneurship based on the market. brazil joins other nations with an open mind, aware of the need for creative adaptation to new realities and convinced that new challenges require a vision of the future endowed with generosity.
the government and people of botswana salute your elevation to the presidency of the forty-ninth session of the assembly. your election by acclamation is a fitting tribute not only to your personal distinction but also to the african continent, on whose soil you were bred and nurtured. it goes without saying, therefore, that the confidence we repose in you as you guide our deliberations is beyond measure. the secretary-general s legendary tenacity of purpose at the helm of our organization has continued to serve us very well indeed. he remains undaunted by the complexities of the problems he faces as the world s chief diplomat and peacemaker in an era marred by the continuing absence of peace. we salute him and his staff of dedicated international civil servants. let me also pay a deserved tribute to our dear brother, last year s president, ambassador samuel insanally, whose tenure of office was most effective, productive and creative. we wish him a happy, hard-earned retirement from the service of our general assembly. the new world order remains a misnomer. misery and wretchedness are the order of the day in many parts of the world. the post-cold war era was to be the era of democratization, peace and development, so we hoped. yes, democratization has taken root in many parts of the world, including our own continent, africa. that is to be celebrated, and should be celebrated. unfortunately, the energies and resources that the international community could be deploying to help buttress and nurture emerging democracies have to be expended on the search for solutions to a multiplicity of intractable civil wars. tragically, some of these civil wars show no sign of amenability to solutions. they have become perennial so is the united nations mission to mitigate them. this places the united nations in a terrible dilemma, both moral and material. unfortunately, there is very little choice for our organization. it would be absolutely unconscionable to abandon a bosnia or a somalia to its own wretched devices. nevertheless, there is no doubt that the united nations peacekeeping commitments are threatening to overwhelm the organization s capacities. financial resources to sustain these commitments may soon dry up, if indeed they are available, in tandem with the drying up of support for peace-keeping generally, particularly among the big contributors. the past year has been a year of mixed blessings for africa. the continent won a major victory with the liberation of south africa from the shackles of apartheid and racism. three-and-a-half centuries of white minority domination have ended, and the construction of a new non-racial society has begun in earnest in south africa. we heartily congratulate all the people of south africa, in their racial and cultural diversity, on the wisdom and courage they have shown in coming to terms with their common destiny. we welcome the new south africa into our midst with open arms. southern africa, the erstwhile cockpit of conflict, has suddenly found salvation and begun the process of reconstruction and regional cooperation and integration. since peace and stability are universal prerequisites for orderly economic and social development, both of which we have begun to savour in southern africa, there is every reason why we should be excited about the future of our region. with the holding of multiparty elections in the sister republic of mozambique, the process of democratization in the region will have come closer than ever before to culmination. increasingly, the region is being guided in the ordering of its political affairs by a set of common democratic values. through the southern african development community s economic fraternity, mechanisms are being developed to promote regional approaches to the protection of human rights and the safeguarding of the democratic milieu that the region has laboured so hard and shed so much blood to bring about. as an example, i would mention the case of lesotho, about which members will have heard. recently, when democracy was placed in danger there, the region, through the good offices of three presidents of southern african countries - zimbabwe, south africa and botswana - sprang into action to engage the basotho leaders in a dialogue, which happily culminated in the cherished lesotho democracy being saved without a shot [number] being fired. it was regional conflict-resolution and diplomacy at their very best. yet we remain troubled and pained by the fact that not all is well in other parts of the african continent by any stretch of the imagination. our south western sister republic of angola has never had a moment of tranquillity, peace or stability ever since it attained its independence [number] years ago. blood has continued to flow in that tortured country in ever-increasing profusion, even as we are told the lusaka talks are on the verge of a successful conclusion. this is the precious blood of innocent angolans shed needlessly because the multiparty democracy demanded by unita and its supporters was won three years ago, only to be subjected to another round of brutal civil war. we remain hopeful, however, that the marathon talks in lusaka, capital of the republic of zambia, will produce an agreement for the parties to implement without reservation. the somali tragedy remains intractable. the presence in the fractured country of [number], [number] united nations peace- keeping troops, including botswanans, has not made much of a difference in the restoration of peace and tranquillity to the somali people. now we are faced with a threat to abandon the country to its fate. the international community has every reason to be frustrated and exasperated by what looks like a total absence of any intention on the part of the warring somali factions to reconcile and give their nation a chance to drag itself out of the quagmire of civil war. we understand this frustration and exasperation, and yet we would find it absolutely unconscionable for the united nations simply to uproot itself from somalia when it is abundantly clear that such a course of action would have catastrophic consequences. the decision to withdraw the united nations operation in somalia unosom ii must be carefully weighed against the obvious consequences of the vacuum it will create. there is also liberia, whose agony clearly knows no limit. the madness that is being displayed by the warring factions there is surely beyond comprehension. is the newly intensified fighting which has caused another exodus of refugees to neighbouring countries and wasted more innocent lives the way to thank the monitoring group of the economic community of west african states ecomog and the international community for the cost in lives and material they have suffered and incurred in an attempt to save liberia from self-destruction? the first world is already showing signs of extreme weariness about the cost of peace-keeping. soon even ecomog may run out of the means and the will to persist in its seemingly impossible mission to save liberia from itself. and as long as liberia is in the state in which it is there is the certainty that peace in the region at large will be and remain imperilled. although the carnage has ended in rwanda, the tragedy that has befallen its people has not. the rwandese nation cannot reconcile so long as chunks of it are languishing and dying in refugee camps in foreign lands. rwanda cannot endure any more cycles of civil war and genocidal massacres. the tens or hundreds of thousands of refugees encamped at present in the neighbouring countries must be helped to return to their homeland lest out of the frustrations of exile in their squalid refugee camps they ignite another cycle of genocide. on the perennial question of western sahara, botswana shares the view that it is taking far too long to hold a referendum in the territory to allow the sahraoui people to decide their future. the territory cannot and must not be allowed to mark time forever in a limbo of uncertainty as if the fulfillment of the aspirations of its people can be delayed until their final submission. beyond the african continent, the agony of bosnia and herzegovina has continued to outrage the conscience of mankind. the senseless bloodletting in that tormented region of europe remains stubbornly impervious to solution. peace plan after peace plan has failed to impress one side or the other, and the result is that the patience of the international community, which has to deploy enormous resources to maintain a massive peace-keeping presence in the area, is being tested beyond endurance. the question we ask is how can the perpetrators of that cruel conflict ever make sense out of it? we appeal to them to stop the carnage. meanwhile, we urge the international tribunal set up to bring to justice the authors and perpetrators of that barbarous war to spare no effort in doing so. we hope that in the caribbean, the people of haiti will take advantage of the massive assistance they are receiving from the international community to normalize the situation in their country. they have a golden opportunity to do so and to resume the journey they started three years ago towards a democratic future. there may be no second - or third - chance. [number] botswana believes that the time has come for cuba and the united states to negotiate an amicable end to their protracted estrangement. intractable problems all over the world, are being resolved through negotiations, and we do not believe that the cold war between cuba and the united states is beyond resolution by negotiation. botswana values the friendship of both countries and cherishes the hope that soon there will be peace and reconciliation between the two neighbours. the middle east has broken out of the straitjacket of no war- no peace. we hail the agreement clinched last year between israel and the palestine liberation organization plo and the rapprochement between israel and jordan symbolized by the signing of the washington declaration to bring to an end the state of war between the two countries, and we urge that no stone be left unturned in the quest for a comprehensive solution to the problems of that very important area of the world. unfortunately, the sound of the drums of war in the gulf area are piercing our ears once again. we hope that this time the parties involved in the war dance are merely trying to exorcise the demons of the politics of brinkmanship, without any intention whatsoever of bringing world peace to the brink and beyond. the arbitrary division of the island of cyprus remains unrepaired. we urge the parties to reintensify their search for a mutually acceptable dispensation that will make possible the reunification of the island and its people. the same applies to the two koreas. the people of the north and south are koreans in every sense and soon they must realize that, like the people of south africa, who have just triumphed over racial division, they too can triumph if they try harder, over ideological division. we live in the age of dialogue and negotiation, the age of reconciliation and forgiveness. no one will be excused for refusing to negotiate an end to a disagreement. over the past two decades my country has experienced an unprecedented period of economic growth. between [number] and [number] botswana achieved an annual real growth rate of [number] per cent per year in gross domestic product. after being viewed as one of the world s poorest countries, with a per capita income estimated at [number], botswana suddenly became africa s success story, a success born out of a stable, democratic political system and a free-market economy. our democratic system is now so entrenched that it has become our nation s second nature. the happy result is that botswana is free from any ethnic or tribal conflict. regrettably, we have not been spared the wrath of the world recession and have thus experienced dramatic declines in growth rates. our economic growth, heavily influenced by the development of minerals, particularly diamonds, has experienced adverse effects arising from the fall in the price of diamonds. our country has entered the most challenging period since independence. africa as a whole is engaged, in one form or another, in economic and political reforms that need the support and cooperation of the donor community and the multilateral financial institutions. poverty is an underlying factor of underdevelopment that many african countries have to contend with today. regrettably, implementation of the structural adjustment programme, welcome as it is in the restructuring of african economies, has in many instances worsened the social conditions of the poor in the short term. this is why botswana looks forward to the forthcoming world summit on social development, where we will have the opportunity to address these anomalies in a very serious manner. botswana is encouraged by the ongoing process of reform and revitalization of the united nations in the economic, social and related fields. the adoption of general assembly resolution [number] [number] has brought about unprecedented changes in the working of the united nations system, at the level both of the economic and social council and of the second committee of the general assembly we welcome all of this. it is our hope that these changes will bring about efficiency and effectiveness in addressing the needs and concerns of developing countries at the policy-making and operational levels. with regard to reform of the security council, i can do no better than quote the african common position paper on united nations reforms "the expansion and equitable representation in the security council has become imperative because of the need to democratize and make the council more [number] efficient and transparent. in this era, the democracy that is being preached at national level should pervade the international system. it is thus necessary to review both the composition and the decision-making process of the council, in line with the above principles, and taking into account the relationship between the council and the general assembly. in implementing these ideals, it is necessary to bear in mind the need for equitable geographical representation, which emphasizes increased permanent membership for developing countries, particularly in africa. " we are due to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of this organization. the united nations has amply vindicated its existence. it survived the distractions and ravages of the cold war with its sense of purpose relatively intact. botswana s fidelity to the purposes and principles of the organization s charter remains unstinting. it is therefore our cherished hope that the next century will usher in an environment in which the organization will thrive in the pursuit of these purposes and principles.
mandated by a free and determined people through the most adequate mechanism to designate by whom they wish to be governed, namely, free and fair general elections, i stand here today to bring a message of hope, determination, endurance and achievement. these past years have for us been marked by hope and frustration, illusions and dismay, the sense of participating in the dreams of young nations, yet also by a keen sense of isolation, bored by reality, the political leaders, together with the labour unions, the entrepreneurs, as well as the military leaders, have consistently sought a permanent solution to our fundamental problems. pressure was applied from outside by withholding funds to which we were entitled by treaty provisions made in true faith after frank and open negotiations. at the same time, however, we were not without friends and sympathizers who backed us and wished us well, we are grateful for their understanding, their encouragement and their support. in the end the people of suriname have prevailed, for, although they are small in number, their hope, determination, endurance and commitment are infinite. allow me, sir, to join all those who have spoken before me in offering you, on behalf of my government and on icy own behalf, sincere congratulations on your election as president of the forty-third session of our general assembly. we are particularly satisfied to see you in the chair, as your election is a well-deserved tribute to you and to our sister nation, argentina, with which we maintain excellent relations. my government is well aware of your outstanding diplomatic skills and vast experience, and is therefore confident that under your able guidance the assembly will deal successfully with the natters that cone before it. i also avail myself of this opportunity to congratulate your predecessor. nr. peter florin of the german democratic republic, on the dedicated and efficient way in which he presided over the forty-second session of the general assembly. as this body was informed at its previous session, our people overwhelmingly approved a new draft constitution for the republic of suriname in a national referendum held on [number] september last year, and in so doing paved the way for the holding of general elections. the draft constitution was subsequently made law by a unanimous decision of our national assembly. apart from the subjects generally included in a constitution, our new supreme law is characterized by the inclusion of specific provisions enabling direct influence by the people on the policy-making and executive processes through regional and subregional representative organs of the state. this newly enacted basic legal instrument of our nation further more enshrines the guarantee of human rights, while it also embodies the principles of a multi-party system and recognition of the important place and role of free, private enterprise, and guarantees the independence and integrity of the judiciary. on the basis of that constitution, general, fair, secret and free elections were held on [number] november [number], at the national, regional and subregional levels. as a result, in the wake of those elections, the first elected executive president and vice-president in the republic of suriname were inaugurated on [number] january this year, and a new council of ministers was installed on [number] january. at this point i should like to seize the opportunity once again to express the appreciation and indebtedness of my government and people to various governments and international organizations for the moral support given to us in our efforts to restore democracy and for sending observer delegations to witness the referendum and general elections of last year, as well as special missions to attend the inaugural ceremonies to which [number] have just referred. although the referendum and the elections have indeed laid the basis for the recovery of a democratic, constitutional state, we realize that we still have a long way to go in order to attain a stable and fully-fledged democracy. for suriname to develop into a mature democracy, the newly-established democratic structures will have to be nurtured by means of national unity and political, social and economic stability. in this context, it should be mentioned that my government has inherited a number of serious social and economic problems which could become a threat to our national unity and political stability if not urgently addressed. thus my government has to deal with the problem of approximately [number], [number] displaced citizens from the eastern part of suriname, who fled the country for neighbouring french guiana, seeking refuge from an internal armed conflict. my government is soaking every effort through dialogue to end this insurgence, which has often resulted in violent acts of terrorism. it is faced, however, with the problem that the insurgents are aided and abetted by external forces whose chief aim is the continuation of violence through the provision, of arms, the recruitment and financing of mercenaries and so on. it is obvious that it will be most difficult to bring about an end to the violence as long as such external support is continued. my government has therefore appealed to the governments of france and the kingdom of the netherlands to assist us in preventing arms deliveries and the recruitment of foreign mercenaries. as a member of the ad hoc committee on the drafting of an international convention against the recruitment, use, financing and training of mercenaries, we also call upon all peace-loving nations to support the ad hoc committee in its endeavours to fulfil its mandate as soon as possible. only international, concerted action against this evil practice can contribute to the eradication of the mercenaries. we are of the opinion that the international community in general and the developed countries in particular have a moral obligation not to delay the conclusion of such a convention. meanwhile, the conflict has had a devastating effect on the already serious financial and economic crisis in our country. it has exacerbated the economic woes imposed on our country through such factors as the world recession, the withholding of financial development treaty resources and the absence of internal structural adaptation measures at the budgetary and monetary levels. it is hence self-evident that our economic and social development has been seriously affected , this has become manifest in the decline of national production, the decrease in investments, the staggering rise of unemployment and inflation rates the deterioration of the balance of payments and, consequently, the near exhaustion of our foreign-exchange reserves. my government is of the opinion that these challenges and difficulties should be faced unequivocally by a collective will to find just and proper solutions. to that end, the framework for a multi-year recovery programme has been developed. we are aware, however, that in the interdependent world in which we live, no nation can develop in total isolation from others, and we are aware that no government can fully realize its development policy objectives without external co-operation. my government is therefore conducting negotiations with some friendly nations and international organizations, in a spirit of equality, co-operation and mutual respect for one another s sovereignty in order to obtain their valuable views, support and assistance for the solution of our social problems and the recovery, restructuring and sustained growth of our economy. we strongly believe in and adhere to a policy of dialogue and consensus aimed at the peaceful solution of problems, both nationally and internationally, and we therefore apply that policy in our relations and negotiations with the relevant governments, organizations, institutions and individuals. our policy is aimed at guaranteeing a stable and prosperous society based on a just and equitable sharing of human, natural and technological resources. we remain convinced that, with the support and co-operation of friendly nations, organizations and institutions, we shall succeed in overcoming all obstacles on the road to a fully flourishing democratic, peaceful, stable and prosperous suriname. aware of the extent to which our living destiny as a nation is influenced by the state of affairs in international relations, we, as a member of the international community, recognize our responsibility to contribute our share to the achievement of the primary goal of the united nations. the achievement of a world with greater security for all nations, a world in which all can freely develop their potentials f lies at the heart of our organization. formulated more than four decades ago, the principles enshrined in the charter of the organization have nevertheless remained valid for us as a guideline to the government of the state. my government will, therefore, in our relations with other nations strictly abide by those principles as well as by those embodied in the charter of the organization of american states, while, as a member of the non-aligned movement, we shall continue to place a high value on its lofty goals and principles. my government recognises the importance of the contribution that can be made to the cause of peace by the promotion of greater understanding and appreciation among nations, in particular among states belonging to the same region. regional integration and co-operation are considered by my government to be more important for promoting that objective, as they are instrumental in promoting our economic and social development. increased participation in the regional organizations of latin american and the caribbean will be our deliberate policy to that end. consequently, we shall spare no effort further to develop and intensify our inter-american relations. events that have recently developed on the international scene have rekindled the hope of my government and of many others throughout the world that the purpose of the united nations is indeed still viable. the positive turning-point in two major regional conflicts which clouded the international atmosphere for more than seven years has been welcomed by the international community. the cease-fire in the gulf war is a source of great satisfaction to my government, as it has relieved the international community of a dangerous conflict that could easily have widened into one with far-reaching implications for world peace. the continuation of that war for more than seven years, notwithstanding the numerous appeals of the united nations to bring it to an end, has indeed been a senseless waste of the human and material resources of both nations. at this point we think it appropriate to pay a special tribute to the secretary-general of our organization and to those who co-operated with him for their painstaking efforts and perseverance in bringing the two states to the negotiating table. it is now incumbent on both of them to utilize to the maximum the possibilities provided by our organization to settle their dispute peacefully. it is gratifying for my government to commend also the secretary-general and his trusted assistants for their relentless efforts to free the territory of afghanistan from the presence of foreign armed forces, thus removing from the international scene a major obstacle to the augmentation of international security. the restoration of, and respect shown by all countries for, the non-aligned status of afghanistan will allow its people freely to settle their internal dispute in a manner they freely determine for themselves. those developments augur well for the future of our organization, and we are therefore confident that the united nations will play an ever-increasing active and beneficial role in the peaceful solution of some grave regional conflicts that, unfortunately, still exist. in that context we should like to express our great satisfaction at the awarding of the nobel peace prize to the united nations peace-keeping forces, a well-deserved tribute. we should like to add our congratulations in that respect. we are following with great interest another event on the international scene - namely, the armed conflict in south africa, which has direct consequences for the long-standing question of namibia. the united nations has a considerable stake in the outcome of the ongoing negotiations, as it may be a determining factor in enabling our organization to discharge its responsibility towards the namibian people. we cannot allow the south african regime to use these talks as yet another of its widely known tactics to delay the independence of namibia. . in south africa itself the policy of apartheid remains one of defiance of international opinion and ever-increasing repression of those who are fighting for their basic human rights. my government unconditionally supports the struggle of the people of south africa to eradicate the system of apartheid. mandatory economic sanctions against south africa remain the only option to enable the international community to exert credible pressure on the south african government to abandon its criminal policies. my government cannot but voice its dismay at the development in another area of a seemingly endless conflict which has occupied the attention of the international community for many years. the disregard which has been displayed by israel for the resolutions of the united nations over these years remains the main cause of the continued tension in that region. understandably frustrated by the lack of any progress to end the illegal presence of israeli forces in the occupied arab territories, the population cannot but show its contempt for such injustice through campaigns of civil disobedience and protest. the repressive reaction of the israeli authorities to the legitimate expression of outrage by the palestinian people deserves the condemnation of our organization. it should be emphasized once more that peace in the middle east can be achieved only through a settlement which is based on the principle of justice for all nations of the region. the improved relations between the two states which play a key role in maintaining international peace and security offer new hope for our world that the threat against life on our planet will be removed. we welcome the tendency of increased mutual trust between those nations, which has led to a noteworthy breakthrough in our effort to halt the arms race and clear the way for further progress to end the greatest danger to the survival of mankind. notwithstanding this significant step in the right direction, the third special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament has proved that deep-rooted differences are still to be bridged and that it will take more than one effort to overcome the threat of a nuclear holocaust. suriname believes that changing the arms policy into a policy aimed at social development would release significant human and financial resources that could be utilized to promote worldwide development, prosperity and peace. my government wishes to pay a tribute to the secretary-general for the way in which he has responded to the appeal by the general assembly in its resolution [number] [number] of [number] december [number] to formulate a special plan of co-operation for central american the plan identifies short-term and medium-term priority areas of co-operation and also sets out mechanisms for implementation and follow-up. according to the esquipulas agreement, peace and democracy in central america cannot be achieved without a commitment to improve the social and economic well-being of the population of the countries involved. since the roots of tension in central america lie in social and economic problems, it is evident that the special plan of co-operation for central america can be considered a welcome response to the question of alleviating the tension in that region. the government of suriname considers drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking as a serious threat to mankind and will thus do everything possible, at both the national and the international level, to step up the fight against this evil scourge. the world economic situation is still critical and a prolonged crisis is permeating all areas of economic and international relations. in this connection i should like to draw the attention of this body to the growing debt burden that has become the meet visible manifestation of that crisis. the external debt constitutes a challenge to our joint co-ordinated actions and our solidarity is being put to the test. we feel that the strategy that has been followed so far is insufficient and of a short-term nature. although the declaration of a moratorium by one or more countries is a possibility, the debt equity swap is a means, not a lasting solution. more them ever before the time is ripe for the developed and the developing countries to arrive at an equitable, lasting and mutually agreed solution on the basis of a developmental approach. it is our considered opinion that an attitude of low profile and neglect in finding a mutual solution to the debt crisis is not only short-sighted but also dangerous, since this matter is already gravely disturbing the social and political stability of democratically elected governments. hence ray government is in favour of a dialogue between creditors and debtors, based on the principles of co-responsibility and the right to development. the attitude recently demonstrated by the developed countries during the toronto summit in relation to the rescheduling of the debts of the least developed third world countries is only a small step in the right direction. it is obvious that much more will have to be done. let me turn to a more positive note. my government welcomes the recant concrete proposals containing a new approach in the policy of reunifying the korean peninsula. it is the earnest hope of my government that the suspended dialogue will be resumed on the basis of the new proposals. my government furthermore hopes that in the not too distant future we will be able to welcome a unified korea as a full member of our organization. finally, my government is highly pleased to note that the united nations is regaining its well deserved place in the international community as a unique forum for dialogue, understanding and co-operation. let us hope that this positive development will continue, so that peace and prosperity for all may be achieved in this world of ours. suriname will contribute to help realize this lofty goal.
first of all, i should like to congratulate mr. jaime de pinies on behalf of my delegation for his election to the presidency of the fortieth session of the general assembly. we wish him every success in carrying out his important duties. i wish to extend to the people and government of mexico the deep sympathy of the government and people of albania and to express our feelings of solidarity and sympathy for the losses caused by the earthquakes which have struck that country. this year, the general assembly is meeting at a significant time for the united nations - that of the fortieth anniversary of the organization's founding. even in the heat of battle during the second world war, when the forces of the anti-fascist coalition of peoples were fighting to overcome the nazi fascist hordes, the foundations of the united nations were being laid. the peoples of the world who paid with their blood for the war prepared by the imperialist powers aspired to build a better and more just world on the ruins left by the war. they hoped that the united nations would also play an important role in this endeavor. from the very first lines of its constitutive act, the united nations proclaimed as its fundamental purpose! the preservation of international peace and security, the liberation of mankind from the horrors of war and the development of friendly relations among nations on the basis of mutual respect. but at this anniversary session of the united nations, which also offers an opportunity to reflect on the organization's role and functioning, the delegation of the socialist people's republic of albania is compelled to point out that the period since the organization's foundation, as well as the existing situation, have shown that the united nations has not justified the people's expectations, in accordance with the obligations stipulated by the charter. this is because the imperialist powers have tried to manipulate and use the united nations as an instrument to justify their policy of war and aggression. countless resolutions on very important problems pertaining to the safeguarding of peace and international security have been adopted by the general assembly and the security council but have remained mere dead letters in the united nations archives. the right of veto has been flagrantly abused and has therefore today become synonymous with arbitrary action and injustice. indeed, during these four decades, the united nations flag has been used to cover up acts of imperialist intervention and aggression, as in korea, the congo and the middle east, to name only a few examples. by both their policy and actions, the super-powers have trampled underfoot the principles of liberty and justice sanctioned in the charter. they have fabricated and put into effect various theories, such as those of interdependence and limited sovereignty, which in reality mean dependence and subjugation. they have responded to legitimate demands for disarmament with a frenzied arms race accompanied by such fraudulent slogans as arms control and the preservation of the balance of power. it is common knowledge that the united nations was created as a universal organization of sovereign and peace-loving countries and peoples, which the albanian people - who were among the first active participants of the anti-fascist front - warmly welcomed, immediately applying for membership - a lawful right that was denied them for [number] years as a result of the discriminatory policy of the imperialist powers and, in the first instance, of the united states. throughout these [number] years as a united nations member, albania has not failed to make its modest contribution to the cause of freedom for the peoples, peace and international security. we have consistently upheld the view that within and without the united nations, in international relations, all states - large or small - should be equal. together with other democratic and peace-loving forces, socialist albania has opposed the efforts of the super-powers to manipulate the united nations and to turn it into an instrument of imperialist policy. albania has always taken a responsible stand towards this world organization and has spoken up here with its own voice alone. by expressing its views openly and without reservations, whether or not those views were to the liking of one or the other super-power, albania has made a modest contribution to the efforts of the united nations to fulfill the mission entrusted to it by the charter. as in the past, the government of albania will continue in the future to be an active member of the united nations. consistent in its resolute stand of opposing the super-powers' policy, albania will collaborate with the democratic and freedom-loving countries in efforts to safeguard peace and international security and to develop just and fruitful relations among states on the basis of equality and mutual interest. both our principled and independent foreign policy and the just and resolute stands taken by the socialist people's republic of albania in the united nations are all indissolubly linked with the name and work of the architect of socialist albania, the outstanding and immortal leader of the albanian people. comrade enver hoxha. under his leadership, the albanian people fought valiantly against the fascist beast and liberated the country in [number]. they embarked on the road of socialism, and in four decades turned albania from a semi-feudal country, the most backward in europe, into a developed industrial country with an advanced agriculture and a flourishing education and culture. leading our party and people for nearly half a century, he rendered albania services that make him the greatest and most outstanding figure in the history of the albanian nation. enver hoxha was an indomitable fighter against all forces of regression and an ardent supporter of the struggle of peoples for national liberation, social progress and socialism. hence for us he will forever remain a hero, a teacher and a symbol of the struggle for the conquest and defense of freedom and independence and the construction of a new life. that is why our party and people are determined always to follow enver hoxha's road, because it is the road of progress, freedom and genuine independence for our homeland. i avail myself of this opportunity to express to the general assembly of the united nations, on behalf of the albanian government and people, our sincere gratitude for the homage it paid to the memory of enver hoxha, the leader of the albanian people, at its plenary meeting on [number] april of this year. for years on end, much has been said inside and outside the united nations about problems which are of concern to mankind the rights of peoples to self-determination, the problems of safeguarding peace and opposing war, disarmament, and establishment of equitable international economic relations. the concern of peoples about these matters is as great as it is well founded. it is true that in these [number] years the world has not been engulfed in a global conflagration, but this is no great cause for satisfaction, for the absence of world war cannot be identified with the existence of genuine peace. we cannot forget the fact that during this post-war period the world has seen more than [number] local conflicts and wars, which, in terms of the total number of weapons used and the human losses incurred, stand comparison with the second world war. it is true that the super powers have up to now avoided a direct conflict between them. this has come about not because they wish to spare the peoples but because they fear the catastrophic consequences that such a conflict might have, above all for themselves. hence, they do not fail to seek and to find temporary solutions through a so-called dialog directed towards what has been termed "competitive coexistence" or "controlled rivalry. " but this cannot be regarded as real security. we need only recall that during most of the post-war period many countries and peoples had to endure again the experience of war, devastation and destruction. others are still living through the anguish of war or of famine and an uncertain future. the hegemonist policies and militarist course of the super-powers are leading mankind towards a new world war. the war budgets of the united states and the soviet union have today reached astronomical figures. military bases and nuclear weapons have been placed in every corner of the earth. the skies have been filled with their spy aircraft and satellites and the seas and oceans with their fleets and warships, all of which threatens the peoples and peace. under the pretext that the balance of power has been upset and must be restored they attempt to justify the build-up of their war arsenals with the most sophisticated weapons and to make preparations for the so-called star wars. we do not wish to minimize the danger posed by the emplacement of weapons in orbiting space stations and the extension of the arms race into outer space, and we cannot but point out that by these means the super-powers are trying to keep the world and its peoples in a state of constant tension and anxiety about the new weapons they are making. at one time it was the neutron bomb, then the latest nuclear missiles, and now they want to suspend a sword of damocles above our planet in outer space, thus making mankind a kind of hostage. thus, they hope that the threat of star wars will cause the peoples to forget that hundreds and thousands of missiles armed with nuclear warheads have been deployed throughout the world and are capable of destroying the earth in a far more barbarous fashion than are space weapons. they also want the threat of star wars to cloud the vision of the peoples so that they will not see grenada or afghanistan, not think about lebanon or the fate of the palestinian people, and forget hiroshima and viet nam for ever. both in the east and in the west a great fuss is at present being made about the value and importance of the impending talks between the super powers. it is said that the future of peace and of mankind will depend on the agreements reached between them. the united states and the soviet union may well sit down and talk together, but the facts thus far have shown that the most they can agree on is making deals, particularly at the expense of the peoples. it is no accident that many of the agreements they reach are kept secret not only from the peoples but even from their allies. the albanian delegation believes that it is very dangerous to harbor any over-optimism or illusion that the problems weighing upon mankind will be solved by talks and agreements between the super-powers. quite apart from anything else, these mean that the role which can and must be played by the members of the united nations is being disregarded and that the united nations is being ignored. the fate of international peace and security cannot be left solely in the hands of those who want to dominate the world. in the present circumstances, the preservation and strengthening of peace demands the forceful denunciation of the policy of aggression and war, oppression and exploitation, and for the rejection of super-power demagogy, which has spread a fog designed to cloud and distort the true picture and obscure future prospects. a few months ago occurred the tenth anniversary of the signature of the final act of the helsinki conference on so-called security and co-operation in europe. yet, [number] years after helsinki, europe is more insecure than ever. this is to be seen also in new developments, in which the focal points of tension between the united states and the soviet union are shifting from the periphery to the zones where the borders of the military blocs meet. the euphoria of a decade ago has died away, to be replaced by mutual accusations of non-implementation and violation of commitments undertaken. albania did well not to attend a conference which, as it was manipulated by the super-powers, was doomed to failure. time has shown that we were right. today the peoples of europe see clearly that the super-powers have further pursued their policy of putting the old continent under the shadow of their nuclear missiles and their atomic umbrellas, and that they are behaving in their respective spheres of influence like real overlords. indeed, even matters of national defense are no longer within the sovereignty of the individual countries concerned. it is obvious that while the military-political blocs of the super-powers -the north atlantic treaty organization and the warsaw treaty - exist, there can be no question of genuine security and co-operation in europe, despite the marathon conferences and meetings held and the fine words spoken. nor is the situation in the balkans tranquil new negative factors are making it even more complicated. national resentments and chauvinistic passions are being stirred up and this creates tensions. it is our belief that the balkan peoples will not allow the region to be turned once again into a powder keg. they are capable of grasping the situation and of deciding in full sovereignty on the relations between them without falling victim to the intrigues of the imperialists, which would be to the detriment of the interests of each and every people of the peninsula. as for albania, it will continue as before to pursue a policy of good-neighborliness. as a result of that policy, and through good will and common efforts, friendly relations have been established between our country and greece, turkey and italy. albania will continue to be a factor for peace and stability in the region. it will not permit any harm to its neighbors or to the interests of peace and security in the region to originate in its territory. the imperialist powers have turned the middle east into a region of ceaseless explosions, which have often threatened world peace. for several decades now the two super-powers, the united states and the soviet union, have been keeping the fires of war burning, sometimes fanning them, at other times letting them die down. it is clear that they want to keep this sensitive region in a state of permanent tension as each strives to hold a dominant position. the tragedy of the suffering palestinian people has worsened. in lebanon, israel continues to sow death and destruction among the innocent people of that country. the intrigues and plots of imperialism, social-imperialism and zionism in that region have led to a fratricidal war, with extremely grave consequences. we have always believed and now we are convinced that the arab peoples, with which we are linked by an ancient tradition of friendship, which are known throughout the world as the founders of illustrious civilizations, and which have withstood savage hordes and invasions during their thousand-year history, will be able to demonstrate the power of unity and stay the criminal hand of imperialism and zionism. the government of the people's socialist republic of albania, consistent in its position, will continue in the future too to give powerful support to the heroic palestinian people in its struggle to regain its plundered homeland, as well as to all the brother arab peoples in their struggle to drive the israeli aggressors from their occupied lands. the war between iran and iraq, which has already lasted five years, must be ended. that would not only be in the interest of the friendly peoples of those two neighbor countries, but would serve the struggle of the peoples of the gulf and of the region as a whole against the imperialist powers. it is hard to find a single region in the world today which is not experiencing interference by one or both of the super-powers. in central america, the valiant people of nicaragua is facing an undeclared war on the part of the united states. in afghanistan, the afghan patriots continue their armed resistance aimed at driving out the soviet occupiers. in south-east asia, the imperialist powers will not leave the people of kampuchea in peace to build a free and independent life. the lawful government of the people's republic of kampuchea is unjustly denied the place in the united nations to which it is entitled. the albanian government supports the just demand of the korean people for the achievement of its national aspiration for the independent reunification of the homeland without any outside interference. today the countries and peoples of africa, which have long experience in the struggle against colonialism, are encountering the interference and trickery of neo-colonialism and the rivalry of the two super-powers which are striving to dominate africa. they will not allow the african peoples to heal in peace the grave wounds inherited from centuries of colonial exploitation, but incite conflicts and bloody wars among different african peoples and states who in fact do not have opposing interests but, on the contrary, have a common bond in the struggle against neo-colonialism and racism. south africa, the bridgehead of imperialism on this continent, where the savage fascist regime of apartheid rules, not only oppresses the azanian people with fire and steel, but also behaves arrogantly and carries out continuous provocations and aggressions against the surrounding african states. the recent events in south africa, where the racist regime of pretoria has perpetrated barbarous massacres, killing and wounding hundreds of people, and imprisoning thousands of others from the black population have aroused profound anger and indignation among honest people all over the world. but we are confident that toe terror and the diabolical maneuverer on the part of the racist regime of south africa will never be able to put down the just struggle of the azanian people, nor that of the namibian people for freedom and national independence. the peoples and countries of africa have never reconciled themselves to this situation. the albanian people and government, who nurture profound feelings of sympathy and friendship for the african peoples, will continue to give unreserved support to their just struggle against imperialist exploitation and oppression, racism and apartheid. the peoples of the world, especially those of africa, latin america and asia, are more and more feeling the heavy burden of the crisis and the exploitation of monopolies and transnational corporations which have in our day replaced the armies of old time colonialists. the colossal loans, which represent a new strategy of the imperialist powers for the subjugation of countries and peoples, have suffocated the economies of many states and brought them to the verge of total bankruptcy. the industrialized imperialist powers are using their technological and scientific monopoly as a tool of pressure in order to have the peoples of the developing countries remain backward forever and to intensify their neo-colonial exploitation. the [number] years that have elapsed since the first special session of the united nations general assembly on economic problems have witnessed countless meetings and conferences within the framework of the united nations and outside it, at which the developing countries have asked for more equitable international economic relations. it is precisely during this period that the industrialized powers have totally disregarded the demands of the developing countries and have stepped up their exploitation, making those countries more economically dependent. a typical manifestation of this grave situation lies in the foreign debts of those countries which, from about [number] billion [number] years ago, today amount to the unprecedented sum of [number], [number] billion. experience is convincingly proving the need for peoples and countries to exercise their sovereign rights over their national wealth. in the four decades of its free and independent development, socialist albania has advanced with sure steps towards all-round progress and the improvement of the well-being of its people. we are confident that a better future lies aheacj, for it is based on solid foundations. the experience of socialist albania has refuted the capitalist outlook that no state can go forward on its own. our implementation of the principle of self-reliance in no way precludes international collaboration. on the contrary, we have been and are for the development of normal trade, without discrimination, based on mutual benefit. we are also in favor of useful cultural, scientific and other exchanges. in the future, too, we shall extend our collaboration with neighboring countries and other states on the basis of the recognized principles which govern relations among sovereign states. comrade ramiz alia, first secretary of the central committee of the albanian labor party and president of the presidium of the people's assembly, has said "our policy towards our neighbors, as towards all the other states, is a consistent, principled policy. those who dream about and expect changes in our course, who interpret the normal political and diplomatic activity of our independent and sovereign state as the 'opening up' of albania, as a 'tendency' to rapprochement with one side or the other, do so in vain. albania neither 'opens up' nor 'closes up'. it will proceed on the course which it has followed hitherto, a course which has secured its freedom and independence, the defense of socialism, and its good name in the world. " we are confident that the course of socialist albania and the albanian people is in harmony with and conforms to the interests of peoples who fight for national liberation, social justice and democracy, for peace and genuine international security. although we are living in a troubled world, full of contradictions and confrontations, tensions and conflicts, we look into the future with confidence. it has always been our belief that, through the struggle of the peoples and the efforts of democratic and peace-loving countries, the hand of the imperialist warmongers can be stayed and progress promoted. in conclusion, allow roe to assure the assembly that the albanian delegation will spare no efforts to ensure that this fortieth session of the general assembly of the united nations, which has before it many important problems for discussion, will face them with realism and in the interests of the peoples.
[number]. i begin my statement on a sad note, by mentioning the tragic incident that claimed [number] korean lives, including those of four cabinet ministers, on [number] october in rangoon. on behalf of the government and people of kenya, i convey our profound feeling of sadness and our condolences to all the families of the victims and to the government of the republic of korea. we strongly condemn such acts of terrorism and political assassination. we sincerely believe that such acts will not solve anything and therefore deserve strong global condemnation. [number]. now let me join other delegates who have spoken before me in warmly congratulating you, sir, on your election to your high and onerous office. your election is proof of the confidence placed in you personally and in your country by the general assembly. i wish you all the best in guiding the work of the thirty-eighth session to a successful conclusion. on behalf of my delegation, i assure you of our fullest support in your endeavours to discharge the heavy responsibilities of the presidency. [number]. further, i wish to pay tribute to your predecessor, mr. imre hollai, who with singular distinction led the general assembly successfully through the thirty-seventh session. we owe him a debt of gratitude for his efforts and the wisdom he displayed at all times. [number]. this is also a fitting occasion for me to pay tribute to the secretary-general and the entire staff of the united nations for the work they continue to do for the international community through the united nations system. [number]. it is with great pleasure that i extend our sincere welcome to saint christopher and nevis as the 158th member of the united nations. the admission of this country is a further step towards the final universality of the organization. [number]. i wish to reaffirm the sentiments of my government as expressed during the thirty-seventh session. the guiding spirit of my government, under the leadership of president daniel arap moi, is based on peace, democracy and justice to all under the rule of law, in a system which recognizes the supremacy of parliament. another fundamental objective of the government is improving the economic and social welfare of our people in unity, freedom and love for one another. all our actions on the domestic front, as well as in the international arena, are geared to promote, project and vigorously defend these objectives. our people are resolved to ensure that our present population and future generations enjoy the fruits of peace, unity and stability, while respecting the dignity of individual freedom. [number]. as we gather here today, we cannot help looking back and taking stock of the organization's achievements and failures. we are certain that when the balance sheet is drawn up, the results will be unmistakably on the side of success. [number]. the central role and objective of the united nations is the maintenance of international peace and security. whenever threats to this objective and obstructions to its realization have arisen, the general assembly has always exerted maximum pressure in favour of peace, tranquillity and mutual understanding. it is kenya's sincere hope that the ballots cast in the assembly will continue to reflect the general will of the international community to maintain peace and security for all nations, as well as its resolve to improve the welfare of all mankind. while expressing these expectations, we call upon those who are directly entrusted by the charter with the task of maintaining international peace and security to pay more attention to the resolutions adopted year after year by the assembly. [number]. let me make a brief survey of the african scene in the context of the aims and objectives of the united nations. the oau went through a turbulent phase last year. touchy and acute issues faced us in our continent. under the chairmanship of the president of kenya, daniel arap moi, and with other heads of state and government who attended the oau assembly, the organization was able to solve some of these thorny problems, and our organization was able to function in the interests of africa and the world in general. [number]. the problem of chad remains unresolved. at the nineteenth session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the organization of african unity, held at addis ababa in june [number], the president of kenya, who was then chairman of the assembly, observed subsequent to the withdrawal of the peace-keeping force from chad, there were indications that internal peace, reconciliation and national reconstruction were possible within the newly created political environment. this optimism has not fully materialized. chad continues to experience internal conflicts with active support from external sources. as we have stated on many occasions regarding internal conflicts elsewhere in the world, we repeat the same by totally objecting to foreign interference in the internal affairs of states. in this particular case we reject and condemn interference in the internal affairs of chad. we express the sincere hope that the people of chad, left alone, will certainly sort out their problems in a more amicable and lasting way. [number]. in the case of western sahara, at the same session my president reminded the african heads of state and government that a referendum to ascertain the wishes of the people of the territory would pave the way for a more amicable settlement of the problem of the territory. in this, kenya supports the efforts of the oau implementation committee on western sahara. [number]. the horn of africa continues to be a region of tension and conflict. the existence of hostility in this area has adversely affected peaceful relations and the application of meaningful economic co-operation in the region. we are convinced that this conflict could easily be removed if all states in the area recognized and applied the fundamental oau principle in regard to the sovereignty of independent states, respect for boundaries existing at the time of independence and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. [number]. in south africa, the tragedy of apartheid continues. the racist south african regime seeks to perpetuate its illegal rule, in defiance of decisions of this body. after decades of condemnation and protests by all peace- loving people the world over, including some whites in south africa itself, the evil and inhuman system of apartheid continues to flourish, embracing as it does the total denial of political rights to the majority. opposition to apartheid is met with brutal force against defenseless people, including children. it is a system which violates all the universal principles of human dignity on which the united nations itself is based, yet all our efforts to have stronger action taken against south africa continue to meet crippling resistance. we have adopted countless resolutions in the assembly condemning the system. we have held many international gatherings which have exposed and equally condemned the evil system practiced by a racist minority bent on destroying the very tenets of civilized conduct, the most recent gathering being the second world conference to combat racism and racial discrimination, held at geneva in august [number]. we must bring this inhuman system to an end. [number]. the racist regime has stubbornly stepped up its policy of destabilization of the neighbouring states. mozambique, angola and the landlocked kingdom of lesotho have been victims of south african military aggression. we have castigated and deplored this aggression, and we appeal to the western countries, friends of south africa, to use their influence to stop south africa committing further military aggression against these countries and the other front-line states. [number]. in [number] the security council, in a modest step forward, imposed an arms embargo against south africa and decided that the sale of arms to south africa represented a threat to international peace and security. we know, however, that this resolution, [number] [number] , has been violated by certain states. the time has come when the international community must face up to the gravity of the situation in south africa. there is no longer any time left for ambiguity and prevarication over we must urge the friends of south africa to declare without any qualification that the sale of arms and related materials to south africa poses a threat to international peace and security under the provisions of chapter vii of the charter of the united nations. [number]. information has come to us through the public media and from various sources to the effect that the racist regime is making moves to remove petty apartheid in public places, extend limited suffrage to coloured people and indians in south africa and create bantustans. let us not be confused by such information, whether or not it is true. we should not be deceived by such designs. kenya has all along been calling for the total eradication of apartheid. we remain confident that the struggle to put an end to the system will succeed. we must continue to give every assistance possible to the freedom fighters in south africa and namibia in their legitimate struggle under the leadership of their liberation movements until final victory is won and apartheid vanishes forever. [number]. in the [number] years of united nations history, there are voluminous records of the illegal and brutal occupation of namibia by south africa. not content with the illegal occupation, south africa has converted namibia into a military base, a spring-board from which it has carried out frequent unprovoked attacks against neighbouring states. [number]. since [number], south africa has defiantly resisted every move aimed at a peaceful termination of its illegal occupation of namibia. indeed, africa and the entire world community are bound to ask what it is that south africa wants. it is now more than five years since the united nations plan for the independence of namibia was endorsed by the security council in its resolution [number] [number] . at the time that resolution was adopted, we hoped that south africa had regained its senses and was ready to co-operate in implementing a peaceful transition to independence for namibia. our hopes have been rudely frustrated by south africa's intransigence. instead of moving towards the implementation of the united nations plan for the independence of namibia, the regime has now resorted to an intensified war against neighbouring states, particularly angola, mozambique and lesotho. [number]. a state or group of states has brought up an issue simply to complicate negotiations for the independence of namibia. we must not confuse the issue of namibia's independence with the territorial integrity of angola. we state here once more that we strongly reject the linking of the independence of namibia with the withdrawal of cuban troops from angola. we know that such linkage was first suggested and has been encouraged by one permanent member of the security council. given this encouragement, south africa has remained not only stubborn but more aggressive towards angola. angola is an independent state and must be accorded the right to look for help, given the aggression coming from south africa. we will not accept any propaganda conceived in a superpower context to justify south africa's presence in namibia. [number]. the security council met in may this year and, in resolution [number] [number] , mandated the secretary-general to carry out consultations with the parties concerned. the results of those consultations reveal that south africa is still adamantly demanding the removal of cuban troops from angola, as though a connection between the two issues ever existed. the international community still demands that south africa change its stand in this issue. furthermore, we learn that south africa has announced its intention to establish a state council in namibia to draw up a constitution for namibia. the move is an attempt to impose a settlement on namibia that is favourable to south africa. it was condemned by the non- aligned movement in march this year and deserves further condemnation by this body. the action by south africa is not only inconsistent with security council resolution [number] [number] but also represents an attempt by the pretoria regime to obstruct the implementation of the internationally recognized united nations plan for the independence of namibia. [number]. the international community must face squarely its responsibility for namibia. we remain extremely concerned that the united nations efforts have been frustrated by the use of the veto in the security council. we have the rather anomalous situation where those whose efforts for the independence of namibia are spurned by south africa are, at the same time, the ones who protect south africa with vetoes against the stronger action demanded by south africa's intransigence. something must be done to remove that anomaly. we from africa have come a long way in our struggle to liberate our continent from regimes based on racial discrimination and colonialism. at the seventh conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, held at new delhi from [number] to [number] march [number], the president of my country, daniel arap moi, who was then still chairman of the oau assembly, stated all of us in africa wish for nothing less on behalf of namibia than total and unobstructed independence, so that the people of that country can work out their own political system and development strategies. we will not stop in our drive at the border of namibia. this should serve as a clear message to south africa and its friends. [number]. i shall now draw the assembly's attention to one of the most dangerous areas on the international scene. i refer to the problem of the middle east and to recent events in that area. the situation has remained tense, with violent conflicts, over the last three decades. during that time the international community has witnessed the miserable plight of the palestinian people, dispossessed, uprooted from their land and dispersed. the threat to international peace and security coming from that area is perpetrated by israeli policies of expansionism and aggrandizement. [number]. my delegation has, on many occasions in the deliberations of this organization, made known its views on the question of the rights of the palestinian people. we have stated on many occasions that there can be no lasting peace in the area until the legitimate interests of the palestinians are fully accommodated. we have stated time and again that peace in the region can prevail only if certain conditions are fulfilled. [number]. first, israel must withdraw from all arab land occupied since [number]. we strongly oppose the acquisition of land through the use of force. it is regrettable that israel continues to defy the organization's resolutions with regard to arab territories it occupies. [number]. secondly, israel must recognize the rights of the palestinians as a people, including their rights to self- determination and to an independent state of their own. israel must be made to understand that it cannot justify its existence by brutally denying the existence of a palestinian state. when the organization, back in [number], partitioned palestine and created a new state, israel, it was never the intention of this body to write off the state of palestine. [number]. thirdly, in all negotiations aimed at solving the problems of the middle east, the palestinian people must participate on an equal footing with other parties. [number]. fourthly, we must recognize israel's right to exist as an independent state within internationally recognized borders. [number]. we believe that acceptance of those four conditions would ensure the right atmosphere for establishing peace and security in the region. [number]. it is our view that as long as the palestinians are denied their right to self-determination the problem of the middle east will remain unsolved. already israel has extended this conflict to the independent state of lebanon, with all the shocking brutalities of last year, which left us immobilized. we call for immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops from lebanese territory in the interest of peace and stability in the region. [number]. it is regrettable that the war between iran and iraq continues, despite the efforts of the non-aligned countries and the international community to bring about a peaceful solution between the two brotherly states. we once again urge both countries to heed the appeals made by the international community to end this costly conflict. [number]. i should like to make a short reference to the situation obtaining in both afghanistan and kampuchea. both countries, in the view of my government, are victims of foreign interference and intervention. my country's position on this question has been voiced in international forums on various occasions, when kenya has called for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from afghanistan and kampuchea. kenya deplores any foreign interference and intervention in matters that are exclusively internal to any given state. we call for full respect for the principles of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all states. a violation of these principles on any pretext is contrary to the aims and purposes of the charter of the united nations. in this respect, therefore, we call for the total withdrawal of all foreign troops from afghanistan and kampuchea without further delay. [number]. the issue of cyprus continues to feature prominently in the organization's debates. kenya has called and will always continue to call for respect for and recognition of the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of cyprus. we call for the withdrawal of foreign troops from cyprus. we urge the people of cyprus themselves to revive the inter-communal talks in order to solve their problems without external obstacles. [number]. we are also extremely concerned about the continuing tensions in central america and the caribbean. this region is faced with serious political, social and economic crises, greatly aggravated by external intervention. it is our view that the increasing threats and acts of aggression from outside forces have worsened the situation. my government would like to commend the peace initiatives presented by the governments of mexico, colombia, panama, venezuela and france and the positive responses which have come from some of the states in the region. [number]. i wish to make some observations on another matter that continues to be of concern to the organization as well as to my country. kenya has supported and will continue to support the proposal that the indian ocean be designated a zone of peace. to us in kenya, the indian ocean as a zone of peace is not a political slogan but is essential for safeguarding our own territorial integrity. we support the call for an international conference on the indian ocean to consider all the aspects of this problem. we urge all the maritime states to co-operate fully with the littoral and hinterland states of the ocean in the preparations for such a conference. [number]. it is with absurd cynicism that human beings seem to have opted for total annihilation as their imperative mission and ultimate destiny. we have been witnessing mounting tension and distrust all over the world. endless negotiations have failed to promote real progress in halting the arms race or lowering the tensions among nations. the goal of general and complete disarmament continues to dude mankind, and inevitably this leaves the states living in the lengthening shadow of burgeoning nuclear stockpiles. [number]. the socio-economic problems currently contaminating the world cannot be viewed in isolation from the arms build-ups and the ever-increasing military budgets. it does not make sense or logic to be spending over [number] billion annually on the manufacture of armaments when no adequate resources are being made available for the economic development and social welfare of the majority of the world's people. it is a sad paradox of the twentieth century that the third world economies, buffeted by recession and faced with all sorts of setbacks to their economic development, are spending an average of over [number] per cent of their gross national product on the procurement of weapons of war. the accumulated experience of human history shows quite clearly that if we do not end this mad rush to manufacture more and more terrible weapons of destruction, we shall be heading for self-destruction and the annihilation of human civilization. [number]. the need to build and strengthen trust and confidence among nations is urgent and imperative, and kenya stands ready and willing to play its part as a first step on the road to strengthening international understanding. the time has come for the adoption by the assembly of a convention that will guarantee the security of non- nuclear-weapon states against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. [number]. the continuing deterioration of the international situation and the intensification of the arms race have brought the world to the brink of a nuclear catastrophe. in such a political climate no progress can be made in disarmament negotiations. we therefore call on all states, in particular the nuclear-weapon states and other militarily significant states, to demonstrate the political will and firm commitment necessary for the implementation of the recommendations made and decisions taken in the field of disarmament. [number]. one of the historic events of this decade is the adoption of the united nations convention on the law of the sea the occasion not only marked the emergence of a new legal regime governing the exploitation of the sea, the sea-bed and the ocean floor and the subsoil thereof, but also demonstrated clearly the importance of equitable compromise in the interest of all mankind. the convention was the result of hard negotiations over a period of many years, and it is kenya's hope that even those countries which were not able to support the convention at the time of its adoption will find it both useful and necessary to do so in the future, to ensure uniformity in its implementation and use. [number]. as a result of the adoption of the convention, the preparatory commission for the international sea-bed authority and for the international tribunal for the law of the sea has commenced its work. it is expected that it will bring about a smooth transition for the coming into force of the convention. we are encouraged by this trend. [number]. the preparatory commission has been considering various matters relating to sea-bed mining and the question of bringing into operation the international sea-bed authority, the enterprise and the international tribunal for the law of the sea. this is a difficult task, but we are encouraged by the manner in which the commission is tackling its work. we therefore appeal to the whole of the united nations membership to support the commission, for only thus can the international community be assured of a smooth, effective and uniform implementation of the united nations convention on the law of the sea. [number]. for the last nine years we have been working on ways and means of strengthening the organization's effectiveness. in fulfilling this task under the charter, the united nations has faced the very basic problem of the use of the power of veto. at times this power has been abused by those to whom it has been entrusted, for selfish national interests rather than for the maintenance of international peace and security. we are disappointed with the lack of concrete progress in the work of the special committee on the charter of the united nations and on strengthening the role of the organization. it is important for all of us to realize that unless we make the united nations a viable organization, to enable it to maintain international peace and security as envisaged in the charter, there will be no peace for anyone. i therefore wish to make a special appeal to the permanent members of the security council to allow progress to be made in the work of this special committee. [number]. another area of great interest and concern to the government and people of kenya is the current international economic situation. we are gravely concerned at the critical situation in which the international economy finds itself today. the world economy as a whole is engulfed in a prolonged and deepening crisis which threatens the economic future of all countries, but it is the developing countries which have been hit the hardest by its effects, resulting in the severe curtailment of their economic growth and seriously impairing their prospects for years to come. [number]. the economic situation in the developing countries is pathetic. it is in those countries that we find acute balance-of-payments problems, foreign exchange shortages, falling per capita incomes, rapidly rising unemployment, high rates of inflation and other economic problems. in africa particularly, the governments continue to battle with economic problems of such magnitude that they are unable to meet targets contained in their own development plans. as a result, the african peoples continue to be plagued by hunger, disease and ignorance many years after achieving independence. [number]. one wonders whether there is sufficient concern among the developed countries of the north over the declining per capita incomes of the developing countries which are already over-burdened by extreme poverty, malnutrition and massive underemployment. one wonders also whether there is sufficient understanding of the implications of investment cutbacks and disrupted development programmes in the developing countries. the intense problems that the people in the developing countries face every day of their lives in a situation with no hope for the future should not be tolerated. we cannot expect international peace and security to prevail if the present world economic disorder persists. we should not underestimate the dangers that could arise from the majority of the people in the developing countries of the south who continue to be victims of the present international economic arrangement and whose hopes for a better tomorrow are dwindling at an alarming rate. [number]. the outlook for international economic relations is grim. while the attempt to launch global negotiations in the united nations continues to face an impasse, many developed countries are not honouring their past commitments. in some cases, some developed countries have shown signs of disowning commitments contained in the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade and other resolutions adopted by the general assembly and in other bodies of the united nations. in view of all this, the developing countries, including my own, feel disillusioned, as they continue to face stagnating or falling export earnings, high debt-service burdens, investment cutbacks, rising unemployment and continuous decline in per capita incomes. [number]. this session is being held at a time when the economic problems confronting the developing countries are more acute than ever. in the view of my delegation, trade is a very important component of international economic co-operation. its decline has deprived developing countries of the badly needed foreign exchange without which they are unable to import capital goods and other things required for economic development. the terms of trade of the developing countries have been declining for years, but they have deteriorated sharply since [number], when the prices of primary commodities collapsed. since [number] the tide of protectionism in the developed market-economy countries has been more evident than ever before because of inward-looking policies of these countries. it was painfully apparent last november that the ministerial- level meeting of the contracting parties of the general agreement on tariffs and trade lacked the liberal consensus which characterized previous trade rounds. [number]. as the assembly is aware, developing countries members of the group of [number] met at buenos aires to prepare the buenos aires platform in preparation for the sixth session of the united nations conference on trade and development, which was held at belgrade from [number] june to [number] july [number]. the group of [number] had undertaken intensive work to arrive at its positions, which include specific proposals for action by the international community to improve international trading relations. needless to say, the developing countries were disappointed at belgrade because, whereas they went there with open minds for negotiations, they were treated to negative attitudes of the states in group [number]. the theme of recovery and development which was the central theme of the sixth session was therefore diluted by developed countries, which refused to co-operate in the vital areas of trade, money and finance. my delegation joins those delegations which feel that the session failed just at a time when immediate measures were needed to improve the terms of trade of the developing countries. [number]. the developing countries are in great need of financial resources, without which they cannot continue their development efforts. for my own country, the year [number] [number] was particularly difficult because the government had to curtail expenditures. yet, this was happening only two years after the adoption by the international community in [number] of the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade, in which it was recognized that external financial resources, particularly official development assistance, constitute an indispensable element of support for the developing countries' own efforts. i will be speaking for the developing countries if i say that none of the major developed countries will have reached the target of the [number]. [number] per cent of their gross national product required by the strategy by [number]. we have only [number] months to go before january [number]. [number]. let me take this opportunity to repeat that the present international monetary and financial arrangements are not adequate for the equitable development of the world economy and accelerated development of developing countries as anticipated in the international development strategy. although the bretton woods institutions were created for that purpose, they seem to act more in the interest of the developed countries than the developing countries. these views were expressed in the statement recently made by my president at one of the international meetings where he stated we should also recall that rules governing the major international lending institutions the imf and the world bank were designed in the absence of developing countries, and we still have very little say in the respective decision-making processes. this is a frustration to the whole situation, since there is much hard-won experience, embodying opinions and ideas, which the developing states could now contribute. my own view is that there is now an abundant case for restructuring of the international monetary system, and there is most certainly a need for resuming allocations of special drawing rights as a feature of some expanded and liberalized measures of balance of payments support for developing countries. [number]. as an immediate measure in this regard, the seventh summit meeting of the non-aligned countries, meeting at new delhi last march, proposed an international conference on money and finance for development at which some of the most pressing monetary and financial issues in the developing countries would be tackled. these proposals, which have now been widely accepted, should be endorsed at this session. [number]. my government attaches the greatest importance to the industrialization of developing countries, particularly in sub-saharan africa. it will be recalled that last year the assembly adopted resolution [number] [number], which, infer requested the secretary-general to allocate adequate staff and financial resources so as to ensure the effective co-ordination and implementation of the activities of unido and eca related to the industrial development decade for africa. since this session of the assembly will be considering the report of the industrial development board , it is my sincere hope that there have been responses in order to implement the programme of the decade. in this connection, also, i urge the fourth general conference of the united nations industrial development organization to give significance to the decade by including it in its agenda. [number]. turning now to the question of science and technology, i would like to stress that my government attaches great significance to development of science and technology developing countries. we believe that science and technology are crucial vehicles for the implementation of the international development strategy and for the early attainment of the new international economic order. it is regrettable, therefore, that four years after the conclusion of the vienna programme of action on science and technology for development, no substantial agreement has been reached to implement the programme, especially as it relates to financial resources. my government urgently calls for an early resolution of the unresolved issues in the vienna programme of action through intensified negotiations within the appropriate united nations bodies, including the intergovernmental committee on science and technology for development. [number]. energy is an essential element of the development process and it continues to cause very serious problems, particularly to developing nations like my own which are adversely affected by the energy crisis. the need to shift nations from dependence on petroleum to greater reliance on alternative sources of energy led to the adoption in [number] of the nairobi programme of action for the development and utilization of new and renewable sources of energy. ? my delegation at this juncture is concerned at the slow pace in the implementation of the nairobi programme, particularly on the question of mobilization of financial resources for harnessing new and renewable sources of energy. during this session of the assembly, the kenya delegation stands ready to participate actively in the discussions of this item in order to find ways and means of implementing the programme without further delay. [number]. we are aware of the reports submitted to the assembly on the eleventh session of the governing council of the united nations environment programme and the sixth session of the commission on human settlements. the important recommendations of those two organs need implementation and, for that to be done, adequate financial resources are indeed necessary. my delegation therefore calls on the developed donor countries and others in a position to do so to make substantial contributions towards the implementation of the planned programmes in the fields of environment and human settlements. [number]. turning now to the question of economic and technical co-operation among developing countries, kenya has repeatedly called on developing countries to intensify their co-operation at subregional, regional and interregional levels in all fields. as for the developed countries, my delegation urges them to view activities in connection with economic and technical co-operation among developing countries not as being discriminatory against them, but as complementing north-south co-operation. the developed countries should therefore accord all necessary support to those activities. [number]. it was in the spirit of south-south co-operation that developing countries adopted the caracas programme of action in [number], the implementation of which has been enhanced by the many intergovernmental economic and technical meetings in the last two years. also, in certain regions new initiatives of south-south co-operation have emerged. for instance, in december [number] some [number] countries of eastern and southern africa concluded a treaty establishing a preferential trade area which is already operational, the treaty having been signed and ratified by the majority of the member states. the technical services utilized during the negotiations of that treaty were rendered by eca. my government and other governments of the subregion would appreciate any assistance to the young preferential trade area in order to make it a reality. [number]. the critical economic problems facing africa require concerted international attention. africa is the least developed of all the continents and suffers from underdevelopment, food shortages, balance-of-payments problems, foreign exchange shortages and acute lack of external financial resources for development. in addition to these problems, africa has a majority of the least developed countries. out of all the problems facing africa, my delegation would like to single out the acute food shortages that recent reports have shown. food and agricultural production have declined drastically in africa in the recent years owing, inter alia to adverse climatic conditions, rising population, inadequate investment in the agricultural sector, lack of storage facilities and shortage of foreign exchange to import agricultural items such as fertilizers. yet food and agriculture are the most important elements in human life because they involve the very survival of mankind in that food is a basic need. it is necessary, therefore, for the international community to take urgent collective measures to assist african countries in the implementation of the lagos plan of action for the economic development of africa in order to alleviate critical food shortages and to attain self-sufficiency in food in africa. it is particularly important for the international community to assist african governments to adopt and implement food policies at the national level. we therefore look forward to increased assistance from both bilateral donors and multilateral sources. [number]. we end by appealing to all gathered here during the thirty-eighth session of the general assembly to make concrete, practical and action-oriented recommendations and decisions which are geared towards making this world a better place for mankind as a whole today and in the days to come.
on behalf of kuwait, it gives me pleasure to convey to ambassador insanally our sincere congratulations on his unanimous election as president of the general assembly at its forty-eighth session. i take this opportunity to assure him of the support and cooperation of the delegation of kuwait in recognition of the close ties that exist between our two countries. his ability and skill give us confidence that our deliberation under his leadership will be fruitful. i am pleased also to pay a tribute to his predecessor, his excellency mr. stoyan ganev, minister for foreign affairs of bulgaria, for his able and effective stewardship of the general assembly at its previous session. forty-eighth session - [number] september l993 [number] on behalf of the government and the people of kuwait, i wish to extend deepest sympathy and condolences to the government and the people of india with respect to the tragedy resulting from the earthquake in that country, which claimed thousands of innocent victims. kuwait has been following the impressive role of the secretary-general, mr. boutros-ghali, in developing new modalities of work for the united nations that are more in line with the sweeping developments, events and changes that are taking place in the world. we cannot but put on record our appreciation of the secretary-general s tireless efforts and creativity in restructuring and streamlining the world organization to reflect in a more meaningful manner the realities of the new world situation. he deserves special credit for his promotion of the concept of preventive diplomacy. kuwait takes pride in its backing of the united nations and we do support the new approach it pursues despite the various difficulties it faces and the accusations levelled at it. the united nations, at the threshold of its fiftieth anniversary, needs from us every material and moral support each and every member can extend to it. on the other hand, the organization itself should enhance its effectiveness, streamline its structure and revitalize its organs, especially the security council. the council should reflect more closely the new realities of today s world. it should be more capable of making and preserving peace and more forcefully firm in implementing its resolutions in consonance with the provisions of the charter. the united nations today reflects new world realities, as shown by the recent increase in its membership. kuwait welcomes the accession to united nations membership by eritrea, the czech republic, the slovak republic, monaco, andorra and the former yugoslav republic of macedonia and trusts that their accession to the organization s membership will consolidate further the efficacy and universality of multilateralism. with the end of the cold war and the effectual participation by the united nations in resolving many international problems, the world today is moving steadily towards the realization of the principle of interdependence and mutual cooperation between members of the international community. the demise of bipolarity and the disappearance of the barriers that used to separate peoples, together with closer contacts through mass communication made available by the technological revolution, have made it possible for every individual to watch world events as they unfold. thus peoples are now able to react to and interact with global issues in an unprecedented manner. a direct outcome of all that is the constant expansion of the web of interrelated interests, so that regional security has become an inseparable part of global security. economic and social development issues have now acquired a high priority among the concerns of the international community. while we in kuwait support this new tendency, we must stress that movement in the new direction should be humane in concept, civilized in ways and means, pragmatic in modalities and realistic in aims. we also stress that the right of both the individual and the community to development should be accorded top priority among international concerns. in this context, we consider that the first and foremost human right is the right to secure essential necessities of living. social and economic development at various levels is a close second. kuwait believes that development should be addressed collectively and that is the most effective way of ensuring the availability of its essential ingredients, so that no region or group of nations should monopolize world resources at the expense of whole continents which remain hostage to the cycle of want and poverty. we view with satisfaction the new approach of dealing collectively with hotbeds of tension, as envisioned by the charter. here we have in mind the practical and effective application of the concept of collective security in the context of which regional conflicts are viewed as direct threats to world peace and stability and not as mere threats to regional security. therefore we demand that any conflict should be dealt with firmly and expeditiously in order to avoid its worsening, opening the door and allowing terrorism to fly in the face of international legality and flout the new approach. it is in keeping with this conviction that kuwait, despite its difficult circumstances, participates in the united nations humanitarian operations in somalia, our sister country. such participation bespeaks our commitment to the new united nations approach and our support for putting it into practice. kuwait considers that the international presence in somalia is indispensable if the somali people are to be saved from destruction and chaos and if somalia itself is to survive as an independent country. indeed, the united nations peace-keeping operations, which now total [number], as stated by the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organization a [number] [number] , require from us all full material support, practical participation and political backing. accordingly, the government of kuwait announces from this podium that it will voluntarily bear two thirds of the costs of the united nations iraq-kuwait observation mission [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session unikom . this is to demonstrate our firm belief in the true role of unikom in safeguarding the security and peace in our region. it represents also a consolidation of the concept of collective security and the united nations role therein. kuwait believes that the most important underpinnings of the new world approach are compliance with established norms of conduct in international relations respect for the principles of international law rejection of interference in the internal affairs of other states rejection of seeking gains and concessions at the expense of neighbouring countries the resolution of problems by dialogue rather than by force and the renunciation of terrorism as a means of revenge. the iraqi regime invaded and occupied the state of kuwait. however, the adamant international will embodied by the united nations helped liberate kuwait in a historic act that led to a clean and tidy elimination of that horrendous crime. subsequently, iraq accepted the consequences of its crime as set out in security council resolution [number] [number] which contains the provisions of fair and binding solutions for the false iraqi claims regarding kuwait. it also outlines the conditions for dealing with the consequences and underlying reasons of the iraqi invasion. the quintessence of resolution [number], which was accepted unconditionally by iraq, is the reaffirmation of the sovereignty and independence of kuwait. it also called for the utilization of united nations technical assistance in the demarcation of boundaries between kuwait and iraq on the basis of the documents exchanged between the two countries in october [number]. in implementation of the provisions of the said resolution, the united nations set up a boundary demarcation commission which successfully completed its work last may and has issued its final report which contains the definitive map of land and maritime boundaries between kuwait and iraq document s [number] . kuwait commends the technical boundary demarcation commission and pays tribute to its members for their impartiality, dedication and patience, especially in the face of iraqi accusations and provocations. kuwait also pays tribute to the security council for adopting two historic resolutions this year. the first, resolution [number] [number] , extended the terms of reference of unikom into a peace-keeping operation with full powers to prevent iraqi raids into kuwait and to put an end to riots instigated by the iraqi regime. resolution [number] [number] , unanimously adopted under chapter vii of the charter, reaffirms the commitment of the security council to guarantee the inviolability of the international boundary as demarcated by the united nations technical commission and to consider that boundary as final and inviolable. by so doing, the security council has put an end to an amorphous situation which had lasted for far too long and which iraq exploited in a bid to secure territorial expansion, to exercise regional hegemony, and to gain political, strategic and material concessions at the expense of kuwait and the other gulf states. the demarcation of the boundary between kuwait and iraq is a major contribution by the international community to the elimination of a volatile hotbed of regional tension which the iraqi regime used to exploit in creating an atmosphere of uncertainty and mistrust and which culminated in its vicious invasion of the state of kuwait. kuwait responded positively to the secretary- general s acceptance of the outcome of the border demarcation process. in our response, we also reaffirmed our sincere cooperation with the united nations despite the fact that kuwait had voted against some commission decisions which denied kuwait its rights in khowr zhobeir. iraq, for its part, responded with two letters to the secretary-general. the first in may [number], following the demarcation of the land boundary, and the second in june [number] following the demarcation of the maritime boundary. both letters reiterated previous iraqi claims to what it calls its historical rights. iraq also rejected the demarcation results and challenged the integrity of the united nations technical commission and the validity of its procedures and work. this prompted the security council to reprimand iraq strongly in a presidential statement which it issued on [number] june [number] and in which it rejected the contents of the aforesaid iraqi letters and reminded iraq of its obligations under resolution [number] [number] . iraq has unconditionally accepted resolution [number] [number] in all its provisions and in so doing has undertaken legal, political and moral obligations on which it cannot renege, nor can it fail to abide by the consequences of such obligations because the functions of the technical commission were not to the liking of its representative on the commission, who had participated fully, for a whole year, in its work and deliberations and then chose to withdraw from the commission when he found himself unable to produce substantive documents corroborating iraq s claims, despite the fact that the commission pressed him to do so. the stance of the iraqi regime constitutes a rebellion against security council resolutions in defiance of the will of the council and the international community. this represents an egregious departure from the current global mainstream and warrants firm international resolve to reject the iraqi regime s practices in both form and substance. forty-eighth session - [number] september l993 [number] i find it necessary now to emphasize in no uncertain terms that the iraqi regime remains in its philosophy, behaviour, thinking and nature a threat to regional and global peace and security. it persists in its aggressiveness while it thumbs its nose at the world community, which continues to reject and isolate it with sanctions. kuwait has confidence in the wisdom of the security council and the ability of its members to fulfil their mandate. we trust that they are keen to ensure their collective commitment to the security council resolutions and thus compel the iraqi regime to recognize that it has no option but to begin the complete and documented implementation of all those resolutions to the letter. the iraqi regime should be made to understand that its desperate endeavours to have the sanctions lifted will be totally futile unless and until it clearly and legally complies with the boundary demarcation decisions as set forth in the relevant council resolutions, especially resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . the iraqi regime must also meet other basic requirements, such as desisting from the false claims made by its official information apparatus which continues to describe kuwait as part of iraq and to make other false claims to so-called historical rights. the persistence of and increase in such falsehoods, which emanate from ranking officials of that regime, is a reversal of and retreat from acceptance of the essence of resolution [number] [number] , which represents iraq s commitment to respect kuwait s sovereignty, independence and international borders. we have submitted regular reports to the security council containing complete verbatim excerpts of the claims made by senior iraqi officials and the official iraqi media. we call upon all member states of the united nations to welcome the relevant security council resolutions on the border demarcation and the inviolability of boundaries as essential components of the regional security structure. we also expect member states to demand that the iraqi regime respect all relevant resolutions and link the lifting of sanctions with its implementation of all security council resolutions, particularly those regarding the boundary demarcation and the release of prisoners. in this context, i should like to recall that the cooperation council for the arab states of the gulf gcc issued at its last march session a statement welcoming the demarcation of the boundary between kuwait and iraq. the gcc also underscored the demarcation as an underpinning of regional security. furthermore, the damascus declaration states, which include the six gcc countries together with egypt and syria, issued a statement last june supporting the demarcation and welcoming the measures taken by the security council as positive contributions to stability and security at both the regional and international levels. iraq s procrastination in implementing the security council resolutions is not limited to the boundary demarcation but extends to a purely humanitarian issue the release of all prisoners, hostages and detainees of kuwaiti and third country nationals. those hostages and prisoners have been languishing in iraqi prisons and detention camps for some three years now. we trust and hope that the international community will bring pressure to bear on the iraqi regime to release every one of those innocent men, women and children. their plight is a stark violation of all the values and concepts associated with the issue of human rights. it is also a case that represents a rejection of the new global approach, which we believe all here are keen to promote with a view to safeguarding human rights in the world. kuwait has explored all possible avenues, using all available arab, islamic and international channels to persuade the iraqi regime to comply with the norms of international law, especially its commitments under the geneva conventions. to date, the iraqi regime has made no positive response to the efforts made by the international committee of the red cross icrc on behalf of those persons. most recently, it boycotted a meeting organized by the icrc in geneva last month to discuss the latest developments of this important and urgent humanitarian matter. the people of kuwait will feel no relief and enjoy no peace of mind until the very last prisoner is returned to his or her family and homeland. iraq has also failed to fulfil its obligation to return the remainder of kuwaiti property belonging to the private and public sectors in our country. furthermore, it has neither implemented security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , nor has it desisted from oppressing and suppressing its own population in the northern and the southern regions of the country. it continues to resort to acts of terrorism. we in kuwait share the iraqi people s pain and suffering by virtue of the brotherhood between our two peoples and our everlasting neighbourhood. it is with particular concern that we see the humiliation of the iraqi people as the iraqi regime pursues its atrocities with total disregard for the plight of the iraqi people and its future. the iraqi regime has stubbornly rejected the mechanism provided to alleviate the suffering and hardships of the iraqi people by failing to implement security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . indeed, responsibility for the plight of the iraqi people lies squarely on the regime itself, which must be held accountable for all the dire consequences of its atrocities. [number] general assembly - forty-eighth session kuwait firmly believes that security in the gulf region is part and parcel of world security. hence, the international community is responsible for ensuring respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of states that fall prey to aggression. support for states that fall victim to aggression should also be provided by the world community when a conflict breaks out. the consolidation of regional security requires confidence-building among all countries in the region as a basic premise for attaining that common goal. here, i should like to underline the close ties and complete trust that exist among gcc states. their cooperation is a substantial contribution to the stability and security of the region. facts on the ground attest to our common endeavours. kuwait is keen to improve its relations with the islamic republic of iran on the basis of the principles of good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of each other and respect for sovereignty as specified by the gulf cooperation council supreme council. having said that, kuwait would like to emphasize the sovereignty of the united arab emirates over its three islands - abu mousa, lesser tonb and greater tonb. furthermore, kuwait wishes to put on record its absolute support for all the peaceful measures and means to which the united arab emirates resorts in order to regain sovereignty over its islands. kuwait remains hopeful that dialogue will eventually clear away all the outstanding matters between the two countries. with that aim in view, kuwait calls upon the islamic republic of iran to commit itself to resolving this dispute on the basis of international law and treaties and to ending it by peaceful means. in the context of the developments that are taking place with regard to the middle east peace process, kuwait welcomes the signing of the accord between the people of palestine and israel to exercise their right to self- determination, to free their territory from occupation and to build their own national institutions. in keeping with kuwait s support for every effort made and every avenue chosen by the palestinian people to further their cause, the kuwaiti council of ministers has issued a statement in which it welcomed this first step towards the full implementation of the relevant security council resolutions. kuwait views this accord as a first step towards the creation of a framework to deal with many details - a process that will require enormous effort and patience on the part of the parties directly involved if a successful conclusion is to be ensured. the accord has indeed ushered in a totally new chapter in the history of the middle east and the question of palestine. we hope that, in the new era, negotiation will replace conflict dialogue will supersede confrontation and that disputes will be resolved under the rule of international law instead of by force of arms, in consonance with the developing new approach. however, the litmus test will be in the steps that will follow and in the achievements that will be made on the other arab fronts. in the final analysis, partial or incomplete peace will not last, and a unilateral accord will not lead to a fair and comprehensive peace. from now on we should not look to the past with pain and sorrow rather, we should look to the future with hope and confidence. in the end, the success of the peace process hinges on genuine and serious commitment on the part of israel to implement united nations resolutions, particularly those that call for complete and unconditional withdrawal from the syrian arab golan. in the same vein, israel must withdraw its forces from southern lebanon, without any further delay, in compliance with security council resolution [number] [number] . i take this opportunity to commend the lebanese government for its remarkable effort to build national reconciliation in lebanon. for its part, kuwait will continue to back the lebanese people in their efforts to reconstruct and rehabilitate their homeland. the tragedy of the people of bosnia and herzegovina continues unabated. that people is the target of brutal aggression by the serbs and the croats, who want to impose a fait accompli and to make territorial gains by imposing a grossly unjust settlement on the muslims of bosnia and herzegovina. we call upon the security council and the european community to take all urgent and effective measures to prevent the aggressor from gaining any reward and to refuse to legitimize the outcome of outright aggression. we appeal to the international community to lift the embargo on arms supplies to the republic of bosnia and herzegovina to enable its people to exercise their right to self-defence, as set forth in the charter of the united nations. a few days ago, kuwait was pleased to receive the president of the republic of bosnia and herzegovina. the visit was the culmination of kuwait s constant support for the struggle of that muslim nation, and it demonstrated our deep, comprehensive and unwavering commitment to bosnia and herzegovina. kuwait firmly welcomes the agreement that has been reached between the government of president de klerk and the other parties involved in the negotiations on the future political and social structure in south africa. the thrust of forty-eighth session - [number] september l993 [number] this accord is to end the system of apartheid, which divides society into segments whose rights and prerogatives are based on the colour of their skin. we applaud this historic agreement, which will put all the people of south africa, irrespective of class, on a totally new humanitarian cause, enabling all south africans to unleash their energies in the building of a new society. for its part, kuwait has complied fully with all the boycott regulations. together with other members of the international community, it contributed to the creation of the effective mechanism that eventually led to the agreement in question. now we intend to take the necessary measures on the national level to lift sanctions in response to mr. nelson mandela s recent appeal from this rostrum. our action will be in line with the global trend towards the creation of conditions conducive to the fulfilment of the targets set out in the agreement. my government will review kuwaiti national legislation that prohibits dealings with the government of south africa, in the light of the national agreement in south africa, international consensus and the important statement in which mr. nelson mandela called for an end to the economic sanctions while continuing to maintain the ban on conventional and nuclear weapons. we welcome also the proposal by the multilateral negotiating council and the agreement that has been reached to enable the young republic of namibia to have its territorial rights in respect of walvis bay and the off-shore islands restored. parallel to the heart-warming transformations on the world political arena, there are some significant economic indicators. the issues relating to the world economic situation are of great concern to my government. in our view, top priority must be given, on the international economic agenda, to the economic plight of the developing countries, especially the most impoverished among them, so that they may be helped to alleviate the severe suffering of their populations. convinced that the future of the world and the well- being of its inhabitants require wholesome approaches that balance the use of resources with conservation of the environment, kuwait has played an active role in the international forums dealing with the questions of the environment and energy. we are extremely keen on the promotion of international cooperation with a view to achieving wider development and removing obstacles that impede it. we believe, however, that priority should be accorded to national and international efforts that aim at achieving overall social and economic development and increasing political stability. the individual must always be the focus of every development effort. all development policies should be flexible enough to accommodate the ingenuity and creative power of all individuals. this is indeed our guarantee of progress and excellence in human endeavour. international institutions should provide the platform and the framework to harness our national efforts towards that end. the new international orientation, in its political and economic aspects, presents us with yet another window of opportunity. as interdependent partners, we should forge ahead together so that, together, we may reap the common benefits of the new order.
first, i wish to congratulate ms. haya rasheed al-khalifa and the state of bahrain on her election as the president of the general assembly at its sixty-first session. as an asian, a muslim and the current chairman of the summit conference of the organization of the islamic conference, i welcome her election with pride and satisfaction. i am confident that she will be able to steer the proceedings of the assembly with consummate skill and achieve meaningful results. needless to say, malaysia will support her in any way that we can. allow me to also pay tribute to her distinguished predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, the foreign minister of sweden, for the exemplary way in which he guided the proceedings of the assembly s sixtieth session, during some of the most trying times for the united nations. speaking of trying times, i would also like to pay tribute to mr. kofi annan for his tireless efforts in serving humanity, not only during his tenure as the secretary-general but throughout an entire career dedicated to the ideals of our organization. i must pay a special tribute to the members of the secretariat and those serving under the united nations banner, in particular those who have made the ultimate sacrifice of their lives, like the four members of the united nations interim force in lebanon who were killed last july during the height of the israeli offensive against lebanon. mr. m ror s haiti , vice-president, took the chair. we must continually remind ourselves that the united nations was brought into being to serve as a forum, and, as in tennyson s words, to be a parliament of man. six decades later, we have yet to achieve the intentions of the united nations charter. indeed, the situation in some corners of the world is bleaker than it ever was before. yet the human family is still unable to find solutions to its own problems. as i review in my mind the events of the past year, i personally feel most disturbed that many of the ills in the affairs of our world were the result of irrational actions caused by prejudice in human attitudes. basically, we have failed to engage in dialogue, communicate and reach out to one another as fellow humans inhabiting the same planet. indeed, the greatest discord today exists among the descendants of abraham. these are the people of the book the followers of judaism, christianity and islam, who in fact share a common beginning, which was the religion of abraham. of course, dialogue will be endless if it is not accompanied by action. the purpose of honest discussion and engagement is to enable us to formulate rational and effective policies. to achieve this, i believe that all of us need to listen well and be sincere in our relations with one another. much of the dialogue that takes place results in the parties talking at, instead of talking to, one another. any dialogue will certainly fail if it is predetermined that certain states are rogues or that certain countries are necessarily evil . such name-calling provides an excuse not to listen, let alone engage in serious negotiations to find amicable solutions to serious problems. a blatant example of the refusal to grant even a hearing was the early decision by many important countries not to recognize or do business with hamas after that group was elected to power in palestine through a properly conducted democratic election. external assistance was stopped. funds were blocked. as a result, millions of palestinians have suffered for months without pay or food. i hope that all sanctions against palestine will soon be a matter of the past, when president abbas succeeds in the task of putting together a coalition government embracing all parties in palestine. surely, to dictate or show preferences as [number]-[number] [number] to who should be elected to power in other countries is irrational and a sign of double standards. the oppression of palestine, which is being allowed to fester the invasion of afghanistan the conquest of iraq and, most recently, the unrestrained destruction of lebanon have all been carried out in the name of the war against terrorism. the actions of israel in the middle east are being supported, either openly or tacitly, supposedly in defence of the judeo-christian tradition against the spread of radical militant islam, thus legitimizing all those actions, no matter how brutal. even western commentators have conceded that israel s latest assault against lebanon has helped make what may once have been extremist opinions part of the muslim mainstream. the muslim world certainly sees all this as complicity to humiliate muslim countries and muslim societies. i am afraid that the schism between the west and the muslim world will grow even deeper unless the international community is prepared to accept certain facts as the truth. the fact is that the sense of humiliation being felt by the muslim world is the root cause for the loss of trust and confidence between the muslim world, on the one side, and judeo-christian civilization, on the other. if the international community refuses or fails to accept this fact, then i am afraid we are denying the truth. i believe that much of the prejudice against muslims stems from a lack of understanding of the true nature of islam and what it stands for. for instance, there is a lack of appreciation in the west of the role of religion in the lives of muslims. modern europe has generally embraced secularism and has largely removed religion from the public domain, placing it in the confines of the home and family. for muslims, the teachings of islam serve as their guide for doing all things, whether conducting their affairs in the public domain or practicing the religion in their private homes. i suggest that many of the misunderstandings, especially those between the christian west and the muslim world, arise out of this fundamental misunderstanding of the place of religion in the daily lives of muslims all over the world. when dealing with muslims, one cannot separate them from their religion, because that is their way of life. my country, malaysia, is a multi-ethnic, multi- religious, multicultural country. however, islam is respected by all our people as the official religion. the government which i now lead has embarked on a programme to communicate a proper appreciation of islam as a force for good. we call it islam hadhari, which is an approach for achieving a progressive society that is compatible with modernity yet firmly rooted in the noble values and injunctions of islam. this approach has been accepted by everyone in malaysia because underlying the whole message of islam hadhari is a call for equitable development and progress. it is a call for moderation and tolerance as well as the assurance of justice and fairness for all, irrespective of their faith. the point i am making is that islam the religion is not the source of intolerance between people of different faiths. in fact, one of the fundamental teachings of islam is the requirement to respect other religions. the holy koran contains that commandment by god. we must not confuse the perverse words and evil deeds of a small number of extremists who operate on the fringes of muslim societies as a reflection of islamic culture. the demonization of islam must be stopped and islamophobia must be removed. the politics of fear must cease to dictate the conduct of relations between peoples and nations. if the politics of fear is not stopped, then prejudice and irrationality will continue to prevail in the affairs of the world, and dialogue will continue to fail. however, we must persevere, not only to eliminate political and religious discord among men, but also to eradicate social and economic injustices, particularly poverty and disease. that is an international responsibility, not only in the name of humanity, but also as a necessary aspect of maintaining international peace and stability. we must therefore do all we can to ensure that the impoverished and marginalized also enjoy the fruits of economic growth, globalization and free trade. it would indeed be unfortunate if we were unable to do so, because the world has become more wealthy than ever before. we should learn from history that any economic system in which disparities exist cannot be sustained in the long term. all too often, such societies come to a violent end. the civil wars and social unrest we witness today mark a phase that we must stop. malaysia firmly believes that the key to prosperity, inclusion and equity is sustained economic growth based on the building of national capacities, particularly human capital development. while [number] [number]-[number] education and skills by themselves are no guarantee of success, they are indispensable ingredients for the greater productivity of individual citizens, which in turn gives them hope for a better future. however, efforts at the national level alone are not sufficient. those efforts need to be supplemented by the establishment of an international economic order that would cover areas such as trade, finance, debt, official development assistance oda and development, and that would enable the developing world to overcome its difficulties and contribute to global prosperity. some progress has been made, but the overall results have been far from satisfactory. given the economic clout that the developed countries possess, it is essential that they demonstrate flexibility and goodwill at this critical juncture in the world trade talks. malaysia will continue to be supportive of multilateral trade negotiations. malaysia s approach will, however, never be premised simply on the notion of progressive liberalization. we will continue to take a pragmatic approach by combining liberalization with regulation in a policy mix consistent with the country s economic conditions and development needs. it is all too clear that our human family must come together and that its members must talk to one another if we are to overcome the problems that threaten to engulf us all. to talk, however, is easy to engage in dialogue and to communicate is more difficult. indeed, this may be the most difficult of all human endeavours, given the human temperament with all its passions and foibles. it will require courage, humility and an appreciation of the diversities that make us human. we must not be patronizing or condescending in our relationships, and we must certainly not be threatening. we must be persuasive and patient in dealing with complexities. the pursuit of peace, justice and fairness in relations among nations and peoples has never been easy. let us take up this challenge, with all the fortitude that it requires, and together put into effect a better world.
mr. president, please accept my congratulations on your election to the high post of president of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly and my wishes for success in your responsible work. [number]. allow me also to congratulate the representatives of vanuatu and belize on the admission of their states to membership of the united nations. [number]. the current session of the general assembly is taking place in an extremely complicated international situation, characterized by a dangerous intensification of tension in the world. the question now is in which direction humanity will proceed whether along the road to easing tension, maintaining and further developing detente and strengthening international peace and security or along the road to militarism and confrontation, which would lead to a devastating nuclear catastrophe. that situation predicates a special role for the united nations, whose basic task is to serve as an effective instrument for ensuring peaceful coexistence and cooperation among states. [number]. the causes for the aggravation of the international situation are the actions of militaristic circles of the united states, which have resurrected their claims to world supremacy and have stated their intention to resolve world problems from a position of strength. they are now attempting to upset the established strategic balance, to obtain military superiority over the countries of the socialist community and to acquire dominating positions on a global scale. [number]. in order to conceal their adventurist intentions they are whipping up a slanderous campaign about the myth of the so-called soviet military threat and encouraging distrust and hostile attitudes towards the socialist countries. at the same time they are continuing their unprecedented military buildup and provoking a new round of the arms race. with the decision to deploy new american medium range nuclear missiles in western europe and to produce the neutron weapon, which is designed chiefly for europe, the old continent has been assigned the fate of being the theater of a devastating nuclear war. [number]. the united states is increasing its military presence in various parts of the world. entire regions, thousands of kilometers away from the united states, are declared "spheres of vital american interests". a rapid deployment force has been created, existing military bases are being enlarged and modernized and new ones are being built. the disarmament talks are being stalled and existing agreements in that field are being undermined. the doctrine of the possibility of waging a limited nuclear war is extremely dangerous in that respect. [number]. certain circles in the united states are doing everything possible to involve their allies in the north atlantic treaty organization nato in carrying out their own militaristic plans. [number]. the imperialist forces are attempting to raise barriers to halt the progressive changes in a number of states in asia, africa and latin america, pursuing a policy of blackmail and provocation, interfering in their internal affairs and threatening to use force. they openly support reactionary dictatorship regimes, which conduct a policy of mass terror against their own peoples. the forces of imperialism are doing everything possible to check the liberation struggle of peoples they take the liberty of describing national liberation movements as international terrorism and, under the guise of combating terrorism, they are trying to stifle the legitimate aspirations of peoples to freedom, independence and social progress. [number]. of course, the aggressive policy of imperialism cannot bring about a peaceful, just and lasting settlement of the existing conflicts. on the contrary, it exacerbates them and creates new crises and new hotbeds of tension. [number]. an unseemly role in that dangerous game is being played by the peking hegemonists, who are entering into open military and political collusion with the most reactionary forces of imperialism. [number]. those are only a few of the most substantive aspects of the present situation, which is cause for concern and anxiety on our part. however, we believe that there are no grounds for pessimism. the situation is indeed complex, but not hopeless. besides those forces which have worsened the international situation, there exist certain factors in the world which continue to exert a stabilizing influence upon international developments and which contribute to the maintenance of peace and actively counteract the danger of war. the most powerful of those factors is the will of millions of people who are vitally interested in preserving the life and peaceful future of the present and succeeding generations. [number]. a way out of the present complicated situation would be to hold a wide-ranging and frank dialog on all contentious issues of international relations, based on the principles of equality, equal security and mutual respect for the interests involved. we are deeply convinced that there is no problem which cannot be solved through negotiations, [number]. as todor zhivkov, the general secretary of the central committee of the bulgarian communist party and president of the state council of the people's republic of bulgaria, stated recently ". . . what we need now is a dialog, not confrontation a dialog between the ussr and the united states a dialog between the east and the west a dialog between states, parties, politicians and nations a dialog seeking ways of preventing war, safeguarding peace and promoting detente, cooperation and disarmament. " [number]. a sound basis for such a dialog is to be found in the program for peace adopted by the twenty-sixth congress of the communist party of the soviet union, the peaceful initiatives put forward by the soviet union, the proposals made by states parties to the warsaw treaty and the constructive ideas formulated at the crimea meetings of the heads of the countries of the socialist community. such is also the essence of the concrete proposals set forth by the twelfth congress of the bulgarian communist party. [number]. the acceleration of the arms race and the constant increase of expenditures on the production of weapons of mass destruction have reached such dimensions as to render very real the threat of a world catastrophe. the elimination of that threat is the cardinal problem which must be solved by states and by government leaders as well as by the international community, which is becoming increasingly aware of the aggressive and inhuman nature of the present policy of the forces of militarism and is ever more resolutely protesting against it. the protest movement in europe has become particularly widespread. the european nations categorically oppose turning our continent into an arena for a devastating nuclear war. [number]. naturally, the people's republic of bulgaria, as a european country, is vitally interested in preventing that danger. we call for a successful conclusion to the madrid meeting and for the convening of a conference on military detente and disarmament in europe. significant possibilities for progress in the field of military detente are provided by the readiness of the soviet union to have confidence-building measures extend over the entire european territory of the country, provided that the western states also agree correspondingly to extend their zone of confidence-building measures. creating nuclear-weapon free zones on the european continent and turning the mediterranean into a region of lasting peace and cooperation could also be a substantial contribution to strengthening security throughout the world. [number]. the implementation of the nato decision to station new american medium-range missiles in western europe will upset the present military balance not only from a tactical but also from a strategic point of view. when speaking about balance, we must not forget the forward based american nuclear weapons as well as those nuclear weapons deployed aboard airplanes and aircraft carriers. that is why we have repeatedly called for immediate negotiations to limit nuclear weapons in europe, and we welcome the agreement reached a few days ago between the soviet union and the united states to begin such negotiations. [number]. the new neutron menace must be nipped in the bud. we resolutely support the complete prohibition of that barbaric weapon. [number]. the socialist countries are making every effort to achieve specific results at the vienna talks for the reduction of armed forces and armaments in central europe. to that end, it is necessary for the western states to abandon their nonconstructive approach and to show political willingness so that progress can be made at those negotiations. [number]. the continuation of the salt process is also an urgent necessity, dictated by the interests not only of the soviet union and the united states, but indeed those of all countries of the world. [number]. the call by the soviet union for a restraint in the field of strategic armaments and for the continuation of talks on their limitation, while preserving everything positive reached in that field thus far, is specifically designed to serve that purpose. [number]. the people's republic of bulgaria is of the opinion that among the multitude of disarmament issues the problem of nuclear disarmament is of paramount importance. to arrive at a radical solution of the problem, it is necessary immediately to begin talks on the termination of the manufacture of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stocks until they are completely eliminated. at the same time, however, it is necessary to continue those efforts aimed at the final removal of the danger of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons, the complete and general prohibition of nuclear weapons tests, the non-introduction of nuclear weapons into the territories of states where there are no such weapons at present, and the strengthening of the security guarantees of non-nuclear-weapons states. [number]. in that connection, the people's republic of bulgaria fully supports the proposal of the soviet union to include in the agenda of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly an item entitled "phevention of nuclear catastrophe declaration of the general assembly". [number] the adoption of a declaration on that question would block the way of those who would thoughtlessly push mankind into a thermonuclear conflict. [number]. the proposal by the soviet union to conclude a treaty on the prohibition of the stationing of weapons of any kind in outer space agenda item [number] also contributes to the task of curbing the arms race. outer space can and must remain an arena to be used only for the peaceful endeavors of states for its exploration and utilization in the interest of all mankind. my country is making its own contribution to that process. [number]. an active role in speeding up talks on the urgent questions concerning the limitation of the arms race can and, indeed, must be played by the second special session of the general assembly devoted to disarmament. that could pave the way for the holding of a world disarmament conference. [number]. my country attaches particular importance to the idea of converting the region of the indian ocean into a zone of peace, as well as to the well-known proposals for ensuring peace and guaranteeing security in the region of the persian gulf. [number]. we welcome the readiness of the soviet union to reach an agreement with interested countries in the far east on confidence-building measures in that important region. we also welcome the proposal of the mongolian people's republic for the conclusion of a convention on mutual nonaggression and renunciation of force in relations between the states of asia and the pacific see a [number] [number] . [number]. the eradication of hotbeds of tension and conflict, as well as the peaceful settlement of crises in various parts of the world, are of great importance in improving the international situation and enhancing international security. [number]. the people's republic of bulgaria reaffirms its consistent position of principle with regard to the settlement of the cyprus question by peaceful means, in the interests of the greek cypriots and the turkish cypriots, while preserving die independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and policy of nonalignment of the republic of cyprus. [number]. certain imperialist circles are to blame for the fact that the middle east crisis continues to deteriorate and to threaten peace and security in the world as a whole. israel is continuing its aggression against lebanon and is blackmailing syria and libya, and it carried out a piratical raid against the nuclear research center in iraq. those actions add heat to an already complex situation in the middle east. [number]. more and more people now realize that the camp david deals have no future. it is abundantly clear that a just and lasting settlement of the middle east problem can only be reached through the withdrawal of israeli troops from all arab territories occupied in [number], the restoration of the legitimate rights of the arab people of palestine and, above all, their right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent state, and the guaranteeing of the sovereignty, security and independence of all states of that region. such a comprehensive solution could be reached at a special international conference, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the plo, the sole legitimate representative of the arab people of palestine. [number]. my country calls for a settlement of the conflict between iraq and iran through negotiations. [number]. we resolutely insist on the ending of the outside interference in the affairs of the democratic republic of afghanistan, and we favor the provision of guarantees that such interference will not be repeated. the problems surrounding afghanistan can be settled by a political solution on the basis of the proposals made by the government of the democratic republic of afghanistan on [number] august [number] a [number] . [number]. it is essential to put a stop to chinese aggression against the countries of indochina. the people's republic of bulgaria supports the proposal of viet nam, laos and kampuchea to turn southeast asia into a zone of peace, stability and cooperation af36l86 and to solve existing problems on a regional basis through negotiations. [number]. we categorically reject any attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of kampuchea. the people of that country have already made their choice and no power can divert them from the chosen path. the existing political realities and the norms of international law require that the people's republic of kampuchea be represented in the united nations and other international organizations by their legitimate representatives who have been duly elected by their peoples. [number]. bulgaria supports the proposals of the democratic people's republic of korea for a peaceful solution of the korean question. [number]. my country resolutely condemns the illegal occupation of namibia by south africa and south africa's aggressive acts against angola and other african states. south africa's provocative conduct is a direct result of the assistance given to pretoria by certain imperialist states. the people's republic of bulgaria fully supports the decisions of the organization of african unity oau and the international conference on sanctions against south africa, as well as those of the eighth emergency special session of the general assembly, on namibia. we reaffirm our solidarity with the people of namibia in their struggle to exercise their right to self-determination and independence under the leadership of swapo. [number]. the people's republic of bulgaria has always been and will continue to be on the side of those peoples fighting for national independence against colonialism, neocolonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. [number]. an important task of the present day is the reconstruction of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. the achievement of that reconstruction depends directly on the developing and deepening of the process of detente and on the implementation of genuine measures of disarmament and measures to strengthen peace and security. [number]. together with the other countries of the socialist community, the people's republic of bulgaria has always sided with newly liberated states in their struggle for economic independence, for the elimination of exploitation and inequitable relations inherited from colonialism and imperialism, for the consolidation of their national independence and for the attainment of true national sovereignty that will guarantee their right to control their own natural resources'. [number]. we consider that the united nations is precisely the body in which it is possible to reach an effective solution of the broad and complex range of problems pertaining to international economic relations. [number]. the solution of the problems of the present day necessitates the cooperation of all democratic, peace-loving and progressive forces. in this respect, an important role is being played by the nonaligned movement, which, through its struggle against imperialism, colonialism, war and aggression, exerts a positive influence on the development of the contemporary international situation. [number]. the position of the people's republic of bulgaria on some of the most important questions of the present international situation is a direct reflection of the consistent foreign policy of my country, inspired as it is by the humane principles and ideals of struggling for peace and understanding among peoples. that policy stems from the very nature of the socialist system and from the fact that the people's republic of bulgaria is an inseparable part of the socialist community. [number]. the peaceful policy of the people's republic of bulgaria also underlies its relations with its neighbors. my country will continue in the future to do everything in its power in order to turn the balkan peninsula into a zone of good-neighborliness, understanding and cooperation and into a factor making for peace in europe and in the world. further evidence of this is to be found in the constructive proposals which todor zhivkov, the general secretary of the central committee of the bulgarian communist party and president of the state council of the people's republic of bulgaria, made from the rostrum of the twelfth congress of the bulgarian communist party. [number]. the people's republic of bulgaria is ready to sign bilateral agreements with its neighbors which would cover a code of good-neighborly relations, the renunciation of territorial claims and the use of the territories of the contracting parties for any hostile purposes and actions against each other, and readiness to develop bilateral relations in various spheres, as well as cooperation on a multilateral basis with the other balkan countries on matters of mutual interest in those specific spheres where understanding has already been reached. the idea of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the balkans also aims at enhancing peace and security in our peninsula. [number]. this year we commemorate the [number], 300th anniversary of the founding of our state. our thirteen-century-long history is one of struggle, striving and aspiration by the best minds of bulgaria in the interest of a better life, freedom and justice. the greatest achievement in its history was the triumph of the socialist revolution [number] years ago, when our people became the true master of its own destiny. [number]. the bulgaria of today views its future with optimism. for us there is no objective loftier or more precious than peace and social progress. the people's republic of bulgaria will continue to pursue a consistently peaceful and constructive policy aimed at preserving and developing detente, strengthening international security and broadening understanding and cooperation among all countries and peoples in full conformity with the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations. [number]. it is precisely to the achievement of those objectives that the efforts of the people's republic of bulgaria will be directed. [number]
costa rica is extremely pleased at mr. didier opertti s election to preside over the work of this fifty-third session of the general assembly. we say this not just as the ritual greeting required by protocol, but as an expression of our deeply felt congratulations to a gifted citizen of the americas and as an expression of our certainty that in this position the noble qualities you have displayed as a great jurist in the inter-american system and as the distinguished minister for foreign affairs of our sister republic of uruguay will once again be shown. in presenting our respectful greetings to the secretary-general, my delegation also wishes to express its sincere recognition of the enormously courageous efforts he has made in the secretariat in favour of maintaining international peace and security, as well as his efforts to renew and modernize the united nations. costa rica congratulates you, sir, for your work and encourages you to continue in your endeavours, which do honour to ghana and to africa. we are approaching the twenty-first century, the third millennium of our era, at a dizzying speed. in a few years, all of us here will be men and women of the past century. nevertheless, we have the obligation to bestow upon the new millennium a world of greater solidarity. this subject calls for reflection. what have we done so far, and most of all, what are we doing about the imminent future? what positive contributions can we make to the new horizon that is opening up in the annals of history? undoubtedly, the very existence of the united nations constitutes a most positive element. in [number], this organization emerged as a successor, on a larger scale, to the ideal of peace embodied in the league of nations. the [number] countries represented in san francisco aspired to build a world in which harmony would prevail and where international security would be supported by a far more solid foundation. today, in this hall, almost all the countries of the world are represented we hope that in the near future there will be no exceptions and each of them has taken upon itself the obligation to abide by the purposes and principles of the san francisco charter. under the vigorous leadership of eleanor roosevelt, the members of the commission on human rights of the economic and social council worked untiringly, freely and openly discussing the subject, and trying to harmonize approaches that encompassed both western humanism and the ancient philosophy of the east. the fruit of their efforts was the adoption, on [number] december [number], of the universal declaration of human rights. [number] during those bitter years, when the shadows left by the worldwide conflagration had not yet cleared, and those of the bipolar confrontation were already looming, some believed that the declaration was a pleasant, romantic and entirely unrealistic suggestion. others saw it, on the contrary, as our species best hope, in the conviction that international relations have ethical value only insofar as they guarantee the dignity of human beings, which is our very essence as rational creatures, through respect for our natural attributes. as the former president of chile, mr. eduardo frei montalva once stated, the ratification of the declaration was a demonstration of faith in peace, faith in the peoples of the world and faith in moral progress. i am proud to be able to say that costa rica enthusiastically supported the declaration since then, costa rica has expressed its firm belief that human rights cannot be subordinated to the interests of states. today our country is the seat of the inter-american court of human rights, the inter-american institute of human rights, and the university for peace of the united nations. throughout costa rica s history as a member of the united nations, it has consistently been committed to the cause of human rights, in both the international arena and the domestic sphere. on this occasion, i reiterate to the assembly all costa rica s firm, solemn and unconditional commitment to continue fighting actively, whenever and wherever, to achieve full respect for all human rights. today my country reaffirms that its voice will continue to be heard in all forums on behalf of the noble ethical and moral ideals that we proclaimed [number] years ago. perhaps the most important legacy that the united nations of the twentieth century will leave to the united nations of the twenty-first century will be the certitude that human rights are a matter of universal concern. this conviction has allowed the broad conceptual, legal and political development of the subject of human rights. we have debated and signed pacts, conventions and protocols on increasingly specific aspects of human rights. despite this prodigious pile of legal instruments, humanity is still very far from having inscribed human rights on its very spirit. in many aspects, the commitment to an ethic of coexistence is as absent from the events of today as it was half a century ago. costa rica observes with regret the instances of intolerance and violence that still persist in our world, the ethnic, religious, cultural, national, ideological or gender discrimination the conflicts in the balkans, the tragic wars endured by some african peoples, the situation in afghanistan and the savagery of terrorism in various parts of the world. we are extremely concerned by the limited progress of the middle east peace process and the increasing virulence of national extremism and religious fanaticism in certain countries. my country believes that these serious problems must be faced from an ethical standpoint, with the universal declaration of human rights as the basic code for the conduct of both states and individuals. the legal validity of the universal declaration of human rights is no longer debated today. however, for a long time, doubts and objections were raised as to the possibility of establishing mechanisms to guarantee it. thanks to the efforts of many years, the united nations now has a high commissioner for human rights. my country is proud to have been one of the main sponsors of the establishment of that office. one of the most important events that has taken place this year was the successful culmination of the effort to establish an international criminal court. the valuable experience of the international criminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia of which the second vice-president of costa rica, judge elizabeth odio, is a member undoubtedly contributed to strengthening the conviction on the need for a permanent court to try the most serious violations of human rights. my country embraces the adoption of the statute of the international criminal court, which took place in rome on [number] july of this year, whereby the international community rejects and condemns the most heinous crimes against our universal conscience. we are especially pleased that the rome conference included within its definition of crimes violations of the basic norms of international humanitarian law, applicable both to international and internal conflicts. in addition, in the light of the tragic experiences of some latin american countries in the recent past, we are gratified by the inclusion of the legal definition of forced disappearance. i am pleased to announce that, in the coming days, i will have the honour of signing the court s statute on [number] behalf of my country, and i express costa rica s firm intention to proceed with its speedy approval and ratification. my country is convinced of the necessity to establish a commission that will prepare, before the year [number], the essential conditions for the statute to enter into force. costa rica believes that the commission should be convened as soon as possible. this year, in addition to celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, my country will celebrate another anniversary which, for costa ricans, is no less important the fiftieth anniversary of the abolition of the costa rican army, decreed on [number] december [number]. only [number] days later, costa rica adopted the magna carta of international ethics, the universal declaration of human rights. the abolition of the army was the culmination of my country s long anti-militaristic history. in [number], the then president of costa rica, mr. jos mar'a castro, stated that one of the foundations of external peace is a strict adherence to international law, among whose prescriptions, as listed by president castro, are dignity, good faith, loyalty and frankness. today, as then, my country believes that in order to invoke international law and aspire to be a respected and valued state without need of military support, costa rica s principal duty is to govern its domestic and international conduct by a system of values that is grounded in the fundamental rights of individuals. as a result of its historical and moral tradition, costa rica believes that there are no small countries when it comes to consolidating and preserving peace. such has been costa rica s rule of conduct when it has had the opportunity, as it does now, to be a member of the security council. for this same reason, costa rica has tenaciously supported the work aimed at general disarmament, and in particular the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, and has vigorously condemned the carrying out of nuclear tests. in that regard, my country urges all those states that have not yet done so to adhere fully and unconditionally to the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. because of the values that have emerged from its own experience, costa rica has invariably repudiated terrorism in all its manifestations, wherever and by whomever it is committed. we do not believe that there is any justification for attacks against innocent people. likewise, we condemn those governments that support, shelter and give assistance to those who commit or instigate terrorist acts, in clear violation of their international obligations. we believe that the international community must make special efforts to prevent and eliminate international terrorism. in this context, we stress the recent negotiations on an international convention for the suppression of terrorist bombings, and we urge member states to sign it. we also trust that during this session of the general assembly decisive progress can be made on the preparation of an international convention for the suppression of acts of nuclear terrorism. my delegation wishes to express how deeply pleased it is that the convention on the prohibition of the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel mines and on their destruction is to enter into force within six months. my country urges all those states that have not yet done so to accede to that convention as soon as possible. we are pleased to see that in central america notwithstanding the conflicts and the turmoil that our countries faced during the last decade there are signs of progress towards the elimination or substantial reduction of military expenditures. some countries have eliminated their armed forces, and others have reduced them significantly. costa rica does not intend to either export or impose any models on others, but it warmly applauds the decision of these brother countries. the international community should acknowledge the specific progress that has been made in reducing military expenses by developing countries. in this spirit, costa rica wishes to propose the creation of a special fund for central america, which would be established through contributions of developed countries and organizations. the idea would be that each dollar not spent on military budgets would be at least matched by contributions for social development programmes to strengthen democratic systems in our region. the central american peace process has been one of the most successful ones of recent times. only a decade ago, in this same hall, we were exhausting ourselves discussing and commenting on the effects of the central american crisis. today, our countries rarely make the headlines of the international press. however, we would like to stress that, notwithstanding central america s huge social and economical problems, it resolutely continues to work to consolidate for its children a more dignified and freer way of life, more in accordance with the spirit of the universal declaration of human rights. we have [number] progressed in the areas of electoral democracy and freedom of expression. now the time has come to consolidate participatory democracy. therefore, at the end of this century and of the millennium, costa rica has begun a process of national political dialogue, with broad popular participation, in order to strengthen our more than [number]-year- old democracy. the central american countries have worked strenuously for the integration and liberalization of our economies. we have achieved important progress in our integration mechanisms and structural adjustment processes. we are participating actively in the negotiations aimed at creating a free-trade area throughout the americas, and we continue to maintain a policy of openness and commercial links among the latin american countries. despite the regional efforts to redraft its economic plans and to adapt them to the world market s requirements, costa rica views with apprehension the creation of economic unions or commercial blocks that beget new discrimination against third countries. similarly, new conditionalities in the commercial policy of the industrialized economies and the use of managed-trade mechanisms are a clear impediment to the ideal of free trade and create new inequalities of access to the world economy. at the same time, we observe that, while the global trade in raw materials and agricultural products is losing its vigour, the exchange of high-technology goods is growing stronger. this means that the portion of trade traditionally carried out by the developing countries is becoming weaker in the global context. in this regard, costa rica urges the opening of markets, not only of the small economies, but also of the large and industrialized economies. costa rica also advocates commitment to the ideal of free trade that gave birth to the world trade organization and respect for its rules and resolutions in order to create an international environment more propitious for developing countries economic progress. free trade encourages economic growth, and economic freedom encourages the creation of wealth within the nations. in accordance with these principles, my country undertook, in [number], the chairmanship of the negotiating process for the free-trade zone of the americas, and we are trying to contribute dynamically to its progress. we are also making efforts to attain fair and non- discriminatory access for central american products to markets in the united states and the european union the region s principal trade partners. in both markets, our countries have been negatively affected by the diversion of trade and investment that have resulted from the granting of preferential concessions to third countries, which are displacing our main exports. we refute the neo- protectionist arguments of the groups who are trying to obstruct the access of central american products to those markets. for this reason, we are promoting the strengthening of the caribbean basin initiative in order to correct those diversions and inequities. furthermore, we believe there should be better opportunities for our exports to the european union through its generalized preferences system. we are also promoting tariff reduction for agricultural products in all the industrialized countries. at the same time, costa rica urges industrialized nations to cooperate with the efforts to strengthen the international financial institutions in order to ensure the stability of the world financial system. institutions such as the international monetary fund and the world bank and regional entities such as the inter-american development bank must provide support to overcome the crises that cause financial instability, especially in the emerging markets. while some believe that economic profit and ethics have nothing to do with each other, experience has shown us otherwise. capitalism without rule of law and not subject to ethical rules usually causes scourges such as the spread of drug-trafficking, the reign of organized crime and corruption. my country, like many others, has been affected by these phenomena. mr. miguel angel rodr guez echeverr'a, president of costa rica, is actively participating in both the fight against and the prevention of these scourges, and he gave proof of his commitment to this cause when he contributed to the success of the recent special session of the general assembly on drug- trafficking. for costa rica, these struggles can be won only if they have a solid ethical foundation. genuine ethical leadership can do more for the long-lasting and sustainable prosperity of a society than the best laws and the most detailed treaties. the universal declaration of human rights is not only a statement of rights, it is also a clear statement of every human being s duties to the community. one of the fundamental obligations of all persons is to behave fraternally with their fellow men and the environment. [number] costa rica has not been exempt from the problems caused by environmental degradation. however, my country s authorities and many organizations of our civil society are working strenuously to solve them. in a relatively short time, we costa ricans have achieved major progress in the task of recovering and preserving our rich biodiversity, while at the same time transforming it into a source of income. for example, costa rica is today one of the developing countries that has undertaken a leading role in carbon-fixation projects. we have negotiated important bilateral agreements based on the filtration capability of our forests. those agreements have allowed us to become the first country to issue sale of oxygen certificates as specific proof of the quantity of captured emissions. my country has been the recipient of important international cooperation programmes. in many areas we continue needing them. nevertheless, we firmly believe that cooperation is a two-way street in which we can all teach and learn, give and receive. costa rica believes that its experience in ecological matters may be useful to many other countries and it makes it available to the international community. furthermore, my country would like to express its firm intention to offer technical cooperation for development, in the modest measure of its capabilities, through the action of a specialized office that is being established for such a purpose. thanks to this office, costa ricans will share with other nations our experiences in the areas of health, education, ecology, human rights and electoral development. for costa rica, the respect for diversity consecrated in the universal declaration must be an essential characteristic of the member states of the united nations. in this regard, we are always conscious of the valuable lesson of the african thinker, salif tall tierno-bokar, when he taught that the rainbow owes its beauty to the varied tones of its colours in the same way that the voices of various believers make up a harmony that rises up to divinity. the survival of the human species cannot be based on a system of separate existences. since human beings first appeared on the face of the earth, they must have had an awareness of their individual limitations and must have understood that they could not survive without the other members of their species. today, such natural wisdom of our far-distant ancestors continues to be valid. we must live in community in order to build the future. the concept of love for our fellow men is at the core of all religions. the ancient texts of the great masters of china, mexico and india, and the torah, the gospel and the koran, regardless of any differences, are all permeated with a deep sense of identity among individuals. moral and spiritual perfection, the dream of so many thinkers and the innermost aspiration of so many peoples, cannot be reached without a basis in the constructive and fraternal coexistence of all the nations. at this moment in history, we the people who inhabit the earth must create a civilization of peace and solidarity. the twenty-first century should be the century of the culture of peace, which is also the culture of freedom, tolerance and solidarity.
the united kingdom currently occupies the presidency of the european community. my statement this year is therefore made on behalf of the community and its member states and in the interests of brevity i shall not make the customary remarks on a national basis. [number]. in this capacity, it is a particular pleasure to convey to you, mr. president, at the outset of the thirty-sixth session of the assembly, our very sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency at this session. i know that with your distinguished career and your considerable experience in the organization you will guide our proceedings with skill and authority. [number]. i should also like to convey my warmest congratulations and admiration to the outgoing president for his efficient and capable conduct of the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session of the general assembly and also the eighth emergency special session. [number]. the [number] members of the european community also wish to express their gratitude to the secretarygeneral for a further year of strenuous efforts in the cause of peace, and i should like tojoin with my other colleagues who have congratulated the republic of vanuatu on its independence and its membership of this body. [number]. three principles are fundamental to the european community and underlie its activity in the world today and the role it seeks to play in the united nations. first, the community was born from a determination to avoid the recurrence of war and from a desire for permanent and fruitful reconciliation. secondly, it looks to partnership and collaboration between neighbors as a way to stimulate social and economic progress. and thirdly, it is based on a belief in the fundamental importance of human rights. [number]. the first principle, its commitment to international reconciliation, explains why the european community feels a duty to help where it can with the problems that afflict the world. ah conflicts, local, regional or global, adversely affect the possibilities for peace and progress throughout the world. all of them add up to the sum of human misery. [number]. the conflict which perhaps poses most dangers is the arabisrarl dispute. the european community believes that it has a distinctive role to play in the , search for a negotiated, comprehensive settlement which must be both just and lasting. the community's view of the principles according to which a settlement can be devised, starting from security council resolution [number] [number] , was set out in the venice and luxembourg declarations. of [number] june and, [number] december [number] respectively. the starting point must be the right to existence and security of all states in the area, including israel, and the legitimate rights of the palestinian people, including the right to self-determination. acceptance of these principles by the parties concerned would remove a major obstacle to progress. [number]. the members of the community will pursue their efforts to promote a peace settlement energetically. nevertheless, we must be clear about what the european community can and cannot achieve. ultimately it is for the parties to negotiate a lasting settlement themselves. in our view, a comprehensive settlement can only be negotiated if all the parties concerned, including the palestinian people and the plo, which will have to be associated with negotiations, accept the principles which we set out in the venice declaration and play their full part. one of europe's main aims is to facilitate such negotiations, complementing the efforts of others towards the same objective. these thoughts underlay the venice declaration and the subsequent diplomatic efforts of the community, notably the contacts made by britain's predecessors in the presidency. [number]. if a settlement is to be possible a climate of confidence must first be built up between the parties. both sides must refrain from words or acts, particularly acts of violence as in recent months, which only complicate the search for a settlement the community members are bound to repeat that the israeli policy of settlements is contrary to international law and a major obstacle to progress towards peace. while pursuing its efforts in every other possible way, the european community will work to encourage a climate of confidence as a contribution to a comprehensive settlement. the community therefore welcomes all clear statements of interest in a peaceful settlement, including that made last month by crown prince eahd of saudi arabia. [number]. i should like to put on record the european community's sympathy for human suffering in lebanon and our support for the efforts of the lebanese government to promote security and national reconciliation. we believe that the unity, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of lebanon can only be assured if all concerned uphold the authority of the legal government and avoid all actions tending to undermine it. in this context, the community values the work of the quadripartite committee of the arab league. in south lebanon, the ceasefire has been a valuable achievement and we hope it will be possible to reinforce it and build upon it. the community members welcome and support all diplomatic efforts to this end. in . particular, they believe that unifil should be enabled to carry out in full the mandate entrusted to it by the security council and, we applaud the courageous and responsible work of the force and express our sympathy for its losses arid i take this opportunity to reaffirm the community's support for the valuable peacekeeping work of the united nations in other areas. [number]. if history and traditional and geographical proximity make the middle east of particular concern to europe, we are no less concerned about the other crises which strike at the very basis on which international peace and stability must rest. [number]. the soviet invasion of afghanistan, which constitutes a grave breach of the charter, is one such crisis. it is an affront to international opinion that the soviet military occupation there should continue. it has brought untold suffering for millions of afghan people and untold problems for the countries to which large numbers of them have fled. it is to seek relief for that suffering and to contribute to international peace and stability that the european council put forward its plan for a two-stage conference on afghanistan. [number] [number]. the council's proposal for such a conference has received widespread support. it is therefore a great disappointment that the soviet union's response has so far been negative. [number]. if the soviet union is sincere in its stated desire to withdraw its troops in the context of a political solution, then the proposal of the council offers a way for negotiations to begin. if, however, the soviet union's only real concern is to obtain the acquiescence of the international community in its occupation of afghanistan, and increased status and recognition for a regime which is rejected by the afghan people and world opinion, then the outlook for any negotiations is grim indeed. [number]. the members of the european community support any efforts which will bring foreign intervention in afghanistan to an end and allow that country to return to its traditional independence and nonaligned status. it is essential that the principles of the resolution of the assembly should be observed. we support the efforts of the organization of the islamic conference and of the united nations secretarygeneral to find a way to a peaceful settlement in accordance with those resolutions. [number]. another country which has been invaded and then occupied by a more powerful neighbor is kampuchea. thanks to the admirable efforts of the international emergency relief operation jed by unicef and the international committee of the red cross, the physical condition of much of the population of kampuchea has been transformed in the last two years. the european community and its member states have played a major part in the financing of the relief. [number]. but now that the immediate cause of suffering has been removed, it is time to turn to the political problems that still afflict that country. as with afghanistan, the aim of the international community must be a comprehensive political settlement. the basis of that settlement should be an independent and neutral kampuchea with"' a genuinely representative government. the position of the european community was set out fully in the statement which, as president of the community, i made to the international conference on kampuchea held here last july. [number]. the declaration on kampuchea adopted by that conference puts forward a reasonable and practical basis for a settlement of the kampuchean problem. the community endorsed that declaration, which we believe would protect the legitimate rights of all concerned. we call on viet nam to agree to withdraw its forces and join the process of peaceful negotiations set in train at that meeting. the kampucheans must be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination without disruption, intimidation or coercion. [number]. the community members are also very concerned at the continuing denial of the right to self-determination which lies at the root of the problem of namibia. we deeply regret that the settlement leading to the independence of zimbabwe has not been followed by further progress towards a speedy solution of the problems in that region. [number]. the outcome of the pre-implementation meeting on namibia at geneva in january was a great disappointment. we saw no justification for south africa's prevarication. we hope that the renewed efforts of the five western states will succeed in finding an acceptable basis for pursuing negotiations on the implementation of the united nations plan in accordance with security council resolution [number] [number] . this provides the only possibility of a peaceful transition to internationally recognized independence for namibia in accordance with a precise and rapid timetable. [number]. the european community has condemned the south african incursion into angola, the violation of sovereignty and territorial integrity which it has involved, and the loss of life and suffering it has brought. we have demanded the immediate withdrawal of south african forces from angola. [number]. within south africa itself, the community can find little cause for optimism. virtually none of the expectations of worthwhile change in recent years have been fulfilled. reforms promised by the south african government, mostly still not implemented, do not deal with the fundamental problem of the political as well as the social and economic aspirations of blacks, coloreds and asian south africans. [number]. without an early move towards government by consent and the abandonment of the system of apartheid, which we ail abhor, the trend in south africa can only be one of accelerating conflict and violence. the european community appeals with the utmost urgency to those in south africa who can act decisively to face this reality, and to show the imagination, the boldness, and the leadership that are necessary to reach a political solution. in the meantime, the members of the community continue to press south africa to bring about peaceful change in that country. [number]. in this catalog of unsolved problems i am glad to be able to mention one small chink of light. the european community commends the efforts of the secretary general on the question of cyprus. under his auspices the inter-communal talks have been established on a regular basis and conducted in a constructive manner. we have been pleased to note that there have been encouraging developments recently. we earnestly hope that there will be further progress towards a just and lasting solution to this grave problem. [number]. simply to discuss specific crises does not give an adequate impression of the community's approach to the problems facing us all. to be faithful to the principle of reconciliation we must work not just for the resolution of conflicts when they occur, but to lessen the tensions that give rise to them. [number]. europe is fortunate to have been free from war for [number] years, but it is the area where the tension between east and west is felt most strongly. it contains the greatest concentration of military forces in the world. community members recognize the need to lessen tension by maintaining a dialog between east and west. efforts must be intensified to reduce the appallingly high level of armaments on both sides, while maintaining undiminished security for all states. [number]. many of the hopes that we entertained for concrete measures of arms control and disarmament as we entered the [number]'s have been cruelly disappointed. nevertheless, the members of the european community believe that there can be no substitute for painstaking negotiation resulting in agreements which tackle specific problems of arms control in a way which increases confidence and assures the security of all states. [number]. we strongly support negotiations between the united states and the soviet union on the mutual limitation of nuclear forces, and in particular the forthcoming negotiations on theater nuclear forces. success will not be easy. despite the difficulties, we believe that the objective should be to strike the balance at the lowest possible level. nonproliferation of nuclear weapons remains a vital element for the security of us all. [number]. the control of nuclear forces, in europe as in the rest of the world, is only one side of the coin. it is equally important to reduce the size of conventional forces. in europe the negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions continue to work towards that. the members of the european community have also given their full support to the french proposal for a conference on disarmament in europe to negotiate confidence building measures of real military significance, which will be binding, verifiable, and applicable to the whole of europe. we are seeking agreement on this important proposal at the madrid review meeting on the final act of the helsinki conference on security and cooperation in europe, and we remain convinced that confidence-building measures which meet these criteria will make a real contribution to reducing the tensions and dangers of armed conflict. such an approach could be useful in other regions of the world. [number]. the european community's second principle is cooperation. here, duty and inclination point the same way. the community is the world's biggest international trader. the handling of economic questions in harmony goes to the heart of the community's interests. [number]. to draw harmony from a variety of existing instruments is a challenge for the whole world community. the international development strategy, to take one example, is addressed to developed and developing countries alike, and recognizes their mutual interdependence. the greatly increased assistance provided by imf and, especially, the world bank, to take another, deserves acknowledgment and support, and we welcome both, [number]. the current problems of the world economy accentuate the need for cooperation. they do not automatically make it easier. adjustment to slower or negative economic growth, higher energy prices and weaker demand is taking time. inflation, unemployment and interest rates remain high, and exchange markets volatile. the shoe pinches very hard for many countries, especially in the developing world. as was stressed at the european council at its meeting last june, the community is of the opinion that cooperation with developing countries and the intensification of international economic relations serve the interest of all concerned, and that they are necessary not only to strengthen the economies of the developing countries, but also to promote the recovery of the world economy. [number]. we in the community see no room for defeatism. i shall examine some issues which are getting our active attention. [number]. trade is vital if the developing countries are to achieve sustained economic growth. this concept underpins the close and friendly ties we have with the developing countries, reflected in the lome convention [number] the generalized system of preferences and the community's other arrangements. the second lome convention" has further improved the trade advantages extended by the community to the african, caribbean and pacific signatories. it has also made available substantially increased amounts of aid. [number]. meanwhile, the community stands firm for the maintenance of an open trading system and continued resistance to protectionism. gatt has served the international community well. the community attaches importance to the full implementation of the tokyo round. it endorses the broad agreement within gatt that the contracting parties should envisage a ministerial meeting in the coming year to consider the overall condition of world trade. [number]. let there be no doubt, equally, about the importance we attach to official development assistance. we welcome the intense diplomatic activity surrounding the problems of development. despite real budgetary difficulties, we in the community remain committed to the target of [number]. [number] per cent of the gross national product and have accepted the target of [number]. [number] per cent as aid for the least developed countries. the community and its member states individually already provide development assistance worth over [number] billion a year. this is [number] per cent of all aid given to the developing countries, more than half the organization for economic cooperation and development total and six or seven times that given by the countries of eastern europe. we see room for a matching effort here. [number]. the community was pleased to see the progress made at the united nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy at nairobi last month. this was the beginning of a long but vital road. we were closely involved in the preparation of the program of action, and we welcome its adoption. the conference will be seen as a milestone in the search for global solutions to energy problems that affect developed and developing countries alike. [number]. we in the community know full well that the problems of the world economy, which affect us all, create a particular hardship for developing countries, and especially the poorest among them. that is why we welcomed the successful conclusion of the united nations conference on the least developed countries held at paris and will do our best to ensure that it is followed by positive and concrete results which will help the least developed countries to overcome their fundamental problems. [number]. no discussion of the international economy would be complete without a tribute to the efforts of the outgoing president of the general assembly to bring all sides together in order to launch a new round of global negotiations. last june the european council expressed the view that preparations for the new round of global negotiations should be completed as soon as possible and called on the summit conferences in ottawa and cancun to give a positive impetus to those preparations. the community wants to see relations between developed and developing countries take a new and constructive course. [number]. in this connection, we were happy to note that those countries attending the economic summit at ottawa declared themselves ready to participate in a mutually acceptable process of global negotiations in circumstances offering the prospect of meaningful progress. we welcome the recognition at the ottawa summit of the importance of making increased resources available for the purposes of accelerated food production and food security in the developing world. [number]. the cancun summit will provide an exceptional opportunity, and we hope that the exchanges there will be imaginative and spontaneous. a twoday summit cannot achieve miracles, but the discussion could mark an important step forward in mutual understanding and provide a political impetus in the northsouth dialog. the atmosphere of the preparatory meeting for cancun was an encouraging augury. [number]. the third principle which governs the european community's activities on the international stage is the defense of human rights. the community is a group of states founded on a commitment to democratic principles. our citizens participate in a political system which guarantees and respects the fundamental freedoms of the individual. inevitably, therefore, the defense of human rights is a matter of concern to them. [number]. we stand for the promotion and protection of all categories of human rights civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural. we especially condemn cases of torture, detention without trial or arbitrary execution. we think it deplorable that there should still be situations where people disappear without trace, or where they are persecuted on grounds of race or religion, or for defending human rights. [number]. it is now accepted that these and other violations of human rights are a subject of proper and necessary concern for discussion at the united nations. as states members of the united nations we all have the obligation to promote the protection of human rights in our own countries and in the international community as a whole. we shall continue to speak out against violations of human rights in appropriate united nations forums and also at the madrid review meeting of the conference on security and cooperation in europe. [number]. too often in the past the united nations has been unable or has failed for reasons of political expediency to respond to flagrant violations of human rights. this undermines the credibility of the united nations. we must not overlook such violations of human rights no matter where they occur. rather, we should work together to protect the victims and to strengthen the capacity of the united nations to promote respect for human rights. [number]. i hope that i have demonstrated that the european community is a force for peaceful progress in a turbulent and troubled world. we threaten the security of no one. we have no ideology or system that we wish to impose on those of other cultures and traditions. we respect the right of all nations to self-determination and freedom from foreign interference, and we wish to help them in their pursuit of stable economic growth. it is our conviction that among the vast majority of the members of the assembly there is an enormous potential for common understanding and cooperation which could only be for the benefit of all mankind.
in the christian bible, the book of proverbs suggests that mortal men live for threescore and ten years, a number that fairly accurately reflects the current modal life expectancy of the global population. today we have assembled for the seventieth time in the life of the united nations with the legitimate question of whether this imperfect assembly of mortals has seen its best days, or if, by reason of the strength of our principles and actions, we may endure to overcome tomorrow s challenges. saint vincent and the grenadines looks forward to the wise and experienced stewardship of president mogens lykketoft during this seventieth session of the general assembly. president lykketoft, who will celebrate his seventieth birthday during his tenure, can confidently stand on the exceptional works performed by his excellency mr. sam kutesa during last year s session. this year, possibly more than at any point in our modern history, our assembly is beset by global threats and risks that force us to consider the ways in which our core principles of sovereignty and non-interference can overcome today s challenges. borderless menaces such as terrorism, economic crises, contagious diseases and climate change heed neither geopolitical boundaries nor governmental jurisdiction. furthermore, the calamitous fallout of military adventurism, economic recklessness or environmental negligence is not confined to discrete national boundaries. rather, the chickens often return to roost in far-flung, unexpected and often blameless locales. as such, more than ever our international relations must be defined by cooperation, collaboration and decisive action. saint vincent and the grenadines is a small, mountainous archipelago of [number] islands scattered across a shimmering caribbean sea. but the idyll implicit in our verdant peaks and crystal waters is now belied by the grave and gathering threat of climate change. rising and raging seas attack our coastline and infrastructure from beyond our shores, while rains and climate volatility make landslides and deadly flooding a real and increasingly frequent internal threat to lives and livelihoods. the intensifying vulnerability of saint vincent and the grenadines and its neighbouring islands to climate change is clear in the alternating bouts of drought and flooding that have caused hundreds of millions of dollars in loss and damage in my country in successive years. less than two years ago, devastating floods washed away [number] per cent of our fragile gross domestic product and claimed [number] lives. our quest to recover and to make our people whole again is a continuing struggle and one that takes place against a backdrop of hope that we are not soon beset by a similar tragedy. one month ago, tropical storm erika struck our sister island of dominica, a mere [number] miles north of our [number] [number] [number]-[number] [number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] country. the death and destruction wrought by the storm are heartrending and serve as yet another unwanted reminder of the ominous threat of global warming and the precarious nature of our developmental aspirations in the face of an increasingly inhospitable climate. saint vincent and the grenadines and other caribbean countries have joined friendly nations in assisting the commonwealth of dominica in its hour of need. i beseech other countries that have not yet supported this noble effort of relief, recovery and reconstruction to do so with the utmost urgency and generosity. our existential struggles in the face of climate change inform our posture in the frustratingly meandering negotiations to arrive at a legally binding agreement within the parameters of the united nations framework convention on climate change. we are two months away from a deadline for reaching such an agreement at the twenty-first session of the conference of the parties to the convention cop21 in paris, but the precariousness of our global plight is not matched by the ambition of our partners. indeed, the posturing and recalcitrance of some major emitters suggest that cop21 may be yet another empty diplomatic dance that prioritizes process over progress. saint vincent and the grenadines is embracing a green future. we are actively engaged in transitioning from fossil fuels to a renewable mix of solar, hydro and geothermal energy. within the next three years, more than [number] per cent of our electricity needs will be provided by renewable energy. if we could control our climate destiny and insulate ourselves from the recklessness of other emitters, we would approach the future with greater confidence. the aftershocks and repercussions of the global economic and financial crisis continue to convulse developing nations. the crisis casts a shadow on our collective efforts to achieve the millennium development goals and shrouds our newly adopted sustainable development goals in uncertainty. the measure of our recovery is not the health of corporations or the rate of jobless economic growth, but the ways in which we have reformed our financial architecture and the reordering of priorities that places people and the alleviation of poverty at the centre of our developmental discourse. the late united states president john f. kennedy once said that if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. the fortress of wealth is not impregnable to the growing unrest and instability born of crushing poverty. our failure to address and assault global poverty in this era of excess and innovation stands as the most stinging rebuke to our existing system of crass commercialism and unfettered corporate profiteering. in an assembly shaped by the desire to end global wars, we must remember gandhi s admonition that poverty is the worst form of violence. we cannot simply pay lip service to people s right to development. instead, that right must emerge as the driving force in this assembly s senior years. the roots of modern poverty and underdevelopment are deep and diverse. but even the most casual student of history will acknowledge the debilitating and continuing impacts of native genocide and the institution of slavery on caribbean states. they constitute in the aggregate an awesome legacy of underdevelopment, a historic bundle of wrongs to be righted. i reiterate the united call of the caribbean community for reparatory justice from the major participants in and beneficiaries of the transatlantic slave trade. our quest for justice is supported by the [number] members of the community of latin american and caribbean states and numerous progressive nations globally. the fate of our indigenous peoples and the legacies of slavery and colonial exploitation are neither partisan political talking points nor historical afterthoughts. they are an ever-present modern reality whose redress remains a noise in our blood and an echo in our bones. these issues must form part of the post- [number] development conversation, and also a part of our combined efforts to uplift the international decade for people of african descent. it pains me that i must yet again speak, and demand appropriate redress, on the subject of the retroactive stripping of citizenship of persons of haitian descent born in the dominican republic and their forcible deportation to haiti, a country to which many of these victims have only a vague ancestral connection. we in the caribbean community are pledged to work with our caribbean family in the dominican republic to assist in ending this tragedy at the heart of our caribbean civilization, but the authorities of the dominican republic must demonstrate a good faith not merely in words but in deeds. we in saint vincent and the grenadines cannot remain silent or indifferent in the face of this gross violation of human rights. this not a migration issue of the type that is currently engulfing the european union. at its core, this is an international [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] human rights issue of the gravest kind upon which the united nations must pronounce unambiguously. seventy years ago, the united nations was founded with a central goal of saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war the very first principle enunciated in our charter. today, wars and rumours of wars continue to bring untold sorrow to mankind. too often these wars are the product of great power arrogance and decisions based not on fact but on wishful ideological impulses. the results of these actions and inactions almost invariably exacerbate underlying conflicts and produce unwanted global repercussions. international terrorism threatens us all and requires concerted international cooperation. anti-terrorist intervention must not be shaped by which side of a border the terrorist armies happen to encamp or one s ideological affinity for the governments most threatened by these barbaric hordes. we have already learned that modern terrorism, wherever it takes root, can threaten peace and prosperity in any corner of the globe. stamping it out must be a shared and pressing priority. diplomacy ought to be most active in averting conflict and defusing disagreements. within the zone of peace that encompasses latin america and the caribbean, saint vincent and the grenadines is concerned at the sharpening of rhetoric between our long-time friends and allies in guyana and the bolivarian republic of venezuela. their border dispute, which dates back to the nineteenth century, has long been constrained by the ties of brotherhood, solidarity and international cooperation. accordingly, we call for renewed and reinvigorated diplomatic engagement in the management and ultimate resolution of this vexing issue. the maintenance and restoration of international peace and security have been the responsibility of the security council for the last [number] years. the security council, more than any other body delineated in our charter, is unmistakably in a period of doddering dotage, unable to act with the nimbleness or decisiveness necessary to meet modern challenges. the necessity of reform and rebirth, which is acute in any institution entering its eighth decade, is particularly pressing in the case of the security council. for too long, reform efforts have fallen victim to the geopolitical ambitions of entrenched council members and the regional rivalries of legitimate aspirants. this must end. we must ensure that. similarly, the important and indispensable work of united nations peacekeepers throughout the world must be above reproach. the united nations must claim responsibility not only for its successes but also for its occasional grave failures. our collective sanctimony rings hollow when the united nations shirks its undeniable responsibility for spreading cholera in haiti, to the tune of [number], [number] deaths and more than [number], [number] hospitalized. legal loopholes cannot mask moral responsibility in this case. nor can we condemn sexual violence as a war crime while shrugging off the unacceptable actions of some united nations peacekeepers in the central african republic. our assembly has a responsibility to be open and transparent to meet these sporadic failings head on and to offer redress to all victims of peacekeeper negligence or aggression. on wednesday, tomorrow, i will stand a few metres away from where i am speaking today to witness the raising of the flag of the state of palestine alongside other states flags in the united nations compound. the decision to fly the palestinian flag here at the united nations, adopted by an overwhelming majority of member states, is an unmistakable endorsement of a true two-state solution with a viable and safe palestine living alongside its neighbours in a secure israel. but the symbolic nature of next week s ceremony is no substitute for continued action to make that two-state solution a reality. with each passing day, realities on the ground make such a solution increasingly difficult. though the conflict between the states of israel and palestine are undeniably complex, they are not beyond the capacity of the parties and the international community to resolve, and we must do so. and we must help in doing so. the assembly s unambiguous position on palestine is reminiscent of our long-standing and overwhelming opposition to the united states commercial and economic embargo against the people of the republic of cuba. the embargo has persisted for [number] of the [number] years that the united nations has been in existence, and its toll is measured in billions of dollars, hundreds of lives and countless developmental opportunities lost. this year, presidents obama and castro have demonstrated laudable courage in working together to move past years of enmity and mutual mistrust. but the welcome d tente between the two countries has not yet led to a lifting of the embargo. there is much more to be done to unshackle the cuban people from [number] [number] [number]-[number] [number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] the chains of an unjust, illegal and plainly outmoded blockade. our collective pressure, so critical to the belated rapprochement, cannot waver. instead, we must intensify our calls for the complete lifting of this anachronism, and to make whole this rupture in our hemispheric family. this seventieth year of the united nations must therefore be a year of not only action but also inclusion, outreach and redress of calcified injustices. as such, we must move beyond our inexplicable exclusion of taiwan from the work of the specialized agencies of the united nations. the perspective, experience and example of taiwan as an active and responsible global citizen are self-evident arguments in support of their greater inclusion and participation. taiwan s continued exclusion can be neither explained nor justified by any rational and forward-looking global gathering. in this, our seventieth year, let us pledge ourselves to liberate our nations and our global family from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation and warfare to emancipate ourselves from the mental slavery of discrimination and learned helplessness to unshackle our policies from the narrow nationalism and imperialist ambition that constrains the limitless possibilities of the human spirit. as nations and peoples we have choices. in the [number] years of this assembly s life we have sometimes chosen unilateralism. many have chosen militarism. many have chosen, too, to defer and dissemble. today, as we look towards a complex and uncertain future, let us instead choose love love of our fellow human beings, love of our planet, and an abiding love not of problems but of their practical solutions. for with love, faith, works and hope all things are possible, including a further [number] years for the better of this remarkably important global gathering. we are all labouring in this vineyard. we must have the labour of love, of love, of love.
allow me at the outset to extend to mr. mogens lykketoft my warm congratulations on his election to the high office of president of the general assembly at its seventieth session. he assumes this office at an historic moment when the united nations has just adopted an ambitious agenda for the future of humankind. the task ahead needs all hands on deck and he can count on our cooperation and support during his presidency. i wish to commend mr. sam kutesa, a distinguished son of africa, for the dynamism with which he steered this body over the past year. we particularly appreciated his leadership in promoting inclusive dialogue and seeking consensus on the many sensitive issues that he presided over during his tenure of office. the theme of this session the united nations at [number] the road ahead for peace, security and human rights aptly complements the deliberations of the summit meeting on the post-[number] development agenda. it is our expectation that the united nations will draw from its seven decades of experiences to give birth to a new era of peace, equality and justice, a new era that recognizes and fosters the commonality of our common fate through renewed international cooperation and solidarity. the african union welcomes the priorities the president has proposed, for they go in tandem with our own development plan, the agenda [number], which recognizes the intrinsic and inextricable linkages between peace, security, development and the full realization of human rights. the african union constitutive act recognizes that while peace and security are imperative for our progress, conflict is a major impediment to the socio- economic advancement and integration of the continent. consequently, the common african position on the post-[number] development agenda designates peace and security as one of its six key pillars. it is a top priority for us. the prevalence of peace not only creates conditions conducive to development, but also ensures that the maximum possible resources can be dedicated to development programmes and projects. we welcome and encourage the continued cooperation between the united nations and the african union, principally through the latter s peace and security council, in advancing peace and security in africa. in january, the leaders of the african union adopted agenda [number] as our continent s plan to accelerate deepened economic integration of our countries and regions. its main objective is to improve the well- being of the continent s citizenry through sustained and balanced economic growth. at the african union summit in pretoria, south africa, in june this year we agreed on the agenda s first [number]-year development plan. during these initial [number] years, the flagship programmes will include the creation of a continental free-trade area, an african centre for disease control, a pan-africa university of science and technology to develop skills for the value addition and beneficiation of the continent s vast mineral resources, a single aviation market, a high-speed train, and a pan-african e-network. the successful implementation of agenda [number] calls not just for the commitment of african stakeholders but also for the support and engagement of partners beyond the borders of our continent. africa is not looking for handouts. rather it is looking for partners in massive infrastructure development, in creating and exploiting the value chains from its god-given natural resources, and in improving the quality of life of the continent s citizens. the entire world stands to benefit more from an economically empowered african continent than from one emasculated by deprivation and with an over- dependence on others. adaptation to change is the most crucial ingredient for the vibrancy and effectiveness of any organization, including the united nations. while the world has drastically changed since [number], the united nations, and indeed the global governance architecture, remains mired in a long bygone era. this archaic hierarchy among nations threatens to erode the confidence and support that the united nations commands among the majority, but disadvantaged, of its membership. we are disappointed that we have lost the opportunity of this anniversary to address this burning issue of security council reform in a manner that satisfies the just demands and expectations of the majority among us. i wish to reiterate our strong attachment to africa s common position on security council reform contained in the ezulwini consensus and the sirte declaration. i call on all genuine friends of africa and all those who value justice, fairness and democracy to support africa s just and reasonable proposals. we equally call for the revitalization of the general assembly, the sole universally representative and democratic organ of the united nations, so that it can effectively carry out its charter-mandated responsibilities. accordingly, we fully support the call for inclusivity and transparency in selecting our organization s secretary-general by ensuring that the general assembly plays a more significant role in that process. after all, the secretary-general is at the service of all the member states, and not only that of an exclusive, privileged few. respecting and upholding human rights is the obligation of all states and is enshrined in the united nations charter. nowhere does the charter arrogate the right to some to sit in judgement over others in carrying out this universal obligation. in that regard, we reject the politicization of this important issue and the application of double standards to victimize those who dare think and act independently of the self-anointed prefects of our time. we equally reject attempts to prescribe new rights that are contrary to our values, norms, traditions and beliefs. we are not gays. cooperation and respect for each other will advance the cause of human rights worldwide confrontation, vilification and double standards will not. self-determination and independence are intrinsic and fundamental rights that should be enjoyed by all peoples everywhere, without distinction. we are deeply concerned by the continued denial of this basic right to the saharan people. we urge the united nations to expeditiously finalize what must be done to conclude the decolonization of the western sahara. in the middle east, the suffering of the palestinian people continues unabated. what does mr. obama say about that? we reiterate our unwavering support for the just cause of the palestinian people. do we agree, mr. united states? we also reiterate that lasting peace in the middle east can be achieved only through negotiations to achieve a two-state solution based on the pre-[number] borders. we are concerned at the increase in tensions in that region and urge the united nations to assume its responsibility and bring an end to this senseless conflict. the promotion of gender equality is critical for the realization of the post-[number] development agenda. the african union has designated [number] as the year of women s empowerment and development towards agenda [number] in order to mobilize our individual and collective actions around this key issue. gender equality and women s empowerment are central to the achievement of human development, progress and the elimination of the scourge of poverty and deprivation. we must continue to build upon the achievements that have been realized since the [number] fourth world conference on women and the beijing declaration and platform for action. the growing list of phenomena that neither respect nor know any borders makes it imperative that we mobilize all mechanisms for cooperation to effectively overcome them. terrorism and extremist violence, communicable diseases such as hiv and aids, tuberculosis, malaria, bird flu, and ebola cannot be overcome single-handedly. the united nations and its specialized agencies are the place and the mechanism for this indispensable and necessary cooperation. for some months now, we have watched heartbreaking and harrowing scenes of desperate refugees seeking to enter europe in search of safety and shelter from the ravages of conflict in their own homelands. we have also read of the tragedy and loss of life in the mediterranean. the majority of the affected people are from syria or from other countries devastated by conflict and instability, induced in great part by the destabilizing policies of external forces. this tragic situation could have been avoided through respect for the independence of other countries and non-interference in their internal affairs. in the case of libya, we are witnessing the results of abusing the authority of the security council and ignoring the opinion of regional organizations, in this instance the african union, that are supposed to be the partners of the united nations in the maintenance of international peace and security. my country, zimbabwe, is committed to a fair, just and effective united nations in which multilateralism, inclusivity and transparency replace unilateralism, exclusion and back-room deals. the charter of the united nations is built on the bedrock of the sovereign equality and independence of its members, without distinction as to their geographical size, economic might or any other endowments or qualifications. we are deeply attached to these principles and call on other members of the united nations to be similarly disposed. the united nations was set up, among other purposes, to develop friendly relations among nations . zimbabwe desires and is committed to nurturing friendly relations with other nations, but it cannot tolerate interference in its domestic affairs. we invite other countries with which we may have differences of whatever nature including the united states and the nato powers to eschew threats, pressures and punitive actions in favour of reconciliation, friendship and dialogue. i therefore denounce in the strongest terms the illegal sanctions that are imposed on my country by the european union and the united states of america and call for their immediate and unconditional removal. we do not know what wrong we have done to the united states. i would kindly ask it to leave us free and independent to do our own thing. once more, i put on record that my country is desirous to live in harmony with all countries big and small. we have peace in zimbabwe just now. we do not want war. we do not want interference. we do not want to hear of regime change at all. the seventieth anniversary of our organization has been marked by the adoption of a far-reaching agenda that has the potential to drastically transform our world in all aspects. we are under no illusion about the challenges that lie ahead, but we are not discouraged, either. humankind has, over the epochs, demonstrated an immense tenacity in overcoming inertia and resistance to change. now is our time to leave our own positive mark on the history of human development and interaction. posterity expects no less from us.
at the outset, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you warmly, mr. president, and, through you, your friendly country uganda upon your election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-ninth session. i take this opportunity to wish you luck and success in the noble mission entrusted to you, and i affirm the kingdom of bahrain s support for your judicious proposal regarding the formulation and adoption of a post-[number] development agenda that will build on past achievements in the context of the millennium development goals mdgs for the well- being of all people. it would be remiss of me not to commend your predecessor, ambassador john ashe, for his excellent conduct of the work of the assembly during its sixty- eighth session and his outstanding and successful efforts. we also greatly appreciate the efforts of secretary- general ban ki-moon to revitalize and strengthen the organization s role and to realize its objectives in all fields. i commend the report he introduced earlier in the current session on the work of the organization a [number] [number] . it demonstrates the daunting responsibility assumed by our organization in creating an environment conducive to seeking appropriate solutions to the problems and challenges that we all face. the inaugural statement by the secretary-general at the opening of the general debate see a [number] pv. [number] shed light on a number of the challenges facing us, including climate change, the spread of diseases, particularly the ebola epidemic in west africa, the aggravated refugee problem, the propagation of extremism, policies of exclusion, violence, violations of human rights, particularly those affecting women, and issues related to health, education and food security. my country supports the secretary-general s urgent call to conclude a global climate agreement at the forthcoming lima and paris conferences and stresses the importance of the green climate fund, designed to mitigate the effects of climate change. it is a matter of particular pride for me to mention the vigorous efforts undertaken by the kingdom of bahrain and the resulting successes in countering the numerous challenges and instability currently facing the region. as classified by the united nations development programme undp [number] human development report which is based on objective statistical criteria regarding, first and foremost, health care, education, per capita income and the equality of women the kingdom of bahrain is ranked among the countries with very high human development . that is a status achieved through persistent hard work, and we will endeavour to maintain it. those goals, however, have never been an end in themselves. the principal objective is to achieve the well-being of bahraini citizens and to protect all those who live within the borders of the kingdom, an oasis of security and calm enjoyed equally by all. i am pleased to recall in that context the award bestowed on his majesty king hamad bin isa al-khalifa by the foundation for coexistence among religions in recognition of his majesty s outstanding contributions in the field of dialogue among civilizations and cultures. i also note that the fourteenth conference on all civilizations in the service of humanity was held in manama in early may under the high-level patronage of his majesty the king and with the participation of the united nations and a distinguished group of thinkers, scholars and opinion-makers. the conference adopted the bahrain declaration, which has been circulated and deposited as an official document of the united nations a [number] [number], annex . additionally, i would like to mention his majesty s initiative to establish an arab human rights tribunal. the initiative has been approved by all states members of the league of arab states, and the statute has been adopted. i would also like to mention the launch in bahrain in november [number] of the undp report water governance in the arab region, which calls for the adoption of a joint arab water-management strategy. the kingdom of bahrain has continued to play an energetic role in the united nations system, where it seeks to further progress through gradual and steady reform and modernization along the lines envisaged by his majesty the king. such reform would be based on a strategy of common denominators, continuous and open dialogue and a national exchange of views the same strategy as led to the early achievement of the millennium development goals. accordingly, the strategies and preparations for the post-[number] development agenda are also based on tireless work, determination, persistence, good faith and comprehensive planning and are aimed at promoting continual and enhanced progress and serving the interests of the kingdom s citizens and residents alike. our region is going through a phase of extreme difficulty probably the most difficult in its modern history in which a climate of instability, chaos, tension and savage, bloody and unprecedented terrorism prevails. of the many contributing factors, the most salient are the following. first, the accelerated emergence of terrorist groups of various global dimensions and affiliations. they thrive in our region, exhibiting the greatest savagery and callousness. not only do they target innocent people in general, they also engage in such inhumane practices as mass murder, public beheadings and the persecution of ethnic and religious minorities, which they displace, destroying their cultural heritage, depriving them of religious freedom and causing them to flee their homes. they attack entire cities and declare war on sovereign countries in regional and international settings, in complete disregard of all religious doctrines and the intrinsic human values tolerance, equality, moderation and respect for cultural diversity that have enabled human civilizations, including our arab and islamic civilization, to coexist. these terrorist groups they include al-qaida, the islamic state in iraq and the levant isil and hizbullah, and their extensions and counterparts recruit their fighters from both east and west and perpetrate horrific terrorist acts. the young and the old alike are killed, women are taken as war bounty, families are displaced and privacy is violated, the objective being to undermine security, propagate anarchy and topple regimes. therefore, combating terrorist groups requires us to work together in three main areas. the first of these is the security and military area, owing to the worsening threat posed by these terrorist groups as they acquire heavy weapons, enabling them to occupy cities for use as safe havens and bases from which to launch the terrorist operations that disrupt the stability and security of our region. we share a common responsibility with friendly countries and our allies is to eradicate the terrorist group of isil. to that end, our air force, in collaboration with these countries, has targeted a number of isil positions. we welcome security council resolution [number] [number] , adopted on [number] september, which focuses on stopping the recruitment of foreign terrorist fighters. also, we continue to closely monitor borders and exit and entry points so as to stop citizens of the kingdom from contacting or joining terrorist groups and to arrest and prosecute all those who have allegedly been affiliated to them as soon as they return to the country. secondly, we must combat all ideology that runs counter to human nature and betrays true islam by distorting its precepts. muslim clerics and scholars can play an important part in counteracting such distortion. we therefore call on all muslim scholars to expose and disown ideas that are not related to islam in any way, and we appreciate their playing a leading role in that respect. it is imperative to stand together in the face of the ideas propagated by the terrorist groups. thirdly, we must deal with financing, as it constitutes the lifeline of the terrorist groups, enabling them to perpetrate their barbaric acts, purchase weapons and influence some young people. in that connection, the kingdom of bahrain will convene a high-level international conference during the first week of november to consider the financing of terrorism, how best to combat such financing and how to deprive terrorism of its sources of finance. we firmly believe that preventing the financing of terrorism will significantly contribute to overcoming terrorism and to eradicating it. the second challenge to the security and stability of our region is that of political expansionism and attempts to impose hegemony, in disregard of the sovereignty of states, and to interfere in their internal affairs. all the countries of the region, without exception, have suffered from such issues as a result of attempts to export seditious revolutions and to train terrorists in violation of international law and the principles of the united nations. such attempts represent an ideology that is archaic in its political dimension and in its defiance of the values and principles enshrined in numerous international instruments. one form of such interference is the exploitation of the media, in particular satellite television channels and social media, which are misused in order to distort facts and to cause instability in the region. we condemn such illegal and illegitimate practices, which contravene international values and principles. i would like to point out what the republic of yemen endures. with each step that it takes forward, terrorist groups rush to pursue their criminal objectives by undermining its stability and security. the kingdom of bahrain reaffirms its support for president abdrabuh mansour hadi mansour and his tireless efforts to strengthen the national consensus achieved through a comprehensive national dialogue on the basis of the gulf cooperation council initiative and the relevant security council resolutions. turning to iraq, which has suffered from flagrant interference, insecurity, hegemony and anarchy, we see some hope in the positive developments in the country. we are pleased to welcome the election of president fuad masum and the establishment of the new government under prime minister haider al-abadi. we hope that such a development will enhance the political and development processes, thereby contributing to the consolidation of iraq s security and stability, the preservation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity and the strengthening of its links with its fellow arabs in the region where it naturally belongs. the conflict in syria becomes more complex and more acute every year. innocent civilians are paying the ultimate price and losing their lives, property and dignity. the humanitarian situation deteriorates daily in the absence of a comprehensive political solution to safeguard the lives of the syrian people and to extricate that beloved country from its protracted suffering through a comprehensive political process aimed at achieving reform and political plurality. with regard to the humanitarian aspect, we reiterate that it is necessary to overcome all impediments to the delivery of humanitarian assistance to those in need, in accordance with the relevant security council resolutions. in that respect, i wish to express my country s great appreciation for the humanity shown by the sisterly hashemite kingdom of jordan in hosting and delivering assistance to syrian refugees. we also appreciate the humanitarian role played by turkey and lebanon, as well as by the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees. with regard to the arab republic of egypt, the kingdom of bahrain welcomes the democratic development that has taken place in that country and the implementation of the road map through the establishment of a constitution that reflects the will of the egyptian people. we also welcome the presidential elections and the ongoing preparations for the holding of legislative elections so as to complete the state institutions under the constitution. the kingdom of bahrain reiterates its complete condemnation of any interference in the internal affairs of egypt. we support the efforts of president abdel fattah al sisi and the steps that he has taken to combat terrorism, to preserve the security and stability of egypt and to pursue its strategic and active role at the arab, regional and international levels. in that regard, i would like to commend the initiative taken by the custodian of the two holy mosques, king abdullah bin abdulaziz al-saud, king of the kingdom of saudi arabia, in announcing the convening of an egyptian economic summit in support of egypt and its economic development. we reiterate the historical, principled and constant position of the kingdom of bahrain in solidarity with the kingdom of morocco and our full support for its initiatives with regard to self-government for the moroccan sahara within moroccan sovereignty and territorial integrity, in accordance with international legitimacy. with regard to libya, the kingdom of bahrain wishes to express its grave concern about the deteriorating security situation as a result of the violent acts perpetrated by terrorist groups and the repercussions of such acts on the stability of neighbouring countries. the kingdom of bahrain supports the legitimate constitutional institutions represented by the elected house of representatives and welcomes the establishment of the new government under mr. abdallah al-thani. we hope that such a development will help to establish security and stability and to preserve the unity and territorial integrity of that sisterly country. in view of our keen interest in striving to achieve our principal goal, namely, to protect humankind from the scourge of war, conflict and disaster and to condemn attempts at hegemony and destabilization, we reiterate our call to make the middle east, including the arab gulf region, a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons. on the basis of that principle, we support the efforts of the p5 [number] to promptly find a solution to the issue of the iranian nuclear programme, in accordance with the provisions of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and the convention on nuclear safety, without prejudice to the use of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. such use is a natural right of all states under the international safeguards system. the third and last challenge is the illegal occupation of the territory of other states in breach of the principles of international law and the charter of the united nations, as demonstrated by israel s violation of all international laws, agreements and decisions and its targeting of the palestinian people by confiscating their land, by building or expanding settlements thereon and by imposing blockades on them. such violations found their ugliest expression in the most recent criminal aggression against the gaza strip, which resulted in tremendous damage and caused the death of more than [number], [number] martyrs, the displacement of a great number of palestinians and the destruction of infrastructure. i would like to recall the words of president mahmoud abbas in his statement before the general assembly, his request that international protection be provided to the palestinian people and their territories under occupation and his demand that israel abide by the fourth geneva convention of [number] see a [number] pv. [number] . it is imperative to have a specific time frame for an end to the israeli occupation and to achieve the aspirations of the palestinian people for the establishment of an independent palestinian state on all its territory within the boundaries of [number] june [number], with east jerusalem as its capital, as stipulated under the arab peace initiative and the two-state solution, in accordance with international legitimacy and the relevant united nations resolutions. in that context, we commend the pivotal role played by the arab republic of egypt in order to reach a ceasefire in gaza. we greatly appreciate its hosting, in cooperation with the kingdom of norway, an international conference in support of palestine and the reconstruction of the gaza strip next month. we also commend the important role of the united nations relief and works agency for palestine refugees in the near east. with regard to the occupation by the islamic republic of iran of the three islands greater tunb, lesser tunb and abu musa, which belong to the united arab emirates, the kingdom of bahrain reiterates its consistent position condemning that occupation. we call on iran to heed the efforts of the united arab emirates to resolve the issue through direct negotiations or through the arbitration of the international court of justice. those are the key challenges facing our region. if we overcome them, it will be relatively easy for us, within our common responsibilities, to address the international challenges that the secretary-general described in his statement, to which i referred at the beginning of my statement. if we focus on those very serious issues, we will be on the right path towards true sustainable development and the necessary reform to meet the aspirations of all peoples. notwithstanding the challenges that we all face, the kingdom of bahrain will always remain committed to moving forward on the path of development, reform and positive interaction with the international community in order to achieve our aspirations and objectives. in that respect, the kingdom of bahrain, in line with its firm approach towards reform under the leadership of his majesty the king, will continue to work for the upholding of the rule of law, pluralism and active political participation. we look forward to the elections to be held on [number] november, so as to consolidate all our achievements. in conclusion, i would like to underscore the fact that in the kingdom of bahrain our choices are clear. our vision is comprehensive and our strategy complementary to and in line with our gulf, arab and international contexts. the kingdom always seeks to promote stability, peace, security, development and the protection of human rights. it rejects and condemns terrorism, violence and hatred and works for a society in which harmony and consensus prevail for the benefit of all and for the establishment of a promising future full of opportunity and achievement for all future generations.
it is with the greatest pleasure that i congratulate my colleague from uruguay, didier opertti, on his election to the presidency of this session of the general assembly. in his election i see the recognition of the role played internationally by the republic of uruguay, an ibero-american country and a friend of portugal, as well as our appreciation and our confidence that his personal, intellectual and professional qualities will result in success in our work. i would also like to pay tribute to the outgoing president, hennadiy y. udovenko, for the dedicated and competent manner in which he steered the work of the general assembly at its fifty-second session. to the secretary-general, kofi annan, i renew my tribute for the remarkable manner in which he has been carrying out his difficult functions during a period in which the united nations is increasingly called upon to intervene in many aspects of international life. i would like to dwell upon some questions of particular importance to my country, beginning with those of a political nature, including africa. i recall that my austrian colleague has already addressed the assembly on behalf of the [number] states members of the european union. when releasing last april his excellent report on the causes of conflict and the promotion of lasting peace and sustainable development in africa, the secretary-general did not hesitate to qualify as colossal s [number] [number], para. [number] the scale of the human tragedy that persists in parts of the african continent, which has been devastated by the conflicts that have affected a number of states since the end of the cold war. within its possibilities and in accordance with the historical, cultural and social ties that bind it to many regions and countries of africa, portugal continues to make efforts towards helping overcome those conflicts by peaceful means and towards the promotion of economic development, social progress and good governance, which are indispensable for their eradication. i would like to underline the readiness portugal has shown to participate in united nations peacekeeping missions, particularly in africa. by way of example, i recall the role played by portuguese forces within the framework of the peace [number] process in mozambique, and in the ongoing united nations missions in angola, in western sahara and, most recently, in the central african republic, as well as in the evacuation operations undertaken in the democratic republic of the congo and in guinea-bissau. i must express here the very serious concern of my country at the situation in angola, a country to which we are bound by so many and such deep ties. the signs of rupture are becoming more dangerously evident in the peace process, which has proceeded with such difficulty. the refusal by the uni o nacional para a independ ncia total de angola unita to comply fully with the obligations of the lusaka protocol, which it freely signed, with regard to its demilitarization and transformation into a political party, and its obstruction of the normalization of state administration contribute to the resort to military options outside the framework of the negotiated solutions adopted by the international community. as a member of the troika of observer countries to the angolan peace process and as one of countries that contributed most to the united nations angola verification mission unavem and to the united nations observer mission in angola monua , portugal remains committed to promoting concord in angola in close cooperation with the united nations and, in particular, with the new special representative of the secretary-general, mr. issa diallo, whose difficult mission should be helped and supported. we are, however, fully aware of the fact that all the diplomatic efforts will be in vain if those responsible in angola do not have an effective will for peace. the government and unita must assume their responsibilities to the angolan people, whose right to peace, security and well-being is legitimate and inalienable. we appeal, once again, for the lusaka protocol to be respected, and in particular appeal to unita to assure immediately the protocol? s implementation, in strict accordance with the terms that have been demanded of it by the security council. the gains of a multi-party system in angola must not be jeopardized. its participants, particularly having endorsed peace and national reconciliation, must not see the erection of barriers to the respective mandates, and all must be given the conditions of security necessary to face the reconstruction of the country. the secretary-general deserves our full support in continuing to promote all the necessary responses that the gravity of the situation requires from the international community. guinea-bissau a friend of portugal with which we also share many varied and strong affinities has since june been the site of a conflict that has had grave human, economic and social consequences for its people. at the express request of the parties to the conflict, portugal and the community of portuguese-speaking countries cplp which is principally made up of african countries, and has among its main goals the political and diplomatic coordination of its members? policies carried out from the start mediation efforts designed to stop the fighting, obtain a negotiated solution to the conflict and bring humanitarian assistance to the population of guinea-bissau. at no time was it possible to doubt the legitimate intentions that led the cplp, of which guinea-bissau is a founding member, to respond to the request made to it. the cplp? s intervention aligned itself with that of the economic community of west african states ecowas , eventually permitting the signature of a ceasefire agreement between the government and the military junta, which opened the way to a negotiated settlement of the conflict. still on the african continent, a word is also due on the events in the democratic republic of the congo. we defend unequivocally the need to respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of that vast country, whose stability is strategically essential to the region in which it is located. we support unconditionally the african peace initiatives that seek a negotiated and peaceful solution to the complex political problems of the democratic republic of the congo, which are at the heart of the conflict and cannot and should not have a solution based on the use of force or on the presence of foreign military forces. notwithstanding continued difficulties, we still believe in a democratic, free and prosperous future for africa. we are therefore committed to bringing to fruition the initiative we launched in [number] to hold a summit between the european union and africa, which is now scheduled for [number]. we therefore welcomed with satisfaction the decision taken by the most recent organization of african unity oau summit in ouagadougou to endorse that initiative. i would now like to refer to another source of serious and justified concern for the international community, this time on the european continent the crisis in kosovo, which jeopardizes peace and stability in the [number] balkans and is producing heavy human losses, in terms of deaths, injuries, internally displaced persons and refugees. there can be no doubt as to who bears the primary responsibility for the eruption of the current crisis. the adoption a few minutes ago by the security council of a resolution co-sponsored by portugal is a clear signal of the determination of the international community and cannot be ignored by those to whom it is addressed. portugal welcomes the constructive spirit that dominated the most recent round of ministerial talks on the question of east timor, held under the auspices of the secretary-general, whose efforts at mediation, as well as those of his special representative, ambassador marker and his collaborators, i would especially like to congratulate. i believe i can, for the first time, say that effective and promising steps have been taken towards creating the conditions to achieve a just, comprehensive and internationally acceptable solution to this problem, with full respect for the legitimate rights of the east timorese people, in accordance with the principles of the charter and the relevant resolutions of the united nations. while safeguarding the basic positions of principle of the parties, it was agreed to negotiate for east timor a wide-ranging autonomy that we wish to see rest on genuinely democratic and participatory rules for its people, who, it is hoped, will progressively establish an ample degree of self-government. it was also agreed to associate more closely the east timorese whose will, freely expressed in accordance with their legitimate right to self- determination, will be essential to validate any definitive solution to the question with the process of negotiations under way, entrusting the secretary-general with the responsibility of promoting that wide consultation. it is necessary now to achieve tangible progress with regard to the more critical aspects of the situation in the territory, such as the reduction of the indonesian military presence, the release of all east timorese political prisoners, including xanana gusmao, and the monitoring by the united nations of the evolution of the situation on the ground. we believe that we are still at a turning point. nothing substantial has yet been settled or guaranteed. that is why we consider it essential that the international community continue to follow closely the evolution of this process in its varied aspects, so that the goal of finally enabling the people of east timor to enjoy a future of freedom, peace and security is not delayed any further. in just over a year, on [number] december [number], the territory of macao, currently under portuguese administration, will return to the sovereignty of the people? s republic of china, in fulfilment of the terms of the luso-chinese joint declaration of [number] april [number]. the transition process has been carried out in a constructive and pragmatic climate, reflecting the good relations that exist between the two countries. we are convinced that this climate will persist until the end, thus guaranteeing a transfer of power conducive to the future stability and prosperity of macao, while respecting its autonomy and uniqueness. as a short note on the question of official development assistance, i would like to put on record that, according to data on [number] recently issued by the organisation for economic cooperation and development oecd , portugal was the donor that registered the largest increase in this type of aid [number]. [number] per cent. within the framework of the international year of the oceans, portugal dedicated the last world exposition of this century expo ? [number] to the theme the oceans a heritage for the future , attempting in this manner to contribute to a progressive enlightenment of humanity with regard to the risks and challenges related to the preservation of the oceans. still in this area, portugal has participated actively in various activities undertaken in the context of the united nations, namely at the level of the intergovernmental oceanographic commission of the united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization unesco and the independent world commission on the oceans. in fact, portugal was granted the honour of the presidency of the latter, in the person of dr. mario soares, and its work led to the adoption of the report approved in lisbon at the beginning of this month, which appeals for a democratic, equitable and peaceful management of the ocean . . . our future , and which will be submitted to the general assembly. portugal is a non-permanent member of the security council until the end of this year. we have sought to contribute effectively to the strengthening of the council? s authority and the effectiveness of its action, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the charter. on the other hand, increasing the transparency and democratic nature of its functioning is essential to us, allowing, in this way, non-members to better follow the work of the council. [number] this year, as we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights, none can purport to defend international law and legitimacy while ignoring the fulfilment of those fundamental rights. terrorism is one of the most perverse forms of human rights violation, and a coordinated international effort to combat it is urgently required. i should like to mention that portugal is a candidate for membership in the commission on human rights, for a mandate that will begin in january [number] and that will coincide with the portuguese presidency of the european union. in an era of globalization of markets, information, circulation of people and cultural exchange we also have a duty to include in the international agenda the globalization of human rights. this will be the best tribute we can pay to the universal declaration that was issued [number] years ago.
at the outset, i have the honour to convey the warm greetings of his majesty the king and the people of bhutan. i congratulate the president on his election as president of the general assembly at its seventy-first session and assure him of my delegation s full support in the discharge of his responsibilities. his distinguished predecessor, mr. morgens lykketoft, deserves our special appreciation for the excellent manner with which he steered the work of the seventieth session. we meet at a time defined by breakthrough agreements. the [number] agenda for sustainable development, the addis ababa action agenda on financing for development and the paris agreement on climate change stand as testimonies to our collective resolve to advance peace, security, human rights and sustainable development. those agreements underscore our commitment to multilateralism and serve as a reaffirmation of our faith in the purposes and principles of the united nations. together they present a historic opportunity to secure the collective hopes and aspirations of humankind. we have undoubtedly made a good start on that monumental journey. however, let us be clear that many serious global challenges persist. we continue to witness wanton acts of terrorism and protracted conflicts that undermine the security, well-being and human rights of millions of people. terrorism is the most flagrant violation of human rights, and we strongly condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. it afflicts many nations and peoples, and the imperative to redouble international cooperation to combat that scourge is vital and urgent. over the past five years, at least [number] major conflicts have erupted around the world. today we are witnesses to the largest displacement of people fleeing violence and conflict since the founding of the united nations. the value of the arms trade and global military expenditures has exceeded cold-war levels. the current stockpile of nuclear weapons is enough to destroy our planet hundreds of times over. that unimaginable destructive power still looms as a grave threat. all of those facts serve as an acute reminder that our quest for peace and security remains unfulfilled. on the development front, significant gaps and challenges to successfully achieving the sustainable development goals sdgs confront us. for instance, the secretary general s june [number] report to the economic and social council on the sdgs highlights e [number] [number] that one in eight people suffers from the abject despair of extreme poverty. about [number] million people suffer from hunger. more than [number] billion are affected by water scarcity. and [number]. [number] billion people live without electricity. thousands of children die every day, mainly from preventable causes. children make up nearly half of the almost [number] million people living on less than [number]. [number] per day. about [number] million children do not attend school, and two out of five leave primary school without basic skills. much remains to be done to accelerate the rate of progress in achieving gender parity and promoting the rights of women. we need to make concerted efforts to close the economic gap between men and women. likewise, glaring inequalities within and among nations persist, despite substantial gains in global economic output. and addressing the employment challenge remains a daunting and complex task. the risk of catastrophic climate change is no longer an abstract and long-term threat. climate change is real, and countries in special situations, such as the least developed countries ldcs , landlocked developing countries lldcs and small island developing states sids , are the most vulnerable. we have all experienced the impact of climate change, which is devastating and destabilizing, as can be seen from the frequency and intensity of recent weather events. in july we in bhutan suffered extensive destruction and damage to property and infrastructure caused by unprecedented flash floods. even as we deal with those long-standing challenges, the digital revolution, while opening new frontiers of opportunity by spurring global integration and catalysing a fourth industrial revolution, is ushering in new and interlocking challenges that have social, political, economic and security implications that we have yet to fully comprehend. we have to move past the euphoria of landmark agreements. now more than ever before, we must find new political resolve for urgent, focused and comprehensive action that involves all stakeholders at the national, regional and international levels action that translates agreements into real and meaningful dividends for all peoples and all countries. the scale, scope and complexity involved in the implementation of the [number] agenda should not be underestimated, especially given the time frame of fewer than [number] years. the focus now and in the years ahead must be on implementation. the principles and objectives of the [number] agenda are consistent with bhutan s national development framework based our concept of gross national happiness. guided by that timeless vision propounded by our kings, we have always ensured that peace, happiness and the well- being of our people remained at the core of all our endeavours. formerly a closed subsistence economy with no electricity or roads, bhutan today is a rapidly emerging economy that aspires to achieve holistic development. with the accelerated development of our hydropower sector, the next [number] years are expected to usher in even greater transformation. bhutan has successfully aligned the sdgs with our national priorities and integrated them into our development-planning framework. the next decade will be critical as we seek to consolidate development gains and work towards realizing our national development goals of eradicating poverty, promoting inclusive and sustained economic growth, achieving self-reliance and eventually graduating from the least-developed- country category. we will continue to work in earnest to ensure the effective implementation of the sdgs, so that we succeed in achieving the transformation that we all seek. that is particularly important, as bhutan faces immense challenges as an ldc and as a landlocked country. in that endeavour, the role of our development partners is critical. the effectiveness of national strategies and investment plans, in both the formulation and the implementation, depends on predictable commitments of financial, technical and policy support measures from development partners. our partners emphasis needs to shift from the expression of approximate broad support measures for the benefit of ldcs as a group to what is necessary at the country level. financing for development, particularly commitments to official development assistance, must be disaggregated at the country level, so that they can be expressed in national budgets aimed at financing short-, medium- and long- term investment plans. without such predictability, it is impossible for ldcs to formulate the integrated and effective strategies and plans needed to achieve the sdgs. in that regard, allow me to share some of our experiences, so as to illustrate how the predictability of financing allows for more ambitious plans. in [number], we established the bhutan trust fund for environmental conservation the world s first environmental trust fund to protect our pristine environment and rich biodiversity through the implementation of conservation programmes. similarly, in [number], we established the health trust fund, which today sustainably finances the essential drug needs that are fundamental to our free health-care system. recently, in collaboration with the world wildlife fund, we launched the bhutan for life project, an innovative financing initiative based on a project-financing-for-permanence model. funds generated through the project will be used to maintain and manage bhutan s protected areas, parks and biological corridors in perpetuity, as well as to promote sustainable livelihoods for the communities in the area. we hope to expand that innovative financing model with development partners to cover other critical sectors such as sustainable energy, education and infrastructure development. the success of the [number] agenda will ultimately hinge on the quality of partnerships involving governments, the private sector and civil society at the national, regional and global levels. partnerships in innovative financing for development will be vital for groups of countries in special situations, namely, the ldcs, lldcs and sids. we look forward to the continued support of our development partners and well-wishers. bhutan s commitment and contributions to the conservation and preservation of the environment, the protection of biodiversity and the mitigation of climate change have been widely acknowledged. that commitment dates back more than two decades, when we took a deliberate decision to shift our forest policy away from revenue generation towards environmental protection by banning the export of raw timber, despite our limited resources. furthermore, in [number], we pledged to safeguard our forests through a constitutional mandate that requires maintaining a minimum of [number] per cent of our land under forest cover in perpetuity. today, [number] per cent of our land is covered in forest, and [number] per cent of our total land area has been designated as national protected areas. in [number], we committed to remaining carbon neutral, but in reality we are carbon negative, and we look forward to ratifying the paris agreement on climate change upon completion of internal processes. effective multilateralism requires an effective united nations one that is fit for the purpose. since the founding of the united nations, the world has undergone profound changes. its membership has increased fourfold, and the challenges we face have become more complex. institutions cannot be static. they must evolve and adapt, so as to remain relevant and effective. the united nations and its principal organs must be reformed in keeping with contemporary realities in particular the security council, so as to make the council more representative, transparent and accountable and to enhance its legitimacy and credibility. similarly, the [number] agenda requires a united nations development system that is able to deliver integrated and coordinated policy support. in that regard, it is essential to achieve an ambitious outcome to the new quadrennial comprehensive policy review of operational activities for development of the united nations system one that matches the ambitions of the [number] agenda. bhutan has been blessed with peace, progress and stability under the enlightened leadership of our monarchs. we embraced democracy in a unique manner, as it was imposed on us by our kings and not born out of popular unrest or strife. i am pleased to state that our transition to democracy is on a firm footing, with democratic institutions in place, supported by a vibrant and independent media. peace and security is a shared concern and responsibility. bhutan is committed to supporting united nations peacekeeping endeavours to maintain peace, protect civilians and create the conditions necessary for lasting and durable solutions to conflicts around the world. despite our limitations and constraints, we joined the fraternity of troop- and police-contributing countries in [number]. that is a reflection of our commitment to share the burden along with other member states. today, we have a presence in [number] peacekeeping missions, and we hope to broaden and deepen our peacekeeping engagement in the coming years. as secretary-general ban ki-moon completes his tenure in december, i wish to take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude and appreciation to him for his leadership, service and contributions to the important work of the united nations. we wish him and his family every success in all their future endeavours. second chances are rare in life. the agreements that we adopted in [number] have given us an extraordinary opportunity to bring about greater peace, progress and prosperity for all. history will judge us by our ability to translate those compacts into meaningful and concrete results. let us not squander this historic opportunity. addressing our peace, security and sustainable development challenges requires global action, underpinned by the solidarity of all member states and bound together by a strong esprit de corps at the united nations. in that context, i would like to end with a quote by his majesty the king of bhutan individual or even national success is a ship that cannot carry everyone together to the same place at the same time. rich nations must stop and be mindful of the poorer ones left behind. successful people must stop and remember those who did not make it. no nation today can stand alone in achievement. time is slowly telling us that there can be no lasting individual success without success as a community, and there cannot be lasting national progress and success if it does not fit into a future of global peace, harmony and equality. the world must progress together or fail together.
on behalf of president tommy e. remengesau, jr. , and the people of palau, i offer my congratulations to the president on his election. i assure him and all member states that the united nations will have my government s full cooperation and support in the coming year. our existential challenge is climate change. to quote the text prepared for the president s address at the opening of this session, we cannot accept, under any circumstance, proposals for mandatory emissions reduction targets that take for granted sacrificing the homelands of entire peoples . we must reach an agreement on a set of quantified emission reduction targets for the second commitment period of the kyoto protocol. these targets must reflect the urgency of the circumstances. the post-[number] regime must address mitigating the impacts of climate change on small island developing states. as the text of the president s opening address states, member states must be guided by a single consideration saving those small island states that today live in danger of disappearing entirely as nations . never before in all history has the disappearance of whole nations been such a real possibility. as we noted in niue, palau and the members of the pacific islands forum are deeply concerned about the growing threat that climate change poses not only to our sustainable development, but in fact to our future survival. this is a security matter that has gone unaddressed. [number]-[number] [number] it is for this reason that the pacific small island developing states submitted a draft resolution at the sixty-second session of the general assembly requesting that the security council honour the charter of the united nations and actively continue its consideration of the security implications of climate change. we were gratified by the positive response from the international community and thank our many co-sponsors for their support. we will reintroduce our resolution in the sixty-third session and look forward to assembly action this fall. in the meantime, we cannot wait. while palau contributes little to greenhouse gas emissions, we are taking significant steps to reduce our reliance on fossil fuel, despite the detrimental economic consequences to us. the number of projects on energy efficiency and renewable energy has been increased, and we thank our donor partners for their support. we appreciate the support of italy and austria in supporting development cooperation with respect to energy for sustainable development. we also thank the european union for their ongoing assistance in the area of renewable energy. we sincerely hope that taiwan will be able to participate in the specialized agencies of the united nations. the republic of china s meaningful participation in those agencies, such as the world health organization and the international civil aviation organization, would help promote peace and cooperation in the asia-pacific region, enhance important dialogue and help all peoples. the oceans that surround palau are the backbone of our nation s existence and are integral to our continued viability as an independent nation. at the sixty-first session we banded together to protect vulnerable marine ecosystems from deep sea bottom trawling, a destructive fishing practice responsible for [number] per cent of the worldwide damage to seamounts. we congratulate the south pacific regional fisheries management organisation for adopting interim measures that are a substantial step towards eliminating bottom trawling. we urge all other regional fisheries management organizations and flag states to follow this example, and we remind everyone that the deadline to take action, [number] december [number], is fast approaching. palau has been active on the issue of bottom trawling because of its effects on ocean ecosystems. the north pacific is home to some of the world s best remaining fisheries. their diversity is a key reason for the micronesia challenge, whereby the countries and territories of micronesia joined together to conserve [number] per cent of near-shore marine resources and [number] per cent of land resources by the year [number]. this project is the first of its kind in the world. it covers [number]. [number] million square miles of ocean and helps to protect [number] per cent of the world s coral reefs, including more than [number] threatened species. we thank the general assembly for its recognition of this programme at its sixty-second session, in resolution [number] [number] on oceans and law of the sea and thank our development partners, including turkey, the global environment fund, the nature conservancy and conservation international for their support. since palau joined the united nations in [number], we have highlighted our concern that the organization has no presence in our country. we were pleased therefore when the united nations development programme, the united nations population fund and the united nations children s fund announced that eight new joint offices would open in pacific island countries, including palau. we welcome that historic accomplishment and await the opening ceremony. palau is an active participant in the efforts of the international community to combat terrorism and has made every effort to improve its anti-terrorism capacity. we have met with the counter-terrorism committee executive directorate to advance our requests for assistance, particularly in the area of combating money-laundering and terrorism financing. unfortunately, the efforts of the directorate have been insufficient. our experience has been that the capacity- building efforts of the united nations have focused on helping countries draft and adopt legislation. that is an excellent first step, but an insufficient one, as the best- designed legislation is meaningless without enforcement. we hope that, during the sixty-third session of the general assembly, the united nations will take the next step and help smaller countries that have the drive but not the means to operationalize the laws and regulations they have in place to fight terrorism. we urge the establishment of a voluntary trust fund that would allow small states to develop effective counter- terrorism initiatives. we thank the united states and [number] [number]-[number] australia for the counter-terrorism assistance they have given us. urgent attention should be paid to security council reform. without it, there can be no genuine united nations reform. japan has demonstrated its concern for and commitment to palau and all its pacific neighbours, and should be a permanent member of the council. likewise, india, the world s largest democracy, is a developing nation with a deep sense of involvement in palau and the rest of the pacific. we have supported and continue to support the principles of the draft resolution proposed by the group of four countries. we have worked very hard to change the dates for submission to the commission on the limits of the continental shelf. the new submission regime will allow developing countries to preserve our claims to the resources contained in our extended continental shelf. though that extension of time for submission is welcome, it is only half the battle. we still need the resources and the technical expertise necessary to make a full submission, and we request the assistance of the international community in helping us to achieve that goal. palau was the last country to emerge from the united nations trusteeship system. the united nations helped to return our sovereignty after four colonial administrations. we are thus particularly proud to advance the objectives of this unique institution and look forward to working together to achieve them during this session of the general assembly. in closing, let me thank the assembly in my country s native language kom kmal mesulang.
on behalf of the minister for foreign affairs of the state of qatar, who is not able to be with us on this solemn occasion, i have the pleasure of expressing my sincere felicitations and profound satisfaction at the election of mr. amerasingjhe as president of the general assembly during its thirty-first session. my delegation is well aware of his good qualities and statesmanship. indeed, we consider those qualities the best guarantee for the creation of most effective and positive conditions for our deliberations. this is due to his skill and great ability. [number]. i should like also to express my respect and esteem for ambassador amerasinghe's predecessor because of the wisdom and tact he demonstrated in guiding the meetings at the last session. [number]. i am pleased to express my thanks and appreciation to the secretary-general, mr. kurt waldheim, because we believe he is exerting every effort to bring harmony into the family of nations and to enhance its effectiveness in serving the causes of justice, security and peace, which remain at the center of our interest. [number]. moreover, we welcome and extend our congratulations to the republic of seychelles, which has recently joined our international family in order to take part in the noble march towards the establishment of a free human society based on justice and equality. at the same time, we express the hope that the republic of seychelles will achieve stability and progress. [number]. today, at this thirty-first session of the general assembly, with our responsibility towards the peoples of the worlds which are longing for a better future, we are required to strengthen this international organization, under whose regulations, laws and charter we seek protection, because it incorporates all the great hopes of humanity that man will be prevented from again resorting to violence instead of relying on honorable, civilized dialog that all kinds of hegemony, whatever their origin, will be eliminated that justice will be achieved and peace restored and that there will be respect for the sovereignty of all states and for their right to invest and develop their national resources without any foreign intervention. [number]. hence the united nations, as a forum of justice and right, is requested to play a decisive and sophisticated role in respect of world problems and to create broader hopes for the solution of international problems. that goal will not be achieved unless there is a common belief in the necessity of imposing constant pressure and blockades on those who impede the march of international peace and development and who, by their violations of the united nations charter, whatever the justifications, increase tensions and anxiety in the world. [number]. in that context, the question of palestine becomes a materialization of the tragedy created as a result of the constant and deliberate efforts by israel, with its frivolous attitude, to violate the united nations charter and the just resolutions of the united nations. though the general assembly has frequently confirmed the inalienable rights of the palestinian people and especially their right to self-determination without any foreign intervention and their right to independence and national sovereignty, as well as the right of palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they were displaced and uprooted, and in spite of the assembly's recognition that the palestinian people are a major party in the process of achieving a just and lasting peace in the middle east, these questions arise, where does the issue of palestine-man, land and right-stand, and why? and why does israel insist on forcing its racial hegemony upon the palestinian arab people, whose just struggle the assembly recognized and whose representation as an observer at the united nations the assembly thereupon accepted? [number]. the middle east question, because of its persistent consequences, will continue to be a threat to world peace and the international community because israel up to this very moment has still not recognized the international resolutions pertaining to this very crucial question. therefore, with the aim of protecting peace and ensuring respect for right and justice, and in pursuance of a just and lasting peace in the middle east, we demand that the united nations put an end to israeli frivolity and zionist racism and terrorism by firmly and decisively implementing the united nations charter and all the resolutions adopted by the united nations in this respect, and by forcing israel to respect the just will of the international community. [number]. we consider that the establishment of real peace and the adequate response inspired by the spirit of the united nations charter are basic preludes to all the positive achievements to which the peoples of the world are looking forward as a result of our meetings and efforts. [number]. the state of qatar renews its commitment to the provisions and principles laid down in the declaration on the strengthening of international security resolution [number] xxv . we in qatar look forward to the fifth conference of countries located on the indian ocean, with a view to declaring that region to be a zone of peace. we definitely believe that the middle east should be free of nuclear arms. similarly, we declare qatar's full support for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in south asia, africa and latin america. my delegation firmly believes that absolute priority should be given to the problems of disarmament because of the serious danger that the use of these arms can lead to the obliteration of mankind and civilization. we are fully aware that the ever-increasing destructive capability of these weapons has reached unbelievably terrifying proportions. [number]. therefore, my country endorses the call for the convening of a world disarmament conference open to all countries, nuclear and non-nuclear, large and small, on an equal footing. we do so in the hope that such a conference will result in positive and effective measures leading to disarmament. we consider it to be our duty and responsibility to human civilization to take this stand, in order to prevent mankind from falling victim to bewilderment, dispersion and instability. [number]. we warn the assembly of the increasing threat of a military confrontation in the middle east. at the same time, we underline the necessity of discussing all aspects of the situation resulting from israel's adamant refusal to sign the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and to cease producing, or obtaining nuclear weapons or contemplating using them. [number]. we would therefore ask, is it sufficient for the united nations to condemn this deliberate aggressive refusal by israel alone? and if we add to all that the arbitrary measures taken by israel to obstruct the work of the united nations relief and works agency for palestine refugees in the near east, the oppression practised by israel against the inhabitants of the occupied arab territories and all of israel's endeavors to change the demographic characteristics of the west bank and jerusalem, it becomes clear that the implementation of political and economic sanctions against israel is the least the united nations should do in this respect. [number]. we view with great sympathy and appreciation the efforts exerted by the united nations to eliminate racist impurities from the world political arena. also, we declare the support of the state of qatar for the rights of the struggling african peoples in zimbabwe, namibia and azania to attain their independence and preserve their national identities so as to be able to choose their way of life. racial discrimination is a disgrace to civilization and disregards the most sacred humanistic values. we therefore consider that breaking the international blockade, whether moral or material, imposed on racist regimes is as heinous an act as racism itself. [number]. on the other hand, it is our duty and responsibility to stress the contents of the resolution adopted at the twenty-seventh session of the general assembly acknowledging the legitimacy of the struggle of the national liberation movements, which complies with the aims of the charter. the international community should be accountable for any violation of that resolution or negligence of the requirement of putting it into effect. [number]. as we in the state of qatar declare our solidarity with and support for the national liberation movements in their just struggle, we also condemn any indication of international terrorism. meanwhile we believe it is unacceptable to deal with it by adopting the law of the jungle. it is also unacceptable to justify an offense by invoking the right to protect humanity, as israel did when it violated uganda's sovereignty recently. thus arises the question of whether we can treat one offense by committing another. [number]. man's freedom, his dignity and his rights are the basic pillars upon which the united nations charter, which is accepted by all of us, was based. henceforth we must express our respect for the charter by our commitment and determination to deplore and put an end to all practices which degrade human beings, whether by torture or by other inhuman or humiliating means. [number]. if it is our duty to protect the freedom, dignity and rights of man, wherever he may be, we ought also to protect the spiritual and material values of nations out of our respect for their cultural heritage and in pursuance of the promotion of development. [number]. accordingly, we must condemn cultural colonialism whatever its origin for trying with all its power to annihilate and distort a part of the human legacy. thus it is unacceptable that the united nations, with all its vigilance and concern, could not prevent israel from distorting the arab cultural heritage in the occupied arab lands. [number]. the state of qatar, like all other states of the third world, is deeply interested in the efforts being exerted by the united nations and the great concern it demonstrates in its efforts to increase productive efficiency and development capacity all over the world. that is so because resistance to the specter of famine which haunts millions of poor people will continue to be vital if we want uninterrupted progress without setbacks. in this respect we believe that the role being played by the major powers and the industrial countries still noticeably falls short of our expectations. moreover, inflation and the increases in the prices of manufactured products and food-stuffs and problems which afflict the international community and its economic order. these problems can be solved only by the major powers and the industrial countries. it is worth mentioning that the oil-producing countries are not responsible in any way for the creation of these problems, since they, as developing countries, have been severely affected, largely because of the deterioration of the world economic situation as a whole. [number]. we believe that the international family should warmly and comprehensively welcome the creation of new economic order, one well balanced and based on an objective economic dialogue between the world's different economic blocs, including both developed and developing countries. in this respect the state of qatar supports the resolutions adopted by the group of [number]. it also exerts sincere and continuous efforts in the field of co-operation with sister arab states and in the field of the execution of joint development projects in africa and asia and in other parts of the world, in the conviction that objective economic co-operation is capable of fostering the world's development and prosperity. [number]. strengthening the role of the united nations in the maintenance of international peace and security and enhancing its effectiveness in solving international problems are not impossible tasks if we are seriously committed to a thorough implementation of its charter. the great aspirations and ambitions of mankind to see the united nations capable of achieving security, justice, prosperity and dignity for all present us with a responsibility to be worthy of those aspirations and ambitions that have been the dream of ail the nations of earth since the dawn of history. [number]. in conclusion i wish to express my government's hope that the work of the thirty-first session of the general assembly will be crowned with successful results compatible with the aspirations of the peoples of the world at large. we are confident that the united nations will exert itself to the utmost in using all available facilities in accordance with the charter, and with the support of its member states, to uphold the new international spirit, to achieve equality and to build a new era of international solidarity, with the dedication of all co-operating for the good and unity of mankind.
it is an honour for me to represent my country, the principality of andorra, in the assembly, which for almost seven decades has been meeting annually to speak of peace, development and justice, and particularly this year, in which we are marking two historic events that are closely linked to the birth of the united nations. the year [number] will mark [number] years since the beginning of the first world war and [number] years since the landing of the allies in normandy, which was the beginning of the end of the second world war. those two armed conflicts caused humanity to open its eyes to a new reality the old balances among european powers no longer served to maintain peace in the world. the policy of blocs was ineffectual in preventing conflicts with enormous destructive capacity. further, the foreign activities of countries, focusing solely and exclusively on their national interests, proved in some cases to be the cause of the conflicts. the two world wars raised humankind s awareness in that the world needed a global order that would ensure peace and security and promote development and justice. those functions could no longer be provided by a single country, however powerful and large, or even by a bloc of countries rather, there had to be multilateral action. that was the raison d tre of the united nations, of which the highest expression is this general assembly. i wanted to begin with a brief historical reference, because i believe that the challenges of peace and security in the world of today are not very different from the challenges of peace and security of the world of yesterday, of [number] or [number]. certainly there is a variety of challenges, but they have a very significant common denominator they can be resolved only with a vision that is global, multilateral, effective and, above all, respectful of the principles that inspire this general assembly. the conflicts in syria, palestine or ukraine, which threaten peace and security and stability, will not be resolved optimally or effectively with a partial or short- term vision. any solution that veers away from the founding principles of the united nations is condemned to be unstable, not lasting and, unfortunately, quite often a solution that leads to new conflicts. therefore andorra has always championed and will continue to champion the discussion of and solutions to those conflicts under united nations auspices. we did so when we co-sponsored the draft resolution in the security council that would have requested that the case of syria be referred to the international criminal court icc , because without justice there can be no lasting peace neither in syria nor anywhere else. also, in the same spirit we have been unflagging in our defence of a solution to the palestinian conflict that obtains peaceful coexistence for two states, in compliance with united nations resolutions. a solution must be based on mutual recognition and mutual respect, because the aspirations of the palestinian people to have their own state are noble and respectable, but also noble and respectable are the aspirations of the government of israel to ensure life and security for its citizens. along the same lines, we do not believe that any solution to the ukrainian conflict can be stable unless it respects the principles of international law and unless it comes as the fruit of a sincere dialogue neither in ukraine nor anywhere else. the risk and threat to international peace and security arising from the emergence of the islamic state in syria and iraq require a clear response from the international community vis- -vis the extremists. there can be no excuse or mitigating factor for the criminal acts of barbarism, sectarianism and let us be clear terrorism to which the islamic state resorts as a strategy for its action and communication. there can be no double-standard discourse. the islamic state murders innocent people in cold blood. we all feel as if we are british, american or french citizens when watching the recent savage executions. we must also all feel as if we were syrian or iraqi citizens true victims of those extremists, though not always so visible in the media. there can be no room for inaction or for impunity. new threats, also global in nature, have appeared, such as the phenomenon of foreign combatants. in that connection, andorra co-sponsored the recent security council resolution [number] [number] . we must have a response to rechannel efforts to tackle the challenges and immediate threats. in the long run we must be able to persevere in the fight against sectarian discourse, extremist discourse, and discourses of hate. on that point, education must play an essential role, together with the other values of the united nations, now and in the future. the actions taken by my country in the united nations over the past year have focused primarily on education. that matter requires, perhaps more than any other, a vision that integrates long-term thinking. promoting access to quality education for all the citizens of our planet has always been a priority of the united nations, because when we speak of education we are speaking also of fundamental rights and of development. but i would go further. education is also an instrument for creating awareness of a global citizenry. if there is not a broad majority of citizens of the world who believe in the principles and values of the united nations, our actions will always be in vain. i am convinced that the only way to create global awareness is through education. education is the best weapon in the fight against hatred and violence of all kinds. andorra therefore welcomes and has participated from the beginning in the global education first initiative promoted by the secretary-general, because it brings a universal vision together with local action. it also shows that diversity is strengthened in a global focus, and with diversity we can strengthen democracy. andorrans, because of our historical and geographical circumstances, have understood for some time that education must have a twofold focus, local and global. we have also long understood that cooperation among the different states strengthens the quality of our educational systems and opens new opportunities for our citizens. i say educational systems because the citizens of andorra can have access on an equal footing, and without cost, to french, spanish and andorran education. those three public education systems are complemented by the offer in andorra of a catholic religious education, accessible also to a great part of our population. perhaps without being fully aware of it, or perhaps because fortune has placed us between two great european nations, it is true that for decades now we andorrans have educated ourselves in diversity and in being multicultural. that has not caused us to lose our identity on the contrary, our identity has been reinforced. sometimes we are not even aware ourselves of the educational richness of our country and of the great asset that that is. for that reason the government of andorra has focused a great deal of its policy and action abroad on education. in [number] and [number], during the andorran presidency of the council of europe, that is how we acted. it is also what we have shown through participating in the global education first initiative, together with [number] other countries from all continents. that was an honour for andorra. that activity abroad is also reflected coherently in internal policies in andorra. we have suffered the effects of the international economic crisis for years. we have had austerity in our public spending, but that has not undermined our educational system. it will never affect our educational system, or undermine it, because education is the best passport to the opportunity for a future that is better for all. the need for multilateral action is clear not only in the matter of education but also, and perhaps even more intensely, in the fight against global warming. what we each can do unilaterally will not accomplish much if there is no global commitment. it is in the fight against climate change that we can see most clearly that unilateral actions have a limited reach. andorrans are very aware of that, given that our primary economic sector is winter and mountain tourism a tourism threatened by global warming. the pyrenees are heating up at [number]. [number] c each decade, and precipitation has dropped by [number] litres per square metre each year. it is clear that a programme of local action is required. we are working, together with the population through education and awareness, on policies to reduce our impact on the environment. we are preparing studies to seek ways to mitigate the effects of climate change and also to seek alternative and complementary systems. over the years ahead, we will deploy great efforts to bring about alternative energy sources. but all that is not enough, nor are the many actions being implemented by governments in countries represented enough. national domestic environmental policies are important, but if we are to limit carbon dioxide emissions we must have a global commitment. without effective implementation of such a commitment, the fight against climate change will not bear the hoped-for fruits. we have a year to prepare for the paris conference, a year to mobilize our efforts. it is also time for the international community to mobilize to fight the ebola virus that so seriously affects sierra leone, liberia and guinea. it also affects us let us not deceive ourselves. it is the time to show solidarity, to help. now is the time, in the weeks and months ahead, when we must tackle that disease, which, unfortunately, does not recognize nor will it recognize borders. it is urgent. beyond that it is, in my opinion, a global emergency. three years ago, the minister for foreign affairs of the principality of andorra came to this assembly and spoke, among other things, of an ambitious reform programme for restructuring our economic model see a [number] pv. [number] . the programme hinged on transparency, economic openness and a homogenization that would respect certain andorran specifics. today, three years down the road, we can make a very satisfactory assessment of the implementation of that policy. our country has implemented a fiscal model that works with our european neighbours, a moderate system that taxes all income and promotes economic productivity. we have also opened [number] per cent of the andorran economy to foreign investment, as we believe that a more open world is a more transparent world, one with more opportunities for all, and in particular for those who deserve it the most. a country such as ours, which for many years has been open to immigration, cannot continue to allow our citizens to have different levels of rights economically. they must all have the same economic rights. in that process we have broadened all economic rights to all foreign residents, who represent more than half of our population, because a more open economy is also a fairer and more democratic society. at the same time, along with its domestic reforms, andorra has negotiated double-taxation agreements with france and luxembourg and is negotiating one with spain that i am convinced will be concluded soon. we think we can have a similar agreement with other european and other countries. those agreements show that there is a commitment in andorra to a more open and transparent global economy. that is a firm commitment on the part of our government with regard to generating more opportunities for our business sector. we are also firmly determined to move towards greater integration of our economy in the single european market. for us, going global begins in europe. i wanted to sum up some of our principal domestic reforms because i understand that a spirit of multilateralism and a global spirit must prevail. the efforts of a country working for transparency and economic cooperation make sense and will be effective only if they are accompanied by equal efforts by all countries again, by all countries. andorrans are committed to moving in that direction, and to do so together with the international community, because we know that it is only thus, only by working globally, that progress will be effective, equitable and stable. the statement of the head of government of a country of [number] square kilometres and [number], [number] inhabitants will never make the headlines or be discussed in prime time on the world s big international television channels. but representing a small country gives us some advantages, including one that i believe we should underscore today. no one is as aware as we are of the importance of multilateral forums when it comes to resolving conflicts, strengthening international law and finding global solutions. no one is as aware as we are that to preserve individual identities and diversities we must have a collective resolve and joint action. history has accustomed andorrans to being affected by the geostrategic decisions of bigger countries and to suffering indirectly the effects of instability occurring beyond our borders. we know that in the great causes of humanity such as the fight against climate change, our individual actions will not have much influence if not accompanied by collective action. i could say the same of building a global economy that is more equitable and more transparent. i have always said that the reality for andorra is also the reality for all, that for the great questions we address, the solutions all hinge on consensus otherwise they are not solutions. we must have broad consensus based on individual convictions. the convictions of andorra are clear they are the principles and values that almost [number] years ago inspired the birth of the united nations. let us never forget the reason for this great organization. if we forget, we are not worthy of being here.
i wish to join with the leaders of other delegations in paying a tribute to the outgoing president, mr. kittani, who distinguished himself throughout last year in his efforts on behalf of the assembly. i am also honoured to be accorded the privilege on behalf of my country to congratulate mr. hollai on his election to the presidency of the thirty-seventh session of the general assembly. i offer him my delegation's fullest support in the tasks which lie ahead of him. never in the history of its existence has the assembly convened against such a background of pervading universal gloom. unemployment figures i the industrialized countries are assuming proportions traditionally associated with developing countries [number]. [number] per cent in the united states and a similar figure in the european economic community. every month that passes witnesses thousands more people being cast on to the heap of the unemployed with no prospect of jobs, no means of maintaining their standard of living and little means of ensuring the well-being of their families. many marvel every day that there have not been widespread violent reactions in the streets others expect those reactions to erupt at any time if this all-consuming recession continues unabated. and while unemployment in industrialized countries reaches the level normally linked with developing countries, the ranks of the unemployed in poor states are swelling to record volumes. only an immunity to suffering born of generations of deprivation keeps some developing states from explosion. a blanket of misery has been cast upon the world it has spared no country and it has brought many to the brink of disaster. this misery can only be measured in human terms-for it knows nor colour, nor religion, nor nationality. it grips many millions in developed countries who must struggle to survive on state support and many more millions in poor countries who must suffer with no support at all. in the 1930s, when mankind experienced a global economic recession such as the one we now face, the economists called it "the great depression". it was the forerunner of a terrible war which brought even greater human suffering than had obtained before it. as conditions currently exist in the world, it would not be too far-fetched for some to contemplate wars, however limited, as a solution to the current economic crisis. indeed some are already advocating the keynesian theory that military spending will create jobs, increase public demand and stimulate economic growth. in these troubled times, the global community should be able to spam the irrationality of the warmongers and turn instead to the united nations for a sane and sensible direction. the words spoken in the assembly by the world's leading personalities should invoke in mankind a spirit of hope and a sense of optimism for the future. but we are yet to hear those words. we are yet to hear an attempt at dialogue between the two super-powers we are yet to hear an attempt at peace between warring neighbours in the middle east we are yet to hear nations climb down from their nationalistic pedestals to the table of peaceful discussion for the benefit of all mankind. what we have heard is a discourse of the deaf a mouthing of prearranged statements with no interest in response or reply. statements have not been made for the benefit of other nations, let alone the world they have been made for political mileage in national capitals. in that context the report of the secretary- general on the work of the organization is both important and timely, for its summons us to recall the principles of the charter and to review the mechanisms of the organization in order to make this body strong, not sterile decisive, not dilatory functional, not ornamental. it warns us that in a world fraught with tension and peril the united nations is indispensable. the secretary-general's report has identified a number of important ways in which the effectiveness of the united nations could be improved and enhanced, particularly in regard to collective international security. therecommendations, especially the call for a meeting of the security council at the highest possible level to discuss the problems of the united nations, should be given the support of all member states. in my view, part of the agenda of that meeting should be consideration of how much more effective the united nations might be if we ended the veto system provided for the permanent membership of the security council. the concept of a veto was developed at the end of the second world war when a few nations held dominion over many. but surely the results of a war, in whose creation the majority of the world's people played no part, should not continue to advise the procedures of the security council on an everlasting basis. in his report the secretary-general has himself said that "allegations of partisanship" have been used by some member states to justify side-tracking the security council. he has called on us to "take such matters with the utmost seriousness and ask ourselves what justifications, if any, there are for them and what can be done to restore the council to the position of influence it was given in the charter". there is no doubt that there exists among member states a genuine fear that in certain circumstances members of the security council could act in a partisan manner. in fact recent history has shown that the veto has been used to safeguard narrow national interests in defiance of world opinion and the decisions of the assembly. the use of the veto in such a manner does not inspire confidence in the security council. in this context my delegation contends that the most effective action that can be taken to restore the council to the position of influence which the charter intended for it is to end the veto system and to democratize the process of decision-making. even as i state my delegation's position i am sadly aware that it has little chance of becoming a reality, for those that hold power seldom relinquish it willingly. none the less that is precisely why i state it, for the attention of the organization and other international organizations must be focused on their collective impotence to meaningfully address the problems of the world while the will of s few dominates the aspirations of the many. as we consider the issues about which the many in the organization have been concerned, we are struck by the dismal record of failure which confronts us. let us first examine efforts in the assembly to bring about change in the global economic arrangements. although [number] was the date set for the completion of global negotiations on trade, energy, raw materials, development finance and monetary issues, the few have ensured that this body has failed to produce agreement even on the procedures for such negotiations. discussion on the global negotiations has been shunted from the thirty-sixth to the thirty-seventh session of the assembly. while this delaying game has been played in the united nations the prospects for growth and development in poor countries have been diminished by similar actions in other international organizations. at the recent joint meeting of the international monetary fund and the world bank group in toronto the few ensured that an urgent call by the group of [number] for an increase in the fund's quotas of not less than [number] per cent would be ignored. equally, efforts to persuade donors to the international development association to improve their contributions in view of the association's vital importance to poor countries met with only partial success. developing countries have not only been denied the opportunity to discuss a framework for an international economic system based on the fundamentals of social justice and equality they have also experienced a reduction in the quantum of badly needed assistance. official development assistance from the western industrialized nations decreased by [number] per cent in real terms in [number]. official development assistance from the eastern european countries, including the soviet union, is of course selective, and these countries have yet to show any interest in the international dialogue on aid, though they are active participants, to their own benefit, in the process of trade. only a few nations provided more than [number]. [number] per cent of their gross domestic product, which this body established as a desirable minimum, in the form of assistance. those countries have the gratitude of the developing world they deserve the respect of the international community as a whole. they are denmark, france, the netherlands, norway and sweden, from europe, and kuwait, saudi arabia and the united arab emirates, three major donor countries that are members of the organization of petroleum exporting countries, which gave [number]. [number] per cent of their gross national product in [number]. it is true that by providing aid in the volume that they have those donors have greatly assisted poor third-world states which are the worst victims of the current recession. but those donors have also rendered a service to the global community, especially the rich, for the third world countries are now the biggest market for the goods of the industrialized nations. for instance, one in every [number] jobs in the united states is in manufacturing for the third world. in such circumstances it is in the interests of all, including the industrialized nations, for third world states to survive. for if we are unable to purchase goods produced by the developed states they will lose many more millions of jobs, and that may be the trigger for those violent reactions which have not yet erupted in the streets. i have already mentioned our failure to advance the global negotiations and the reduction of aid to developing countries as setbacks to a prosperous global economy. let me now add protectionism. the protectionism practiced by some developed states is the short-term answer to the problems of adjustment raised by the current recession. it is believed in some capitals that by shutting out the goods of developing countries local production will be stimulated to the benefit of the national economy. the evidence against that argument is now well known. indeed recent studies have shown that between and [number] protectionist measures imposed by the united states on goods imported from latin america and the caribbean resulted in a loss to consumers of [number], [number] million for carbon steel, [number], [number] million for footwear, [number] million for sugar, [number] million to [number] million for meat, and [number] million for television sets-a total of [number] billion for these five items. the cost to the consumer for every job protected was more than [number], [number] per year. i submit that the national economy did not benefit in the long run. in this time of disarray in the world economy it is crucially important to establish an international trading system in which the developing countries are accorded a fair and equitable place. therefore we call on governments represented in the assembly to approach the gatt ministerial meeting in november with the will to return to a set of agreed principles and rules applying to all international trade and providing a recognizable and ordered framework within which it can grow. therein, we believe, lies the basis for promoting a sound world economy. failure to achieve change in global economic arrangements is not the only example of the -assembly's resolve to right wrongs being thwarted. south africa is yet another burning example. south africa continues to be a running sore upon the face of this earth. the inhuman system of apartheid has gone beyond excess in its brutality against the black majority. the iniquities of its regime continue to mock the authority of this body. and what is reprehensible about the success of the south african regime is that pretoria has received tacit support from many large transnational and some of the very governments which sit in this hall. many will plead that, although they have a connection with south africa, they decry and bemoan the system is simply an excuse, for they are as aware as we are, though perhaps not as painfully, that any support given to pretoria serves only to strengthen the regime and intensify its atrocities. those atrocities are now legion the permanent imprisonment of south african blacks for the crime of believing that they have a right to be free the sentencing to death of young men because they fought to wrest their country from minority control the dumping of hundreds of thousands of black south africans in hastily created bantustans in order to deprive them of citizenship in the land of their birth. we do not appear to have much chance of addressing the problem of south africa in the comprehensive manner which it demands if we are unable to compel member states to comply with our resolutions. we do not appear to have much chance of isolating the virus of south africa, when a committee established by the general assembly in to draft an international convention against in sports is unable to present an agreed convention six years later. but we must continue to try, for what is happening in south africa is a mark against all mankind, an assault on our decency, violence to our world as human beings. it requires every government represented in the assembly to support efforts to uphold creative ways in which the wrongs in south africa can be put right. not least amongst our efforts must be the full implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , which establishes the framework for the independence of namibia. the freedom of the people of namibia must no longer be blocked by the perpetrators in pretoria of the wicked system of apartheid must it be delayed by any attempt to link it with the withdrawal of cuban troops from angola. the independence of the namibian people is just, justified and justifiable it should not be used to serve the national interests of other countries. i wish i could point to the middle east as an area where the united nations has been effective, for if this were true thousands of lives would have been spared, cities would have been saved from ruin, and millions of dollars would have been channelled into improving rather than destroying societies. unfortunately, the principles of the charter have been flagrantly disregarded and resolutions of the security council have been wilfully ignored. consequently, the people of the middle east, who have suffered so agonizingly long, have found no respite from the pain of war. the recent massacre in the palestinian refugee camps in beirut was a cold-blooded and brutal act of barbarism. it goes beyond merely epitomizing the tragedy of the middle east it adds a new dimension to the horrors of the confrontation. lebanon has become the bleeding heart of the world. its anguish is shared in every man's conscience. this country deserves the urgent support of the international community to bind its wounds, restore its national pride and reconstruct its economy. the israeli forces could now be helpful to that process if they were to withdraw immediately from lebanese territory. the tragedy of lebanon points once again to the manner in which some nations are willing to bypass the united nations and to disregard its peacekeeping roles. the fact that a search for a solution to the middle east problems is going on and that a peace-keeping force is in lebanon without the involvement of the security council considerably dilutes the worth of the organization. it makes small countries like mine wonder about the purpose of coming here at a cost we cannot afford, when the united nations is dismissed by those who are its greatest power- brokers. central to the issue which has wrought such catastrophe in the middle east is the fight of the palestinian people to self-determination and their further right to a land of their own in the west bank and gaza. these legitimate rights of the palestinian people must be satisfied, and my government will steadfastly support every initiative to secure those rights for the palestinian people, while recognizing that israel also has a right to exist securely within agreed and recognized boundaries. in any event, as my country has opposed acquisition of territory by force in our own latin america and recently in the south atlantic, so we oppose similar acts of aggression in the middle east. the conflict between iraq and the islamic republic of iran is another instance of the united nations being ignored. this two-year military engagement has also cost many thousands of lives. it has been particularly savage, with prisoners-of-war on one side being slaughtered in contravention of their rights as prisoners. we appeal to both countries to renew their commitment to the charter and to end this bloody conflict, by complying with security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . in doing so, they would ease the suffering of both their peoples, who have been the greatest losers in the confrontation. one cannot help but wonder how many thousands of lives would have been saved, how much destruction averted and how much real development achieved had the assembly's work on disarmament positive results rather than unmitigated failure. much was expected from the second special session devoted to disarmament held earlier this year, particularly as tension heightened in so many parts of the world. not least among those who had high expectations of the disarmament session were hundreds of thousands of young people all over the world. this summer they openly demonstrated in major cities, including here in new york, the seat of the united nations. the protests of this generation against the continuous, unrelenting stockpiling of weapons have broken out like a rash. it is a rash of resistance, an epidemic of health in an otherwise unhealthy world. many of those young people associate the failure to halt the arms race with the ineffectiveness of the assembly, for in the creation of the united nations did not governments enshrine in the charter a role for collective security? did they not promise mankind to make the world a safe place in which to live? did they not extend the hope of an enduring respite from the horrors of war? a generation has come to maturity with conventional wars and the threat of nuclear war still menacing their lives. they are not content that it should remain so. they want a broader, more comprehensive response from governments, and it is obvious that such a response must be practical steps to arrest the arms race and to devise a system of collective security which demands of each nation a commitment to the protection of mankind as a whole. the arms race competes with development objectives. it not only robs the productive process of resources, it also deprives humanity of the funds needed to improve the quality of life. it not only creates international tension, it stagnates national economies. there are shocking statistics available to all who would pay attention. funds allocated for technical assistance to all developing countries for the next five years are less than will be spent on weapons in the next five days. developing countries received approximately [number] billion in assistance from industrialized nations last year this year the united states alone will spend [number] billion on exploring the military uses of outer space. total military spending' last year was [number] billion. that sum totals more than the entire income of [number], [number] million people living in the [number] poorest countries. we should all consider what those funds would mean to the quality of life in developing countries if a portion were released for development assistance. moreover, the rich nations should consider what effect the release of such funds would have on the productive sectors of their own economies, on jobs for their own young people and on health care for their old. my delegation was pleased to see a report this week that the chairmen of the biggest corporations in the united states, including many of those that count on the pentagon for their business, have called for a cut in military spending. although their objective may be confined to narrow national concerns in the united states, it is at least an acknowledgement by a powerful group that military spending is not sacrosanct. a halt to the arms race has become a matter for urgent global action in the cause of mankind's survival. the assembly would fail to satisfy the noble ideals for which the united nations was established if we turn a deaf ear to the eloquent calls for peace and a halt to the arms race that have echoed so profoundly across so many continents. the depression of the 1930s and the second world war were followed by unprecedented international co-operative efforts to reconstruct the world economy. the international economic order, which was established as a result of those efforts, can no longer cope with the realities of the 1980s, but the efforts which attended its creation are worthy of emulation. for it is a similar kind of international effort which our global community requires today, one which includes countries of the north and south, the east and west. such an effort must have as its goal a vision of how the world could be if there were a will by governments to make it so. it should be a vision which acknowledges the pluralistic nature of our societies, accepts the inevitability of our economic interdependence and resolves that our children should inherit a peaceful and prosperous planet. the assembly is in a unique position to help mankind establish that vision, for the conditions outside this building-in the cities and rural dwellings of our many countries-demand urgent change. it is a task which should be embraced with alacrity, for future generations will judge us harshly if, despite our recognition of a need to act, we sacrifice long- term global well-being for short-term national gains. antigua and barbuda stands committed to help make such a vision a reality.
although the global economic situation has improved considerably, it is still fragile. much of the relief has come from the massive liquidity that has been pumped into the global financial system by national governments. that bought us time to restructure our economies and correct the underlying imbalances that led to the crisis in the first place. whether the restructuring is happening fast enough is, however, still an open question. the economist joseph schumpeter viewed economic downturns as the system renewing itself, a process he described as creative destruction. in theory, that sounds good. in practice, it is difficult for political leaders to stand idly by when companies go bust and jobs are lost. everyone likes the creative part. destruction, however, can mean losing an election, which politicians invariably try to avoid. the repricing of production factors such as real estate and labour is politically sensitive in any country, and governments get blamed for it. adjusting relative factor costs through the exchange rate is usually easier to achieve, although currency devaluation can create [number] [number]-[number] other problems such as inflation. the argument over fair exchange rates in the world today reflects competing domestic pressures to ease the pain of restructuring in different countries. thus the united states wants china to revalue the yuan renminbi, while china protests that it is being blamed for the economic weaknesses of other countries. of course, if the whole world were to use the same currency, the only way countries would be able to adjust would be through improved productivity and repricing. exchange rate adjustments can facilitate structural adjustment, provided that the deeper economic problems are also tackled. with the world becoming multipolar, global macroeconomic coordination has become more complicated. recognizing the inability of the group of seven or the group of eight to achieve such coordination, the group of [number] g-[number] was formed two years ago when the global economy stared into an abyss after the collapse of lehman brothers. without the g-[number] acting in concert, the economic crisis could well have led to a global depression. the g-[number] the members of which collectively account for some [number] per cent of total global gross domestic product is therefore a vital grouping in the community of nations. going forward, the g-[number] has to go beyond the reform of international financial institutions and better coordination of fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies. without fundamental restructuring of the real economy, we may experience a double dip. without fundamental restructuring, increased liquidity in the global system will end up creating new asset bubbles, some of which we already see forming in asia. for this restructuring to take place, the international trading system must be kept open. only then can markets make adjustments and prices find their right levels. in fighting protectionism in all its forms, the leadership of the g-[number] is critical. if, for lack of political will, the g-[number] is unable to avert the crisis of a second dip, crisis will in the end force it to act, and by then it will be at much greater human cost to all of us. for precisely that reason, we must not allow interest in the doha development agenda to flag. when the doha round was launched in november [number], a key consideration was development. for many of us who were in doha during the negotiations, the millennium development goals were uppermost in our minds. i remember tanzanian trade minister iddi simba insisting, on behalf of the african, caribbean and pacific countries, that the word development be explicitly incorporated into the name of the new round. it has been [number] years since the millennium development goals were launched. while some countries have done well, many others have not. the g-[number] countries must take into account, in their deliberations, the interest of all countries, not only of their own. the g-[number], which together accounts for [number] per cent of international trade, has to play a leadership role in breaking the current impasse in the doha negotiations. in particular, we must ensure that the needs of developing countries, especially the needs of the least developed countries ldcs , are met. freeing up agricultural trade, for example, will make a huge difference to their welfare. with those concerns in mind, a loose grouping of countries calling itself the global governance group, or 3g, was established more than a year ago. its objectives were spelled out in a document circulated to the members of the united nations on [number] march. the basic stance of the group is to support the work of the g-[number] and hold it accountable to the general membership of the united nations. permanent representatives within the 3g group meet regularly in new york, including before and after g-[number] meetings, to present views and make suggestions, which are circulated to everyone at the united nations. depending on the subjects discussed, we invite individual members of the g-[number] to join us at our meetings. for example, in preparation for the coming g-[number] summit in seoul, the 3g group had several meetings with senior korean officials, including their g-[number] sherpa , to convey some of our views and concerns. a major concern of the countries of the group is development. in this regard, we have prepared inputs to be submitted to the g-[number] working group on development. it is good that both korea as the current chair of the g-[number] and france as the incoming chair are pushing development on the agenda. let us be clear at the outset that development is not principally about aid. whether a people is able to lift itself from the depths of poverty depends more on internal than external factors. good governance is, of course, paramount. investing in the inherent potential of citizens and creating a favourable environment for that potential to be realized are central to good governance. we would like to commend president [number]-[number] [number] deiss on his decision to make reaffirming the central role of the united nations in global governance the theme of this general assembly. it is most timely. a critical element in good governance is education. with education, individuals are able to acquire the information and knowledge they need to add value to the world. aid that helps a people to build up its internal strength is valuable. aid that creates dependency is harmful. with education, a citizenry is more able to insist on democratic safeguards against the abuse of power and corruption. taking full advantage of globalization and information technology, we can now spread education into remote corners of the world. one of the most important developments in the world today is the widespread availability of cheap mobile phones, often with built-in cameras. mobile phones have altered traditional power relationships everywhere where they are available. no longer can individuals be kept ignorant and exploited for long, because they have alternatives. as smart phones fall in price which they are bound to do social networking infrastructures like facebook, which already has half a billion users in the world, will radically change the world we live in. without being planned for or financed by any national government, facebook is arguably the most important social infrastructure in the world today. it is an astonishing phenomenon. yet, it is only one wave of many more waves to come. whether we like it or not, the revolution in technology not only information technology but also in genetics, material science and other fields will cause the creative destruction that many politicians dread. communities and governments that work with technological change will surge ahead, while those fighting change will be left behind. in this new age, those who are wedded to dogma and ideology become stuck in the past. therefore, when we talk about development, the key is education. we must make sure that basic conditions are met, that children are fed and healthy and that no group is discriminated against on the basis of ethnicity, religion or gender. the knowledge needed for development is already available in the world, and delivery systems can be readily put into place. unfortunately, there are many obstacles impeding the flow of knowledge. protectionism is a major obstacle. it slows the spread of education and knowledge. throughout history, every time a new trade route is established, knowledge flows along it, enabling the relatively backward to catch up. our inability to move the doha development agenda forward is particularly injurious to ldcs. an important way to help communities acquire more knowledge and use information better is to foster the growth of liveable cities. to develop, countries have to urbanize, and in the coming decades large parts of the world will be urbanized on every continent. china during mao zedong s time was [number] per cent urban. today, it is almost half urban. in [number] years time it will reach the same level of urbanization as taiwan or countries like korea and japan, which are over [number] per cent urban. urbanization as an organic process of development can be healthy or unhealthy. cities can be energy-efficient, knowledge-intensive centres of production, education and sustainable living, or they can be hellholes festering with poor education, unemployment, inequality, crime and pollution. because of the specific challenges that we had to overcome in our own development, singapore has been promoting the sharing of urban developmental experiences as a practical way to help countries develop in areas such as public administration, low-cost housing, water management, transportation planning and better logistics. developing countries that are urbanizing rapidly and they have to do so in order to develop should not have to repeat the mistakes of those who have gone before them. all of us have a vested interest in the growth of liveable cities in the third world. for example, carbon emissions cannot be reduced without healthy urbanization. we hope that fostering liveable cities will become a major objective of the g-[number] countries. the best form of aid we can provide is knowledge and training. two years ago, singapore signed an agreement with the world bank to establish an urban hub for the dissemination of knowledge about liveable cities. a basic requirement for healthy urban development is good water management, which has become a major challenge in various parts of the world. we should do much more to learn from one another s experiences, especially in the face of growing weather volatility. last friday, slovenia convened a [number] [number]-[number] green group meeting involving a small group of countries to discuss the subject of water management, which we hope will be given more attention in the future. despite the concerns about the global economy, never before have the prospects of bringing development into every continent been so promising. this is not to say that outcomes will be equalized. human beings as individuals and in groups are competitive by nature, and we must expect that some will do better than others at any point in time. indeed, by learning from the successes and mistakes of front- runners, human communities often leapfrog over one another, and this is a historical process. competition, however, should be conducted in a civilized way and within an overall global framework and value system that recognizes our global humanity and destiny.
it is not without some emotion that i appear before this assembly both as head of state of burkina faso and current chairman of the organization of african unity oau , to extol, here in this sanctuary of nations, peace and harmony between human beings. to promote peace and security for our era and for future generations is the objective of the nations of the world gathered here. it is also the message which i bring on behalf of africa, being convinced that, armed with this immense hope, the organization for african unity and the united nations, intimately linked, can make a reality of humanity s legitimate aspiration to a better destiny. but first, i should like to congratulate you, sir, as well as the other members of the bureau, upon your election and the confidence placed in you to bring the work of this fifty-third session to a successful conclusion. i also congratulate your predecessor, mr. udovenko, on the energy with which he discharged his duties. mr. secretary-general, i would like to address my congratulations to you and your staff on the work you have done in so little time and offer my encouragement [number] for the battles still to be won. it is entirely to the credit of the whole united nations system that it carries the torch of peace higher every day. the century which is drawing to its close will be remembered as one of great challenges. seriously shaken by the two world conflicts, it also mustered the necessary resources to sound the death knell of colonialism and apartheid. the liberation of colonized peoples and territories was historically necessary to ensure greater justice, tranquillity and well-being for our civilization, a civilization which finally understood that its survival lay in the organization of a genuine collective security. but the cold war, which led to bipolar confrontation exacerbated by ideological antagonism, made this security illusory. international peace and security have not been consolidated with the end of the cold war. conflicts and disturbances which no authority could contain quickly followed. the resurgence of these crises and the inadequacy of the solutions proposed to resolve them bring to mind the plight of the dana des, those mythological beings who were condemned to fill up a bottomless barrel. the international community s failure to restore peace to somalia and to prevent genocide in rwanda will stand out in the history of the african continent. this failure has undoubtedly greatly contributed to awakening our somewhat lethargic consciences and forcing us to confront ourselves. it has revealed to africa, which may still have had its doubts, the limitations of the united nations. the twentieth century thus ends with this acknowledgement, which, though shocking for more than one reason to those still lulled by the illusions of an age-old humanism, is at least realistic and belongs to the new era that is beginning. it is an acknowledgment that the united nations, to which africa has given so much, cannot do everything for the continent in its struggle to quell the numerous hotbeds of tension and ensure its development. the conclusion to be drawn from this fact is self-evident africa must recognize this reality and come to terms with it. the thirty-fourth assembly of heads of state and government of the organization of african unity, held in ouagadougou on [number]-[number] june [number], devoted the thrust of its deliberations to this new reality, which challenges and commands africa to take control of its own destiny. assessing the scope and importance of the responsibilities this entails, and which are theirs to assume, the heads of states took the decision to affirm their common will to focus fully more than in the past on the prevention, management and resolution of african conflicts. this commitment will certainly ensure greater visibility both for the organization of african unity and for the continent s various regional organizations in their search for peaceful solutions to these conflicts. though africa s experience in taking control of its own affairs is still quite recent, encouraging results have been recorded in the management and resolution of certain conflicts, results which deserve to be saluted here. the task, therefore, is not beyond the capacity of africans. it is my ardent wish that this experience be extended to the whole continent, to the most ancient crises as well as the most recent. from north to south, from east to west, africa must henceforth more systematically involve itself in the management and settlement of conflicts wherever prevention was not enough, where it did not succeed in guaranteeing peace. to this end, initiatives to strengthen the continent s capacity to respond quickly to crises have been generated by africans themselves. the advantage they have over all other initiatives is that they are african. in order to be developed and implemented, they need the unequivocal support of the international community. subregion by subregion, they need to be developed, without exception and in harmony. preventing, managing and resolving the conflicts in africa, whose number and complexity are increasingly disturbing, requires solid and reliable mechanisms, appropriate to local conditions, mechanisms dedicated to the cause of peace, without which africa cannot undertake sustainable development. clearly, the world s problems are immense, complex and alarming. the extreme difficulty of dealing with the establishment of peace in isolation gives multilateral diplomacy an ever-growing role in the resolution of conflicts. the united nations and regional organizations such as the organization of african unity can bring a great deal to this task. the oau, for example, possesses a mechanism for conflict prevention, management and [number] resolution. created in cairo in [number], this mechanism, whose effectiveness and practicality we are working to ensure, should to be the crucible in which a genuine preventive diplomacy can be forged. that is all the more imperative since the consequences of conflicts, whether internal or international, are always devastating. at the institutional level, therefore, we are equipped to respond to conflicts, and we also have the will to do so, for, as i emphasized during the thirty-fourth oau summit, the issue of security and peace in africa is primarily of concern to africans. no mechanism has any chance of succeeding effectively over time if it is imposed from outside. of course, external solidarity, if it is sincere, will always be welcome, given that in such a complex and changing field concerted and resolute action can only be beneficial. i have already emphasized that the management of conflict situations often requires the deployment of a level of human, material and financial resources beyond the capacities of our countries. thus, international organizations should continue to show solidarity and partnership with africa. i therefore call upon the united nations, with its wealth of experience, to contribute not only to strengthening structurally the mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution in africa, but also to provide technical and logistical support, since in the end we share the same ideal assuring for our world the security and peace essential to its development and flourishing. in this test of international solidarity, one thing is certain africa must definitively and first of all rely upon itself. we africans are aware that in order to be masters of our destiny we must forge it ourselves. in response to this imperative no sacrifice has been spared by any state of our continent to establish an internal climate that is conducive to growth and sustainable development. after the years of uncertainty and stagnation, africa has entered a new era, marked by clear economic recovery in the wake of bold reforms and characterized by greater austerity and rationality in the management of public and state affairs. this movement towards transparency in management and good governance has been accompanied by the establishment of homogeneous subregions in which the common destiny of africans is daily forged, thanks to the sustained harmony of our principles and policies of integration, the ultimate objective of which is the establishment of an african economic community in the first half of the twenty-first century. at present africa faces two challenges peace and political stability on the one hand, and sustainable development on the other. in their struggle and daily efforts to emerge from underdevelopment, african governments and peoples are not alone. they know how to rely on the sincere support of their friends. this includes the operational development system of the united nations, which i should like to commend for its dedication to the uplifting struggle against poverty and other forms of deprivation that afflict african peoples. it is therefore regrettable that the united nations agencies that are at the heart of the struggle for human security in africa such as the united nations development programme and the united nations children s fund, to cite only two examples are seeing their financial resources slowly dwindle while the mission entrusted to them calls for a redoubling of efforts and resources. that is why i call upon all to demonstrate their goodwill by contributing to the operational development system of the united nations the resources it needs in order to assist africa in confronting the challenges of peace and development. the same goes for the question of debt. it would be desirable for the eligible countries to have their debt rescheduled at the same time as they are initiating reforms. it hardly needs recalling that debt is an unbearable burden for our still fragile economies. globalization offers us the means and advantages required to succeed in the boldest undertakings, provided that we clearly define our objectives and involve our peoples in the challenge of propelling africa along the path of progress. it is incontrovertible that globalization, which implies a spirit of partnership, limits the independence and initiatives of states. but can humanity continue to flourish if the gap between rich and poor nations, between the affluent and the destitute within the same nation, grows inexorably? the time has therefore come to rethink seriously the responsibility of international institutions in the regulation of the globalized economy in order to ensure a balance between economic growth and social prosperity. to do [number] that, it is more than indispensable and more than timely to engage in a restructuring of the united nations, and especially of the security council, in order to make it a true instrument for the application of the principles of justice, equity and democracy. africa accounts for one third of the members of the united nations. that is why it is unacceptable that, after more than [number] years of our organization s existence, an entire continent africa should be absent from the permanent membership of the security council, which, paradoxically, debates problems that are for the most part african. if the united nations were to apply the principle of equity, would the sanctions against the libyan arab jamahiriya continue despite the opinion of the international court of justice and, above all, despite the decisions and resolutions of heads of state in the organization of african unity, the league of arab states, the organization of the islamic conference and the non-aligned movement calling for those sanctions to be lifted? today security council resolution [number] [number] has underscored the primacy of law for resolving this dispute, and the majority of nations within our world organization hope that conditions of transparency will be met so that the trial can be concluded, in the interest of the victims and the libyan people. moreover, africa hopes that the security council will dispatch a mission of inquiry to the sudan in the wake of the bombing of the pharmaceutical factory in khartoum. africa forcefully condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and calls upon our world organization to create the necessary conditions for a frank debate of this issue and for strong and concerted action against this phenomenon, while keeping in mind that unresolved angers and frustrations born of economic or historical conditions restrict our capability to act. in the same vein, can the united nations continue to deny the legal and international reality of a state such as the republic of china on taiwan, whose [number] million women and men are excluded from making any contribution to the activities of our organization? i am among those who believe that africa is on the path of hope. i remain convinced that the economic, political, cultural and social obstacles that confront africa call forcefully for its children to rediscover the road to unity that will allow them to take effective control of their destiny. without union, africa will remain on the periphery of history. common sense tells us that we africans must once and for all rid ourselves of that image of the outstretched hand that bedevils us and build the covenants of friendship, dignity and pride that will confer so much solidarity and generosity. this quest for independence does not deny the importance of solidarity among peoples. it means reaching a new understanding of human rights and the rights of peoples it means taking on the responsibility of knowing how to remain ourselves.
the international community is currently going through a period of reflection and self- definition. the great transformations that humanity experienced during the course of the previous decade, as well as current challenges, demand greater responsibility on the part of our nations in playing an active role in the search for urgent solutions to the problems that are affecting us. this new session of the general assembly presents us with an excellent opportunity to achieve that goal. today, the dominican republic reaffirms its commitment to peace, the defence of human rights, security, sustainable development and the strengthening of democracy pillars of indisputable importance in safeguarding international peace and stability. the issue of the reform of the united nations has been on our agenda for a long time. events of recent years make it clear that this task must be undertaken as a matter of priority. the reform the security council is particularly urgent. ever since the approval of resolution [number] [number] of [number] december [number], we have been engaged in an ongoing debate on the various reform proposals. now, however, it is time to act to restructure the council so as to make it more representative and equitable, as well as more transparent in its decision- making, thereby strengthening its legitimacy as the guarantor of international peace and security. terrorism has emerged as an ongoing threat to humanity. uncertainty and pain have characterized the beginning of the twenty-first century. our nations have the challenge of fighting together, at a global level, against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and in favour of equitable development and free societies. security problems call for decisive action against international terrorism, organized crime and the illegal trade in arms and drugs. the millennium summit established as one of its main goals the reduction of poverty by [number] per cent by [number]. notwithstanding some progress in the achievement of those goals, poverty remains a terrible scourge. the dominican government, which considers that issue to be one of great importance, has created a social cabinet to act as a coordinating mechanism for all governmental institutions for social welfare, and is helping to ensure that both national and international resources are distributed equitably and allocated to regions that require social investment. all countries must join efforts, accepting responsibilities, both shared and separate, to guarantee that growth and poverty do not go together and that, in meeting the needs of the present generation, we do not cause the destruction of future generations capacity to meet their own needs. the positive outcome of the fourth ministerial conference of the world trade organization, held in doha, qatar, in november [number], and of the international conference on financing for development held in monterrey, mexico, in march [number], was a key element for achieving millennium development goals. the doha development agenda and the monterrey consensus provided a framework to facilitate market access, improve multilateral regulations for channelling globalization and increase financial aid for development. however, we must mention what happened at the fifth ministerial conference of the world trade organization wto recently held in canc n, mexico. although agreement was not reached because of fundamental differences in the positions regarding essential world trade issues, we are convinced that this will not affect the multilateral system of negotiations. on the contrary, some member states maintain that this impasse may even be necessary to shape more equitable international agreements at the heart of the wto. what is an important issue is not to lose the development perspective within the work programme of the wto, as set in the doha development agenda, because that agenda includes the aspirations of millions of people around the world, whose hope for progress lies in the opportunities of the global economy. the position of the dominican government with regard to the middle east conflict is based primarily on unconditional adherence to the norms and principles of international law, particularly those related to the peaceful solution of disputes condemning the use of force and terrorism in all its forms complying in good faith with international treaties and on strict observance of resolutions of the united nations and its deliberative bodies. devoted to these principles, the dominican republic has, in response to the humanitarian appeals [number] of the security council, participated in the efforts to rebuild iraq, in order to contribute to the development of a secure and stable environment in which the sovereignty of the iraqi people may be restored. similarly, our country supports the peace process outlined in the road map submitted by the united states of america and endorsed by the russian federation, the united nations and the european union. we understand that a cessation of violence cannot be postponed, along with the historic pledges of all parties to make sacrifices to promote a lasting solution to the conflict and peaceful coexistence. drawing up sustainable development policies calls for dealing with problems before they emerge. this implies making headway in achieving the millennium development goals, particularly on crucial issues such as energy and protection of the environment. in this respect, our nation reiterates its rejection of the international maritime transport of radioactive and toxic waste, a position which has been expressed in other international forums. this issue is linked to international security. the importance of guaranteeing women equal rights and equity, and promoting their increased political participation, has been a continuous concern of the heads of state in various international forums. the international research and training institute for the advancement of women instraw , the only institution within the united nations system dedicated exclusively to that end, has its headquarters in santo domingo, capital of the dominican republic. the dominican government calls upon member states to continue supporting the work of instraw in the dominican republic by providing contributions, to the extent that they can. our country commends the culture of peace, and is making efforts to ensure that at the primary level children are taught about promoting mutual understanding and learn about civics and human rights. similarly, we believe that a solid and permanent democracy is an achievable goal. the challenges here are clear growing democracy, more respect for civic rights, freedom of the press freedom of expression of political parties and public opinion dignity and transparency of all leaders and the moral legitimacy of all. deeply concerned about the spread of hiv aids in our nation, the government has made great efforts to comply with the commitments entered into in the declaration on fighting this terrible disease. we call for increased international cooperation and efforts to guarantee the availability of drugs at affordable prices, based on the doha declaration on intellectual property and the right to health. the dominican republic salutes with optimism the role played by the united nations and the organization of american states oas in efforts to develop humanitarian aid programmes for the haitian people. it is imperative to stress here the need for greater support from the international community for our neighbouring republic of haiti and its neglected population. although we are aware that this issue has been excluded from the agenda of the current session , we wish to state our support for the aspirations of the republic of china, taiwan, to rejoin this organization, of which it was a member for many years. our position is in line with the universal principles contained in the charter, the basis of the rules of international law and the historical tradition of friendly relations with taiwan. on behalf of the dominican government, sir, may i congratulate you on your election as president, confident that your conduct of this session will be successful, beneficial for the international community and a source of pride to your country, saint lucia, and thus to our caribbean community. i also wish to express the dominican government s rejection of the barbaric act perpetrated against the united nations mission in baghdad on [number] august, and to reiterate to the families of mr. sergio vieira de mello and of the other deceased colleagues our most heartfelt condolences. we are all aware of the great challenges confronting humanity. our future depends on the actions we take now. we have the opportunity to meet the expectations of the nations of the world. let us take up this challenge with all due responsibility.
i would like to begin by extending my warmest congratulations to you, sir, on your assumption of the presidency at the sixty-fifth session of the general assembly. i have every confidence that under your distinguished leadership this session will indeed yield fruitful results. may i also take this opportunity to pay tribute to secretary-general ban ki moon. we deeply appreciate his wholehearted commitment and selfless dedication to the noble and lofty goals of this august organization. since their launch in [number], we have made headway towards achieving the millennium development goals mdgs . yet progress varies greatly across regions and countries and is uneven in terms of targets. among other things, maternal and child health warrants our special attention as the most off-track goal in most regions. indeed, improving maternal and child health is the best investment we can make to carry momentum over to all other closely related goals. in view of the importance it attaches to this goal, the republic of korea has joined the group of [number] muskoka initiative for maternal, newborn and child health. furthermore, korea fully supports the secretary-general s pursuit of the global strategy for women s and children s health, and it welcomes the enthusiasm of all stakeholders for this important initiative, as was demonstrated at this week s meeting. with only five years remaining until [number], the prospects for meeting the mdgs are not altogether encouraging. it is high time for the international community to renew its resolve and galvanize global efforts to achieve these vast and meaningful goals. i earnestly hope that, when we gather again in [number] to review progress, we will find that implementation of the commitments at the high-level meeting held earlier this week exceeds our most optimistic expectations. we must bear in mind that the success of the mdgs hinges on honouring development commitments and redoubling efforts to strengthen global partnership. in full recognition of this, the republic of korea has embarked on a midterm plan to triple its official development assistance oda budget over the next five years to [number]. [number] per cent of gross national income, despite tight financial constraints. as a new member of the organization for economic cooperation and development assistance committee, korea is seeking to improve the quality of its development assistance by undertaking far-reaching reforms in its oda system. last year, basic laws on oda were enacted as the first step forward. korea will also align its development policy to reflect the actual needs of the recipient countries and encourage their taking ownership. with its unique experience of fast economic and social development, korea will do its utmost to play a bridging role between the donor and recipient countries. next year, korea will host the fourth high-level forum on aid effectiveness in busan. the korean [number] [number]-[number] government will make every possible effort to ensure that this forum serves to map out a new direction for international development cooperation that can address evolving global needs. it is indeed our common belief that development cooperation is an investment for all. a sustainable and balanced world economy requires us to narrow down the persistent development gap. this is the shared goal of the group of [number] g-[number] and the united nations. the g-[number] leaders have agreed to place development as a crucial new item on the agenda for the upcoming g-[number] summit in seoul this november. the g-[number] development agenda will concentrate on building capacity to promote economic growth in the developing world. in this way, the group of [number] is expected to complement the ongoing development agenda, including the mdgs. global financial safety nets will be another new agenda item at the seoul summit. robust and reliable global financial safety nets are vital, especially for developing countries, which are most vulnerable to volatile global capital flows. the seoul summit will focus on faithful implementation of the previous agreements, which will help to bring back the stability of the global market at an early date. leaders will continue to coordinate their policies for a strong, sustainable and balanced growth of the world economy. reforms of international financial institutions and financial regulations will also be central to the discussion at the g-[number] summit. as the g-[number] president this year, korea is committed to ensuring a successful outcome for the summit, one that will contribute to overcoming the current crisis and to working out the post-crisis management of the world economy. in discussing economic growth, particular emphasis must be placed on green growth. indeed, this lies at the heart of sustainable development. in an effort to curb greenhouse gas emissions, korea has set a voluntary reduction target of [number] per cent against the business-as-usual levels by [number]. together, we will gradually shift the growth paradigm from an energy- intensive to a green growth economy. as part of the efforts to promote the green growth strategy in the international community, we launched the global green growth institute last june. we hope that this institute will become an integral part of the global endeavour to move towards sustainable development as korea strives to share green growth vision and assistance with developing countries. on the peace and security front, peacekeeping operations have become the most visible and defining feature of the united nations. the increasing demand and growing complexity of peacekeeping operations call for continuous improvement in the operation of the missions. strategic goals should be set more clearly. the troops should be deployed more swiftly. operations should be conducted in a more professional and disciplined way. to this end, all stakeholders, including troop-contributing countries and financial contributors, should focus on close coordination and cooperation. the republic of korea has been a committed contributor to united nations peacekeeping efforts. korea dispatched [number] contingent troops this year alone to the united nations stabilization mission in haiti to help rebuild the country shaken by a tragic earthquake. currently, some [number] korean soldiers are serving in [number] peacekeeping missions, including the united nations interim force in lebanon. we believe that our newly enacted law on participation in peacekeeping operations will further enhance our response capacity in united nations peacekeeping and peacebuilding operations. one of the most urgent security challenges today is the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. it is imperative to further strengthen international disarmament and non-proliferation regimes built around the nuclear non-proliferation treaty npt . in this regard, korea welcomes the adoption of the final document at the [number] npt review conference in may. we trust that this hard-won achievement will lay the groundwork for future progress in nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. the nexus between weapons of mass destruction and terrorism also poses a grave risk to global security. with this shared understanding, the leaders at the nuclear security summit held in washington, d. c. , last april recognized the potentially catastrophic consequences of nuclear terrorism and committed to strengthening nuclear security. it was agreed that concrete steps for securing nuclear materials should be taken to prevent them from falling into the hands of terrorists. we look forward to follow-up discussions on [number]-[number] [number] nuclear security at the second nuclear security summit, which is to be held in korea in [number]. in august, president lee myung-bak of the republic of korea proposed a new vision of the peaceful reunification of korea, which will serve to stabilize inter-korean relations and ultimately bring about a reunified korea. to make this vision reality, we will work earnestly to build three communities a peace community to ensure security and peace on the korean peninsula an economic community to develop north korea s economy and eventually achieve inter-korean economic integration and a community of the korean nation which will ensure the dignity, freedom and human rights of all individuals. however, this vision for peaceful reunification is not without obstacles. sixty years after the outbreak of the korean war in [number], there still remain threats to peace on the korean peninsula. a case in point is the sinking of the republic of korea s naval vessel, the cheonan, by a north korean torpedo attack on [number] march this year. the international community sent a firm and unified message to north korea by adopting the security council presidential statement of [number] july. north korea must take responsibility for its unprovoked attack and refrain from any further provocations. the biggest obstacle in our path towards a peace community is the resolution of the north korean nuclear issue. unless north korea forgoes its nuclear weapons programme, no sustainable peace can be achieved on the korean peninsula and beyond. through the adoption of security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , the international community urged north korea to abandon all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programmes in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner. in order to secure the lifting of sanctions and the ending of isolation, north korea should make the strategic decision to live up to its commitments to denuclearization. a nuclear-free north korea would also open the way to saving its people from the current miserable human rights and humanitarian situation. last year, on this very occasion, president lee proposed the grand bargain initiative a single comprehensive agreement that encompasses all steps for north korea s denuclearization and the five parties corresponding measures. together with the international community, we will work tirelessly to persuade north korea to make the right choice a choice that will ensure a better future for both its country and its people. once north korea demonstrates genuine change in its behaviour and attitude, my government is prepared to engage in meaningful dialogue and cooperation with north korea. we are witnessing many global challenges that are testing the international community. these challenges cannot be addressed by one country alone or even by a group of countries. they summon us as global citizens to fulfil a common purpose. they call on the united nations to assume the mantle of global leadership. in order to effectively address the increasingly diverse and interconnected challenges, the united nations should heighten its reform efforts aimed at broadening its operational response capacity. the launch of un women is a clear testimony to the world community s efforts towards this end. korea commends that historic move to step up progress in meeting the needs of women and girls worldwide. un women will greatly contribute to enhancing system- wide coherence, bringing together resources and mandates for greater impact. we also welcome the recent appointment of michelle bachelet at its helm. furthermore, the upcoming review of the human rights council represents an excellent opportunity to muster our collective efforts to make the council more effective and efficient at fulfilling the promises we made at its establishment. the republic of korea looks forward to working closely with the international community in this joint effort. no reform of the united nations can be complete without security council reform. it is crucial that the council be more representative, effective and accountable. to this end, the republic of korea will continue to play a constructive role in finding the widest possible agreement on the major issues relating to council reform. the challenges facing the united nations are formidable. we may succeed in some endeavours and not in others, but we should not forget that the united nations is the best source of hope for many who are suffering from armed conflicts, extreme poverty and human rights abuses across the globe. the republic of korea remains fully committed to playing its due part in the efforts of the united nations to translate those hopes into reality.
mr. president, i bring you the fraternal greetings of my people and our congratulations on your elevation to your high office. your country, nigeria, and mine have deep historical and cultural links which underscore the need for mutual support and co-operation. however, on account of your personal qualities and the vision which you bring to the presidency, you are assured of the unfailing support of my delegation. permit me here to express my thanks to the former president, mr. dante caputo, for the skilful manner in which he has directed our deliberations over the past year. his guidance was most encouraging and the results, i must add, most gratifying. i wish to offer my country's sincerest thanks to the secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, and to the organs of the united nations for the support extended to antigua and barbuda in the wake of one of the most devastating hurricanes ever to have unleashed its fury upon the eastern caribbean. the damage to my country was severe but the response of the international community reaffirms my faith and my people's faith in the effectiveness of the united nations organs and in the goodwill of mankind. fifty years ago the havoc, brutality and destructiveness of the second world war was visited on mankind. the united nations, be it remembered, was created at the end of the conflagration to promote peace, security, economic reconstruction and self-determination. today the role of the united nations is pivotal in the continued promotion of peace, in the stride towards economic development and in the reconstruction efforts of so many nations where the ability to function has beat impaired by disasters, man-made and natural. this year, as the people of antigua and barbuda struggle to overcome the devastation of a hurricane, the r a is on d'etre of the united nations is made manifest. the office of the united nations disaster relief co-ordinator and the united nations development programme deserve high commendation for the support and pledges of continued assistance extended to my nation immediately following upon the consequential dangers of this natural disaster. two very disquieting and unrelenting man-made dangers which alarm my country and menace the most powerful countries in this hemisphere are terrorism and the trafficking in narcotics. both are grave causes of concern to the decision makers in my twin-is land country. it was less than one year ago that mercenaries unsuccessfully attempted to invade the republic of maldives. that blatant act of terrorism is a threat to the sovereignty of all snail countries in every hemisphere and an unsuspecting drain on our limited resources. my country can ill afford to spend our scarce foreign currency earnings on acquisition of military hardware. the choice for us is whether to buy more tractors, or to bring telephones into a distant village, or to offer scholarships to deserving youth, or to repair secondary roads for our farmers to transport their goods to market, or to increase our promotional budget for attracting business and visitors to our shores. but this looming terrorist threat requires a diversion of those scarce resources to rifles and ammunition and military uniforms. it is a threat which causes us to look towards the united nations for support. my country will join forces with a score of small countries to sponsor a draft resolution proposed by the republic of maldives requiring the creation of a type of united nations peace-keeping force to come to the assistance of any small state when requested so to do by its legitimate authority in the face of a terrorist threat to its sovereignty. in my immediate region, the eastern caribbean, eight nations, including my own, have formed a regional security force which offers greater protection than any single member state can provide on its own. but antigua and barbuda none the less endorses a broader approach as proposed by jamaica in a pending united nations draft resolution. the creation of a multilateral unit established under the aegis of the united nations is most appealing. such a unit would possess the ability to provide assistance in situations requiring intelligence and interdiction capabilities both are currently beyond the wherewithal of the extant caribbean regional security system. the mere willingness of many small countries and many island developing countries to lend their support to the concept evidences our increased faith in the united nations over the past two weeks every head of state from the americas who has addressed this body has expounded on the scourge of drug trafficking. the presidents of the united states and of colombia have noted that the threat to democracy posed by the drug cartels is real and present. the threat to my nation's sovereignty is not imagined. wealthy and powerful drug barons, when driven from their castles in one nation, will look to less defensive states from which to continue their criminal activity. to forestall the prospect of elevation fro [number] transit points in the trafficking of drugs to distillation centres for the production of the substance our island countries intend to seek increased united nations protection. for an industry which ranks second in economic activity only to the arms trade and whose profits exceed the global cost of debt-servicing, we are fighting a disaster more horrendous in its implications than an entire summer of hurricanes, drug abuse eats away the very foundations of civilizations and cultures which generations passed have bequeathed to us. it turns its victims into unrecognisable creatures and destroys our youngsters as surely as no tempest can. the purveyors of this evil must be apprehended and punished. small countries such as my own are conscious of the superior strength which the drug barons possess. antigua and barbuda will therefore be a co-sponsor of the draft resolution to be tabled by trinidad and tobago proposing the creation of an international criminal court of justice empowered with jurisdiction to bring to trial and to convict those dealers in death who have no nationality and for whom the sanctity of life has no meaning. the traffic in drugs and the threat of terrorism have the potential to undermine our sovereignty. but the harm to the environment, resulting in global warming, threatens the coastline of every country with flooding and our low-lying island nations with complete submersion. in march of this year we witnessed the convening of a summit meeting on the protection of the global atmosphere. the leaders of [number] countries adopted a common declaration addressed to all nations. the hague declaration emphasized that the environmental problem is world-wide and requires solutions devised on a global scale. the nature of the dangers involved necessitates the seeking of remedies to preserve the ecosystem and to enable humanity to live in dignity in a viable global environment. all states have an obligation both to our populations and to future generations. there is therefore need for regulatory, supportive and adjustment measures to take into account the participation and potential contribution of states which are at varying levels of development. many developing countries contribute to the degradation as their burgeoning populations cut down forests to provide timber and to make land available for cattle ranching and agriculture, much as the developed countries have done for centuries. the grave nature of the resulting, looming crisis can be gleaned from computer projections which indicate that the accumulation of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere as a consequence of development could increase the earth's average temperature by [number] to [number] degrees fahrenheit before the year [number]. resulting weather patterns could make infertile large tracts of land now under food production, and oceans could rise by several feet to flood large areas of coastal land, thereby causing innocent, non-contributing island countries to disappear under the sea. there is undoubtedly an increased recognition in all countries of the gravity of the environmental problem and collectively there are specific measures which can be taken by the nations of the world to safeguard our planet. there should be the imposition of special taxes on carbon-dioxide emissions, which would serve to encourage conservation. environmental review should become am integral part of lending procedures within countries so that local banks could be prevented from providing funds for projects that destroy habitats. funding should be increased for research on alternative energy sources, including that of solar power, and safer designs for nuclear reactors. financial assistance should be given to developing countries to enable us to construct high-efficiency power plants. and, although a number of other costly measures could be implemented, the simple act of establishing an international tree-planting programme is highly recommended. my country appreciates that the problem is most complex. antigua and barbuda accepts the view enunciated by the commonwealth secretary-general that "the current work on greenhouse gases and global warming requires the combined skills of physicists, meteorologists, biologists, geographers, economists, lawyers, engineers . . . to deal with such problems satisfactorily is a challenge to both statesmen and thinkers. " it is widely accented that all solutions require multilateral co-operation, we insist that the principle of multilateralism be applied, conscious of the fact that the mechanism of the united nations mu3t again be called upon to provide technical leadership and support. antigua and barbuda also seeks the support of the united nations community in promoting a new approach to measuring the economic well-being of island developing countries. we again reiterate that the use of conventional economic indicators to measure the economic standing of island developing countries is neither apt nor realistic. conventional indicators distort our economic soundness, ignore the fragility of our economic base, and fail to compensate for the disproportionately high costs attached to providing routine services to small populations. the gross national product per capita is the major culprit. it does not take into account that tourism, the economic lifeline of many developing countries including my own, requires massive expenditures for promotion. the export of manufactured goods does not. promotional spending takes place in the developed countries from which the tourists come, resulting in a continuous transfer of our hard-earned hard currency to developed countries. but this spending must take place. promotion is the sine qua non of a successful tourist-based economy [number] per cent of the gross domestic product off my country is generated by tourism. the gross national product per capita measuring device does not take that major fact into account nor does it give an adequate representation off our country's governability. last month a single hurricane destroyed in [number] hours the [number] years' work it took my government to provide a functioning electricity delivery system. the damage to our homes, our schools, our single hospital, agricultural crops and, most particularly, our fishing industry exceeds in dollars the aggregate export earnings off five years. combined. the difficulties resulting from hurricane hugo are compounded by economic constraints posed by our smallness, by an increasing disappearance of preferential markets, by a decline in official development assistance and by access restrictions to soft-loan financing. island developing countries once again present our case for the use of more reliable economic indicators and for special assistance from the united nations and its many organs. over the past six sessions antigua and barbuda has been in the forefront on the question of antarctica. again we seek to remind this body that antarctica is mankind's last frontier. man's intrusion there, if not carefully monitored and regulated, can dramatically alter the global ocean currents and weather patterns. antarctica is a meet significant regulator of the earth's weather systems any change in the antarctic environment can have a dire impact on the climate and environment of other parts of the earth. last year we had much cause for regret when we learned of the decision of the antarctic treaty consultative parties to disregard totally and completely general assembly resolution [number] [number], of [number] november [number], which called for a moratorium on negotiations to establish a minerals regime until all members of the international community are able to participate fully in such negotiations. this year we are greeted with a glimmer of hope as three of the antarctic treaty consultative parties have declared that they will not sign the minerals convention and are advocating instead the establishment off an antarctic wilderness park. we welcome this development. antigua and barbuda continues to call for the direct involvement of the united nations and the fullest co-operation of the antarctic treaty consultative parties with the secretary-general or his representative. many recent developments in technology have brought about major changes in the domestic well-being of several developing countries. as the pace of technology quickens, assail developing countries seeking to keep pace experience a strain on their resources. my country is nevertheless determined to use the products of science and technology to realize its development goals. our long-standing efforts to build and strengthen our endogenous capacity in science and technology have taken on a sense of urgency as we seek to improve social and economic conditions through expanded production, increased export earnings and international competitiveness. if we are to enhance the infrastructure of our learning institutions in the fields of science and technology, if we are to improve the management of science and technology, then my country must press the international community to increase the flow of technology to small countries on conditions acceptable to us. the islands of the caribbean were once populated by an ancient, robust, sea-faring people because of man's greed and viciousness, their populations were decimated to the point of near extinction. relics of their civilization can be found throughout every caribbean island. antigua and barbuda is thus compelled to raise its voice in calling for the protection of indigenous peoples in the modern world. we make this appeal in the knowledge that in this century ft ere have been more ethnocides, genocides and extinctions of distinct ethnic and tribal groups than in any other period of history. in [number] more than [number], [number] indigenous people around the world were murdered and more than [number] million were forced to flee their homelands. the violence manifested against indigenous peoples is in no sense random. the violence occurs, most frequently, when states or dominant groups attempt to exert complete control over ethnic or tribal minorities. many indigenous people live in the more remote and least-explored areas of their countries. they have been pushed so far that they are making a final stand against aggression. but they fight, like the heroic caribbean peoples of centuries past, against more formidable foes, to which they will most certainly succumb. not many decades from now the fate of the world's remaining indigenous peoples could be decided once and for all. antigua and barbuda will readily give its support to the proposal by the group for the studies of indigenous populations - a part of the united nations sub-committee for the protection of minorities - that [number] be declared the international year of the indigenous peoples of the world. africa's struggle for total liberation will come only with the eradication of apartheid. we are convinced that the oppressed majority of south africa - the black people of south africa - will soon win its freedom, with the unfailing support of the united nations. this year the general assembly will again devote a special session to apartheid. but we are certain that the racist pretoria regime will completely ignore the resolutions which are likely to emerge since it has, with impunity, ignored those which were adopted last year. south africa must be compelled to lift all state-of-emergency regulations, end its ban on all political organisations, restore free speech and movement, and commence a dialogue with the representatives of the majority population. my country reiterates its call for the adoption of mandatory sanctions of a comprehensive nature against the racist regime as a means to compel it to comply. antigua and barbuda calls once again for the release of nelson mandela and all political prisoners and seeks the cessation of the harassment of archbishop desmond tutu and the reverend alan boesak. antigua and barbuda condemns the racist south africans for creating impediments to an independent namibia. the states members of the united nations cannot become complacent we must not allow south africa to jettison the agreements readied through our efforts here. if we fail to deter south africa we shall disappoint the world, which is watching us, eager to see namibia take its rightful seat as the one hundred sixtieth state member of the united nations. the men and women of the united nations transition assistance group untag , international civil servants who are on site in namibia, have placed their lives in jeopardy several nationals of my small country are serving in namibia under untag. the assembly must ensure that they do not labour in vain, that south africa complies with security council resolution [number] [number] . we cannot allow the effort to end in failure. continuing on the subject of the african continent, we turn now to western sahara. antigua and barbuda actively supports the peace plan of the united nations secretary-genera' and the chairman of the organization of african unity. we lend our support to the people of western sahara in their struggle for self-determination and endorse all international efforts aimed at securing peace and stability in the maghreb region. permit me to focus upon my own region briefly. antigua and barbuda applauds the developments in central america, which are certain to bring peace. we endorse security council resolution [number] [number] , which relates to the esquipulas ii agreements. we adhere to our earlier statements that economic injustice is tine root cause of many of the local conflicts there these conflicts were exacerbated by the cold war. the number of proxy wars, though, is fast diminishing, and we welcome the demobilization and repatriation of irregular forces. poor nations with bare material storehouses can ill afford the squandering of scarce resources brought on by wars. the strengthening of democracy in the region will continue if peace lasts economic reform must also be instituted in order to guarantee peace. the people of central america, and especially the people of panama, are assured that our hearts are with them in this era of extreme difficulty it is our sincere hope that their many crises will soon be resolved. further a field, we are discouraged by developments in afghanistan. despite the agreement on the settlement of the situation relating to afghanistan, and despite the unanimous adoption of resolution [number] [number] of [number] november [number], the suffering of the sturdy afghan people continues. my country reiterates its support to that people's struggle to achieve self-determination and total autonomy. in lebanon, the people must be allowed to settle their differences without undue interference. my country stands ready to endorse any proposal that will lead to full lebanese sovereignty over the entire country and guarantee the withdrawal of foreign troops from lebanese soil. the entire middle east conflict continues to have the propensity for generating repercussions in a far wider sphere. the decisions taken by the palestine national council at algiers in november [number] and at geneva the following month created a diplomatic momentum which has since been supplanted by mistrust and doubt. it is imperative that there be an international peace conference. the interests of all concerned are best served through dialogue and negotiations in an atmosphere propitious to peaceful resolution. the united nations must continue its quest to find a letting settlement, premised on the rights of all states and peoples in that region to exist within recognized and secure borders. in south-east asia, two koreas seem permanent. the republic of korea has repeatedly expressed its desire to become a member of the united nations. antigua and barbuda can find no logical cause or explanation for denying it membership further, we consider it unjust that it is barred from membership for reasons other than those stipulated in the united nations charter. last year at this time we were encouraged by developments relating to cambodia. unfortunately, the conference convened in paris at the initiative of the government of france fell short of getting a direct commitment from the various factions. but it succeeded in working out significant elements of a comprehensive settlement and in identifying necessary aspects of a solution. it is hoped that there will be no slackening of efforts to bring about peace and justice in kampuchea. in cyprus, the fact that the leaders of the two sides involved in that conflict have committed themselves to achieving an overall settlement augurs well for the future. we are heartened by our secretary-general's announcement that a critical juncture has now been reached. antigua and barbuda consequently gives its full support to the effort and urges the two parties to reach an acceptable solution within the year. like snail countries antigua and barbuda looks increasingly to international law for protection, and we are keenly aware of the role of the united nations in promoting respect for law. the lawless dumping of hazardous wastes in developing countries requires immediate united nations action. it is unfair and unthinkable to burden with the by-products of affluent societies those that are endeavouring to keep their fragile ecosystems safe for this and future generations. it would be suicidal to accept the wastes of industrial societies in the caribbean given the complete reliance of our peoples on every square mile of our land and sea. antigua and barbuda calls for a strict international regime to protect all developing countries from becoming dumping-grounds for hazardous wastes. my delegation's request for united nations assistance and support in our hurricane recovery efforts, in the establishment of a multilateral force, in the creation of an international court of criminal justice in the provision of leadership and support on environmental issues, and a few other natters catalogued earlier, might appear to suggest that my small island developing country and maybe other small countries are willing to surrender, or to trade in, elements of our sovereignty for greater security and improved conditions. my country guards its sovereignty jealously. antigua and barbuda will remain a free and fully independent country just as long as the nation-state system survives. my prime minister, the right honourable doctor vere cornwall bird, has for [number] years been in the forefront of the struggle to win our independence, to improve our standard of living and to foster in us pride in our heritage. he continues to pass on to us a legacy which we shall never abandon. antigua and barbuda will do all in its power to ensure our continued development, to ensure lasting peace, and to secure humanity's survival through, multilatra1 efforts. however, we are willing to part with no more of our sovereignty than is the most powerful country in any hemisphere.
i should like, first of all, to extend my warmest compliments to his excellency mr. razali ismail, permanent representative of malaysia to the united nations, on his assumption of the presidency of the general assembly last week. i also pay tribute to the efforts of his excellency mr. diego freitas do amaral, who demonstrated great skill in presiding over the historic fiftieth-anniversary session. last year commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations. this year marks the fortieth anniversary of japan s admission to the united nations. over the past four decades, japan has consistently made its commitment to the united nations one of the main pillars of its foreign policy and has steadfastly supported the united nations. at the same time, japan has benefited immensely from the international system, including the united nations. i should like to take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude for the support japan has received from the international community in building the stability and prosperity it enjoys today. in addition, as the role of the united nations grows in importance in the new post-cold- war environment, i hereby affirm that japan is resolved to play a more active role by further strengthening the cooperation it extends to the organization for the sake of world peace and prosperity. my ultimate foreign policy goal is the creation of a better world for future generations, a world free of poverty and conflict. i intend to achieve this goal through change and creation, which is the mission of my cabinet. children who can talk vividly about their dreams of the future are the world s treasure. is it not our grave responsibility, as leaders of the international community, to build an environment in which the children of the next generation can flourish? efforts towards the creation of a better world for future generations must be based on the following three pillars first, securing world peace and stability secondly, promoting development so as to bring growth and stability to developing countries and thirdly, ensuring the well-being of each and every citizen throughout global society. these three pillars are interrelated, and we will be unable to achieve a world free of poverty and conflict if any one of the three is missing, or if only one of them is in place. since taking office, i have pursued foreign policies based on the strong belief that japan should be a nation that works for world peace and stability on its own initiative. in accordance with this position, japan intends to play a leading role in the building of each of these three pillars, as i shall subsequently explain. these are precisely the areas which the united nations of the twenty-first century will be expected to address. the first pillar is securing world peace and stability. this is surely of the utmost importance, because unless this is achieved, future generations will be left with nothing but confusion and destruction. at this time of ever greater interdependence, world peace is indivisible. instability in one region can readily lead to the instability of other regions and, in turn, to the instability of the world as a whole. it is japan s intention not simply to secure its own peace and stability but, consonant with the philosophy embodied in the constitution of japan, it will strive to secure global peace and stability and make greater efforts, commensurate with its political and economic status, for the prevention and resolution of conflicts in various regions of the world. it goes without saying that, as a nation in asia, japan will spare no effort in securing peace and stability in the region. the recent incident of infiltration by a north korean submarine makes us all the more aware of the importance of easing tensions on the korean peninsula. realization of the four-party meeting, which was proposed by the leaders of the united states and the republic of korea last april, is very important, and i should like on this occasion to reiterate japan s support for that proposal. in an effort to further strengthen the achievements of the cambodian peace process, which has proved to be a successful example of the international community s peace-building efforts, and looking ahead to the elections that cambodia will hold on its own for the first time beginning next year, japan intends to continue to extend assistance to that country. japan welcomes the fact that russia, also located in the asian region, is continuing its reform process in the light of the results of the recent presidential election. moreover, by actively participating in political and security dialogue, for example in the context of the asean regional forum, japan is endeavouring to further promote confidence- building in the region. [number] at the same time, japan is actively engaged in addressing issues in other regions, for example by cooperating with united nations activities to foster global peace. during the latter part of august i visited five countries in latin america where i witnessed at first hand the success of the democratization process and steady progress in economic reform. japan intends to strengthen its assistance for the stable development of this region. in the former yugoslavia, japan has contributed both personnel and financing to the local and national elections recently held in bosnia in view of their importance in the formation of a democratic political system. as a member of the steering board of the peace implementation council, japan will continue to participate actively in the civilian aspects of international efforts towards the implementation of the peace process. on the occasion of foreign minister ikeda s visit to the middle east in august, and chairman arafat s visit to tokyo in mid-september, japan called for continued negotiations among the parties to the middle east peace process. japan is determined to continue to contribute to the creation of an environment conducive to the advancement of the peace process by extending assistance to the parties concerned, including assistance to the palestinian people, and by participating in multilateral talks. japan is gravely concerned about the current situation in iraq. it strongly hopes that iraq will listen to the opinion of the international community and comply in good faith with the relevant security council resolutions so that the situation will be settled as soon as possible. in order to resolve the afghanistan issue it is important that foreign interference cease and that the success of the peace and reconciliation efforts of the united nations is ensured. toward that end, japan is providing an expert on that region to serve as a political counsellor at the united nations special mission to afghanistan. the ongoing regional conflicts in africa, including the situations in burundi, liberia and angola, are of grave concern. the international community must actively support the conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution efforts of african countries as well as the strengthening of their capabilities in this regard. in addition to extending financial contributions to the organization of african unity and the standing advisory committee on security questions in central africa, japan is extending assistance to peacekeeping operations, refugee assistance, rehabilitation assistance, and assistance for democratization in the form of personnel and intellectual input. peacekeeping operations are an effective complement to the collective security function as originally envisaged in the united nations charter, and they supplement the conflict-resolution efforts of the parties themselves. it is important that the international community should continue to support peacekeeping operations but also that it should seek their further reform. experiences in recent years have reaffirmed the effectiveness of traditional peacekeeping operations. their role in preventing conflicts, as exemplified by the success of the united nations preventive deployment force unpredep , is likely to become increasingly important. japan will continue to participate in the discussions that are now under way among interested member states on measures to improve the rapid reaction capabilities of the peacekeeping operations. japan is participating in the united nations disengagement observer force undof in the golan heights and intends hereafter to cooperate actively and as much as possible in peacekeeping operations. i believe that, as it responds to regional conflicts, the united nations has the potential to fulfil, in a practical manner, an extremely effective function through preventive diplomacy. i should like to propose that a meeting of eminent persons be convened to explore means of enhancing the organization s preventive diplomacy capability. in order to maintain international peace and stability, it is essential to further promote disarmament efforts and to strengthen the regime for the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. in particular, japan would vigorously emphasize the importance for the international community of promoting realistic and steady efforts for nuclear disarmament with the aim of realizing a world free of nuclear weapons. as the only country to have suffered nuclear devastation, japan has been making precisely this appeal to the international community as a top priority in accordance with its own philosophy. thus i am deeply gratified by the adoption of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty by the general assembly with the support of many member states this indeed marks a historic step towards a world free of nuclear weapons. having the opportunity just this morning to sign the treaty gave me great personal satisfaction. in order to realize the early entry into force of the treaty, japan would like to call upon those [number] countries which have expressed opposition to the treaty to accede to it at the earliest possible date from the broader perspective of promoting nuclear disarmament. for its part, japan will continue to make contributions in the field of verification of nuclear testing, by such means as expanding the technical cooperation on seismic technologies that it extends to concerned developing countries. as a next step towards the elimination of nuclear weapons, i should like to call for the early commencement of negotiations on a cut-off treaty which would prohibit the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. japan takes the problems posed by landmines very seriously. japan supports international efforts toward a total, worldwide ban on anti-personnel landmines. furthermore, in order to reinforce international support for measures to deal with anti-personnel landmines, japan is preparing to host a meeting at the senior official level in tokyo early next year. the promotion of development to bring about the growth and stability of developing countries is the second pillar required for the creation of a better world for future generations. development is a prerequisite for peace at the same time, the maintenance of peace is a precondition for development. as a leading donor, japan will work to further enhance its official development assistance at the same time, it is keenly aware of its responsibility to lead the discussion on issues relating to the proper form and provision of such assistance. based on this recognition, japan has been calling for a new development strategy. the central ideas in this strategy are an emphasis on the ownership by developing countries of the development process and on the establishment of a new global partnership in which developed and developing countries, released from the north-south confrontational mind-set, cooperate with each other. moreover, it is important to address development not simply with official development assistance, but also by organically combining various elements including trade, investment, economic policy, debt relief, technology transfer, and the development of social infrastructure. it is also important to extend assistance that is most appropriate to the circumstances of the particular country while paying adequate attention to the efforts made by developing countries in the promotion of democratization and the introduction of market-oriented economies. furthermore, japan attaches importance to the setting of development targets and the reinvestment in development activities of savings resulting from reforms, as well as to promoting coordination between the united nations and the bretton woods institutions. we have witnessed the development of various forms of regional cooperation, such as the southern african development community, mercosur, and the south pacific forum such regional cooperation is an important element for development. emphasizing the significance of south-south cooperation, japan is utilizing the japanese human resources development fund in the united nations development programme undp in order to support south-south cooperation. in the context of developing countries, japan attaches particular importance to the development of africa, where poverty and conflict are particularly acute. japan will actively promote its initiatives on assistance to african countries, which foreign minister ikeda presented during the general debate of the ninth united nations conference on trade and development, convened in south africa this past spring. in order to give new momentum to african development, japan is hoping to convene the second meeting of the tokyo international conference on african development in [number], which would follow a preparatory meeting that will take place, also in tokyo, in [number]. the third pillar to which i would like to refer is the guarantee of the well-being of every citizen of the global community. it is important to embrace the global community as a whole, and to give heed to the importance of each and every one of its members. indeed, the peace of mind of individuals contributes to the peace and stability of the world. japan intends to address more actively various social problems such as the environment, population, aids, drugs, terrorism, organized crime, refugees and the status of women, as well as problems relating to food and energy, which may become more acute in the years to come. concerned about environmental issues, japan will host the third conference of the parties to the united nations framework convention on climate change in kyoto in december next year. japan will make every effort toward the adoption at that conference of an effective and practical document prescribing an international framework to prevent global warming after the year [number]. i should like to call for the valuable cooperation of every member state and international organization concerned for the success of that conference. [number] recognizing that it is important that each and every human being be cared for, throughout more than [number] years of political activity, i have focused my attention on the protection of the most vulnerable among us and to the elimination of poverty. the initiative for a caring world which i proposed on the occasion of the lyons summit of the group of seven is an extension of this endeavour. under this initiative, japan intends, first of all, to share with developing countries its experiences in the field of social security, including health care, hygiene and social welfare services so that they can develop more effective services in these areas, and secondly, to exchange experiences and knowledge with other developed countries with respect to issues that they commonly confront. as i stated at the outset, i should like to urge world leaders to join hands and strengthen their efforts particularly on behalf of the well-being of children. ever since the japan committee for the united nations children s fund unicef was established in [number], my mother has been dedicating herself to promoting its activities. this has had a profound influence on me, and i too have been actively engaged in its activities. japan has been contributing approximately [number] million to unicef annually and it intends hereafter to strengthen its cooperation. as part of its initiatives on assistance to africa which i mentioned earlier, japan announced that it would provide assistance for the expansion of education and the eradication of polio on that continent. it also intends to enhance its assistance for the protection of the health of very young children in developing countries. the protection and promotion of human rights is the foundation of world peace and prosperity. japan is determined to support the democratic development of developing countries and at the same time hopes that the united nations will further enhance its activities in the field of human rights. as we approach the twenty-first century, it is essential that the united nations itself play a role that responds adequately to the growing expectations of the international community based on the three pillars to which i have been referring. towards that end, reforms that strengthen the functions of the organization are necessary. there is a consensus among the united nations membership regarding the importance of the new role envisaged for the organization as well as the urgent need for comprehensive united nations reform. however, when it comes to concrete measures for reform, a convergence of views among member states is yet to emerge. with the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, we witnessed an increase in the momentum for reform. it should be the aim of this fifty-first session of the general assembly to maintain this momentum so that a general agreement on the major elements of reform can be reached before the session ends. the entire united nations membership should then make every effort to reach an agreement on concrete measures to realize united nations reform in the near future. if the united nations simply engages in repetitious debate and proves incapable of reforming itself to adapt to the changing times, its very credibility could be severely undermined. it is thus incumbent upon the membership as a whole to be tenacious in its efforts to achieve reform. security council reform, and reforms in administrative and financial areas and in economic and social areas comprise the threefold centrepiece of united nations reform. i should like to point out the importance, above all, of carrying out these reforms as a whole in a balanced manner. for example, even though there may be a financial crisis, if we were to carry out reforms in that area alone, separately from reforms in the other two areas, it would not correspond to the original basic concept of united nations reform, which was to seek to strengthen the functions of the organization as a whole. permit me to present the views of japan regarding reforms in these three areas. i should like first of all to discuss the reform of the security council. inasmuch as the security council bears the primary responsibility for carrying out the major purpose of the united nations, namely, the achievement and maintenance of world peace and stability, its importance is obvious. as it has indicated on previous occasions, japan, with the endorsement of many other countries, is prepared to discharge its responsibilities as a permanent member of the security council in accordance with its basic philosophy of the non-resort to the use of force prohibited by its constitution. until the reform of the security council is realized, japan is determined to contribute to the work of the security council for the sake of international peace and security, and has presented its candidature for non- permanent membership on the council in this session of the general assembly. responding to the strong support and confidence that have already been expressed with respect to its candidature, japan will continue to make every effort so that it can play an active role on the security council. as i stated earlier, japan attaches great importance to development. more than two thirds of united nations member states are developing countries. if the united nations is to aim at achieving a world free of poverty and conflicts, it is crucial that discussions on development be further promoted within the organization. in this, the functions and role of the economic and social council should be strengthened and the integration of the various development issues with which the united nations is engaged should be ensured. japan is the second largest financial contributor to the united nations its assessment for the regular budget has increased to [number]. [number] per cent for next year, and is likely to increase further. japan will not shirk the tremendous responsibility it bears in financially supporting the united nations. however, with respect to the scale of assessment, i wish to reiterate that japan attaches importance not only to the concept of capacity to pay but also to the responsibility to pay. japan also welcomes the endeavours of the secretariat towards administrative streamlining and rationalizing. throughout the four decades since it joined the united nations japan has faithfully upheld the purposes and principles enshrined in the united nations charter. it has consistently attached importance to the united nations, and it is proud to be among the countries that have made the greatest contributions to its overall activities. disarmament, initiatives in the area of nuclear non-proliferation, an appeal for a new strategy on development issues, an active addressing of global issues, as well as considerable financial contributions to the united nations these are the issues to which japan has attached profound importance in recent years. i wish to conclude my statement in this general debate by reemphasizing japan s readiness to participate in the security council, which is at the centre of united nations activity, as well as to engage more actively and more constructively in the aforementioned areas of endeavour in order to discharge its responsibility with regard to world peace and prosperity.
let my first words before this world parliament be of confidence in the human capacity to overcome challenges and to move towards higher forms of partnership, both within and among nations. on behalf of the brazilian people, i reaffirm our belief in the united nations. its role in promoting peace and social justice remains irreplaceable. i pay tribute to secretary-general kofi annan for the leadership that he has shown in defence of a world united through respect for international law and solidarity among nations. the assembly convenes under the impact of the brutal attack on the united nations mission in baghdad, which took the life of its head officer, the high commissioner for human rights, our compatriot sergio vieira de mello. sergio's renowned competence was nurtured by the only weapons in which he believed dialogue, persuasion and, above all, concern for those who are most vulnerable. on behalf of the united nations, he showed a tolerant, peace-loving and courageous humanism that mirrors brazil's libertarian soul. sergio's sacrifice, and that of his colleagues, must not be in vain. we can best honour his memory by redoubling our efforts to protect human dignity wherever it is threatened. i warmly greet mr. julian hunte, who was elected president of the assembly at a particularly grave moment in the history of the united nations. the international community faces enormous political, economic and social challenges requiring an accelerated pace of reform. only thus will our collective decisions and actions be truly respected and effective. in my nine months as president of brazil, i have conferred with leaders of all continents, and i have sensed in them a deep concern to defend and strengthen multilateral institutions. the improvement of the multilateral system is a necessary counterpart to democratic practice within nations. every nation that practices democracy must strive to ensure that in international affairs, decision-making is equally open, transparent, legitimate and representative. the tragedies that have befallen iraq and the middle east can be overcome only within a multilateral framework one in which the united nations is given a central role. in iraq, the prevailing climate of insecurity and growing tension makes national reconstruction an even more complex task. that impasse can be overcome only under the leadership of the united nations leadership not only in re-establishing acceptable security conditions, but also in guiding the political process towards the restoration of iraqi sovereignty as soon as possible. we must not shy away from our collective responsibilities. a war can perhaps be won single-handedly, but peace lasting peace cannot be secured without the support of all. two years later, the images of the barbaric attack on [number] september still haunt us. there is a commendable willingness today to adopt more effective measures to deal with terrorism, with weapons of mass destruction and with organized crime. unfortunately, there are also worrisome signs of an attempt to discredit the organization and even to divest the united nations of its political authority. let there be no ambiguity on this subject no matter how invaluable its humanitarian work, the united nations [number] was conceived to do more than simply to clear away the rubble of conflicts that it was unable to prevent. our central task is to preserve people from the scourge of war, to negotiate settlements inspired by the principles and objectives of the san francisco charter. let us not place greater trust on military might than on the institutions we created with the light of reason and the vision of history. reform of the united nations has become an urgent task, given the present risks to the international political order. the security council must be fully empowered to deal with crises and threats to peace. it must therefore be equipped with the tools for effective action. above all, its decisions must seen as legitimate by the community of nations as a whole. its composition, in particular as concerns permanent membership, cannot remain unaltered almost [number] years later. it can no longer ignore the changing world. more specifically, it must take into account the emergence on the international scene of developing countries. they have become important actors that often exercise a critical role in ensuring the pacific settlement of disputes. brazil believes that it has a useful contribution to make. it seeks not to advance an exclusive conception of international security, but rather to give expression to the perceptions and aspirations of a region that today is a hallmark of peaceful coexistence among its members and that is a force for international stability. given the support we received in south america and beyond, brazil is encouraged to continue advocating for a security council that better reflects contemporary reality. we also favour an economic and social council capable of bringing about a fair and just economic order. it is crucial that the economic and social council regain the role bestowed upon it by the founding fathers of the organization. we wish to see the economic and social council cooperate actively with the security council in preventing conflicts and in nation building. the general assembly, in turn, must be strengthened politically so as to focus on priority issues and avoid duplication of effort. the general assembly has fulfilled a historically important role by convening major conferences and other meetings on human rights, the environment, population, women's rights, racial discrimination, aids and social development. however, the general assembly should not hesitate to assume its responsibilities for maintaining international peace and security. our organization has shown that there are legal and political alternatives to a veto- induced paralysis and to actions lacking multilateral endorsement. peace, security, development and social justice are indivisible. brazil has endeavoured to practice with utmost consistency the principles for which it stands. the new relationship we are forging with our south american neighbours is founded on mutual respect, friendship and cooperation. we are moving beyond our shared history and geography to create a unique sense of kinship and partnership. in this context, our relationship with argentina remains crucial. south america and latin america are increasingly seen as a region of peace, democracy and development that aspires to become a new outpost for growth in a stagnating world economy. we are deepening the already significant ties with traditional partners in north america and europe, but we also seek to widen and diversify our international presence. our relations with china and the russian federation have revealed unexpected complementarities. we are proud to be the country with the second largest population of african descent in the world. in november, i will be travelling to five countries in southern africa to foster economic, political, social and cultural cooperation. with the same goal in mind, we will also host a summit meeting between south american countries and the member states of the league of arab states. with india and south africa we have established a trilateral forum for political consultations and joint projects. the protectionism practised by rich countries unfairly penalizes efficient producers in developing countries. today this is the greatest obstacle to launching a new era of economic and social progress. brazil and its partners in the g-[number] maintained during the world trade organization summit meeting at cancun that the crucial goal of effectively opening markets is achievable through pragmatic and mutually reinforcing negotiations that bring about an effective opening of markets. i reaffirm our willingness to travel along a path that converges towards solutions that [number] benefit all countries, taking into account the interests of developing countries. we are entirely in favour of free trade as long as we can all compete on a level playing field. liberalization should not require countries to abandon the prerogative of formulating industrial, technological, social and environmental policy. in brazil we are engaged in setting up a new framework that balances economic stability and social inclusion. from that standpoint, trade negotiations are not an end in themselves, but rather a means to foster development and overcome poverty. international trade should be a tool not only for creating wealth, but also for its distribution. i reaffirm before this truly universal assembly the appeal i launched at the davos and porto alegre forums and at the enlarged summit of the g-[number] at evian. we must wage both politically and materially the only war from which we will all emerge victorious the war against hunger and extreme poverty. the eradication of hunger in the world is a moral and political imperative. and we all know that it is possible. what is truly required is political will. i do not wish to dwell on indications of barbarism. i would rather acknowledge ethical and social progress, no matter how modest. yet we cannot dismiss the statistics that expose the terrible scourge of extreme poverty and hunger in the world. hunger today touches a fourth of the world's population, including [number] million children. daily, [number], [number] people fall victim to malnutrition-related diseases. nothing is more absurd or intolerable than the pervasiveness of hunger in the twenty-first century, this golden age of science and technology. with each passing day, human intelligence enlarges the horizons of the possible and achieves prodigious feats. yet, hunger persists and, what is worse, it is spreading throughout various regions of the planet. the more we seem to approach the divine through our creative abilities, the more humanity betrays its aspirations through our inability to respect and protect our fellow creatures. the more we celebrate god by generating riches, the more we hurt our ideals by not minimally sharing them. what is the use of all our science and technology, of all the abundance and luxury that it has generated, if we do not put it to use, guaranteeing the most sacred of rights the right to life? i recall the penetrating warning, made by pope paul vi [number] years ago, but which is still surprisingly relevant the starving people of the world dramatically address their plea to the wealthy'. hunger is an emergency, and it should be dealt with as such. the eradication of hunger is a civilizational challenge that requires that we seek a shortcut to the future. will we act to eliminate hunger or will we forsake our credibility through omission? we no longer have the right to allege that we were not home when they knocked at our door asking for solidarity. we have no right to say to the famished who have waited for so long come back next century. the true path to peace is to fight hunger and extreme poverty to the end, in a campaign of solidarity that unites the planet rather than deepening the divisions and the hatred that inflame people and sow terror. despite the failure of systems that favour the generation of wealth without reducing extreme poverty, many people still persist in their short-sightedness and greed. since my inauguration as president of brazil on [number] january, significant progress has been made on the economic front. stability is back and the groundwork for a renewed cycle of sustained growth has been laid. we will continue to work hard to balance public accounts and to reduce external vulnerability. we will spare no effort to increase exports, raise the savings rate, attract foreign investment and start growing again. yet at the same time we must strive to cope with the need for food, jobs, education and health services for millions of brazilians living below the poverty line. we are committed to bringing about major social reform in the country. hunger is the most dramatic and urgent expression of a structural imbalance requiring correction through integrated policies that foster full citizenship. that is why i launched the zero hunger' programme in brazil. it seeks to eradicate hunger and its root causes in the shortest possible time by promoting major solidarity and wide-ranging programmes bringing together government, civil society and the private sector. the results of those [number] emergency and structural measures are already benefiting [number] million individuals who were previously denied the right to a daily meal. the goal of this programme is to guarantee that no brazilians will go hungry. the united nations adopted the highly acclaimed millennium development goals. the food and agriculture organization has at its disposal outstanding technical and social expertise. but we need to make a qualitative leap in the global endeavour to fight hunger. that is why i proposed setting up a global fund to fight hunger and suggested means to make it operational. other proposals have been put forward as well, some already integrated into existing united nations programmes. what has been lacking until now is the indispensable political will of us all, especially of those countries in a position to contribute most. creating new funds is of no use if no resources are committed to them. the millennium development goals are very worthy, but if we remain passive, if our collective behaviour remains unchanged, those goals may never materialize, and the ensuing frustration will be immense. now more than ever, good intentions must give rise to concrete gestures. we must put commitments into practice. we must practice what we preach with audacity, good sense and our feet firmly on the ground, yet boldly, and with new methods, solutions and intense social participation. for this reason, i am submitting a proposal for consideration by the general assembly to establish a world committee within the united nations itself to fight hunger. it would be made up of heads of state or government from all continents with the purpose of unifying and operationalizing proposals. we hope to attract donations from developed and developing countries according to their capacities, as well as from large private enterprises and non-governmental organizations. my life experience and political history have taught me to believe above all in the power of dialogue. i will never forget gandhi's invaluable lesson that when out of violence something good appears to result, this good is at best short-lived, while the evil that it produces is enduring. democratic dialogue is the most efficient of all tools for change. with the same determination that goes into my endeavours and those of my partners to make brazilian society more just and humane, i will invest in the establishment of international partnerships that foster equitable development and a more peace-loving, tolerant and unified world. this century, so full of technological and material promise, must not be allowed to slide into political and spiritual decline. it is our obligation to mould, under the reinvigorated leadership of the united nations, an international climate of peace and conciliation. true peace will bloom from democracy, from respect for international law, from the dismantling of deadly weapons arsenals and, above all, from the final eradication of hunger in the world. we cannot afford to frustrate such high hopes. the greatest and noblest challenge facing humanity is precisely that of becoming more humane. it is time to call peace by its true name social justice. i am convinced that together we shall be able to grasp this historic opportunity to bring about justice.
allow me to begin by congratulating his excellency mr. hennadiy udovenko on his unanimous election as president of the fifty-second session of the general assembly. his outstanding diplomatic skills and long experience in foreign affairs assure us that he will lead our deliberations at the present session to a successful conclusion. may i also pay our tribute to his predecessor, his excellency mr. razali ismail of malaysia for his sagacious and exemplary stewardship of the assembly at its fifty-first session. i also wish to extend our warm congratulations to the new secretary-general of the united nations, mr. kofi annan, on his assumption of his high office. the new secretary-general has already proved his dynamism and dedication in the discharge of his responsibilities not the least by providing us with his comprehensive united nations reform programme for our consideration at this session of the general assembly. this is a time for change and renewal for the united nations. the reform package, proposed by mr. kofi annan, secretary-general of the united nations in his report, renewing the united nations a programme for reform , is the most comprehensive proposal on the reform of the united nations in the [number]-year history of the organization. specific proposals, contained therein, need to be most carefully studied, and considered by all of us. another question of reform which is the subject of intensive consultations and discussions among member states at present is that of the composition and working methods of the security council. both the reform of the united nations and that of the security council are imperatives of our times. these institutions and their working methods need to be changed and adjusted appropriately to reflect the present-day realities. with regard to the reform of the united nations in general, we believe that there is a need for a thorough review of the united nations charter. many profound changes have taken place in the world since the charter was framed [number] years ago. we are of the view that the role of the general assembly should be enhanced in line with articles [number], [number], [number], [number] and [number] of the charter. the practice whereby a few great powers hijack important political issues for settlement among themselves in the security council, bypassing the assembly is not basically consistent with the spirit and principles of the charter. nor is it in the interest of the entire membership of the united nations and the interest of the organization. the general assembly should be more actively involved in the settlement of important political issues before the united nations. we wish to see more intimate and dynamic cooperation between the general assembly and the security council. moreover, the general assembly and the economic and social council should play a greater role in the coordination and direction of global macroeconomic policy matters. with regard to the reform of the security council, there is an emerging convergence of views among member states that the membership of the council should be expanded to reflect the present-day realities, although differences of opinion still exist on the modalities of enlarging the council. myanmar endorses the position of the non-aligned countries that the council should be [number] enlarged by not less than [number] new members and that such an enlargement should be based on the principles of sovereign equality of states, equitable geographical distribution and rotation. imbalance in the composition of the security council and gross under-representation in it of the non- aligned countries should be corrected in order to reflect the universal character of the world organization. in the category of permanent members, there are a few interesting proposals, including that of mr. razali ismail, president of the fifty-first session of the general assembly, recommending an increase of five new permanent members, two industrialized states and one state each from regions of asia, africa and latin america and the caribbean, respectively. there are also proposals to rotate the three new regional permanent seats. these proposals deserve our serious consideration. we believe that there is also a need for democratization and greater transparency in the working methods of the council. may i now touch briefly on the reform package, proposed by the secretary-general. we welcome the main thrust of his proposals for cost-cutting and streamlining of the united nations institutions and services. the important thing is that the reform of the united nations should truly benefit the entire membership, of which the majority are developing countries. our vision is a leaner and more efficient united nations that can more effectively respond to the challenges of our time and better serve the interests of the entire membership of the organization. in this respect, we need to examine most carefully whether the new senior executive posts it is proposed to create are really necessary and whether emphasis and focus on institutional reforms are rightly placed. these proposed reforms, if and when approved by the general assembly and implemented, will have far-reaching effects on the organization and will go a long way in determining how well the united nations will be equipped to meet new challenges in the twenty-first century. accordingly, we should not rush into reform measures for their own sake, showing undue haste. we should undertake a most careful examination and a thorough discussion of these proposals before taking firm decisions in this regard. myanmar is an ardent advocate of stepping up international disarmament efforts with a view to making further advances in this important area of our collective endeavour. we welcome the proposal by the secretary- general in his reform package to upgrade the centre for disarmament affairs to the department for disarmament and arms regulation. today, the post-cold-war international political climate is conducive to arms limitations and disarmament. last year, the general assembly successfully adopted the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty ctbt . we are encouraged to learn that the preparatory commission for the organization of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty is making good progress. however, it was disconcerting to learn of the recent subcritical non- explosive nuclear tests carried out by a nuclear-weapon state. such subcritical tests run counter to the spirit of the ctbt and to the cause of nuclear disarmament. we wish to see the cessation of all weapon-related nuclear tests be they explosive or non-explosive, subcritical or supracritical in all environments for all time. in the field of arms limitations and disarmament, we attach the highest importance to nuclear disarmament and elimination of weapons of mass destruction. at the historic golden jubilee session of the united nations general assembly, myanmar submitted, with the overwhelming support of member states, the draft resolution that became resolution [number] [number] p, entitled nuclear disarmament , calling upon the nuclear-weapon states to undertake a phased programme of progressive and balanced deep reductions of nuclear weapons with a view to the total elimination of these weapons within a time-bound framework and calling upon the conference on disarmament to establish, on a priority basis, an ad hoc committee to commence multilateral negotiations on nuclear disarmament. since the adoption of resolution [number] [number] p by the general assembly in [number], there has been a ground swell of renewed interest in and support for nuclear disarmament worldwide. in their advisory opinion of [number] july [number], all judges of the international court of justice unanimously reaffirmed the existence of a legal obligation for all states, including nuclear-weapon states, to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control. there has also been a clamour for nuclear disarmament by several groups of experts, groups of ex-military officials from some nuclear-weapon states and public organizations in various countries around the world. at the fifty-first session of the general assembly, my delegation once again successfully submitted a follow- up resolution resolution [number] [number] o on the same subject. my delegation will submit another follow-up draft resolution on nuclear disarmament at this year s session as well. we hope that, in view of its immense political [number] importance, our draft resolution will enjoy the overwhelming support of member states, as in previous years. the recent conference held in oslo from [number] to [number] september negotiated a draft convention to place a total ban on anti-personnel landmines. we are supportive of banning the export and indiscriminate use of anti-personnel landmines. we believe, however, that every country is entitled to exercise the right of self-defence, enshrined in article [number] of the united nations charter, in matters of its national defence. in our view, the real problem lies in the indiscriminate use of anti-personnel landmines and the export and trade in these weapons. it is the indiscriminate use of anti-personnel landmines that is actually killing and maiming innocent children, women and men the world over, and it is the export and trade in these mines that is causing their proliferation, leading to their indiscriminate use. we should effectively address these real issues, rather than reach out for an indiscriminate and all-encompassing total ban on anti-personnel landmines. next year, [number], will mark the fiftieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights. significant and substantial advances have been achieved by the united nations in the promotion and protection of human rights in the past [number] years. nowadays, increasing importance and emphasis have been placed on the promotion and protection of human rights. we are all for the promotion and protection of basic human rights, including the right to development. there is no question about that. but when it comes to the application of human rights standards, we are concerned by the deviation by certain western countries from the criteria of universality, objectivity and non-selectivity enshrined in the vienna declaration and programme of action adopted by the world conference on human rights. the politicization of human rights questions and the selectivity and use of double standards run counter to the spirit and basic norms of human rights. myanmar has been unfairly treated in this matter and has been singled out for censure by certain western countries under the guise of the promotion and protection of human rights. the fact is that never in our post- independence history have we in myanmar enjoyed such economic growth never have the myanmar people better enjoyed the basic human rights to peace and stability, shelter, clothing and food than at present. those western countries turn a blind eye to all these positive developments and accomplishments of the government in my country and indulge in the ritual of unfounded fabricated charges against my country. to cite a myanmar saying, their ignorance of the realities and misjudgment may be likened to that of a quack doctor who ignores the fact that the patient is a man and gives him a gynaecological diagnosis. a man must not be accused or censured for the offences he has not committed. for our part, we have cooperated with the united nations to the fullest extent possible. myanmar has been engaged in a continuing dialogue with the united nations. from [number] onwards, i myself, as a representative of the myanmar government, have held discussions with the secretary-general and his representatives at united nations headquarters in new york. assistant secretary- general mr. alvaro de soto, representative of the secretary-general of the united nations, has visited myanmar several times and has met and held discussions with officials of the government. there have also been several visits by the special rapporteur of the commission on human rights. moreover, the myanmar government has fully responded to queries on human rights situations and provided the full and comprehensive information sought by the united nations and its subsidiary bodies. we shall continue this cooperation with the united nations. the spread of narcotic drugs is a growing international concern. myanmar has always been in the forefront of the war on illicit drugs. a few facts and figures will speak for themselves. in the military operations from [number] to the end of august [number] by the myanmar armed forces to interdict drug traffickers, [number] members of the armed forces, including [number] commissioned officers, sacrificed their lives and [number] members, including [number] commissioned officers, sustained injuries. from [number] to date, operations to destroy narcotic drugs have been carried out [number] times in yangon operations to destroy narcotic drugs, drug refineries and poppy plantations have been carried out [number] times by the local populace in frontier areas a total of [number], [number]. [number] acres of poppy plantations have been destroyed. all these operations took place in the presence of foreign journalists and diplomats. myanmar has a comprehensive legal framework to combat drug abuse, including money laundering. under the [number] narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances law, money laundering and the acquisition of property by [number] the illegal means of drug trafficking are strictly prohibited. stern punitive measures for such criminal offences are prescribed and a separate body the property examination committee was constituted effectively to deal with these offences. myanmar s cooperation with other countries in mutual legal assistance in the suppression of narcotic drugs is exemplified by the handing-over of the drug trafficker mr. li yun ching by the myanmar authorities to the thai authorities on [number] may [number] during the goodwill visit of thai prime minister general chavalit yongchaiyudh to myanmar. a most significant accomplishment by myanmar in recent times in this respect is the declaration of mong-la special zone [number] of the eastern shan state as a drug-free zone as of [number] april [number]. special zone [number] of the eastern shan state and special zones [number] and [number] in kachin state have been designated for establishment as drug-free zones . effective measures are being implemented to totally eradicate drug abuse in these areas. we are confident that these areas will be totally drug free in the near future. by establishing an increasing number of such drug-free zones and by other effective measures of suppression of narcotic drugs, we envision and strive to achieve the total eradication of drug abuse in myanmar in the not-too-distant future. in fairness to all, it would be hard to find other countries that have made sacrifices of such magnitude in terms of loss of life and limb of the members of their armed forces and have carried out such massive destruction of narcotic drugs. no candid observer, free from any prejudice against myanmar, can deny these concrete facts. but certain westerners, bearing prejudice and malice against myanmar, are pointing accusing fingers at my country on all sorts of fabricated charges. nothing can be further from the truth. so glaring is their distortion of facts that we can only say that the analogy of the quack doctor i have quoted above also applies in this instance. as this is a time for change and renewal for the united nations, so it is for the association of south-east asian nations asean . in this year of the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the association, asean, at its ministerial meeting in kuala lumpur in july this year, admitted laos and myanmar, bringing its membership to nine. by so doing, asean has demonstrated to the world the solidarity among the south-east asian countries. we are confident that this will lead to the further expansion of the membership of the association to [number] in the near future. by this expansion, asean has once again proven its relevance, viability and dynamism as a regional organization. myanmar is also taking an active part in regional economic cooperation. an important step taken by my country recently is myanmar s joining of the bangladesh- india-sri lanka-thailand economic cooperation bist- ec in august this year. through its pursuit of an independent and active foreign policy, myanmar has consistently contributed to peace and stability in the region and beyond. as a member of asean and of the non-aligned movement, myanmar will continue this contribution through its active participation in international and regional affairs in future as well.
the convening in the splendid metropolis of new york of this last general assembly session of the millennium affords me the happy opportunity, on behalf of the people, the government of public salvation and the head of state, his excellency president laurent-d sir kabila, of the democratic republic of the congo, to convey our warmest greetings to all people the world over who love peace and justice. it is my pleasant duty also to congratulate the president of the general assembly and the other assembly officers on their unanimous election to the leadership of the assembly at its fifty-fourth session. my country views the election to the presidency of mr. theo-ben gurirab as recognition of his many sterling qualities, both human and professional, and as an acknowledgement by the international community of the important role played by his country, namibia, in building an africa and a world that will be marked by peace, political stability and economic prosperity. the president may be sure that the delegation of the democratic republic of the congo will unreservedly support him in fulfilling his mandate and in guiding the work of the assembly to a successful conclusion. i also extend to his predecessor, mr. didier opertti, our full appreciation of the extremely important work he did during his presidency, as well as the commitment he showed throughout to the triumph of the ideals embodied in the united nations charter. finally, my delegation would like to welcome here in our world organization three new members the republic of kiribati, the republic of nauru and the kingdom of tonga. i invite members to read my prepared text at their leisure, so that i may say a few other things. i begin with a good quotation, from article [number] of the united nations charter the organization and its members, in pursuit of the purposes stated in article [number], shall act in accordance with the following principles. [number]. the organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its members. [number]. all members, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership, shall fulfil in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the present charter. [number]. all members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peach and security, and justice, are not endangered. [number]. all members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the united nations . i say to representatives this is the united nations charter, your charter. are there represented in this hall yes or no members that violate these principles governing relations between nations? are there represented in this hall yes or no members that do worse than those that do not pay their dues, or pay them late, regarding which immediate reminders are sent, and rightly so, since the rules of procedure of the organization of which they are members prescribe that for its proper functioning each member must pay its dues? failing to do so even means being stripped of the right to speak here at the united nations. so, if you have your right to speak taken away, if you are punished as a member of the united nations because you do not pay your dues, what about those who violate article [number] of the charter, who cross the boundaries of another state with their armies, sow hardship in that country, occupy vast portions of its territory, plunder its natural resources, steal the fauna and rare species of animals which international organizations recognize as being received by other countries, carry out a blitzkrieg such as the one in the early 1940s, without warning, without provocation, entering the country of another people with their arms and everything else they need, under pretexts which i shall expose in a little while. on [number] august [number], some two years ago, our brothers from the hills of rwanda, burundi and uganda invaded our country in an unprovoked blitzkrieg, without having declared war, and it continues to this very day. for two years now those members of the united nations have been violating article [number], and they continue to violate it, with arrogance and total impunity, which is not the case for those who fail to pay their dues. [number] it is perhaps better to violate article [number], occupy other countries, pillage them, deport their inhabitants and torture children, women and old persons, than it is to commit the mortal sin of failing to pay up. there are two yardsticks, double standards, which we regard as an immense injustice. as i speak i feel the presence of illustrious persons who have spoken from this rostrum in the past, such as cabral, nkrumah and i say this with a great deal of emotion lumumba, who came here to denounce what was being set in train more than [number] years ago, under united nations banners which is now being repeated. we know the united nations. the french rightly say a cat that has been scalded is even afraid of cold water. they have already come, those united nations forces they came to restore peace, and the result was that for one of the most illustrious sons of our people, the most admired african nationalist president patrice lumumba, the flag of the united nations served as a shroud. we do not wish, we will not allow, that same flag to be a shroud for those who have taken up the torch that fell from lumumba's hands and who carried it, with some help of course, as far as lying down with their boots on in mobutu's bed. this is something with which the assembly is familiar. it is on behalf of my president, my friend, my long- time comrade, that i speak. as representatives will see, and as i often say, we will have no more charming rastas , because we lost our hair waiting for president kabila to return to relight the torch that fell from lumumba's hands. if people do not watch out, if they let things slide along, if they tolerate arrogance and do not stand up to impunity, there are those who will begin to dream of wrapping kabila up in the united nations flag, as was done in the case of patrice lumumba not long ago. when events are repeated, they do not always happen in exactly the same way, but sometimes the repetition strikes a familiar chord. now we see the united nations delaying putting an end to what it calls euphemistically the conflict in the great lakes region. this terminology is being used for some reason but what? a foreign army crosses the border, occupies the country, a part of the country it pillages the country's wealth and the united nations calls this a conflict ? we should check our dictionaries. this is a war. instead of shouting themselves hoarse about sending peacekeepers, member states must send people who can put an end to the war. this is what i am waiting for. our rwandan, ugandan and burundi brothers must be solemnly requested here and now to go back home. they have no business being in our country. they are undermining all national reconstruction efforts. this should be clear to those who understand the condition in which we found this country, which used to be called zaire and which we now call, as lumumba called it, the democratic republic of the congo. the presence of these outsiders, their occupation, impedes our efforts to reconstruct our country. they came upon us like thieves who attack without warning. they attacked while we were busy sowing corn, peanuts and beans, and we were doing so because that was what we was needed in this country that is overflowing with diamonds, gold, cobalt, copper and so forth. in order to help our people we had begun by planting peanuts, corn and beans, but our efforts were stopped cold by these people who are now in our territory, who came from the hills, who came to defend their borders their borders that, according to them, were threatened by genocidal bands in our country. i ask the assembly to look at a map of africa, a map of the congo in particular. i come from the atlantic coast province of bas-congo. do you know where these people who began the war came from, in order to secure their borders? they came from [number], [number] kilometres away from my province. they began in my province in order to secure borders [number], [number] kilometres away. they brought soldiers [number], [number] kilometres from their borders in order to begin the occupation of our country. luckily, they took a licking, and they would all have been wiped out if the americans had not asked us to allow them to return home along a designated route. they retreated after their thrashing and tried their luck in the east of our country. after the ceasefire requested by secretary-general kofi annan, united nations staff went to the area to carry out an order of the world health organization to vaccinate all children up to five years of age. we have vaccinated them in the part of the country that we continue to control. but these others who only have two hands, both of which are busy pillaging have yet to vaccinate the children in this age group. thus, these children are in danger not only of polio, but also of other diseases that the agencies of our organization have been striving to eliminate from our continent. these soldiers do not have time to vaccinate our children. they do not even have time to pillage effectively because these horatii and curiatii have taken to fighting each other on our soil. they came to take control of our country, but now, how strange, they are fighting each other, these people who came to teach us [number] democracy, these people who came to restore peace. in order to have a break from their looting, they are enjoying a little war on our land, and in the process destroying the [number] million doses of vaccine that the united nations, through the world health organization, sent to kisangani. they shoot at each other, each band allied with this or that local. this is what is happening. and then these people take their place here as united nations members after having treated us like that, and as they continue to do so. they are building up their arsenals, bringing in troops, taking towns. what reassures us is the teaching of the marquis de sade that taking is not the same as possessing. thus, these people are taking towns but they do not possess them. and they will not posses them because, just as in erotic relations, there is no possession without consent that consent that has been given to us. otherwise, our people would not have fled to the forests to escape from these people who come from the hills. our citizens' lengthy stay in the forests has led to the reappearance of some diseases that were eradicated as long ago as the belgian colonial era. having to flee the invaders like the plague makes our citizens' lives more difficult. and these people from the hills continue to advance even though they signed with us, last [number] july, a ceasefire agreement that lacks both fire and a cease, as they continue to advance and lay siege to our cities. their latest exploit, which they are now engaged in, is to lay siege to the city of mbuji-mayi, the world diamond capital, but also the world capital of children afflicted with polio. i do not think that their haste and willingness to return to mbuji-mayi are out of desire to vaccinate the poor congolese children who are infected with or at risk of getting polio. these people from the hills do not have a third hand, as i said earlier, yet i am sure that, driven by their greed, they are going to take as many diamonds and as much copper and cobalt as they can and at the risk of fighting each other for these minerals, since uganda also wants to take them. the statistics on sales of diamonds indicate that last month our rwandan brothers sold more than a million carats of diamonds a mineral not mined in their country and with the money from the sales they are buying weapons so as to be able to fight us. then they take more diamonds, buy more weapons and continue to fight us. in this hall speeches have been made against dirty money. therefore, we are outraged to see bloodstained cobalt, bloodstained copper, bloodstained gold and bloodstained diamonds for sale on the international market, and to see that it does not occur to the buyers of this booty to put a stop to this practice by refusing to buy it even though they oppose dirty money. double standards continue to prevail. dirty money poses a threat to the world. and yet, while the blood of the congolese people is spattered on our cobalt, our copper and our gold, that doesn't seem to bother those from all over the world who buy them and give money to the pillagers and occupiers our country. if we revisit this issue, i reserve the right to address it again. i wish, however, to speak out loud and clear against the infamous pretext that has aroused the world's prurience and sensitivity about genocide. those who are guilty of genocide are in our country right now. let them leave and go on sowing misery in their own countries rwanda, uganda or burundi. as i said at the outset, president kabila has raised lumumba's torch and welcomed those who sought refuge in our country, because over there you do not seek refuge you get your throat slit. i was just a schoolboy when i saw hutus fleeing cutthroat tutsi and tutsi fleeing cutthroat hutus. they all sought refuge with us. that is how those who helped us, who walked with us on our march on kinshasa, came to be refugees in our country they fled hutus who would have cut their throats. that is at the heart of the current instability and reflects the values of our brothers in rwanda. we must help our rwandese to change their political culture. when the one man one vote law was enacted in [number], the obsession of each of these groups was to seize power and abuse it in order to hasten the carnage. this carnage has been alternating and reciprocal and did not begin in [number]. i cited a date when i was in short pants, and i can assure the assembly that it was not yesterday. it is the open faucet that produced the interahamwe that we must close. rwanda must become democratic rwanda must adopt a culture of politics and abandon its culture of carnage. rwanda must leave our country uganda must leave our country burundi must leave our country and turn over the task of providing security to united nations observers, who will take their place and serve as a buffer force between us. those people are our neighbours and we can never replace our neighbours, but they are on our territory, which means they are no longer our neighbours. i ask the assembly to help us to resume our status as neighbours. let them go back home and if [number] there are problems that we must settle among ourselves, we shall settle them by peaceful means. i am speaking without acrimony. we hold out our hands to our brothers from rwanda, who have been here for several days. i offer them signals of friendship when we pass, and they respond. we are here so that in three months, when the new millennium dawns, we will not still be fighting. one must deal with urgent matters quickly. the lusaka process, in which i participated, raised hopes that have been dashed by dilatory tactics. one moment the congolese and rwandese affiliates who refuse to come the next, it is the ugandans or their congolese puppets. here we are on [number] september and nothing has yet been done seriously to implement an agreement that was reached on [number] july. that is why we ask the assembly, if only out of respect for the articles of the charter, to do something about it. it is intolerable and incomprehensible that these people remain, and may even take the floor here, while they continue to violate the united nations charter and the principles that bring us together here. if you violate the principles of an organization to which you belong, you are no longer worthy of belonging. we must remind our brothers that, as members of the united nations, they are bound to respect the charter. this cannot be done by occupying other people's countries. if differences must be settled by invasion and plunder, there will no longer be a united nations, because there will no longer be any rules to unite us. that prompts my request to the assembly, because the suffering being endured by the congolese people and the atrocities being visited upon us are unimaginable. under the very nose of the vatican, in the italian mission of kasika, these new-style huns entered, tore open the chest of a traditional chief, pulled out his heart, shredded it and distributed the pieces like hosts. the killers who did this sucked on the bloody heart as if it were an ice-cream cone. we have seen this and continue to witness such acts. our united nations mission is at members' disposal to provide irrefutable testimony, which we have published in a three-volume white paper that could easily grow into further volumes describing similar incidents. we have requested that this white paper be issued as a working document of the security council. all are invited to study it in order to understand precisely what is happening and to put an end to this situation to save the united nations itself, to help us africans, and the congolese in particular, who had to wait [number] years to defeat and eliminate a regime of notorious satraps, only to see new satraps step in two months later to occupy our country and put it to the sword. help us to make our rwandese, ugandan and burundian brothers understand that they must go home. they have no business in our country let them relinquish their place to united nations forces, which will secure their borders. that is in itself a fiction that we have not had an opportunity to dwell on. they helped us to raise lumumba's torch. they were in our army. most officers in our army were from rwanda, as was the chief of staff, who dispatched his troops on the basis of his particular military skills. moreover, these people have occupied that region of our country for two years and are still hunting the interahamwe, as the incas were once hunted here. they will not stop until joe the ugandan and bill the rwandese have extended their hunting grounds to the entire territory of our country while they prance after the interahamwe. this is just a pretext. if they were not able to catch a single interahamwe while their officers were in our army if they have been unable to stop the interahamwe in their two-year occupation of that region, then the task is beyond them. it must be left to the united nations to unseat these interahamwe, if they exist, and let us pursue our national reconstruction. i have a great deal more to say and believe that we will have further opportunities in due course.
let me first congratulate this body for electing ambassador amerasinghe of sri lanka to preside over this thirty-first session of the general assembly. he is a diplomat of great, international stature who, among his many distinctions, has provided indispensable leadership to the crucial negotiations on the law of the sea. [number]. i would also like to pay a tribute to the secretary- general for his tireless efforts on behalf of the world community. he successfully embodies the charter's prin ciples of fairness, impartiality and dedication to the causes of global peace and human dignity. [number]. the united nations was born of the conviction that peace is both indivisible and more than mere stability, that for peace to be lasting it must fulfill mankind's aspirations for justice, freedom, economic well-being, the rule of law and the promotion of human rights. but the history of this organization has been, in considerable measure, the gradual awareness that humanity would not inevitably share a single approach to these goals. [number]. the united nations has survived-and helped to manage-[number] years of vast change in the international system. it has come through the bitterness of the cold war. it has played a vital role in the dismantling of colonial empires. it has helped to moderate conflicts, and is even now manning truce lines in critical parts of the world. it has carried out unprecedented efforts in such areas as public health, development assistance and technical co-operation. [number]. but the most important challenge for this organization still lies ahead to vindicate mankind's positive and nobler goals and help nations to achieve a new understanding of community. [number]. with modern communications, human endeavor has become a single experience for peoples in every part of the globe. we share the wonders of science and technology, the trials of industrialization and social change, and a constant awareness of the fate and the dreams of our fellow men. [number]. the world has shrunk, but the nations of the world have not come closer together. paradoxically, nationalism has been on the rise at the precise time when the most serious issues we all face can only be resolved through a recognition of our interdependence. [number]. fragmentation has affected even this body. nations have taken decisions on a bloc or regional basis, or by rigid ideologies, before even listening to the debate in these halls on many issues positions have been predetermined by prior conferences containing more than half the membership of the united nations. the tendency is widespread to come here for battle, rather than negotiation. if these trends continue, the hope for world community will dissipate and the moral influence of this organization will progressively diminish. [number]. this would be a tragedy. members of this organization are today engaged in a multiplicity of endeavors to find just solutions for complex and explosive problems. there is a fragile tranquility, but beneath the surface it is challenged by fundamental forces of change -technological, economic and social. more than ever, this is a time for statecraft and restraint, for persistence but also for daring in the pursuit of peace and justice. the doctrines of perpetual strife produce only bloodshed and bitterness they unleash the forces of destruction and repression and plant the seeds of future conflict. appeals to hatred- whether on the basis of race or class or color or nationality or ideology-will in the end rebound against those who launch them and will not advance the cause of freedom and justice in the world. [number]. let us never forget that the united nations benefits the smaller and weaker nations most of all for without the rule of law, disputes will be settled as they hive been all too frequently and painfully in history by tests of strength. it is not the weak that will prevail in s world of chaos. [number]. the united states believes that this thirty-first session of the general assembly must free itself of the ideological and confrontational tactics that marked some of its predecessors and dedicate itself to a program of common action. [number]. the united states comes to the general assembly prepared to work co-operatively on programs of common action. we will offer concrete proposals. we will listen carefully to the ideas of others. we will resist pressure and we shall seek co-operation. [number]. let me, in this spirit, discuss the three principal challenges we face the problem of peace, the challenge of economic well-being, and the agenda of global interdependence. [number]. the age of the united nations has also been an age of frequent conflict. we have been spared a third world war, but we cannot assume that this condition will prevail forever or without exertion. our generation must build out of the multitude of nations a structure of relations that frees the energies of nations and peoples for the positive endeavors of mankind, without die fear or the threat of war. [number]. central to american foreign policy are our sister democracies, the industrial nations of north america, western europe, the southern pacific and japan, and our traditional friends in the western hemisphere. we are bound to these nations by ties of history, civilization, culture, shared principles and generations of common endeavors. [number]. our alliances, founded on the bed-rock of mutual security, now reach beyond the common defense to a new range of issues the social challenges shared by the advanced technological societies common approaches to easing tensions with our adversaries and shaping positive relations with the developing world. the common efforts of the industrial democracies are not directed at exclusive ends, but as a bridge to a broader, more secure and co-operative international system and to increasing freedom and prosperity for all nations. [number]. the united states is proud of its historical friendships in the western hemisphere. in the modern era these friendships must be, and they are, based on equality and mutual benefit. we have a unique advantage in this hemisphere the great dialog between the developed and the developing nations can find its most creative solution in the hemisphere where modern democracy was born, and where co-operation between developed and developing, large and small, is a long-standing tradition. [number]. throughout history, ideology and power have tempted nations to seek unilateral advantage. but the inescapable lesson of the nuclear age is that the politics of tests of strength has become incompatible with the survival of humanity. traditional power politics becomes irrational when war can destroy civilized life and when neither side can gain a decisive strategic advantage. [number]. accordingly, the great nuclear powers have particular responsibilities for restraint and vision. they are in a position to know the full extent of the catastrophe which could overwhelm mankind. they must take care not to fuel disputes if they conduct their rivalries by traditional methods if they turn local conflicts into aspects of a global competition, sooner or later their conflicts will grow out of control. [number]. the united states believes that the future of mankind requires coexistence with the soviet union. tired slogans cannot obscure the necessity for a more constructive relationship. we will insist that restraint be reciprocal, not just in bilateral relations, but around the globe. there can be no selective detente. we will maintain our defenses and our vigilance. but we know also that tough rhetoric is not strength and that we owe future generations more hopeful prospects than a delicate equilibrium of awesome forces. [number]. peace requires a balance of strategic power. this the united states will maintain. but the united states is convinced that the goal of strategic balance is achievable more safely by agreement than through an arms race. the negotiations on the limitation of armaments are therefore at the heart of united states-soviet relations. [number]. unprecedented agreements limiting and controlling nuclear weapons have been reached. an historic effort has been made to place a ceiling on the strategic arsenals of both sides in accordance with the vladivostok communique of [number] november [number]. and once this is achieved we are ready to seek immediately to lower the levels of strategic arms. [number]. the united states welcomes the recent progress that has been made in further curtailing nuclear-weapons testing and in establishing a regime for peaceful nuclear explosions for the first time. the two treaties now signed and awaiting ratification should be the basis for further progress in this field. [number]. together with several of our european allies, we are continuing efforts to achieve a balanced reduction in the military forces facing each other in central europe. in some respects this is the most complex negotiation on arms limitation yet undertaken. it is our hope that, through patient effort, reciprocal reductions will soon be achieved that enhance the security of all countries concerned. [number]. but coexistence and negotiations on the control of arms do not take place in a vacuum. we have been disturbed by the continuing accumulation of soviet armaments and by recent instances of military intervention to tip the scales in local conflicts in distant continents. we have noted crude attempts to distort the purposes of peaceful diplomacy and to impede hopeful progress towards peaceful solutions to complex issues. these efforts only foster tensions they cannot be reconciled with the policy of improving relations, and they will inevitably be digitized by dag hammarskjold library uneasy armistice, both sides must recognize that ideology and power politics today confront the realities of the nuclear age and that a striving for unilateral advantages will not be accepted. [number]. in recent years, the new relationship between the united states and the people's republic of china has held great significance for global security. [number]. we came together out of necessity and a mutual belief that the world should remain free of military blackmail and the will to hegemony. we have set out a new path -in wide-ranging consultations, bilateral exchanges, the opening of offices in our respective capitals and an accelerating movement towards normalization. and we have derived reciprocal benefits- a clearer understanding of the aspirations of our peoples, better prospects for international equilibrium, reduced tensions in asia and increased opportunities for parallel actions on global issues. [number]. these elements form the basis for a growing and lasting relationship founded on objective common interest. the united states is committed to strengthen the bonds between us and to proceed towards the normalization of our relations in strict conformity with the principles of the shanghai communique of [number] february [number]. as this process moves forward, each side must display restraint and respect for the interests and convictions of the other. we will keep chinese interests in mind on all international issues and will do our utmost to take account of them. but if the relationship is to prosper, there must be similar sensitivity to our views and concerns. [number]. on this basis, the progressive development of our relations with the world's most populous nation will be a key element of the foreign policy of the united states. [number]. the world today is witness to continuing regional crises. any one of them could blossom into larger conflict. each one commands our most diligent efforts of conciliation and co-operation. the united states has played, and is prepared to continue to play, an active role in the search for peace in many areas -southern africa, the middle east, korea and cyprus. let me deal with each of these. [number]. racial injustice and the grudging retreat of colonial power have conspired to make southern africa an acid test of the world's hope for peace and justice under the charter. a host of voices have been heard in this chamber warning that, if we failed quickly to find solutions to the crises of namibia and rhodesia, that part cf the globe could become a battleground with consequences for every part of the world. [number]. i have just been to africa, at president ford's request, to see what the united states could do to help the peoples of that continent achieve their aspirations to freedom and justice. [number]. an opportunity to pull back from the brink now exists. i believe that africa has before it the prize for which it has struggled so long-the opportunity for africans to shape a future of peace, justice, racial harmony and progress. [number]. the united nations since its beginning has been concerned with the issue of namibia. for [number] years that territory has been a test of this institution's ability to make its decisions effective. [number]. in recent months, the united states has vigorously sought to help the parties concerned speed up the process towards namibian independence. the united states favors the following elements the independence of namibia within a fixed, short time-limit the calling of a constitutional conference at a neutral location under the aegis of the united nations and the participation in that conference of all authentic national forces, including specifically the south west africa people's organization progress has been made in achieving all those goals. we will exert our efforts to remove the remaining obstacles and bring into being a conference which can then fashion, with goodwill and wisdom, a design for the new state of namibia and its relationship with its neighbors. we pledge our continued solicitude for the independence of namibia so that it may, in the end, be a proud achievement of this organization and a symbol of international co-operation. [number]. less than a week ago the rhodesian authorities announced that they were prepared to meet with the nationalist leaders of zimbabwe to form an interim government to bring about majority rule within two years. that is in itself an historic break from the past. the african presidents, in calling for immediate negotiations, have shown that, they are prepared to seize this opportunity. and the government of the united kingdom, in expressing its willingness to assemble a conference, has shown its high sense of responsibility and concern for the rapid and just independence of rhodesia. [number]. inevitably, after a decade of strife, suspicions run deep many obstacles remain. magnanimity is never easy, and less so after a generation of bitterness and racial conflict. but let us not lose sight of what has been achieved a commitment to majority rule within two years a commitment to form immediately a transitional government with an african majority in the cabinet and an african prime minister and a readiness to follow that with a constitutional conference to define the legal framework of an independent zimbabwe. [number]. the united states, together with other countries, has made major efforts and we will continue to do what we can to support the hopeful process that is now possible. but it is those in africa who must shape the future. the people of rhodesia and the neighboring states now face a supreme challenge. their ability to work together and their capacity to unify will be tested in the months ahead as never before. [number]. there may be some countries which see a chance for advantage in fueling the flames of war and racial hatred but they are not motivated by concern for the peoples of africa, or for peace. and if they succeed they could doom opportunities that might never return. [number]. in south africa itself, the pace of change accelerates. the system of apartheid-by whatever name-is a denial of our common humanity and a challenge to the conscience of digitized by dag hammarskjold library have shown wisdom in facilitating a peaceful solution in rhodesia. the world community takes note of it and urges similar wisdom-while there is still time-to bring racial justice to south africa. [number]. as for the united states, we have become convinced that our values and our interests are best served by an africa seeking its own destiny, free of outside intervention. therefore we will back no faction, whether in rhodesia or elsewhere we will not seek to impose solutions anywhere. the leadership and the future of an independent zimbabwe, as for the rest of africa, are for africans to decide. the united states will abide by their decision. we call on all other non-african states to do likewise. [number]. the united states wants no special position or sphere of influence in africa. we respect african unity. the rivalry and interference of non-african powers would make a mockery of africa's hard-won struggle for independence from foreign domination. it will inevitably be resisted. [number]. every nation which has signed the charter is pledged to allow the nations of africa, whose peoples have suffered so much, to fulfill at long last their dreams of independence, peace, unity and human dignity in their own way and by their own decisions. [number]. the united nations, since its birth, has been involved in the chronic conflict in the middle east. each successive war has brought greater perils, an increased danger of great-power confrontation and more severe economic dislocations. [number]. at the request of the parties, the united states has been actively engaged in the search for peace in the middle east. since the [number] war, statesmanship on all sides has produced unprecedented steps towards a resolution of that conflict. there have been three agreements that lessen the danger of war and mutual commitments have been made to pursue the negotiating process with urgency until a final peace is achieved. as a result, we are closer to the goal of peace than at any time in a generation. [number]. the role of the united nations has been crucial. the geneva peace conference on the middle east met in [number] under its aegis, and the implementation of subsequent agreements has been negotiated in its working groups. security council resolutions form the only agreed framework for negotiations. i want to compliment the secretary- general and his colleagues in new york, geneva and on the ground in the middle east for their vigorous support of the peace process at critical moments. [number]. the united states remains committed to help the parties reach a settlement. the step-by-step negotiations of the past three years have now brought us to a point where comprehensive solutions seem possible. the decision before us now is how the next phase of negotiations should be launched. [number]. the united states is prepared to participate in an early resumption of the work of the geneva conference. we think a a preparatory conference must be useful for a discussion of the structure and agenda of future negotiations but we are open to other suggestions. [number]. the groundwork that has been laid represents an historic opportunity. the united states will do all it can to assure that by the time this assembly meets next year it will be possible to report significant progress towards a just and lasting peace in the middle east. [number]. since the general assembly last met, overwhelming tragedy has befallen the people of lebanon. the united states strongly supports the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of that troubled country. we oppose partition. we hope that lebanese affairs will soon be returned to the hands of the people of lebanon. all members of the united nations, and all the conflicting parties in lebanon, have an obligation to support the efforts of the new president of lebanon to restore peace and to turn energies to rebuilding the nation. and the agencies of the united nations system can play an important role in the reconstruction effort. [number]. the confrontation between north and south korea remains a threat to international peace and stability. the vital interests of world powers intersect in korea conflict there inevitably threatens wider war. [number]. we and many other united nations members welcome the fact that a contentious and sterile debate on korea will be avoided this fall. let this opportunity be used, then, to address the central problem of how the korean people can determine their future and achieve their ultimate goal of peaceful reunification without a renewal of armed conflict. [number]. our own views on the problem of korea are well known. we have called for a resumption of a serious dialog between north and south korea. we are prepared to have the united nations command dissojved so long as the armistice agreement is either preserved or replaced by more durable arrangements. we are willing to improve relations with north korea, provided that its allies are ready to take similar steps towards the republic of korea. we are ready to talk with north korea about the peninsula's future, but we will not do so without the participation of the republic of korea. [number]. last fall the united states proposed a conference including all the parties most directly concerned- north and south korea, the united states, and the people's republic of china to discuss ways of adapting the armistice agreement to new conditions and replacing it with more permanent arrangements. on [number] july, i stated our readiness to meet immediately with those parties. i reaffirm that readiness here today. [number]. if such a conference proves impracticable right now, the united states would support a phased approach. preliminary talks between north and south korea, including discussions on the venue and scope of the conference, could start immediately. in that phase the united states and the people's republic of china could participate as observers or in an advisory role, if the parties so desired. if such discussions yielded concrete results, the united states and china could join the talks formally. this, in turn, could set the stage for a wider conference in which other countries could associate themselves with arrangements that guarantee a durable peace on the peninsula. [number]. we hope that north korea and other concerned parties will respond affirmatively to this proposed procedure or else offer an alternative suggestion. [number]. the world community is deeply concerned over the continuing stalemate on the cyprus problem. [number]. domestic pressures, nationalistic objectives, and international rivalries have combined to block the parties from taking even the most elementary steps towards a solution. on those few occasions when representatives of the two cypriot communities have come together, they have fallen into inconclusive procedural disputes. the passage of time has served only to complicate domestic difficulties and to diminish the possibilities of constructive conciliation. [number]. all concerned need to focus on committing themselves to achieving the overriding objectives assuring the well-being of the suffering cypriot people and ensuring peace in the eastern mediterranean. [number]. a settlement must come from the cypriot communities themselves. it is they who must decide how their island's economy, society and government shall be reconstructed. it is they who must decide the ultimate relationship of the two communities. [number]. the united states is ready to assist in restoring momentum to the negotiating process. we believe that agreeing to a set of principles might help the parties to resume negotiations. we would suggest some concepts along the following lines. a settlement should preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of cyprus. the present dividing lines on cyprus must be adjusted to reduce the area currently controlled by the turkish side. the territorial arrangement should take into account the economic requirements and humanitarian concerns of the two cypriot communities, including the plight of those who remain refugees. a constitutional arrangement should provide conditions under which the two cypriot communities can live in freedom and have a large voice in their own affairs. security arrangements should be agreed upon that would permit the withdrawal of foreign military forces other than those present under international agreement. [number]. i have discussed this approach with the secretary- general and with several western european colleagues. in the days ahead, the united states will consult along these lines with all interested parties. in the meantime, we urge the secretary-general to continue his dedicated efforts. [number]. i shall now turn to the problems of economic development. the economic division of our planet between the northern and southern hemispheres, between the industrial and developing nations is a dominant issue of our time. our mutual dependence for our prosperity is a reality, not a slogan. it should summon our best efforts to make common progress, to bring mankind's dreams of a better life to closer reality in our lifetime. [number]. there are many reasons why co-operation has not made greater strides. the industrial democracies have sometimes been more willing to pay lip service to the challenge of development than to match rhetoric with real resources. the countries with non-market economies are quite prepared to undertake verbal assaults, but their performance is in inverse ratio to their rhetoric. their real contribution to development assistance has been minimal. last year, for example, the non-market economies provided only about [number] per cent of the public aid flowing to the developing nations. the developing nations are understandably frustrated and impatient with poverty, illiteracy and disease. but often they have made demands for change that are as confrontational as they are unrealistic. they sometimes speak of new economic orders as if growth were a quick fix requiring only that the world's wealth be properly redistributed through tests of strength instead of a process of self-help extending over decades. ultimately, such tactics lose more than they gain, for they undermine the popular support in the industrial democracies which is imperative to provide the resources and market access -available nowhere else- to sustain development. [number]. i believe that the objectives of the developing nations and the objectives of the industrial nations are complementary. indeed they must be, for neither side can achieve its aims at the expense of the other. they can be realized only through co-operation. [number]. we took a major step forward together a year ago at the seventh special session of this assembly, and we have since followed through on many fronts. we have taken steps to protect the economic security of developing nations against cyclical financial disaster. the newly expanded compensatory finance facility of the international monetary fund has disbursed over [number] billion to developing nations in this year alone. replenishments of the world bank, the inter-american development bank and the asian development bank will provide additional resources for development. world-wide food aid has been expanded. with a united states contribution of [number] million, we have brought the international fund for agricultural development close to operation. [number]. the united states has continued this process by putting forward a number of new proposals at the fourth session of unctad in may [number]. we committed ourselves to improvements in the quality of aid. we agreed to a serious effort to improve markets of [number] basic commodities. these measures, undertaken since we met here just a year ago, assist, not with rhetoric and promises, but in practical and concrete ways, the peoples of the world that are struggling to throw off the chains of poverty. [number]. much remains to be done. first, the application of science and technology is at the very heart of the development process. the united states, conscious of its pioneering role in technology, has put forward three basic principles, which we shall support with funds aid talent to train individuals who can identify, select and manage the future technology of the developing world to build both national and international institutions to create indigenous technology and to spur the private sector to make its maximum contribution to the development and transfer of technological progress. [number]. to achieve these goals, we are today extending an invitation to the world conference on science and technology for development, now scheduled for [number], to meet in this country. in preparation for that meeting, we have asked members of the industrial, academic and professional scientific communities throughout the united states to meet in washington in november. they will review the important initiatives this country can take to expand the technological base for development and they will strive to develop new approaches. [number]. secondly, the ministerial meeting of the conference on international economic co-operation in paris should be given new impetus. we are making several new proposals. we will seek to help nations facing severe debt burdens. we will advance new ideas for expanded co-operation in energy. [number]. thirdly, the industrial democracies have been far too willing to wait for the demands of the developing countries rather than to advance their own proposals. now, however, the countries of the organization for economic cooperation and development have, at the suggestion of the united states, agreed to examine long-range development planning and to develop a more coherent and comprehensive approach to global growth and economic justice. [number]. fourthly, natural disasters each year take thousands of lives and cost billions of dollars. it strikes most those who can afford it least-the poorest peoples of the world. the united nations has a unique capacity to address these global concerns and thus improve man's odds against nature. we urge this body to take the lead in strengthening international co-operation to prevent and alleviate natural calamity. [number]. our dream is that all the children of the world can live with hope and widening opportunity. no nation can accomplish this alone no group of nations can achieve it through confrontation. but together there is a chance for major progress-and in our generation. [number]. it is an irony of our time that an age of ideological and nationalistic rivalry has spawned as well a host of challenges that no nation can possibly solve by itself the proliferation of nuclear weapons technology the problems posed by the law of the sea and the horrible new tool of tenor that cjiims innocent victims on every continent. [number]. the growing danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons raises stark questions about man's ability to ensure his very existence. we have lived through three perilous decades hi which the catastrophe of nuclear war has been avoided, despite ? strategic rivalry between a relatively few nations. [number]. but now a wholly new situation impends. many nations have the potential to build nuclear weapons. if this potential were to materialize, threats to use nuclear weapons, fed by mutually reinforcing misconceptions, could become a recurrent feature of local conflicts in every' quarter of the globe. and there will be growing dangers of accidents, blackmail and nuclear terrorism. [number]. unless current trends are altered rapidly, the likelihood of nuclear devastation could grow steadily in the years ahead. we must look to the roots of the problem. since the [number] energy crisis and drastic rise in oil prices, both developed and developing nations have seen in nuclear energy a means both of lowering the cost of electricity and of reducing reliance upon imported petroleum. in an age of growing nationalism some see the acquisition and expansion of nuclear power as symbols of enhanced national prestige, and, let us be frank, as a means to provide themselves a future option to acquire nuclear weapons. [number]. a nation that acquires the potential for a nuclear weapons capability must accept the consequences of its action. it is bound to trigger offsetting actions by its neighbors and stimulate broader proliferation, thereby accelerating a process that ultimately will undermine its own security. and it is disingenuous to label as "peaceful" nuclear devices which obviously are capable of massive military destruction. [number]. time is of the essence. in no area of international concern does the future of this planet depend more directly upon what this generation can do or fails to do. we must move on the following three broad fronts. [number]. first, international safeguards must be strengthened and strictly enforced. the supply and use of nuclear materials associated with civilian nuclear energy programs must be carefully safeguarded so that they will not be diverted. the physical security of nuclear materials must be increased. the international atomic energy agency must receive the full support of all nations in making its safeguards effective. any violator of these safeguards must face immediate and drastic penalties. [number]. secondly, adherence to safeguards, while of prime importance, is no guarantee against future proliferation. we must continue our efforts to forge international restraints against the acquisition or transfer of reprocessing facilities and of enrichment facilities which produce highly enriched uranium. [number]. thirdly, we must recognize that one of the principal incentives for seeking sensitive reprocessing and enrichment technology is the fear that essential non-sensitive materials will not be made available on a reliable basis. nations that show their sense of international responsibility by accepting effective restraints have a right to expect a reliable. economical supply of peaceful nuclear reactors and associated non-sensitive fuel. the united states, as a principal supplier of these items, is prepared to be responsive in this regard. [number]. in the near future president ford will announce a comprehensive american program for international action on non-proliferation that reconciles global aspirations for assured nuclear supply with global requirements for nuclear control. in that way we hope that the [number]. tom can be seen once again as a boon, and not as a menace, to mankind. [number]. another issue of vast global consequence is the law of the sea. the negotiations which have just recessed in new york represent one of the most important, complex and ambitious diplomatic undertakings in history. [number]. we have traveled an extraordinary distance in these negotiations in recent years, thanks in no small part to the skill and dedication of the distinguished president of this assembly. agreement exists on key concepts a [number]-mile territorial sea free passage over and through straits a [number]-mile economic zone and important pollution controls. in many fields we have replaced ideological debates with serious efforts to find concrete solutions. and there is growing consensus that the outstanding problems must be solved at the next session. [number]. but there is hardly room for complacency. important issues remain which, if not settled, could cause us to forfeit all our hard-won progress. the conference has yet to agree on the balance between coastal-state and international rights in the economic zone on the freedom of marine scientific research on arrangements for dispute settlement and, most crucially, on the regime for exploitation of the deep sea-beds. [number]. the united states has made major proposals to resolve the deep sea-bed issue. we have agreed that the sea-beds are the common heritage of all mankind we have proposed a dual system for the exploitation of sea-bed minerals by which half of the mining sites would be reserved for the international authority and half could be developed by individual nations and their nationals on the basis of technical capacity. we have offered to find financing and to transfer the technology needed to make international mining a practical reality. and in light of the many uncertainties that lie ahead, we have proposed that there be a review-for example after [number] years-to determine whether the provisions on sea-bed mining are working equitably. [number]. in response, some nations have escalated their demands and the stridency with which they advocate them. [number]. i must say candidly that there are limits beyond which no american administration can, or will, go. if attempts are made to compel concessions which exceed those limits, unilateralism will become inevitable. countries which have no technological capacity for mining the sea-beds in the foreseeable future should not seek to impose a doctrine of total internationalization on nations which alone have this capacity and which have voluntarily offered to share it. the united states has an interest in the progressive development of international law, stable order and global co-operation. we are prepared to make significant sacrifices for this- but these sacrifices cannot go beyond equitable bounds. [number] [number]. let us therefore put aside delaying tactics and pressures and take the path of co-operation. if we have the vision to conclude a treaty considered fair and just by mankind, our labors will have profound meaning not only for the regimen of the oceans but for all efforts to build a peaceful, co-operative and prosperous international community. the united states will spend the interval between sessions of the conference reviewing its positions and will approach other nations well in advance of the next session at the political level to establish the best possible conditions for success. [number]. a generation that dreams of world peace and economic progress is plagued by a new, brutal and indiscriminate form of violence international terrorism. in the year since i last addressed this body there have been [number] hijackings, [number] kidnappings, [number] armed attacks and [number] bombings perpetrated by international terrorists. over [number] people have lost their lives and over [number] have been injured. [number]. it is time this organization said to the world that the vicious murder and abuse of innocents cannot be excused by the invocation of lofty motives. criminal acts against humanity, whatever the professed objective, cannot be excused by any civilized nation. [number]. hie threat of terrorism should be dealt with through the co-operative efforts of all countries. more stringent steps must be taken now to deny skyjackers and terrorists a safe haven. additional measures are required to protect passengers in both transit and terminal areas, as well as in flight. [number]. the united states will support new initiatives which will ensure the safety of the innocent. the proposal of the foreign minister of the federal republic of germany against the taking of hostages 7th meeting, para. , [number] deserves the most serious and sympathetic consideration of this assembly. [number]. the united states will do everything within its power to work co-operatively in the united nations and in other international bodies to put an end to terrorism. but we have an obligation to protect the lives of our citizens as they travel at home or abroad, and we intend to meet that obligation. if multilateral efforts are blocked, then the united states will be forced to act through its own legislative processes and in conjunction with others willing to join us. [number]. terrorism is an international problem. it is inconceivable that an organization of the world's nations would fail to take effective action against it. [number]. the final measure of all we do together, of course, is man himself. our common efforts to define, preserve and enhance respect for the rights of man thus represent an ultimate test of international co-operation. [number]. we americans, in the year of our bicentennial, are conscious -and proud of our own traditions. our founders wrote [number] years ago of the equality and inalienable rights of all men. since then the ideals of liberty and democracy have become the universal and indestructible goals of mankind. but the plain truth -of tragic proportions-is that human rights are in jeopardy over most of the globe. arbitrary arrest, denial of fundamental procedural rights, slave labor, the stifling of freedom of religion, racial injustice, political repression, the use of torture, and restraints on communications and expression these abuses are far too prevalent. [number]. the performance of the united nations system in protecting human rights has fallen far short of what was envisaged when the organization was founded. the principles of the universal declaration of human rights are clear debates of this body and in other forums have been marred by hypocrisy, double standards and discrimination. flagrant and consistent deprivation of human rights is no less grave in one country or one social system than in another. nor is it more acceptable when practiced upon members of the same race than when inflicted by one race upon another. [number]. the international community has a unique role to play. the application of the standards of the universal declaration should be entrusted to fair and capable international bodies. but at the same time let us ensure that those bodies do not become platforms from which nations which are the worst transgressors pass judgment on the alleged shortcomings of others. [number]. let us together pursue practical approaches to build on the foundations already laid at previous sessions of the general assembly and in the commission on human rights to lessen the abominable practice of officially sanctioned torture to promote acceptance of procedures for protecting the rights of people subject to detention, such as access to courts, counsel and families, -and their prompt release or fair and public trial to improve the working procedures of international bodies concerned with human rights, so that they may function fairly and effectively to strengthen the capability of the united nations to meet the tragic problems of the ever growing number of refugees whose human rights have been stripped away by conflict in almost every continent. the united states pledges its firm support to these efforts. [number]. the challenge to statesmanship in this generation is to advance from the management of crises to the building of a stable and just international order, an order resting not on power but on restraint of power, not on the strength of arms but on the strength of the human spirit. [number]. global forces of change now shape our future. order will come in one of two ways through its imposition by the strong and the ruthless or by the wise and far-sighted use of international institutions through which we enlarge the sphere of common interests and enhance the sense of community. [number]. it is easy and tempting to press relentlessly for national advantage. it is infinitely more difficult to act in recognition of the rights of others. [number]. throughout history the greatness of men and nations has been measured by their actions in times of acute peril. today there is no single crisis to conquer. there is, instead, a persisting challenge of staggering complexity the need to create a universal community based on co-operation, peace and justice. [number]. if we falter, future generations will pay for our failure. if we succeed we shall have been worthy of the hopes of mankind. [number]. i am confident that we can succeed. [number]. and it is here, in the assembly of nations, that we should begin.
allow me to add seychelles voice to those who have congratulated ambassador peter thomson on his election as president of the general assembly at its seventy-first session. i also thank mr. mogens lykketoft for his commitment and strong leadership as the president of the general assembly at its seventieth session. humankind finds itself on the cusp of achieving the immeasurable in terms of making a true difference to all peoples of the world. as we embark upon this new collaborative journey, our sustained momentum could be a catalyst for positive change. we need an institution that is not afraid of change and is able to address the challenges of the twenty-first century. such terms as inclusiveness, compromise and equality should resonate throughout the organization. on this note, allow me to reiterate seychelles calls for fair reform within this hall, while renewing our commitment to the ideals of the charter of the united nations. the chosen theme for this year s assembly, the sustainable development goals a universal push to transform our world , reminds us of the urgency of the present moment. within the context of change and transformation, the millennium development goals mdgs played a significant and crucial role, which was to herald a much-needed call for nations to improve the livelihoods of society s weak and marginalized by addressing poverty in its many forms, while also promoting human rights and environmental sustainability. seychelles is proud to have achieved most of the targets set out in the mdgs and remains eager to fulfil its responsibility to sustain the momentum in implementing the sustainable development goals sdgs . yes, we recognize that progress has been made both nationally and internationally, but we also recognize that much still needs to be done. in seychelles that recognition is reflected by our push to integrate the [number] agenda for sustainable development and the african union agenda [number] into our national development strategy. however, i believe that the path to transformation is not one that can be travelled alone. sdg [number], which focuses on global partnership for sustainable development, reaffirms this point. for real change to occur, the world will need to stand together in ensuring that strong action is backed by the adequate financial support that is needed for overall achievement of the goals, including giving due consideration to the special conditions that small states and small island developing states are faced with. the implementation of a vulnerability index in development frameworks would enable a fairer measurement of economies and serve as a more appropriate reference tool for financial support than the traditionally emphasized per capita gross domestic product. goal [number] in particular plays a pertinent role in our peoples lives. the conservation and sustainable use of the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development has become pivotal to the survival of small-island economies. as a champion of the blue economy initiative, which is directed at reinforcing marine-related activities for sustainability purposes, seychelles recognizes that our oceans present an abundance of untapped opportunities for sustained growth. it is therefore imperative to highlight that the blue economy concept and sdg [number] are synonymous with the global action to harness the power of the oceans as a tool for transformation. it is important in this endeavour that we shift the paradigm and view the world in innovative ways. in relation to the blue economy, the blue bonds initiative and the debt-swap agreement serve as tangible examples of seychelles contribution to the debate. one of the elements underpinning the blue economy approach is action to address climate change. because seychelles is an island nation heavily dependent upon the environment for its survival, climate change and its adverse effects occupy a permanent place in the minds of our people. we are exposed to its devastating consequences not as mere bystanders, but through first-hand experience, which affects our families and threatens our livelihoods. addressing the impacts of climate change is therefore an essential part of the discussion, as it involves the very future of our country. with this in mind, seychelles is compelled to put itself at the forefront of the fight against climate change, for it is a battle that we cannot afford to lose. in this vein, the historic paris agreement on climate change, which seychelles was among the first [number] states to ratify, has been an encouraging sign of the international community s renewed political will to push for positive change. the security of our oceans forms yet another integral part of the drive towards human progress. illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing imperils this progress not only by endangering our marine ecosystems, but also by harming food security and jeopardizing the livelihoods of millions of people worldwide. seychelles therefore renews its commitment to ensuring that such violations do not go unanswered. furthermore, although we have seen tremendous gains in the long battle fought against piracy, we need to remain vigilant and strengthen our own efforts to reduce piracy-related activities in our oceans. to that end, the work undertaken through such initiatives as the contact group for piracy off the coast of somalia, which seychelles currently chairs, is essential for our continued success. seychelles fully supports all international efforts aimed at seeking a diplomatic and political solution to the ongoing crisis in syria, which continues to rage at the expense of the innocent. we deeply hope that a solution is found to further contribute to mitigating the spread of extremism and ideologies of hate, which continues to wreak devastating consequences on various countries throughout the world. the world humanitarian summit in turkey and the recent high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants hosted by the president of the general assembly serve to highlight the scale of the challenges facing the global community. such challenges also solicit deeper reflection on the plight of the more than [number] million people in the world who are displaced as a result of conflicts and natural disasters linked to climate change. seychelles calls upon the international community for renewed collaboration among states and stronger moral resolve, as together we endeavour to address the global humanitarian crisis that is weighing heavily on the heart of humankind. seychelles welcomes the normalization of relations between the united states and cuba, and we reiterate our hope to see an end to the painful economic embargo on a sister island nation. lastly, i wish to take this opportunity to express our utmost appreciation for the dynamism, hard work and devotion of our outgoing secretary-general ban ki-moon during his term in office. he leaves behind a strong legacy of determination to create a more peaceful and equal future for the world. furthermore, his championing of the cause of small islands will remain engraved in our collective memory. we are certain that his contributions to improving society will continue to have positive repercussions and that the new secretary- general will follow in his righteous path. in conclusion, i am hopeful for the future we believe in and that the inherent goodness of humankind will lead us to do what is right. at this critical time we have a shared responsibility to cast aside our differences and focus on what unites us rather than what divides us. i hope that together we can commence our universal push to transform our world, not only for ourselves but for generations to come.
today, sir, my country celebrates the fourteenth anniversary of its independence and it is a singular pleasure for me to extend to you my delegation's congratulations on your election as president of the thirty-ninth session of the general assembly. it is also a great pleasure to welcome to the organization, on behalf of my delegation, the 159th member state, brunei darussalam. [number]. all member states have solemnly undertaken to maintain international peace and security and to settle international disputes by peaceful means. events around the world indicate a drifting away from that undertaking. the list of crises and conflicts is ever increasing. this trend must be checked, and it can be if there is an international resolve to act in the interest of peace. the united nations resolutions on these crises and conflicts provide ample basis for that kind of resolve and action. [number]. a manifestation of the lack of resolve to undertake negotiations and dialogue as a means of settling disputes between states is seen in the upsurge of terrorism and terrorist activities throughout the world. respect for the rule of law and the principles and rules of international law governing norms of behaviour is of such paramount importance that any deviation or persistent breach of those norms could easily lead to anarchy. the recent incidents of the bombing of the american embassy in beirut and the appalling bomb attack on the republic of korea's high-ranking officials in rangoon last year should be condemned by all. for its part, my government has unequivocally condemned those acts of terrorism and urges all states to contribute to the elimination of such acts. [number]. a number of items on our agenda refer to crises. i would like to refer to a few of them. my delegation will no doubt be referring to others in due course. [number]. with regard to the situations in afghanistan, cyprus and kampuchea, the international community has repeatedly called for comprehensive political solutions, and we fully subscribe to this. the relevant resolutions of this assembly call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of those countries. in this connection, we continue to support the determined efforts of the secretary-general and urge all parties directly concerned to co-operate with him in order to settle those crises. [number]. the korean peninsula remains an area of persistent tension. we continue to support the aspirations of the korean people to a speedy resumption of the dialogue between north and south in order to settle the korean question by peaceful means and without any external interference. [number]. the question of the middle east is becoming even more complex. ever since its inception, the united nations has sought a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the middle east, but a solution has eluded the organization to this day. [number]. the question of the palestinian people remains at the core of the middle east crisis. there will be no durable peace in the middle east until the right of the palestinian people to self-determination and to a homeland, and the rights of all states in the region, including israel, are assured. to move in that direction, dialogue and negotiations between all the parties directly concerned are essential. but, for them to succeed, conditions conducive to peace have to be created. to this end, the most immediate need is the withdrawal of all unauthorized forces from occupied arab and lebanese territories. [number]. as a member of the united nations, fiji remains fully committed to doing all it can to contribute within its modest means to the attainment of peace and stability in the middle east. our participation in the united nations peace-keeping operations in lebanon is a tangible manifestation of this. it would, however, be remiss of me if i did not mention the drain on our limited financial resources as a result of our participation. other troop contributors also feel the financial strain. yet this situation would not have arisen if all member states had met their financial obligations. [number]. it is, regrettably, all too clear that serious violations of human rights are taking place in many parts of the world. we, the members of the organization, have a special responsibility to take action on violations of human rights wherever they occur and to endeavour to find solutions which can contribute to putting an end to such violations. [number]. nowhere is such violation more flagrant and agonizing than in southern africa, where the evil policy of apartheid is systematically perpetuated and consolidated. the international community must redouble its efforts to work towards the dismantling of that policy and it must reject categorically the recent so-called constitutional reforms, which, instead of eliminating the policy of apartheid, serve only to consolidate it further. [number]. the united nations has a proud record in the area of decolonization, yet we cannot become too complacent. we must continue to work towards the elimination of the remaining vestiges of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations in various areas of the world. undoubtedly, our biggest challenge in this area is in southern africa in defiance of the united nations and of the global consensus on the urgent need for independence for namibia, south africa continues its illegal occupation and exploitation of that country. fiji is of the firm view that security council resolution [number] [number] must be implemented fully and urgently and that attempts to link the independence of namibia to what is happening in another country must be rejected. [number]. in my own region, my government has followed with close interest and attention the developments in the neighbouring territory of new caledonia. at its recent meeting in tuvalu, the south pacific forum leaders took the opportunity to examine closely the situation evolving in that territory. they welcomed the administrative and land reforms which have been instituted as part of the movement towards the granting of self-determination to the people of new caledonia and called for further administrative and political reforms in the territory as a preparatory measure for independence. in calling for those additional measures, the forum leaders recognized the critical importance of ensuring the active participation of the indigenous melanesian community in the territory's educational, vocational and administrative institutions, to facilitate the territory's early and peaceful achievement of independence. [number]. in this regard, fiji and other members of the south pacific forum would welcome an unequivocal affirmation by france of its commitment to the independence of new caledonia and to bringing this about speedily, in accordance with the wishes of the territory's entire multiracial population, including especially its kanak community. [number]. if there is a single issue which alarms the world today it is the nuclear-arms race and the threat of a nuclear holocaust. the lack of any real progress in the arms negotiations leading to disarmament and the strained relations between the super-powers have heightened that alarm. [number]. it is true that nuclear disarmament will depend primarily on the nuclear-weapon states, and especially the super-powers. this forum, however, provides an opportunity for all states to voice their concern. the nuclear-weapon states cannot and should not ignore that concern the survival of everyone is at stake. [number]. it is my delegation's hope that the concern and deliberations in this forum will provide an important and necessary impetus to meaningful negotiations leading to the halting of the arms race and eventually to arms reduction and disarmament by the nuclear- weapon states. it is with that hope that my delegation welcomes the continuing inclusion of items that are pertinent to this issue on our agenda. it is also with that hope that we once again urge the reconvening of the stalled geneva and vienna negotiations between the two super-powers. without any meaningful agreement, the arms race will continue. ultimately, the failure to check this unremitting arms build-up and thereby avert a nuclear holocaust will render irrelevant all other issues on our agenda. [number]. the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is an important security measure and we hope that the third review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, to be held in [number], will promote positive co-operation to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. we look to the nuclear-weapon states to demonstrate their good faith in our disarmament efforts. [number]. a moratorium on the testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons constitutes, in my government's view, the most basic and the most essential element of our disarmament efforts. [number]. the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty should continue to have high priority on our agenda. while we are concerned at the lack of progress towards such a treaty, we nevertheless urge the conference on disarmament to pursue in all earnestness the early conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty. [number]. apart from the considerations that i have referred to, my government's concern lies closer to home. one of the major nuclear-weapon states continues to conduct its nuclear testing programme in the south pacific. this it has done persistently for the last decade now, disregarding the overwhelming opposition and condemnation of my government and the governments of our south pacific neighbours. needless to say, the nuclear tests carried out in the region pose real threats to our marine environment and our peoples. at their meeting in tuvalu recently, the south pacific forum leaders reiterated their strong opposition to the continuation of nuclear testing by france in our region. we are heartened in this regard by the support of the shared concern expressed in a declaration conveyed to the secretary- general by the permanent commission for the south pacific, our latin american south pacific neighbours. [number]. with the combined calls of the pacific and latin american countries for the cessation of all nuclear testing in the south pacific, my government had hoped that france would abandon its nuclear testing in the south pacific. instead, in complete disregard of the feelings of the peoples of the region, france has announced its intention to continue its nuclear testing programme in our region for the next [number] years. in response to this announcement, our minister for foreign affairs, only two days ago, reiterated the strong opposition of my government. the minister also made it clear that if the testing is safe, as it is claimed to be, it would be logical as it is advisable and expedient for all concerned to conduct it on european soil. [number]. in recognition of the overwhelming desire of our peoples to remain free from the risk of nuclear fallout, the south pacific forum leaders have taken a collective decision to work towards the establishment of a nuclear-free zone for the region. their concern for the safety of their peoples and their environment is also manifested in the position that member countries of the forum have taken in the ongoing negotiations on a treaty on the development and protection of the natural environment of the south pacific region. [number]. our commitment and resolve in the south pacific to protect our environment from nuclear contamination stem from our anxieties and concerns as island peoples. with the limited land area of most island states in the region, our seas and their resources are of overwhelming importance to our survival. we therefore reiterate our request to the united nations and its agencies for assistance to the small island countries in the south pacific to enable them to elaborate and implement ocean development policies that will ensure the optimum and rational utilization of their living and non-living resources, for the benefit of their peoples and their region. [number]. as a small island developing country, fiji attaches great importance to the united nations convention on the law of the sea. all-encompassing in its nature and scope, it is in our view one of the very few legal instruments that attempt to redress the inequity of the past, in favour not of one but of all and devoid of partisan doctrine. it was for this reason that we were the first to ratify the convention, and it is for this reason that we now urge member states to ratify it so as to bring its provisions into force. when that happens it will represent an important instrument for international co-operation for the economic and social development of all peoples. [number]. i conclude by reaffirming my country's support for the organization. the united nations remains the only organ through which the international community can address our common enemies of war, colonialism, human rights violations and poverty. undoubtedly some of its deliberative organs need to be strengthened. its principles, however, are as valid as ever. fiji will continue to support those principles.
i extend to you, sir, my delegation s felicitations on your well-deserved election as president of the general assembly at its fiftieth session. we have no doubt that with your experience and wisdom, you will add much to this historic session. we also pay tribute to your predecessor, his excellency mr. amara essy, who presided over the assembly at its forty-ninth session with great distinction and wisdom. to his excellency mr. boutros boutros-ghali, our secretary-general, i would like to pay a special tribute for all he has done for peace and the promotion of the united nations charter. to the republic of palau, a new member of our organization, i would like to say, welcome . we look forward to working closely with that country. we are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of our organization. on this momentous occasion, as the secretary-general aptly observed in his report a [number] [number] , we must resolve to appreciate and strengthen the accomplishments of the past, to recognize and meet the challenges of the present, and to design and implement a plan for the united nations of the future. a [number] [number], para. [number] we must seize this historic opportunity to forge a global consensus behind development, in all its dimensions, as the lasting foundation for international peace and security and as the greatest hope of humanity. pakistan has been strongly committed to the noble vision of the united nations charter ever since its independence. we have continuously abided by its [number] principles. we reaffirm our faith in their timeless validity. pakistan will continue to extend its support and cooperation to the collective efforts of the world for peace. after exactly [number] years, retrospection evokes mixed feelings. yet members of our organization have much to celebrate. the decolonization process, the elimination of apartheid, humanitarian assistance and handling of refugee situations are some of the areas where the united nations can be proud of its achievements. but much remains to be done. the end of the cold war provided a historic opportunity to build a new edifice of peace and prosperity a system in which international relations would be conducted in a spirit of justice, equality and democracy where poverty would cease to exist, through international cooperation for development where human rights, especially the right to self-determination, would be promoted and protected and where aggression would be effectively and collectively challenged wherever and whenever it occurred. regrettably, this has not happened. now, more than ever, it seems that the powerful countries are imposing their will on the united nations. the decisions and the resolutions adopted by it reflect the interests of a few rather than the good of all. the provisions of collective security are being invoked selectively. human rights standards are being defended more vociferously in some situations than in others. while in some cases aggression has been forcefully and decisively resisted, in others it has remained unchecked and even rewarded. jammu and kashmir is a case in question, where the muslim majority continue to be denied their right to self- determination promised to them by security council resolutions. these resolutions remain unimplemented. the denial of the right to self-determination led to a massive uprising in the indian-occupied kashmir in [number]. demand for the exercise of this fundamental right was met with a brutal reign of terror unleashed by the indian occupation forces. it continues unabated and is being pursued with malicious intensity, with devastating consequences for the civilian population of this internationally recognized disputed territory. in kashmir the principles of the united nations charter, international law and international morality have been violated with impunity. the massive and widespread human rights violations in jammu and kashmir have been graphically documented by a large number of international human rights organizations. since i stood at this rostrum a year ago, tensions have further escalated in south asia. one billion people of south asia are holding their breath as threats of war keep emanating from the leaders in new delhi. jammu and kashmir continues to burn. the sons and daughters of kashmir continue to be killed, maimed, executed, tortured and dishonoured. will the new year of the united nations bring an end to the rape of kashmir? will the beginning of the next half century of the united nations see the implementation of its resolutions on kashmir? the jammu and kashmir dispute was not brought to the security council by pakistan. it was india which moved this dispute before the united nations. the people of kashmir are looking to this body to deliver them their right to self-determination, as promised to them by this body, by the international community and by india and pakistan. since i stood before the assembly a year ago, hundreds of kashmiris have been killed by the indian forces. holy places of the muslims have been razed to the ground by the indian occupation forces. the holiest of the holy shrines, charar-e-sharif, was burned to ashes. the city of charar-e-sharif was torched. is it not ironical that the great sufi saint, noor-ud-din wali, buried in the shrine there was a man who preached love and tolerance five centuries ago to all humanity, and not just to muslims? hindus, buddhists, christians and sikhs also seek spiritual solace at his grave. the disdainful act of desecration of this symbol of peace and harmony by the indian forces has not extinguished the spirit of freedom in kashmir. the occupation forces, now numbering more than [number], [number], use torture, killings and brutality against the people, against its leaders, and even against innocent journalists. the people of kashmir were outraged at the killing of a journalist, mushtaq ali, in the bomb blast at the bbc office in srinagar. the whole of kashmir went into deep mourning at this wanton killing. but india refuses to look truth in the face. the people of kashmir and pakistan are deeply shocked at the killing of the norwegian tourist by the kidnappers of the al-faran group. we join our kashmiri brothers in condemning this horrible act against an innocent tourist, and we demand the release of the remaining four tourists. we have extended every possible cooperation to countries whose citizens lives are still in [number] danger, but we have a right to ask who are al-faran? nobody seems to have heard of this group ever before. there is too much circumstantial evidence which points an accusing finger at new delhi. we do not want rhetoric we do not want to score points. we want the safety and the freedom of these innocent tourists. pakistan calls for an independent and impartial inquiry into the hostage-taking by al-faran, under the auspices of the united nations, so that those responsible for this act can be brought to justice. india continues to harp on the issue of elections in jammu and kashmir. let it ask the all parties hurriyet conference, the representative party of all kashmiri organizations in jammu and kashmir and the sole voice of the kashmiri people, whether they want elections, or a plebiscite and the implementation of the security council resolutions. kashmir is an international dispute. india cannot internalize it behind the garb of bilateralism. if this non- principle was allowed to prevail as the basis for the settlement of disputes, then there would be no international morality left. there would be no international order, and the world community could say farewell to peace. it would become the law of the jungle. in the meantime, along the line of control in kashmir our people are being killed daily and injured by cross- border firing and rocketing. access to over [number], [number] of our people in the neelam valley has been cut off by daily indian firing. india claims that pakistani militants cross into kashmir. in good faith and in order to ascertain the veracity of the indian allegations, i wrote to the president of the security council last year asking for the expansion of the united nations military observer group in india and pakistan unmogip on both sides of the line of control. india s response to this constructive proposal was a firm no . instead, it deployed [number] troops per kilometre and built three security zones along the line of control. i ask can there be cross-border violations after such heavy fortifications? by what logic can they reject our proposal for increasing united nations observers? the answer is obvious. they want merely to score points in international forums. they want to build an argument against pakistan. they want to convince the world that it is not the kashmiri people who are alienated from india, but pakistan that is turning a blind eye to militants crossing the line of control from our side. i ask you to ponder this indian posture. in history this has always been the language of the aggressor, of those who want to maintain the status quo. i cannot believe that indian authorities are so naive as to believe that the kashmiri uprising is foreign- inspired. other powers have also made such mistakes in the past, much to their dismay and ultimate discomfiture. india must learn from history. the march of history has never been, and never will be, altered by a systematic falsification of facts or a string of blatant lies. the people of kashmir have rejected the indian occupation. no amount of repression, no amount of killings, gang-rapes, torture or mining of villages will deter the people of jammu and kashmir from winning their right to self-determination. this truth is being lost on new delhi. for our part, we are prepared for dialogue. we are prepared for mediation by the secretary-general or by the president of the assembly, or by any peace-loving country under any modality, under any arrangement. we are prepared for peace. we want conflict resolution. we want talks but the talks must be on the substantive issue of jammu and kashmir. talks must aim at achieving settlement. talks must be on the basis of a structured agenda. once the issue of jammu and kashmir is resolved, it will open the door for a solution to all other indo-pakistan disputes. but our offers of talks have fallen on deaf ears. india now hides behind a new subterfuge that talks should be unconditional, that talks must be without an agenda. we cannot accept this because during the last [number] years under the simla agreement, the two foreign secretaries met seven times without any result. every time a meeting takes place the indian side states that kashmir is an integral part of india and not an international dispute. this is a negation of the united nations security council resolutions. this is a negation of the simla agreement, and i quote article [number] of the simla agreement, which states, both governments agree . . . to discuss further the modalities and arrangements for the establishment of durable peace and of normalization of relations , including a final settlement of jammu and kashmir . the simla agreement is fully within the framework of the united nations charter. [number] then we are told that the security council resolutions are outdated. what will the world look like if countries were allowed unilaterally to reject united nations resolutions, and if this deviationist stance were to become a universal principle of international morality? can morality become outdated? can evil become good with time? instead, india has gone on to a feverish arms race. when they exploded their nuclear bomb in [number], we told them not to push south asia into a nuclear arms race. but our warnings were not heeded and now, along with its massive blue-water navy, which threatens the shores of africa and asia, they have launched into an arms race in south asia. their prithvi missiles are pakistan-specific. the prithvi missile is a tension multiplier it gives pakistan only three minutes response time. what are they arming themselves for? who threatens them in asia? their leaders talk of extending the indian military and naval might to the shores of the indian ocean. in this day and age this approach is downright anachronistic. during the eighth summit of the south asian association for regional cooperation saarc , which was held in new delhi in may this year, president leghari urged prime minister narasimha rao and the indian leadership not to take this fateful step. he urged the indian leadership to come to the table and solve the core kashmir dispute. he also warned that if india continued with this feverish race for arms, and now for missiles, then pakistan would have no choice but to rethink its options within the missile technology control regime mtcr . having fought three wars to defend its territory, the people of pakistan feel threatened. that is why peace is important. that is why peace is vital for pakistan. but i want to make it absolutely clear and let there be no doubt about it in anyone s mind that the people of pakistan have the will to survive, and survive they will with dignity and honour. one fifth of humanity, a billion people, live in the seven countries of south asia. the world is passing us by. our people are trapped in poverty, in hunger, in disease and unemployment. don t our people deserve better? don t they deserve a chance? don t six countries have a right to live in peace in south asia? it is our earnest hope that those in new delhi who threaten war should look at the state of poverty of their own people. we hope that they have the political will to ensure the peaceful settlement of disputes, and there will be many peace dividends if peace comes to south asia. peace will be worth their while. trade will flourish, mega- projects in the gulf, from iran and from central asia will bring prosperity to our peoples. i hope that better counsel will prevail in new delhi and i hope there are still men of peace and vision left in india who will not be the prisoners of the acrimonies of history but will look to the future of a billion people. the secretary-general, in his [number] report on the work of the organization a [number] [number] , has recognized the aggravation of relations between india and pakistan as a result of increasing incidents of violence in jammu and kashmir. we would like, in particular, to facilitate the search for a lasting solution to the kashmir dispute. we hope that india will also accept the united nations secretary-general s offer of good offices, as pakistan has done. we also sincerely hope that the united nations general assembly will use its authority to exert pressure on india to stop immediately the brutal violations of human rights and to implement the security council resolutions which ask for the holding of a plebiscite in jammu and kashmir. what has been happening in bosnia and herzegovina for the past few years is a monumental tragedy. the world has witnessed a member state of the united nations being made victim of brutal aggression and its people subjected to atrocities, massive violations of human rights, ethnic cleansing and the abhorrent practice of genocide acts which would put the horrors of the second world war to shame. the killing fields of srebrenica and zepa are sadly reminiscent of auschwitz and buchenwald. yet the international response has been totally inadequate and has often come too late. the bosnian muslims were left to defend themselves against a vastly superior military machine, their hands tied by an unjustified arms embargo. pakistan strongly reiterates its firm support for the demand by the bosnian people for the lifting of the arms embargo. for its part, pakistan remains strongly committed to offering every possible assistance to the people and government of bosnia and herzegovina. we must seek credible international guarantees for the preservation of the unity and territorial integrity of bosnia and herzegovina. if one step is taken towards peace, the world of islam is prepared to take two steps more. we have taken [number] note of the action taken by the north atlantic treaty organization nato countries and of the establishment of the rapid reaction force. we urge the nato countries not to relent on the air strikes until the serbian aggressors and delinquents are made to pay a price for their deeds and to act like civilized people. unless peace is fully restored and a just and equitable settlement is in place, the oic will reserve its right to challenge the illegal united nations arms embargo on the bosnian people. we fully support the croatian efforts to recover krajina and their other territories from serbian military occupation. we demand that in the settlement srebrenica and zepa be restored to their original united nations- designated safe-area status. we also demand that kosovo and sanjak be protected from serbian ethnic cleansing . the declaration of principles signed recently in geneva is something we consider well-begun but only half-done. there are many pitfalls, and we see many dangers in the implementation of the declaration of principles. a lot more vision and courage on the part of the world community will be required if the entire peace plan is to be fully implemented. we hope that the united nations, the european union and nato will demonstrate the courage required to resolve the crisis in the balkans. the situation in afghanistan makes us very sad. the people of afghanistan wait in anguish for peace to return to their tortured land. there appears to be no end to the fighting between the various groups. one and a half million afghans are still in my country. they too, like us, look to the united nations and to the oic to bring peace to their land. i should like to state here unequivocally, and with all the responsibility at our command, that in no way have we interfered in the internal affairs of afghanistan. we would also urge that no other country do so. we would urge other states not to increase the suffering of the afghan people by supporting one group or the other. we should all support united nations special representative mahmoud mestiri s mission to bring peace to afghanistan, a peace based on accommodation for all factions and all groups. this peace can be achieved only through mutual accommodation and national reconciliation. in the last [number] months, our mission has twice been subjected to mob attacks. in the second one, [number] of our officials were injured, including ambassador qazi humayun, and one staffer was killed. this is most unfortunate. we hope that the sanctity of the mission will be respected and that the vienna conventions will be honoured. for over a decade, pakistan supported the legitimate struggle of our afghan brothers against foreign intervention. once this intervention was ended, pakistan promoted accords among the afghan parties and factions for a peaceful transition from war to peace. it was as a consequence of the compromise achieved in the islamabad accord of may [number] that president rabbani took office. his government was to be a transitional one and was to prepare for a broad-based and popular government representing all regions and political forces in afghanistan. unfortunately, as the secretary- general s special representative, mr. mestiri, has clearly stated, the regime in kabul did not allow the promised transition to a representative government to take place. in large measure because of this refusal to live up to solemn agreements, fighting in afghanistan has been endemic during the past few years. the fortunes of war recently turned against president rabbani s regime because it became increasingly unpopular with the afghan people. a regime in kabul whose de facto legitimacy we have not questioned, a regime in kabul that today controls only [number] of about [number] provinces in afghanistan this regime has tested our patience again and again. this regime chooses to punish unarmed and innocent staffers and the ambassador. it chooses to burn down our embassy and its premises. but this has not made pakistanis angry at the afghan nation. it has merely made us sad, because this regime has forgotten the [number] years of the support given and the sacrifices made by the people of pakistan for their freedom. instead, it chooses to please those who destroyed their country, who killed and maimed millions of afghan men, women and children, who destroyed houses, who destroyed people s lives, who planted millions of land-mines across the country a large number of which have yet to be removed. by these wanton acts, which go against the vienna conventions, the kabul regime wants to win the favour of those who seek to fish in the troubled waters of afghanistan. the kabul regime seeks to survive with the help of military support from the enemies of the afghan nation, while it rules through a minority. it seeks to conquer afghanistan through military force. this is against history. this will not happen. the regime is forgetting the code of honour of the afghan nation. while we in pakistan are sad at what has happened to our countrymen in kabul, the chivalrous afghan people are angered and incensed. we take no responsibility for what the afghan people will do to vindicate their honour. they know that there never was, and never will be, interference from [number] pakistan. the world knows that a faltering regime always wants to lay its follies and its internal defeats at the doorsteps of others, and for this the afghan nation will demand, and get, retribution. however, this provocation will not deter us from our steadfast path of neutrality towards the afghan people and the unity of afghanistan or from non-interference in afghanistan s internal affairs or our abiding friendship and brotherhood with the afghan nation. in the meantime, we would like to assure the people of afghanistan that we shall stand by them in their hour of trial. we shall not abandon them. pakistan was closely associated with the third round of united nations-sponsored inter-tajik talks. while i pay tribute to the united nations special representative, ambassador p riz-ball n, for his statesmanship, which led to the main elements for peace in tajikistan, let me add that our role too was to bring about national reconciliation in that country. we shall continue to cooperate with the united nations to bring about complete peace in our friendly neighbour tajikistan. the events in azerbaijan, too, are a matter of deep concern to us. we fully support the efforts of president gaider aliyev for an equitable settlement of the nagorny- karabakh dispute a settlement which is based on the removal of aggression against azerbaijan. we fully support the middle east peace process. we hope that the palestine liberation organization-israeli accord is implemented in letter and spirit without any recourse to delay by israel. we have supported the jordan- israeli peace accord and favour a negotiated settlement of related issues, especially the golan heights, southern lebanon and jerusalem. pakistan continues to be deeply concerned over the situation in somalia. the united nations, along with the organization of african unity, the arab league and the organization of islamic conference must endeavour to promote an early political solution in that country and its eventual reconstruction. in other areas which impinge on the peace and stability of the world can be seen the lack of progress in the field of disarmament of weapons of mass destruction, particularly in the field of nuclear weapons. the end of the bipolar world based on hostile camps has removed the impediments to pursuing the goal of nuclear disarmament. yet the goal remains elusive. it is incomprehensible why commitments cannot be translated into reality. the agreements reached on the reduction of strategic arms still fall far short of the expectations raised by the end of the cold war. the world should resolve to remove the scourge of nuclear weapons from the face of this earth. until nuclear disarmament is realized, the nuclear- weapon states should give unconditional security assurances to the non-nuclear-weapon states. in this context, the conference on disarmament should establish an ad hoc committee right at the beginning of [number] to negotiate a legally binding convention on security assurances. the conference on disarmament should also continue its work on a comprehensive test-ban treaty for its early conclusion. parallel to all these global efforts, regional avenues should be promoted for nuclear non-proliferation. the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones is finally being translated into reality in different parts of the world. unfortunately, the proposal pakistan made [number] years ago to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in south asia has not even taken off because of the negative attitude of certain states in the region. nevertheless, pakistan has continued to advocate efforts to eliminate the dangers of proliferation from south asia. to that end, we have made several suggestions. regrettably, they have not evoked a positive response from india. pakistan has also proposed conventional disarmament at the regional and subregional levels. we hope that the conference on disarmament will deliberate upon this approach and evolve guidelines to bring at par the weaponry and forces of the regional states. in our view, the emerging role of the united nations as a peace maker and a peace-keeper would greatly help in achieving peace and harmony at the regional as well as the global levels. we believe that preventive diplomacy is the cornerstone of united nations peace efforts. pakistan has been actively cooperating and participating in a major way in united nations peace-keeping efforts. it is a matter of immense satisfaction that today pakistan is the third largest troop-contributing country to united nations peace-keeping operations. pakistan believes that certain operational realities must be justified for the success of such operations. we [number] need a clear commitment from the international community, accompanied by a clear political direction and a unified command structure. in order to ensure better and effective implementation of security council resolutions, there is a need for thorough consultations between the members of the council, as well as actual troop-contributing countries and the secretariat, at all stages of any peace-keeping operation. as we enter the new millennium, our collective objective should be to maximize economic growth leading towards the ultimate objective of human development. to promote peace and prosperity, it is essential to facilitate rather than restrain the application of modern technology for economic and social development. adequate official resources should be channelled to those developing countries which are implementing far- reaching economic reforms and liberalization measures. a net flow of official assistance should be directed in particular towards the eradication of poverty, human and social development programmes and sustainable growth in the developing countries. this is particularly true of africa, a continent which has been largely bypassed by the economics of the twentieth century. for our part, pakistan extends full support to the united nations development assistance plans for africa and for the sahel. pakistan is encouraged by the conclusion of the uruguay round, despite the partial and unequal response to the trade interests of the developing countries. the global economy is finally coming out of recession. new growth is likely to be generated mostly in the developing countries, whose integration into the world s financial and trading system can immensely contribute towards global output. there is, therefore, a unique opportunity to create a just, fair, equitable and non-discriminatory global economy. free markets and open economies do not imply a disregard for the plight of the poor and the disadvantaged. this principle must be applied as much among nations as within nations. the aim must be to improve living conditions for all within a dynamic economic framework. pakistan welcomes the constructive outcome of the recently held conference on population and development, the world summit for social development and the fourth world conference on women. we in pakistan are particularly aware of the need to address the problems of the deprived segments of our society. development initiatives, such as the social action programme, are being formulated within the constitutional framework. our constitution contains a number of articles related to social integration with particular reference to women and children and religious and ethnic minorities, as well as those living in poverty. special efforts are being made to ensure the full participation of women in nation building. pakistan s approach to employment and poverty eradication combines policies for national growth, employment and price stabilization with programmes that target the poor and the vulnerable. pakistan would like to reiterate the importance it has always attached to the reform of the united nations. pakistan supports the reaffirmation made by the non- aligned movement that both the reform and expansion aspects of the security council should take into account the principles of the sovereign equality of states and equitable geographical distribution, as well as the need for transparency, accountability and democratization in the working methods and procedures of the security council. pakistan remains strongly opposed to centres of privilege within the united nations system. these are anachronistic, anti-democratic and contrary to the principle of sovereign equality. in conclusion, the challenges that member states of the united nations confront are indeed forbidding. yet the opportunities for genuine peace and universal prosperity are most promising. with good will and cooperation, all member states can make significant progress at this historic session towards the vision of peace, progress and human solidarity envisaged in the charter of the united nations. this is an extraordinary moment of opportunity. the decisions we take today will determine whether the new era will be one of hope and prosperity or one of despair and deprivation. the choices to build a peaceful world are therefore entirely in our own hands.
allow me at the outset to offer you, sir, the sincerest congratulations of the delegation of the state of bahrain on your assumption of the presidency of the forty-second session of the united nations general assembly. i should like to assure you of the full co-operation of my delegation in discharging the duties of your high office. i take this opportunity also to express my thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, mr. humayun rasheed choudhury, for the competence and prudence he displayed in guiding the proceedings of the forty-first session and for the great efforts he exerted towards its success. i should also like to express deep appreciation to the secretary-general of the united nations, mr. javier perez de cuellar, for his relentless efforts to enhance both the role of the organization and its efficiency in fulfilling its international responsibilities for the well-being of the world community and in the interests of freedom and global peace. this year the united nations general assembly is meeting as the spectre of war looms large over different parts of the world and as political, social and economic problems worsen by the day. faced with such conditions, our only consolation could well be our faith in man's ability to adjust to reality and in his insistence on contending with difficulties in the hope of overcoming his troubles and solving his problems. it was in response to this will on the part of man that the united nations came into being, to seek solutions for such problems and to meet the challenges in order to save the world from the scourge of war and the perils of chronic economic crises. today's world is shackled to the bonds of tension and threats of war. troubled international relations have become a characteristic of our times and a dangerous phenomenon threatening the future of coming generations. although the charter of the united nations proclaims the fundamental and main objective of the organization to be the prevention of future wars and specifies that international relations should be based on co-operation, interdependence and mutual respect, as well as on the principles of good-neighbourliness, aggression and hegemonism continue to be dominating trends in the contemporary world, thus further complicating matters year after year. with peace and development being the main preoccupations of this world, one cannot but feel frustrated at seeing, after many years, the same major international problems still being inscribed on the agenda of this organization, with no concrete progress being made towards their resolution, even though the majority of the international community recognizes the danger they constitute to the stability and security of mankind. thus, if this year, as in previous years, we are meeting to consider our common political and economic issues driven by hope and brought together by a resolute determination to solve our problems in order to establish international relations based on justice and equity then our deliberations and points of view must rise to the level of our responsibility, in accordance with our commitments under the provisions of the united nations charter. a cause for optimism and satisfaction on our part is the marked improvement in the relations of the two super-powers. this no doubt creates a better international climate for promoting confidence and building bridges between east and west, in particular as regards the elimination of medium-range missiles and their nuclear warheads. this should pave the way towards finding solutions to the major international problems which threaten peace and security reducing military tensions and easing the political crises in various parts of the globe. the fortieth anniversary of the united nations provided an excellent opportunity to discuss the achievements of the world organization since its inception in [number], its success in solving certain important political problems and its enormous efforts in the various areas of economic, social and cultural co-operation, thus affirming its natural role as an international forum for dialogue and consultation among states and for the peaceful settlement of their disputes. the united nations system and specialized international organizations also played a prominent role in the fields of decolonisation, human rights, development, the status of women, health, education, mother and child care, the problems of refugees, the environment and population, in addition to the many other areas of economic, social and cultural co-operation, too numerous to recall here. profound political and economic changes have taken place since the inception of the united nations. in the 1960s, the decolonisation process resulted in an increasing number of newly-independent states joining the membership of the organization, thereby causing a change in its composition and the balance of power within it. thus, the united nations shifted from a system controlled of a limited number of states to a more democratic one in which the movement of non-aligned -countries played a distinctive and prominent role. the [number] also, brought forth changes, in the political and economic fields. deliberations on the establishment of a new international economic order acquired political and economic dimensions never before experienced by the united nations, especially after the emergence of interdependence as a reality and its positive effects in the area of multilateral co-operation, which we have been experiencing and living with every day. some may hold the conviction that in its present state, the united nations does not fulfil the role entrusted to it by the charter, particularly in the realm of the maintenance of international peace and security. however, objectivity dictates that no judgement, whether in favour of or against the organization, should be made until there has been a less abstract and more precise examination based on an evaluation of the conditions under which the organization was created and the nature and limits of the authority and powers accorded to it, in the light of the political events and the circumstances of international relations then prevailing. it is difficult to deny that even when the united nations has been unable to achieve decisive results in solving some important problems, because of the circumstances of international conflict, it nevertheless has succeeded in reducing tensions and crystallizing world public opinion through collective diplomacy, which, in view of the intertwining of international relations, is the only method capable of settling disputes by peaceful means. we live in a fast-developing world. technological advances proceed at such a pace that it is hard to keep up with them. thus, despite relentless attempts on the part of the united nations to modernize and develop methods that respond to international changes, it has not always been able to keep abreast of the multitude of new technologies. there exists a gap between the rate at which the world is developing and the ability of the united nations and its institutions to keep pace with certain scientific developments. we therefore believe that concerted efforts within the framework of the international organization to explore urgently the best ways to adapt to today's world have become a pressing necessity. the united nations is here to stay. we must support it and help it evolve into what we meant it to be a mechanism that can keep step with technological and scientific progress, as well as an instrument for economic development and for the maintenance of peace, security and stability in the world. we speak of the lofty purposes and noble principles enunciated in the united nations charter as being the basis of conduct by states and of the peaceful settlement of disputes between them, in conformity with the principles of international law, while in several regions of the world international security continues to be threatened. the arabian gulf region, in particular, has for the past seven years been suffering from the scourge of a senseless war whose dangers have increased as its scope has widened and whose flames have been fanned to such an extent that the war is almost out of control and is becoming difficult to contain. for seven years the entire gulf region has been living in a state of tension and disquiet as a result of the continuation of this war, which has seriously jeopardized the region's security and changed its peaceful and tranquil life into a life of strain and turmoil - first because of the threats to international maritime routes and then because of the attacks on commercial vessels, the laying of marine mines, and the various dangers of destruction to which the people of the region are exposed. thus, there has arisen a constant danger to freedom of international navigation. as a result, many nations now maintain a heavy military presence in the region, which could cause grave developments. in addition, iran's shelling with rockets of residential areas south of kuwait and the abuse of religious rites of pilgrimage in the holy city of mecca by iranian pilgrims have led to an escalation of tensions, which could further complicate the war and widen its scope. the co-operation council of the arab states of the gulf has warned of the consequences of such a destructive war and expressed its willingness to undertake any peaceful endeavour aimed at ending the war. time is precious. we feel that we have entered the countdown stage, and the search for a just and speedy solution to this bloody war between iran and iraq has therefore now become even more compelling. we repeat today what we have already frequently stated the lessons of history and experience teach us that this war does not serve the interest of either party to the conflict or of any of the other states of the region. hence, we regard security council resolution [number] [number] - which specified that the bases for a comprehensive settlement of the conflict between the two sides were a cease-fire and withdrawal to international borders - as a most important endeavour emanating from the conscience of the international community, an expression of its increased concern over this dangerous war. in that context, we applaud the positive response of brotherly iraq to the regional and international appeals and initiatives, in which it expressed its willingness to implement security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . we also once again address a sincere appeal to iran to comply with the international will and to the endeavours of the secretary-general by implementing, in its entirety and as an indivisible whole. security council resolution [number] [number] [number] calling for an end to the war. we are hopeful that the security council will maintain its unanimity with respect to the implementation of that resolution without delay, and impose on the non-complying party the sanctions called for in the charter, in order to put an end once and for all to this tragic conflict. the question of palestine has two basic dimensions the land and the people. both are still prey to the avaricious designs of israel and world zionism, within the framework of an international colonialist conspiracy aimed at palestine, the land and the people - a conspiracy which, since [number], israel has used to wage successive wars of aggression against the palestinian territories and the territories of other neighbouring arab states. the great tragedy forced on the palestinian people is that of a people deprived of its homeland, driven out of its homes and forced to live dispersed in exile, in conditions of injustice, suppression, persecution and expulsion, constantly subjected to attempts to obliterate its palestinian personality and identity, desecrate its holy places, confiscate its property, plunder its natural, resources and deprive it of all means for a decent life. and all this is done while israel continues illegally to establish settlements in the west bank, the gaza strip and the golan heights. despite the many resolutions adopted by the security council in this respect, including resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] - which stressed the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by the use of armed force and clearly demanded the withdrawal of the invading forces from the occupied arab territories and a resolution of the arab-israeli conflict by peaceful means under the auspices of the united nations - israel has not complied with the international will and has continued its aggression by occupying more and more arab territories. the same arrogance, insolence and total disregard for resolutions has been apparent in the treatment that israel has accorded those adopted by the united nations general assembly and other international organizations which have recognized the legitimate and inalienable right of the palestinian people to return, and their rights to exercise self-determination and establish their own state on their soil and homeland, like all other peoples of the world. just as israel has rejected the resolutions of the security council and the general assembly on the question of palestine, so too has it ignored the many united nations resolutions condemning its aggression against lebanon. it has refused to comply with the relevant security council resolutions, in particular resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] , calling for the withdrawal of israeli forces from all lebanese territories invaded in [number]. israel continues to this very moment to occupy areas along the entire length of the southern border of lebanon, spreading destruction there and practising against its innocent population the roost abhorrent kinds of injustice and torture. what i have just said i not intended to open the files on the question of palestine, which is well-documented in the records of the united nations and with which most members are familiar. rather, it is meant to draw attention to the gravity of the present situation in the middle east as a result of the aggressive and expansionist policies still pursued by israel regardless of the resolutions of the international organization in this respect. however, if the resolutions of the security council and the general assembly are insufficient to deter israel, it becomes the responsibility of the entire international community to take a clear and unequivocal stand against such total disregard of, and shameless indifference to, the organization, its charter and its resolutions. desirous of preserving the peace and security of the region, the arab states declared, in the fez plan of [number], their acceptance of the peaceful settlement of the arab israeli dispute under the aegis of the united nations and in accordance with its relevant resolutions. such a constructive step by the arab states received no positive response from israel, which even refrained from proposing any international formula for ending the state of war, thus renouncing all international customs and laws. in the face of such an arrogant israeli attitude, , we believe there can be no alternative but to support the decision of the general assembly in resolution [number] [number] c of [number] december [number], which calls for convening the peace conference on the middle east, under the auspices and supervision of the united nations with the participation, on an equal footing, of all the parties concerned, including the palestine liberation organization, the sole, legitimate representative of the palestinian people. the confidence and respect which the united nations commands make it the only international forum capable of finding a comprehensive and just solution to the problem. our principled position on the afghanistan question has already been clarified at previous sessions. it is based on our adherence to the principles embodied in the charter, which prohibit the threat or use of force in international relations and renounce all forms of intervention, armed or otherwise, by any state in the internal affairs of another. we believe that the only way to settle this question peacefully is through the withdrawal of foreign troops from afghanistan and respect for the right of the afghan people to choose freely, without any foreign pressure or interference, the political, social and economic system to which they aspire. the minority regime in south africa continues to apply its abhorrent system of apartheid and to practise all kinds of suppression and persecution against the black majority, which constitutes a crime against humanity and a gross violation of fundamental human rights. its continued illegal occupation of namibia is an outrageous challenge to the resolutions of both the security council and the general assembly. in addition, its repeated attacks against its neighbours in open aggression against the sovereignty of states members of this organization, is convincing evidence of the disregard that regime holds for all principles and international conventions, demanding a firm stand by the entire international community against such challenges and inhuman practices. the so-called reforms which have recently been adopted by the government o south africa, claiming that they would cause detente in racial relations, have not resulted in any improvement in the political situation of the black majority in south africa nor in their living conditions. thus the measures adopted by the pretoria regime in past years have proved a failure in effecting any real reforms with regard to equality of rights between the black majority and the white minority. moreover, the policy of apartheid still forms the core of the political thought of the pretoria regime. we believe there will be no way out of this abnormal and inhuman situation until the black majority attain their political rights in full. as regards namibia, the state of bahrain is still convinced that the only basis for an internationally acceptable solution to the question is specified in the united nations plan, as embodied in security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . despite the rapid spread of technology, the successive scientific advances in various fields and the notable increase in agricultural productivity, the gap between the developed and developing countries la still widening, while underdevelopment and poverty are daily on the rise in the developing world. the deep economic depression which hit the world in the inid-[number] [number] and the early 1980s had negative effects on the economic and social conditions in the developing countries. the situation further worsened when the economic recovery which the developed countries had been witnessing in recent years failed to cause a parallel recovery in the economies of the developing countries. this deterioration in the world economic situation necessitates a radical solution to the problems of recession and depression, which had serious adverse effects on the economic and social development plans in the developing countries and increased the wide gap between the standards of living in the countries of the north and the south. the economic situation in the least-developed countries has acquired tragic dimensions, owing . to the fragility of their economies and their dependence on foreign aid, which make them extremely vulnerable to any unfavourable changes in the world economy. we believe that the policies and measures arrived at during the seventh session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , with a view to addressing the problems facing the world economy, merit all our attention since they undoubtedly could, if implemented, contribute to the revitalization of development, economic growth and international trade. . . the dangers facing the international monetary system as a result of the foreign debt burden of the developing countries, amounting to [number] trillion, is another problem which, owing to the current crisis and receding economic growth rates, is an ever-worsening one. the debt problems, between the north and the south can, in our view, be contained through the integration of the developing countries into the international trade system and strengthening its financial and economic ties. it is to be hoped that the competent organs of the united nations, such as unctad, will play, with the co-operation of such specialized agencies as the world bank and the international monetary fund, an active and positive role in improving the international economic situation and assisting the developing countries, in order to create a better world, where prosperity and well-being are prevalent. neither the substantial scientific and technological accomplishments nor the tremendous advances in the field of communication and transportation have, regrettably, helped in achieving the desired understanding among states. mankind has never been confronted with a greater danger than the one it now faces. not only does the global arms race today threaten the future of mankind with destruction, but it can also lead to its extinction. the enormous stockpiles of nuclear weapons in the arsenals of the major powers are capable of erasing all traces of life on this planet in a few seconds, and therein lies the importance of the united nations and its role as an instrument for finding the most appropriate formula for co-operation and coexistence among the countries of the world, on the basis of mutual trust and security. as we approach the threshold of the twenty-first century, let us not lose sight of the fact that all peoples of the world are inhabitants of one planet, and that our future and common fate depend on the extent of our co-operation in finding a way out of our insecure present to a more radiant and optimistic tomorrow. thanks to the humane purposes and noble principles of our organization, there are gathered under its umbrella today all the peoples of the world, irrespective of their differing political, economic and social systems. my delegation hopes, therefore, that the present session will adopt the appropriate decisions necessary to confront those global problems which, if not met with organized collective action, can have disastrous consequences for mankind. we also hope that the united nations efforts to maintain peace, realize justice and provide security for the nations of this world will meet with success and that member states will exert their utmost efforts to ensure that all human resources are utilized for the benefit of mankind and not wasted on the arms race or the manufacture of weapons of destruction once again i reiterate that my country, bahrain, stands ready to co-operate fully with the other member states in order to achieve for our peoples those goals of freedom, well-being and progress to which we all aspire to promote international efforts aimed at establishing a just, comprehensive and durable peace, in accordance with the lofty objectives and principles of the charter to strengthen international co-operation in the economic, social and cultural fields j and to build a better, more secure world wherein prosperity, progress and development prevail.
today, speaking from this high rostrum, i would like to highlight five topics that are, in my view, important to all of us and our common approaches to the international agenda. the first is the timing of this meeting and the moment that humankind is currently experiencing. this session of the general assembly is taking place at a very critical and complex time. it can be said without exaggeration that we are living through one of the watershed moments of modern history. besides the economic crisis the first large-scale crisis of the era of globalization global development as a whole continues to be threatened by regional and local conflicts, terrorism, cross-border crime, food shortages and climate change. the impact of the crisis continues to be felt by most countries of the world. although so far we have been able, it seems, to avoid the very worst scenarios, the question remains how to overcome the huge imbalances and deficits amounting to trillions of dollars accumulated in the global and national economies. our collective agenda for unification has been dictated by life itself, which also dictates the growing need for the united nations as a time-tested mechanism for harmonizing the interests of different states and peoples. as never before, we are feeling the need for informal collective leadership and for an increased role for such platforms as the g-[number] and the more recent g-[number], as well as other negotiation and mediation forums, and all the more because these operate not on a model of opposition, but rather to advance the converging interests of their participants. at this morning s meeting, the president of the united states addressed this assembly, and i would like to endorse one of the thoughts he voiced. he stated that no single country can or should attempt to dominate others, and that is absolutely true. however, these agreed approaches need to be implemented in some way, including through the united nations system. another distinctive feature of modern times is the increasing role of regional entities, which are growing more active on every continent. this trend is entirely consistent with the principles of the united nations. russia, for its part together with its partners in the commonwealth of independent states, in the framework of the shanghai cooperation organization, and with its fellow bric countries brazil, india and china will continue to bolster the mechanisms of regional interaction. these mechanisms facilitate a collective response to common threats, while mitigating the consequences of the crisis for our citizens and increasing the sustainability of our national economies. secondly, i want to touch on the issue of existing problems. allow me to dwell on those that cannot be effectively addressed without the participation or outside the framework of the united nations. the first task in this regard is to address the imbalance of existing mechanisms of global economic governance, the inadequacy of their rules of the game, and the chasm between the financial markets and the real economy. we need to make joint efforts to establish financial and economic models that will protect all of us from such turmoil in the future. virtually all countries have seen a drop in output and in the standards of living of millions of their [number] [number]-[number] citizens. the crisis has exacerbated social problems, painfully tested young people at the very start of their lives, and caused significant growth in unemployment in all countries. russia is no exception in this. a painful blow has been delivered to our plans to alleviate poverty. a real threat of disruption of the millennium development goals has emerged. we must do our utmost to prevent such a development. donor assistance to countries in need cannot be postponed until some other time. the tasks set out as a priority by the international community must absolutely be addressed. the arrangements adopted at the g-[number] summits and the united nations conference on the world financial and economic crisis and its impact on development must be implemented and they must be implemented within the deadlines that we ourselves set. the second major task in this context is to address the issues of global energy security. three years ago at the saint petersburg g-[number] summit in russia, the principles for a new legal framework for such cooperation were formulated. the goal is to harmonize the interests of all participants in the energy chain suppliers, consumers and intermediaries or transiters. it was not so long ago that we solidified these principles, and we invite all states to engage in discussion on them. we believe that such discussions should be conducted with the active involvement of specialized multilateral institutions, including, of course, the agencies of the united nations family. the third task that russia deems to be potentially critical is the comprehensive strengthening of the united nations itself. the united nations must adapt itself in a rational way to the new global realities. it should strengthen its influence while preserving its multinational nature and the integrity of the charter s key provisions. the most important component of the revitalization of the united nations is reform of the security council. the time has come to speed up the search for a compromise formula for the security council s expansion, and of course to increase its efficiency. the third issue i want to touch on is disarmament. the process of multilateral disarmament under united nations auspices is an extremely important task. there are grounds for hope since, as members are aware, a number of positive trends have emerged in overcoming the protracted crisis. the conference on disarmament in geneva has adopted its programme of work. i should also like to mention the russian-chinese initiative to develop a treaty to prevent the deployment of weapons in outer space, as well as our current proposal to universalize the russian-american treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles. russia will unswervingly follow the path of verifiable and irreversible reductions in nuclear weapons as an essential element of a new start in our relations with the united states. in moscow in july this year, president obama and i not only signed a relevant document, but also agreed on a mandate for further negotiations to elaborate a new, legally binding treaty. this treaty should replace the treaty on the reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms, which expires in december. of special importance here is the relationship between strategic offensive and defensive arms. in my meeting with president obama this morning, we discussed the recently announced adjustments to the united states planned development of a missile defence system. i should like to state in this highest of forums that we view this decision as a constructive step in the right direction, which has deservedly received numerous expressions of support from the international community. russia is ready to engage in detailed discussions with the american side and to undertake relevant initiatives in this field in order to reach mutually acceptable agreement. without resolving such problems as missile defence and non-nuclear strategic offensive arms, it will be simply impossible to achieve real progress in the field of nuclear disarmament. i believe that the work on this new treaty will be fully consistent with relevant provisions of the joint document endorsed by the president of the united states and myself at our meeting in moscow. we believe that other nuclear states should join the disarmament efforts of russia and the united states. there is no need to wait for further progress in the russian-american disarmament process. we can begin forthwith to elaborate acceptable and practical arrangements that take into account the differences in the size of potentials. in that respect, we could draw on international experience in the twentieth century, for example the [number]-[number] washington conference on naval armaments, where participants agreed on the [number]-[number] [number] maximum size of their fleets without insisting on parity in absolute terms. if we take the same approach today, based on the current status of nuclear arsenals, we could send the rest of the world a sure signal that the unaccounted numbers will be added to the equation of strategic stability. pursuing nuclear disarmament, strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime and promoting the peaceful use of nuclear energy will be at the very heart of the [number] review conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . we cherish the hope that it will be successful. the global nuclear security summit scheduled for april [number] will provide a good opportunity for a more detailed discussion of these issues. we support that initiative. we have also agreed with the united states administration on joint steps for further progress on such aspects of nuclear security as the prevention of nuclear terrorism, expanding access to the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy to all signatories implementing the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons in good faith, and other decisions. we call for collective cooperation on these matters. in order to reach a common understanding on such important issues, we must engage all nations and influential international organizations in the aforementioned negotiation processes. the international community, it must be said, has at its disposal such tried and tested measures for enhancing regional and international security as nuclear-weapon-free zones. in particular, there is a very pressing need to establish a zone in the middle east free of all types of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. this is a long-standing issue, with respect to which a resolution was adopted at the [number] npt review conference. russia, as a member of the quartet of international mediators on the middle east settlement, has consistently supported efforts to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation regime in the middle east. russia has made specific proposals within the framework of the npt review process to seek mutually acceptable ways of implementing earlier decisions on this matter. all countries of the region need to take an active stance on this issue and demonstrate their willingness to achieve that end. we also need to accelerate work towards a mechanism to ensure peace and security in north-east asia. russia has made proposals in this regard to the participants in the six-party talks. in the present circumstances, this task is more urgent than ever. the fourth topic i wish to address is that of regional conflicts and regional security. we intend to continue to participate in the search for effective options for settling regional conflicts. we are convinced that the use of force can only exacerbate such situations. that was demonstrated by the reckless attempt by the georgian authorities last year to resolve the problems in their relations with south ossetia by military means. at that time, in august [number], we came very close to a situation in which a local armed conflict had the potential to grow into a full-scale war. i am certain that this is clearly understood by everyone in this hall today. in order to ensure that this should never recur, we need clear and effective mechanisms to implement the principle of the indivisibility of security. without such a mechanism, we will not be able to move beyond the legacy of the past or overcome existing prejudices. i wish to stress that irresponsible regimes should not have any opportunity whatsoever to foment disputes among other countries. the role and place of the modern nation in ensuring global security is a topic of the greatest relevance today. we have witnessed situations time and again in which problems emerging within the confines of an individual state have acquired a regional or even global character. the incompetence and, very often, ineffectiveness of national government institutions can have consequences that are fraught with risks for several countries. the prevention of such an outcome is of course a very complex and sensitive issue, but one upon which we must deliberate together. these issues were the focus of discussions at a recent conference held in russia. the outcome was quite clear. what we require in the future is a smart foreign policy. the current global crisis is not limited to economics it is also a crisis of ideas. it is the accumulation of a critical mass of outdated policies and development models. having developed the initiative to sign a new european security treaty, russia has proposed taking a fresh approach to this problem and, above all, abandoning outdated policies. we all hope that the cold war has been left behind, but the world has not become more secure. what we need today are modern solutions and clear legal frameworks for implementing existing [number] [number]-[number] political commitments. we do not need declarations, appeals or demagogues what we need are clear legal frameworks, including to enshrine the principle under international law that one must not seek to ensure one s own security at the expense of the security of others. our initiative concerns the euro-atlantic space. however, its key provision on the indivisibility of security is a universal principle that is applicable to all regions of the world and is fully consistent with the letter and spirit of the united nations charter. the principle of the indivisibility of security should be an integral part of current international law. values are the last issue that i wish to mention from this rostrum. the protection of human rights and interests and the universal application of commonly recognized norms and principles in that area should be the basis for strengthening trust and stability in international relations. we are all united by values that are rooted in morality, religion, customs and traditions. i am talking about such fundamental concepts as the right to life, tolerance of dissent, responsibility towards one s family, charity and compassion, which are the foundation both of daily life and of relations among states. however, unfortunately, it is the reality that the world is witnessing growing nationalism and numerous manifestations of religious intolerance and hatred. that is why we believe that establishing a high-level group on interfaith dialogue under the director-general of unesco is extremely valuable. it is particularly relevant on the eve of [number], which the united nations has declared international year for the rapprochement of cultures. to conclude, i cannot fail to mention, as i stand here, another topic that is very close to the heart of all citizens of our country and all peoples of the world. next year, we are going to celebrate the sixty-fifth anniversary of the end of the second world war. russia put forward a proposal to adopt a relevant general assembly resolution and to hold a special session to commemorate all victims of that war in may next year. we cannot allow its horrible lessons to be forgotten. however, from time to time we see neo-fascist organizations raise their heads. racial, national and ethnic crimes are being committed. attempts are being made to whitewash nazism, to deny the holocaust and to review the decisions of the nuremberg tribunal. i am convinced that strong and joint resistance to manifestations of neo-nazism and to attempts to revise the results of the second world war enshrined in the united nations charter should remain a priority task of the organization. the creation of the united nations was one of the principal achievements of the international community in the twentieth century. this organization and its fruitful activities have become a symbol of the twentieth century, and there is simply no alternative to these activities. we have no right to forget that the united nations possesses unique international legitimacy, and we all must preserve and strengthen this shared wealth of the peoples of the world.
we are meeting on the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations in order to assess, as we do each year, the progress made by our organization, an institution which was built to uphold peace and solidarity among men. to judge by its agenda, this session very much resembles past sessions, but clearly this year s session has a much deeper meaning, because it marks the passing of [number] years for the organization, [number] years during which the common destiny of diverse peoples has been consolidated and advanced, despite many challenges and perils. it is significant on the eve of this fiftieth anniversary to see the representative of an ancient european nation presiding over the work of the fiftieth session. indeed, the continent to which portugal belongs, with its historic role, has always been a major actor in the mechanisms of international relations. the election of a president from portugal testifies to unanimous recognition by the international community and is also a tribute to the president s talent and great diplomatic abilities. i take this opportunity to address our warm congratulations to the president s predecessor, our brother and friend, amara essy, of c te d ivoire, who so ably and with great dedication guided the work of the forty- ninth session. it is also significant that this symbolic session is taking place during the mandate of mr. boutros boutros- ghali, elected some three years ago to head this organization. mr. boutros boutros-ghali is also known as one of the skilled negotiators who, through their foresight and diplomatic talent, have cleared the way for peace in the middle east. today, he is working tirelessly in the noble and challenging mission of having the united nations live up to its noble ideals, its inviolable principles and its central purposes. the republic of mali became a member of the united nations [number] years ago, on [number] september [number], only six days after its accession to national and international sovereignty on [number] september [number]. mali, together with some [number] other african states, thus expanded the family of independent and free nations, bringing to the united nations the vitality, humanism and generosity of the peoples of africa. the international personality of mali a personality that has been forged through the centuries is based first of all on the ability of its people to live in harmony with their neighbours and on mali s openness to the world, its sense of solidarity and its steadfast commitment to defending the values of mankind. the republic of mali will continue to be dedicated to that vocation despite the set-backs and misunderstandings that are inherent in contacts between diverse cultures and traditions because we have the firm conviction that ethnic and cultural diversity constitute a source of mutual enrichment, and a powerful stimulant to economic, social and cultural progress. [number] indeed, by its geographical position, mali is at the crossroads between northern africa and sub-saharan africa. it is a nation enriched by centuries of playing the role of a melting-pot of diverse cultures. today, fortunately, mali lives in an atmosphere of good will, ethnic pluralism, religious pluralism, political pluralism, social and cultural pluralism. the national problem in the northern part of our country has been making news because of partisan, unfounded allegations broadcast across the world by lobbies whose sole objective is to destabilize young states. the crisis that shook the northern part of mali by its murderous and destructive character is one of the harshest tests that my country has experienced. with the restoration and consolidation of peace and the return of malian refugees on a massive scale, the feelings of rejection of the state, noted with the blockages and ensuing violent reactions, have become an anachronism in a state that is founded on the rule of law, a state where neither the language of arms nor that of any other form of violence is admissible as a form of expression of the right to representation. the successful meeting in timbuktu between the government and the development partners in northern mali from [number] to [number] july [number], is not only a symbol of exemplary international solidarity but provided an opportunity for international opinion to take note of the firm will of all sectors of malian society to tackle, first and foremost, the tasks of development. born after a painful confinement on [number] march [number], the date when a popular revolution triumphed, democracy has become a permanent and ever-present fact in the daily life of the people of mali, who have had to pay a heavy price to achieve it. the democratic revolution which took place four years ago in mali is a part of a general movement throughout the world to knock down the fortresses of oppression and alienation of peoples. it gave rise to a young democratic state which, despite the shortcomings inherent in any human undertaking, does represent a successful example of the rapid construction of a state built on the rule of law. concerned with consolidating this democratic process, the government of mali initiated, and successfully carried out a year ago in the framework of a search for a general consensus on all of the problems of the nation, wide regional conferences followed by a national conference. this forum allowed all of the forces of the nation to debate in a transparent context all of the concerns of the people and enabled the governors and the governed to develop consensual solutions to face the challenges relating to the future of the nation and the development of the country. may i emphasize that democratic mali has made it a point of honour to respect human rights and the rights of peoples. thus a distinguished panel met on [number] december [number], the anniversary of the universal declaration on human rights, bringing together noted international jurists who, in a completely transparent context, held public hearings with the government of mali on its human rights management. this was a bold exercise which set a valuable example and enabled us to demonstrate that respect for human rights and the establishment of a state based on the rule of law have now become a reality in mali. in mali, as in many countries, history accelerated at a dizzying pace towards the end of the 1980s. the fall of the berlin wall was a symbol of the end of the division of the world into two rival ideological and military blocs. this foreshadowed fundamental and irreversible changes in international relations and led to a new thinking on relations of force between great and mid-sized powers. the end of this bipolar world was expected to make the risk of a world war disappear. mankind hoped to see the realization of its legitimate aspirations to peace and security. that hope quickly waned when we realized that the period following the fall of the berlin wall became a period of heart-rending conflicts throughout the world. we have been seeing a terrible cycle of violence and destruction shaking the very foundations of the unity, territorial integrity and sovereignty of many countries. africa, it is said, is a land of fire on the belly of the world. it remains a suffering continent. it carries within it deep divisions and we see unbearable images of endless lines of refugees fleeing from their own country. the problem of refugees remains a tragedy, one which the international community must rapidly face and resolve. the inter-ethnic massacres in burundi and rwanda which led hundreds of thousands of victims to flee their homes are powerful challenges to human conscience and morality. [number] the situation in rwanda calls for a constant effort on the part of the united nations to restore peace and enable hundreds of thousands of refugees to return undisturbed to their homes. the tragedy of rwanda, which does dishonour to the human race, demands for that reason that the international community seek a way to implement solutions to ensure that that country shall achieve harmonious and definitive inter-ethnic coexistence. hence, mali, which has a military contingent in rwanda, suggests that rwanda should receive substantial assistance from the international community. among the armed conflicts that afflict our continent is that of somalia. in that country, the situation remains chaotic as a result of the intransigence and ambition of the warlords. the states of that region have already made major efforts in the search for peace and we pay tribute to them. they should, with the assistance of the international community of course, redouble their efforts in order to achieve solutions acceptable to all the parties. should they succeed, the efforts under way in liberia could set an example for the settlement of local conflicts through subregional initiatives. since the [number] august signing of the abuja agreement by the parties to the conflict, a transitional government of national union has been established in the capital, monrovia, with a view to holding free and fair elections a sure sign of the return of peace to liberia. with regard to crisis-settlement in africa, angola provides a source of great satisfaction with the signing of the lusaka protocol of [number] november [number], and especially with the meetings at lusaka and at cape town between president jos eduardo dos santos and mr. jonas savimbi. that impetus towards peace is being consolidated with the participation of the uni o nacional para a independ ncia total de angola unita in the exercise of power. i take this opportunity to offer warm congratulations to all the african heads of state and to the secretary-general and his special representative on their remarkable contributions to the restoration of peace in angola. mali also follows with interest the question of western sahara we sincerely hope that the organization and upcoming holding of a referendum on self-determination will lead to permanent peace in this north-western part of our continent. as the president of the republic of mali, mr. alpha oumar konar , has always stressed, mali earnestly encourages the creation of an african-run central machinery to prevent, manage and settle conflicts in africa. we invite the international community to support this initiative. the world must understand that the prevention of conflicts costs mankind less than dealing with their consequences. the organization of african unity oau and the united nations must grow increasingly involved in anticipating conflicts and less dependent on seeking remedies after the illness has taken hold. a major political development of the 1990s has certainly been the gradual return of peace to the middle east with the signing of the israeli-palestinian agreement in [number]. we earnestly hope that talks on the golan between israel and syria and the new agreement on extending palestinian autonomy to the west bank will put the final seal on a comprehensive peace in the region. in the middle east as elsewhere in the world, mali continues to make its modest contribution to the quest for international peace and security. within the united nations, the non-aligned movement, the oau and all other regional and subregional groups, my country quickly saw the need for a new, broader vision of international relations, the only credible alternative to the division of the world into two rival blocs, whose bitter competition could have led mankind into catastrophe. the end of the bipolar world confirms the correctness and relevance of that political perception. that is why, consistent with our convictions, we think that for developing countries the united nations remains the most appropriate framework to plumb the true aspirations of mankind the inevitable needs of development and the establishment of relations of greater solidarity between countries of the north and of the south. we must understand that growing poverty and destitution are at the root of violence and armed conflict. hence, development questions remain in the forefront of the concerns of all countries. today, economic performance is a criterion for assessing the power of a state in the community of nations. here, unfortunately, africa remains on the sidelines. indeed, despite the resumption early last year of world economic growth after several years of stagnation, the situation of africa, resulting from its marginalization, continues to be of great concern. the efforts of africa s developing countries through economic reform, structural adjustment and encouragement of the private sector have been wiped out [number] by fluctuations in commodity prices and by excessive costs of debt service. at the same time, direct foreign investment in the continent remains weak. moreover, africa s burdensome debt is constantly growing, now consuming [number] per cent of our export earnings. the tragedy of this situation lies in its concurrence with a resurgence of natural disasters and the persistence or exacerbation of illnesses such as acquired immunodeficiency syndrome aids and, especially, malaria. an agenda for development recognizes the right of developing countries especially the least developed countries to development it must reorient the objectives and priorities of the united nations system towards socio-economic programmes and activities aimed at eliminating poverty and developing human resources through education, training, social integration and the creation of productive jobs. unfortunately, the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s remains no more than a devout wish. the only initiative under that programme the establishment of a diversification fund for african commodities has not succeeded owing to the clear reticence of some developed countries. this proves, if proof were needed, the scant interest in africa s legitimate claims for reinvigorating the continent s growth and development. international trade relations have been marked by the conclusion of the uruguay round of negotiations and the establishment of the world trade organization. developing countries expect complete implementation of the final act of the uruguay round, especially with respect to compensatory mechanisms for the least developed countries, for net food importers and for those which will experience negative effects from the elimination of the generalized system of preferences. according to concurring estimates by the organization for economic cooperation and development oecd and the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , the overall result of the eighth negotiating cycle will benefit the industrialized countries only. to take the example of africa, oecd studies project losses exceeding [number] billion by the year [number]. in this connection, the world trade organization should offer bold decisions and recommendations in favour of africa. environmental questions are of major concern, for the very survival of mankind depends on a balanced ecology. we fervently hope that the decisions and recommendations of the united nations conference on environment and development will be quickly implemented in order to save our planet from dangerous, fatal deterioration. my country, which has experienced the effects of drought and desertification and which must still address their consequences, attaches great value to the united nations convention to combat desertification in those countries experiencing serious drought and or desertification, particularly in africa, concluded at paris on [number] june [number]. among the priority challenges facing the international community are social questions, including overpopulation, the production, trafficking and use of drugs, unemployment, violence, social disintegration and the role of women in economic and social development. we are convinced that the international conference on population and development, held at cairo, marked the beginning of a new process with respect to population and development strategy. likewise, the recommendations of the world summit for social development, held last march at copenhagen, should help ease the fate of the most severely disadvantaged. the fourth world conference on women, held at beijing from [number] to [number] september [number], constituted a praiseworthy concrete initiative to take true account of the role of women in economic and social activities. like most other african states, mali remains a poor country faced with major problems structural and related to our circumstances of economic development. the implementation of our programme of action for the 1990s is founded on strategies scrupulously based on agreements with the bretton woods institutions on economic and financial policies for the decade. besides stemming from our national will, our country s basic guidelines are in perfect keeping with a strategy for sustainable development and with the united nations programme of action for the least developed countries for the 1990s. the republic of mali is working tirelessly to resume dialogue on strengthening international economic cooperation for development through partnership. in mali this has been reflected in round tables with our development partners in key sectors of the national economy. on population policy, our country s activities include the establishment of a decentralized institutional coordinating machinery for the implementation of population policy throughout the country, and work in [number] various areas of economic and social development. moreover, the united nations population fund programme with mali has been adapted to the content and policies of the programme of action adopted at the international conference on population and development. we in mali think that the implementation of these various united nations programmes and activities, based first and foremost on an increasingly sustained national effort, requires more vigorous mobilization of both multilateral and bilateral assistance. thus, it is increasingly urgent for rich and industrialized countries to provide the united nations and its specialized agencies with the resources they need to properly implement the various plans and programmes of action adopted since the beginning of the 1990s. that is the only way in which the twenty-first century can see a widespread economic takeoff and shared prosperity for all. the republic of mali is unreservedly committed to more open international cooperation based on solidarity. stronger still is our readiness to work towards economic integration within africa, most of whose states cannot achieve sustainable and balanced development on their own. working through regional groupings, african countries must carry out an economic policy of complementarity with respect to their national production, and must limit all competition that is harmful and that gives rise to the serious problem of negative resource flows. these economic entities, established by interdependent states, must enjoy all necessary support from development partners. the united nations, born in the wake of the greatest trauma mankind has ever known, set as its goal the building of a new world through law. a powerful mechanism in the service of peace, solidarity and development had been created. never before has the world produced such an impressive arsenal of texts, conventions, declarations and programmes of action, all aimed at defining the rules of international conduct, preventing war and conflict, guaranteeing peaceful coexistence and promoting development. with the united nations, a new international ethic was born. the victorious powers of the second world war, which retain the formidable right of veto, had a moral duty to make that ethic a permanent one. having been conceived through relationships of force, the united nations unfortunately grew fragile owing to bloc and power rivalries. hence, the security council, which is none the less the main body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, was often paralysed in carrying out its basic mandate. in the course of this half-century, several serious conflicts nearly led to a third world confrontation. while the world has seen a period of non-war at the global level, people themselves have been afflicted by the balance of terror imposed by the nuclear powers. the new international political context that has prevailed since the end of the 1980s is increasingly fertile ground for an international consensus favouring a needed rehabilitation of the united nations and a restoration of its authority in carrying out its basic mandates. there remains an urgent need to undertake the restructuring and revitalization of united nations structures to make them more effective to take more rapid, fairer decisions and to be better able to monitor, respond and sanction wherever and whenever necessary in the interests of the international community. that, indeed, is the mission of the united nations, which has established peace-keeping operations since [number]. it is the duty of all states to provide these peace- keeping operations with sufficient human and material resources, so that no one can doubt the organization s credibility. wherever they are deployed, such operations must also face serious attacks on human rights and the rights of peoples. in that connection, the tragic situation in bosnia and herzegovina merits the full attention of the general assembly. in accordance with united nations resolutions, the international community must restore the sovereignty of the bosnian people and the territorial integrity of their republic. the delegation of mali, which also endorses the relevant resolutions of the organization of the islamic conference, considers that the challenge to the international community in this former yugoslav republic must be addressed with determination to stop it from becoming a dangerous precedent in international relations. a world based on law must be supported by the ideal of a world of justice. the need to provide assistance, so often invoked by the united nations and by regional organizations, has relativized the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a state when the international community finds in that state flagrant violations of human rights and the rights of peoples. the united nations has thus carried out an act of justice and law in reestablishing republican institutions in haiti. it is also in the name of law and justice that mali calls for the lifting of international sanctions against libya and iraq, whose peoples want nothing more than [number] happiness, well-being and peace. maintaining these sanctions, which affect only the libyan and iraqi peoples, runs frankly counter to morality and to our duty to assist and show solidarity with those peoples. the twentieth century will have been a century of enormous progress in all spheres, in the course of which mankind will have demonstrated its impressive creative capacity. it is an important symbol that it was during this century, just a few months ago, that the international community reaffirmed its determination to ban forever the proliferation and use of nuclear weapons by the indefinite extension of the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . the rejection of the nuclear weapon marks an irreversible choice by the world s peoples in favour of peace and development. it is surprising that nuclear-weapon states have not understood the extraordinary trust that the rest of the international community has shown in them by its overwhelming accession to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons that trust requires responsibility on the part of nuclear-weapon states. those states must meet the challenge of peace by putting a complete and immediate end to real and simulated testing and by gradually destroying their nuclear arsenals. as we come to the end of the second millennium, we see a world-wide movement for democracy and freedom. the organization has everywhere encouraged the quest for justice and the free expression of peoples. to consolidate its gains and to become permanent, this vast movement must be accompanied by the democratization of international relations. but unfortunately, that democratization is late in coming. the president of the republic of mali has described the situation in this way present inequalities among individuals, among communities and among states unmistakably raise the question of justice, linked at the national level with order and morality . . . the world is composed of ongoing disparities, which give rise to conflict and violence. we must all understand the peril we incur by failing to reorder present structures that are unfavourable to the less well off and that benefit the more powerful. we need a world of greater solidarity a less selfish and more humane world . it is, indeed, sad to note that international relations continue to be governed from the standpoint of carving the world up into spheres of influence and spheres of interests, even though new political and economic changes in developing countries demand new behaviour by our development partners, specifically the industrialized countries. it is increasingly clear that on the whole international cooperation is being fueled by economic criteria alone, to the detriment of the values of solidarity and justice. yet the challenges facing mankind are common challenges. they include environmental degradation, pollution, toxic waste, sickness, hunger, poverty and malnutrition. the balance of the planet and the survival of mankind depend on the collective solutions we find to these serious problems. it cannot be overstressed that only international relations based on solidarity, fairness and justice can enable us to face the challenge and these are within our grasp. the maintenance of peace in the coming millennium will depend on the international community s ability to foster development for all. hence, it is urgent to restore the values of solidarity, justice and democracy in international relations in order to save succeeding generations.
on behalf of the ethiopian delegation and myself i wish to extend heartfelt congratulations to you. sir, on your election as president of the forty-seventh session of the general assembly. my delegation is confident that, under your wise guidance, the current session of the general assembly will achieve outstanding successes. in this connection i wish to assure your excellency of my delegation's full co-operation in the discharge of your responsibilities. i also wish to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to your predecessor, mr. samir shihabi of the kingdom of saudi arabia for his able stewardship of the forty-sixth session of the general assembly. likewise, i should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to mr. boutros boutros-ghali, the secretary-general, for his vigorous efforts to fulfil the mandate bestowed upon him by the world community. we are confident that under his able leadership the stature and credibility of the united nations will be further enhanced. we wish him every success in his endeavours. my delegation is also pleased to extend a cordial welcome to all the new members of the united nations which have joined our family during the last [number] months. the end of the cold war, which was a great turning-point in history, was followed by further positive changes in the international political climate. however, it is a matter of concern to us that there are still conflicts raging in many parts of the world. the thaw in the relations between east and west did not necessarily lead to total peace, devoid of human suffering and hardship. in this regard, i should like to draw the assembly's attention to the unfolding tragedy in somalia, which defies imagination and affronts our senses and sensibilities. over the past two years, the situation in the country has deteriorated so much that the state has ceased to exist. law and order, peace and stability and the basic infrastructure necessary for the life of a functioning society are virtually non-existent. these have all been destroyed by acts of internecine warfare, the extent of whose damage and the consequent human suffering combine to make somalia one of the worst humanitarian crises in living memory. it is lamentable that somalia should be bleeding to death by the actions of its own sons. nearly half the total population of the country has been dislocated by war and famine. scores of children and old people are dying every day, while thousands have perished. the somali people have left their homes and fled to neighbouring and other countries. given the situation in somalia today, it is pertinent to ask why the various factions are doing all this to their own country and people. why this wanton destruction for the sake of political power over a disintegrating country? how can one explain what is being done to the people of somalia, something which goes beyond any conceivable political cause or justification when we see women, children and the elderly being killed indiscriminately merely because they belong to this clan or that sub-clan? this nightmare must come to an immediate end. the ethiopian people can speak from their own history of [number] years of conflict war and the application of brute force and senseless destruction cannot by any means provide the solution to a country's political problems. we believe that the bloodletting in somalia during the past two years should serve as a sufficient lesson to the various factions that the path of conflict can only lead to more catastrophe. historical knowledge confirms beyond a reasonable doubt that the use of force or war never achieved lasting results in the conduct of human affairs. it is our firm conviction that the protagonists in the current crisis in somalia should make the welfare and interests of the country and the people they claim to represent uppermost in their minds. it must be stated that somalia's neighbours, the countries of the horn of africa, did not spare the slightest effort to bring about a peaceful resolution of the tragic conflict. it will be recalled that a horn of africa summit meeting on humanitarian issues was convened in addis ababa, ethiopia, in april [number]. its main objective was to examine the serious humanitarian crisis in the subregion and work with regional organizations and the united nations in order to save lives and ultimately bring the warring factions together with a view to seeking a solution to the fratricidal conflict. at the end of the summit meeting, a declaration, framework of cooperation and programme of action was issued. this was followed by the horn of africa conference on humanitarian issues, held to formulate modalities for the effective implementation of the summit declaration. a resolution on the situation in somalia was subsequently adopted which, inter alia, provided for a cease- fire among the warring factions, the holding of immediate peace talks leading to national reconciliation and lasting political settlement in the country, and the unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance to the people in need. most significantly, the summit meeting decided to establish a high-level standing committee of the horn of africa on somalia to coordinate ongoing efforts to bring about a peaceful resolution of the conflict. in fulfilment of its mandate, the committee convened an all-party meeting on somalia in bahr-dar, ethiopia, in may [number]. at that meeting agreement was reached on the effective distribution of humanitarian assistance and on convening a national reconciliation conference. to follow up the implementation of these two agreements, the chairman and other members of the committee visited somalia twice in may and august [number] and held talks with leaders of various political organizations. the result of the mission has been generally satisfactory under the circumstances. the committee is still actively seized of the crisis in somalia in all its aspects. the effort of the countries of the horn of africa is a practical manifestation of the principle that regional conflicts should, as far as possible, be resolved by the countries of the area concerned. although the situation in somalia has for some time been ignored and left on the sidelines, it is encouraging to note that the united nations and donor governments are giving it the necessary attention it so rightly deserves. the international effort to distribute humanitarian assistance to those in need should be further intensified as a matter of top priority. the efforts under way by the governments of the horn of africa, the united nations, the organization of african unity, and others, to bring about lasting peace in somalia should henceforth be pursued in a coordinated manner. we should all speak with one voice to the parties in the conflict. the message they should get should be one, and only one that they cannot continue with their callous disregard for the interests and welfare of the people of somalia that the existence of somalia as a nation should, first and foremost, be of paramount importance that there is no way they can achieve their aims through war and that they should be prepared to resolve their differences by peaceful means. in this connection, it is sad to note that certain quarters are undermining the peaceful resolution of the crisis by supplying weapons to the warring factions instead of relief assistance to the suffering people of somalia, or dumping industrial toxic waste on somali territory instead of providing medicine to take care of the sick and wounded, and plundering the livestock and marine resources of somalia instead of providing critically needed humanitarian assistance. we call on these quarters to desist from attempts to polarize the region of the horn of africa and instead work with us in partnership in our efforts to restore lasting peace and stability in somalia. i should like now to turn to another issue of concern to us. we have been following closely the positive developments in south africa. however, we still have serious misgivings about the prospects for the peaceful transformation of that country, as the system of apartheid remains in place. we are deeply committed to the decisions and positions of the organization of african unity oau and of the united nations decisions and positions that have been emphasized repeatedly over the years as well as to the principled stand of the democratic forces in south africa to end the apartheid system once and for all and set in motion an irreversible process of change to a multiracial and democratic political order in that country. the current efforts to create the conditions necessary for the success of peaceful negotiation should be encouraged. in this connection, the recent agreement between the african national congress and the government to resume negotiations is a positive development, as is the release of political prisoners. we look forward to the initiation of talks between all the democratic forces in south africa and the government, with a view to the establishment of an interim government to supervise the process of preparing a constitutional order for a multiracial and democratic south africa. likewise, we are gravely concerned about the tragic situation in the former yugoslavia, particularly in bosnia and herzegovina. this crisis, which is fast getting out of control, is a serious threat to international peace and security. the continuing bloodshed should be brought to an end and a political solution acceptable to all parties should be found as soon as possible. in this respect, we hope that the conference currently being held in geneva under the auspices of the united nations and the european community will have concrete results. we are also following the current peace process in the middle east. despite the international community's repeated efforts to broker peace, the situation in the middle east still hangs in the balance. nevertheless, the prospects for peace in the area are better today than they have been for a long time. we are therefore hopeful that the question of palestine, which is at the core of the middle east problem, will eventually be resolved in accordance with the relevant united nations resolutions so that a just, durable and comprehensive settlement for the region as a whole may be achieved. we are gratified by the outcome of the efforts of the conference on disarmament with regard to chemical weapons. the draft treaty prohibiting the production, use, transfer and stockpiling of chemical weapons represents an important step in the global effort to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. we derive special satisfaction from the success of nearly [number] years of effort in the disarmament process and from ethiopia's contribution as a member of the conference on disarmament. in view of current trends towards democracy and respect for human rights, there is a need for the disarmament negotiations to include conventional weapons. it should be emphasized that the "peace dividend" from disarmament efforts should be channelled into fighting the problems of poverty, disease and backwardness in developing countries. it goes without saying that the opportunities created in the past few years to secure a more just and stable international order cannot bear fruit unless there is a parallel effort, deployed with increased vigour, to bring about positive change in international economic relations. in this regard, much more is expected from the united nations. the united nations conference on environment and development, held in rio, brazil, in the middle of this year demonstrated the great importance that the international community attaches to the pressing issues of the environment and development. environmental protection and economic development bear on the future of mankind and affect every country. therefore, our collective and individual strategic planning activities should be aimed at solving these two global problems, which call for effective international cooperation and mutual consultation. the rio declaration and agenda [number], as well as the two conventions, the convention on climate change and the convention on biological diversity, lay a good foundation for enhanced international cooperation in this area. however, there has yet to be sufficient focus on the problems of environmental pollution and ecological degradation and desertification. we should like to share certain fundamental thoughts about the promotion and strengthening of democracy and democratic institutions in the context of current international relations. although democracy may have certain universal features, it is equally true that it has unique characteristics peculiar to a particular country's socio-political situation. in effect, there cannot be a standard prescription for building democracy applicable to all societies and situations. realization of this fact should restrain any attempt to prescribe uniform modalities and processes for the establishment of democracy and democratic institutions in different countries. it is incumbent upon those who claim to stand for democracy to help newly democratizing peoples in their effort to consolidate that process, rather than confine themselves to levelling criticism from the sidelines. if those forces that advocate the strengthening of democracy fail to extend a helping hand to us in our unrelenting struggle to democratize our country, and instead simply watch from a distance, any weakening or failure of the process of democratization will be attributable, at least in part, to their lack of cooperation. it goes without saying that democracy is unthinkable without peace and stability, both internal and inter-state. thus support by the forces of democracy for internal democratization processes would be a significant step forward in the resolution of internal conflicts. inter-state conflicts can be settled by democratizing inter-state relations and by scrupulously observing norms of international law for inter-state relations. although the parties to an inter-state dispute are primarily responsible for the peaceful resolution of their problems, the united nations and the international community can, and should, play a significant role in encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes. sanctions could be applied as a last resort against a recalcitrant party violating basic norms of inter-state relations once all other attempts to resolve disputes had been fully exhausted. it is evident that democracy cannot be nurtured and sustained to grow into a robust institution in countries characterized by economic deprivation and destitution. it is therefore imperative to democratize the international economic order with the same vigour as we are deploying to democratize the international political order, if we are to strengthen democracy and democratic institutions. to this end, developing countries, as a whole, should be given assistance to extricate themselves from the quagmire of poverty and underdevelopment. failure by the developed countries to do so would mean exacerbating international tension and conflict in a different form, thereby adversely affecting all our efforts towards lasting peace and socio-economic development. in order to forestall such an eventuality, the united nations and the international community should go beyond paying lip-service to democracy and development and provide meaningful economic assistance to developing countries. only then will we be able to say that international peace and development are guaranteed. at this juncture, allow me to say a few words on developments in ethiopia since the establishment of the transitional government just over a year ago. the demise of the repressive military regime in may [number], the assumption of power by democratic forces and the endorsement of the transitional charter have heralded a new chapter in the history of our country in which freedom, equal rights and self-determination of all peoples are the guiding principles of political, economic and social life. during this short period, while striving to ensure durable peace and stability after [number] years of bloody civil war, we have been able to lay the groundwork for the creation of a new political order in a country where very little was known about democratic political and institutional machinery. the transitional charter laid the basis for the establishment of a broad-based administration incorporating a wide spectrum of political views, regional interests and national aspirations. the council of representatives, which is the highest legislative authority, consists of dozens of political and social organizations. moreover, with a view to paving the way for the implementation of the right to self-determination of all peoples in ethiopia as enshrined in our transitional charter, we have taken the the first significant step by holding the first successful democratic, local and regional elections in the country's history in the presence of international observers. an administration aimed at the consolidation of peace, stability, democracy, reconstruction and development in the country is now firmly in place. the protection of human rights is at the top of the agenda of the transitional government. for the first time, internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms are fully guaranteed in ethiopia. the transitional government is fully committed to upholding and protecting the rights of individuals and peoples based on the universal declaration of human sights. to that end, we have initiated a process by which ethiopia is to accede to the various international covenants on human rights. the transitional government of ethiopia was established under circumstances left by the country's former absolute dictatorship. it was a situation where government accountability and responsibility were unknown, democratic culture and institutions were non-existent and where the country's infrastructure was devastated by a long drawn-out war and recurrent drought and famine. although the absence of a pluralistic political culture and institutional machinery, as well as ethiopia's only recent emergence from an extended period of intense civil war, has had a significant impact on democratization, in general the process of democratization, decentralization and devolution of power in ethiopia is right on track. however, this does not mean that the transition from war to peace and from dictatorship to democracy is a smooth one. indeed, we chose to go through a transition process with a view to making it possible for us to lay down the necessary preconditions for a full-fledged democratic order. we have made significant progress in all these areas during the past year of the transitional period. as part of the continuing process of democratization, the council of representatives has issued a proclamation on the setting up of a constitution drafting commission, which is about to embark upon its important task as soon as organizational matters are finalized. the lesson we have drawn from the first year of the transitional period is that the establishment of democracy, dependable democratic institutions and democratic culture in a least developed country such as ethiopia, with an economy devastated by war and natural calamities, is an extremely arduous undertaking. however committed one may be or however strenuously one may strive to achieve this goal, the process is bound to be very slow and full of difficulties and complications. this is not a sign of despair but an acknowledgment of a concrete reality, which is a necessary first step to success in any undertaking. undaunted by the adverse internal situation at the outset, the transitional government took, and is taking bold and decisive steps to lay the groundwork for the socio-economic transformation and democratization of the country. thus, building democratic institutions, carrying out major economic reforms, instituting human rights and fundamental freedoms previously unknown in ethiopia, such as freedom of assembly and association, freedom of expression without censorship, encouraging the formation of numerous political organizations which are now exercising democratic rights without any hindrance these are only the most salient achievements of the transitional government in the brief period of one year. as a result, we can assert with full confidence that a new democratic culture and new democratic institutions are taking shape in our country today. the unity of ethiopia is being guaranteed on the basis of the unswerving recognition and accommodation of diversity. bold, and in many ways unique, steps are again being taken to resolve the country's internal problems. although problems may persist, our internal experiment aimed at their solution is already paying dividends. the eritrean question has also been resolved by the recognition of the right to self-determination of the eritrean people. a referendum will be held early next year in the presence of international observers, including the united nations, to determine definitively the future status of eritrea. the decision to resolve the eritrean question through a referendum has been subscribed to without reservation by both the transitional government of ethiopia and the provisional government of eritrea. they have also declared in no uncertain terms that they will accept the results of the referendum. in effect, the decision is ours, and ours alone, and belongs in no way to any external force. we are confident that once the people of eritrea have freely decided their own future, no matter what the outcome of the referendum, the existing and fast-developing economic, trade and social relations between the two peoples based on mutual trust and benefit will be the trail-blazer for economic and social integration in the horn of africa subregion, which we hope will materialize in the not-too-distant future. as regards our economic situation, it has been repeatedly stated that ethiopia's economic potential contrasts sharply with its socio-economic underdevelopment. in addition to drought, war and famine, the mismanagement of the national economy over the years by the former regime has militated against steady growth by the national economy. under these rather difficult circumstances, the transitional government of ethiopia has embarked upon a comprehensive programme of new economic policy measures and institutional reform aimed at increasing the role of the private sector in the national economy, and is rationalizing the public enterprises by improving their management and generally allowing the promotion of market-economy principles and mechanisms. it is imperative for us to exert the maximum effort to overcome the multifaceted problems facing the country today and revitalize our national economy. however, it is evident that such an undertaking calls for the availability of vast resources which cannot be mobilized at the national level alone. we therefore call on the international community to extend humanitarian as well as development assistance to supplement our domestic efforts to cope with the emergency situation. the positive response and good will demonstrated by various donor countries and international organizations over the past year in support of our economic recovery and reconstruction programme are encouraging. we are hopeful that that support will continue. the changes under way in ethiopia are having an impact on the country's external relations. thus, for the first time in several decades, our relations with all our neighbours in the horn of africa are being strengthened on a qualitatively new level. harmonious cooperation in all fields is fast developing in our subregion. our relations with other countries are also developing on the some basis and are showing encouraging results. in this new experiment of nation-building, ethiopia has from the outset enjoyed the good will of many countries. some have also extended material assistance. we wish to express our deep gratitude to all who have helped us in one way or another. nevertheless, we have, regrettably, to admit the fact that the assistance we have so far received, in particular material assistance, falls short of what is needed to make our effort at socio-economic development a success. we therefore call again upon all our friends to provide us with meaningful assistance at this crucial phase in our history. in conclusion, i should also like to reiterate ethiopia's readiness to participate in all endeavours aimed at enhancing the role of our organization in the maintenance of international peace and security and in assisting the developing countries in their efforts to achieve a greater degree of economic development and self-reliance. i am hopeful that at the present session the assembly will review and assess the world situation with a new perspective and take a bold approach in order to meet the imperatives of the time. we must encourage and promote the positive trends already evident in international relations, and at the same time guard against certain tendencies which patently carry within them the seed of new crises.
mr. president, gabon and its president, his excellency el hadj omar bongo, whom i have the signal honour to represent at this session, are moved by your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty- fourth session of the general assembly of the united nations. we are moved first of all because as africans we are gratified that once again it is to our continent that the formidable but exalting honour has fallen of presiding over this international forum. we are moved also because africa, which today more than in the past has become the scene of rivalries and great powers hegemonisms, could not make a better contribution to the search for solutions that are liable to reduce the poverty and suffering in the world and to bring about a greater measure of security and happiness for its inhabitants. finally, and above all, we are moved because of the close links of fruitful friendship, multifaceted co-operation and active solidarity which unite our two peoples and our two brother countries, both bilaterally and within the framework of international organizations. and that is why your election, sir, constitutes for gabon, my country, more than just a symbol. it is indeed testimony to the well-deserved tribute which, through you, sir, the community of nations has paid to your great country, to its illustrious head of state, and also to the whole of africa. my delegation is convinced that your distinguished qualities as a skilled and far-sighted diplomat and the long and rich experience which you have accumulated in the united nations are a guarantee of the success of our work. [number]. i also wish to convey my congratulations to the other officers of the assembly, who, i have no doubt, will actively assist you in the success of this session. [number]. i should like to take this opportunity to include in these congratulations mr. indalecio lievano, the president of the thirty-third session, whose tact and perfect knowledge of the great problems of the day made it possible for the work of that session to succeed and make appreciable progress in the search for solutions to our constant concerns. [number]. to mr. kurt waldheim, the secretary-general of our organization, i should like to repeat the great appreciation of my delegation for the tireless efforts which he has constantly put forth towards the same end. [number]. my delegation believes that, in spite of differences and reluctance, our work will be carried out in an atmosphere where the keynote is hope, a hope which will do away with the partisan selfishness which has generated so much conflict and conflagration. the world we live in needs this hope because it has too often fallen victim to those constantly resurging scourges which afflict humanity and which it must rid itself of through the indispensable solidarity of the international community. [number]. these scourges include, in the first place, hunger, which affects three quarters of humanity and kills off millions of human beings. i should like to stress here the preponderant role of our organization in the effort to do away with hunger throughout the world, and at the same time to congratulate the secretary- general and the director-general of fao on their unremitting efforts to achieve this objective. indeed, we can never repeat too often the fact that man does not live by ideology alone, still less by cannons which rob him of his life, but by bread and water above all. [number]. let us hope that the powerful of the world will do even more to contribute to the elimination of this scourge. in fact, nothing more remains to be said on this subject. and the last time that it was debated was in the course of the world food conference, which showed that all that was needed was good will on the part of everyone for those who primarily suffer from hunger that is children, to whom this year has been dedicated to find themselves not only recognized at last but also given the right to existence so that the world can live tomorrow because, as the head of state of gabon loves to say, "the surest hope of the world is its children". [number]. so hunger is the first scourge, and after hunger comes poverty, which is the lot of three quarters of mankind, condemned to be ever poorer while the rest of the world awards itself the bulk of the wealth that exists to become ever more prosperous. [number]. when the group of developing countries clamours for the establishment of this new and more just international economic order that would nowadays embrace such diverse fields as information and culture the purview of the world administrative radio conference, which has just begun work in geneva this is a warning signal which the industrialized countries would do well to heed, instead of turning a deaf ear as they did in manila at the time of the fifth session of unctajd, which yielded the most disappointing results because of the reluctance of those countries to do more for the cause of the developing countries. [number]. it is true that at the end of two years of hard bargaining there is good hope that agreement can be reached on the broad lines of the statutes of the common fund for the stabilization of primary commodities. [number]. it is true that an agreement was also arrived at in vienna at the united nations conference on science and technology for development, on the adoption of an over-all programme of action aimed at strengthening the scientific and technical capabilities of the developing countries, the creation of a high-level horizontal structure that is, the intergovernmental committee on science and technology for development and the establishment of machinery for financing which could increase and guarantee the volume of funds necessary for the attainment of defined objectives. [number]. it is true that it may be somewhat comforting and encouraging to note that at the second half of the eighth session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, which was concluded here a month ago, quite appreciable progress was made on certain points which were purported to be delicate, such as scientific research, pollution of the seas and the delimitation of the continental shelf. [number]. naturally, within the same context, i cannot re-main silent about the results of the renegotiation of the convention of lome where my country had the privilege of being co-chairman at a crucial moment of its history a convention which clearly should be taken as a model in the field of co-operation, which we hope will be ever more fruitful, more diversified and more dynamic, between the industrialized and the developing countries. my country is gratified by the fact that the signing of this convention will take place once again in lome'. [number]. these are so many grounds for satisfaction, and we are entitled to take pride in them in spite of serious short-comings. [number]. my delegation feels that the political will to pursue dialogue exists in all quarters. we can therefore only support mr. waldheim's appeal issued at the 28th meeting of the work of the ad hoc committee on the north-south dialogue for the resumption of this dialogue because "present stagnation is unacceptable at a time when dangers of all kinds threaten the world economy". [number]. indeed, the constant imbalances which perturb the world economy inflation and monetary disorders, just to mention two underlie the particularly difficult and alarming situation affecting the economies of the third world in general and of the african continent in particular, aggravated by the problems of indebtedness and insufficient price supports for primary commodities and the deterioration of the terms of trade, a situation for which appropriate solutions should be found. [number]. among those solutions must be an increase by the rich countries in their official assistance to the developing countries, particularly since the figure of [number]. [number] per cent of the gross national product recommended in [number] by the united nations has been attained so far only by sweden, norway and the netherlands. [number]. among those solutions also is the alleviation, management and total or partial remission of the debts contracted by the developing countries in accordance with an agreement of march [number] by unctad but subscribed to by only about [number] industrialized countries. my delegation wishes to pay warm tribute here to all of these countries in the hope that their example will be followed. [number]. with regard to africa, ever since the seminar in monrovia which met at the felicitous initiative of the administrative secretary-general of the oau, mr. edem kodjo, after having realized that, at the international level, trade and other exchanges were much more current among the industrialized countries than between them and the developing countries in other words, there is a greater current of north-north trade than north-south africa decided, by the solemn declaration of its heads of state and government meeting in july last again in monrovia, to promote in africa a new course to be based on self-sufficiency. [number]. i take pleasure in stressing that my country did not wait until the alarm bell had sounded in monrovia before awakening to that fact because, after what became an historic statement on [number] march [number], the head of state of gabon, after having said no to unbridled capitalism and no to bureaucratic socialism, advocated "the new gabonese policy of development, that of democratic and concerted progressivism", which consists of the awareness and the will of the gabonese people to achieve better control of the economic machinery and better control and direction of their expansion, in the higher interest of the nation and for the benefit of all its citizens. [number]. so we have poverty and hunger, but we also have that greatest of all scourges, war, not forgetting conflict situations in a world which is in full transformation. war still remains one of the constant concerns of man, because his very survival depends on peace and security. [number]. on the basis of this analysis, it occurs to us to ask a fundamental question, when will all those who call for human rights and have arrogated to themselves the right to proclaim peace or war take the decision to devote even a tiny part of the billions they spend each year on the manufacture of ever-more sophisticated and deadly weapons to elimination of the scourges of hunger and poverty that afflict the world? it is deplorable indeed to note that the genius of man has never been better developed or more highly sophisticated than in that field of the invention, perfection and refinement of lethal devices. [number]. this is a cry of alarm, but also a cry of hope the hope which we place in the future of mankind, a hope for which we take pleasure in noting that an echo, however feeble, has been found among the two superpowers, which are primarily responsible for the grave concerns which afflict the world and which lead small and medium-sized countries like ours to believe that power is found in the muzzle of a gun and thus to seek it as an end in itself even more important than the well- being of starving peoples. but with this gun, as the head of the gabonese state likes to put it, "we can do everything except lie on it with peace of mind". and, within this context, we can only greet with optimism the creation of the international fund for agricultural development for which my country proposes to provide a site for its headquarters the fund has as one of its objectives "to improve the nutritional level of the poorest populations"- of all the developing countries. [number]. there is hardly any need to remind representatives that the essence of a man's life depends, above all, on satisfying his vital needs rather than an unbridled race for a balance of terror in which the two superpowers have not ceased to recognize their responsibilities. an illustration has just been given to us by the conclusion of the agreements reached as a result of the second round of salt, after six years of intensive bilateral negotiations. we must encourage them in that course of direct negotiation, as they were in a letter addressed to their then leaders by the heads of state and government of the non-aligned countries who met in belgrade in [number] for the first conference of the movement, with as their final objective the destruction of all nuclear arsenals. [number]. those are, in the view of my delegation, the major guidelines which should underlie our debate, because they flow from this profound conviction of the political philosophy of the republic of gabon, whose official seal shows a mother nursing her child. [number]. the gabonese state has enhanced the role of women by creating a department concerned with every-thing that affects their advancement, promoting action for mass education in the rural areas and preserving our traditional values. action is jointly undertaken by the departments of women's advancement, social affairs and popular education, as well as the women's union of the gabonese democratic party, under the leadership of mrs. josephine bongo, the wife of the head of state. [number]. we have many mothers and sisters, all of whom are pleased to recognize the importance of their role in the development of our young nation, because in gabon there is no discrimination between men and women in appointments to posts of responsibility. the only criterion is competence. [number]. with reference to the child, the child is the most precious possession, the builder of tomorrow's world, the artisan of the future, the link between yesterday and tomorrow, the soul ready to blossom but which is stifled by man's selfishness, asphyxiated by the gunpowder of cannons. in so far as concerns the gabonese republic, for a long time now the importance of this "promise of man", as gusdorf puts it, has been perceived and apprehended. indeed, the head of state of gabon likes to repeat, as he did at the opening of the international year of the child "for me, youth is sacred. and this youth is, above all, young children. and those children must be born into a society of peace and progress. their balanced development depends on it. " [number]. in this field, the government of renovation, for which public health and social security constitute priority sectors, is devoting the larger part of its efforts to maternal and children's health, to social security with its birth bonuses and family allowances. these measures and provisions are in africa in the vanguard of the steps advocated by the who relating to primary health care with a view to preserving the health of all by the year [number]. [number]. the efforts made on behalf of the child are also marked by a school attendance rate of [number] per cent at the primary level and somewhere near [number] to [number] per cent at the secondary and higher levels, as well as free education for all without any discrimination. [number]. if i have mentioned the place occupied by the child in gabonese society, it is not only because our session is taking place in the international year of the child it is, above all, because one of the evils that afflicts mankind that we have just denounced, namely war, affects the child most since it spoils and destroys his innocence and for ever dulls his sensibilities. [number]. indeed, as president bongo said quite recently "in this turbulent world rent by troubles, too many children are born and grow up in fear and anguish of unbridled warfare between nations and fratricidal revolutions, without any protection other than the wretched shelter of refugee camps and orphanages. " [number]. and the head of the state of gabon declared himself ready to welcome children, primarily from distant regions where we hope and trust that peace will finally triumph, so that those lands will finally be able to experience the harmonious development to which they are entitled after so many years of sacrifices that would be in vain if they were not to lead to the social peace which we whole-heartedly aspire to, above and beyond grudges and rancours. [number]. if we consider the international political situation sector by sector, i am sure that members will agree with our appreciation of the present state of the world. [number]. in africa we thought that a peaceful and internationally acceptable solution to the problems of zimbabwe and namibia was imminent. [number]. we cannot deny that the african countries and the liberation movements primarily concerned have demonstrated a great deal of moderation in their just claims of full and entire sovereignty over the land of their ancestors. [number]. we accepted the mediation of those very people who are the allies of the minority and racist regimes in rhodesia and in south africa, allies who are all the more clearly identifiable because they maintain relations of many kinds with the country that is primarily responsible for the terrible evil which is rampant in the region that is, south africa. but what have we obtained in exchange? [number]. in zimbabwe, since the rebellion by mr. ian smith, the african countries in particular, and the countries of the third world in general, have constantly called on the united kingdom, the administering power for the territory, to live up fully to its responsibilities as such and to lead the country to independence. [number]. the idea that the reality of power should be concentrated in the hands of [number] per cent of the population of the territory cannot be entertained. the members of this minority who for different reasons have found refuge in that country, and who have freely chosen to make a home there, should constantly bear in mind this truth, if they themselves after independence wish to be granted the right to make a positive contribution to the building of a new zimbabwe, which will need their wisdom and experience. [number]. that is why the government of gabon welcomed the position taken by the united kingdom on the future of zimbabwe in the course of the recent meeting of heads of government of commonwealth countries, held in lusaka, zambia, because it was in keeping with its position of prevailing upon all the sons of zimbabwe to sit down at the same table to find a peaceful solution to their problem that would be internationally acceptable. [number]. this is why the government of gabon wishes to express the hope that the rhodesia constitutional conference now being held at lancaster house will see a resolution of this problem. [number]. the namibian problem resembles the rhodesian problem inasmuch as its origin lies in the system of apartheid, because of which the word "equality" has become meaningless. it also resembles the rhodesian problem inasmuch as progress is being made towards an internal solution which takes no account of swapo, which nevertheless is recognized by the oau and the united nations as the sole authentic representative of the namibian people. neither does the solution take any account of international opinion, or of the plan of the secretary-general of the united nations, - while the south africans have led the world to believe that it has accepted that plan based on the proposals of the five western powers. in acting in this way, south africa thinks that it can benefit from the tacit agreement of the western powers because of their considerable investments in that region. [number]. consequently, it is up to these powers to remove any possible misunderstanding about their true desire to bring about a solution in keeping with the inalienable right of the namibian people to freedom, independence, the territorial integrity of their country, including the port of walvis bay, and also national sovereignty, by prevailing upon their ally to reverse its decision before it is too late. [number]. from this very rostrum on [number] october [number], at the thirty-second session of the general assembly, his excellency el hadj omar bongo, president of the republic of gabon, said " . . . the masses deprived of the fundamental rights of man are living like pariahs in the land of their ancestors. . . . "on our fellow human beings, treated as sub-humans, an iniquitous power is imposed by the so- called separate development of the famous 'national homelands' or bantustans, which are a parody of a homeland and government. " that remains a tragic reality, especially since a new bantustan, the venda, has just been created. just as it condemned the transkei in [number] and bophuthatswana in [number], the government of gabon energetically condemns this most recent parody, which is designed to perpetuate the outrageous policy of white supremacy in this part of the continent. [number]. we should also recall this other saying of president bongo "sooner or later excess destroys itself. "the excessive humiliation to which so-called separate development exposes our brothers is driving them to revolt, just as it is making it our duty to help them. there should be no doubt on this score, particularly among the western powers. " [number]. we were particularly anxious to cite these quotations because we find that the countries most frequently accused of violating human rights are the countries of the third world, particularly african countries. we are waiting impatiently for the champions of human rights also to apply the necessary sanctions against the racist power of south africa, and for colossal sums of money to be devoted to catching and punishing those who exercise this iniquitous power. so far, as far as i know, it has not been possible to get the security council to adopt any kind of resolution calling for binding economic sanctions against this other scourge of humanity which has been elevated to a veritable system, namely apartheid. [number]. i also wish to point out that certain major countries have not hesitated to suspend economic assistance to third-world countries accused of violating human rights. justice, as we can see, is often selective, even in the west. [number]. on the subject of the middle east, one cannot refrain from drawing a parallel between southern africa and that part of the world because of the persistent refusal of israel to grant the palestinian people their fundamental rights the right to liberty and to sovereignty over internationally recognized territory, under the leadership of its vanguard organization. i refer to the plo, whose existence cannot be ignored by israel, all the less since the plo leader, yasser arafat, has spoken from this very rostrum. [number]. we reaffirm the right of the palestinian people to a homeland just like all the other peoples of the region. [number]. we also reaffirm that, while there exists a momentum towards peace in the region, israel must return the occupied arab territories and refrain from creating settlements there. [number]. in this context, jerusalem, the holy place of three revealed religions, must become an international city. [number]. this is why gabon, which looks to dialogue as the pre-eminent instrument for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, has always supported the tireless efforts of president el-sadat, in this framework, as well as the israeli-egyptian peace treaty, because it is liable to bring about a certain momentum for a global settlement of the problem of the middle east, a settlement which would take account of the recognition of legitimate and inalienable rights of the palestinian people, in keeping with the relevant united nations resolutions. [number]. our agenda, the consideration of which is to take some three months, accordingly embraces other items which are just as important and which it would have been worth while to deal with here. [number]. but for lack of time, i shall confine myself, before concluding my statement, to mentioning the tragedy of a nation rent in two cyprus not without, however, reaffirming the profound conviction of the gabonese government that we shall see the thorny problem of the korean peninsula resolved by means of a peaceful and independent reunification. [number]. with regard to cyprus, then, here is a country which for six years now has suffered from division because of the presence on its territory of foreign troops. we reaffirm that the solution to this tragedy must inevitably, here as elsewhere, be brought about by means of dialogue, of direct intercommunal talks which must safeguard independence of the territory, its integrity and its non-aligned character. [number]. i have deliberately made hope the keynote of my statement hope for a better future for mankind, in spite of the vicissitudes to which it is subject, such as the discord we have just mentioned in the light of the efforts of our organization to bring about concord, a symbol which my country has chosen for its national anthem. we place this hope in the united nations, for it remains the appropriate framework for the solution of the numerous problems confronting the world today which will certainly determine the kind of world we shall have tomorrow. [number]. because this hope alone is capable of permitting us to transcend our ideological differences, it spurs us on to reflexion, to the wisdom which mankind so sorely needs and which should accordingly preside throughout our debates, so that when they come to an end our delegations will leave new york with the legitimate satisfaction of having taken a step forward in the search for progress and peace in the world. [number]. in conclusion, i should like to welcome saint lucia to the united nations. the admission of saint lucia is for my delegation a matter of satisfaction because it enables our organization to take one more step on its long march towards universality.
i am grateful for the opportunity to address the general assembly at its fifty-seventh session. allow me at the [number] outset to extend my warmest congratulations to mr. jan kavan on his well-deserved election to the presidency. the tragic events of [number] september have made us reconsider our achievements, real values, and the links between poverty, development, sustainability, respect for human rights and real progress. yet, the goals envisioned by the perpetrators of those crimes have certainly not been fulfilled. the world has become more united and more determined to fight terrorism as a global threat to the values of civilization. the result is increased cooperation among specialized services and bodies of different states, as well as international organizations. however, we must be prepared for a long and exhausting confrontation with this evil of our times. last year we were all rightly focused on afghanistan. today we are concerned also about future steps regarding iraq as a great threat to world stability and a shelter for terrorism. fortunately, after a decade of being in focus as a crisis area, that south-eastern europe, the balkans, along with bosnia and herzegovina, as the heart of the region, are no longer cnn-able , given the present growing stability. the time has come to salute the new image of my country and to start re-branding the perception of the region as a whole, which no longer fits anymore the balkan ghosts stereotype. great concerns such as iraq, the middle east and kashmir should not let us forget that the balkan region is bearing good news. we are all striving to finish the job of fully integrating the region into european democratic structures and values. enormous efforts and achievements are behind us, but we have to be careful and patient until stability becomes self-sustainable through the building of jobs, justice and functioning institutions, which will hold together new democracy. in the light of last year's terrorist attacks on new york and washington, our fragile state the only european state where muslims represent the majority religious group was confronted with the heavy pressure of prejudice regarding a clash between civilizations . but, as members may know, i come from a state that represented a crossroads of different cultures and religions, where different civilizations lived for centuries in tolerance and mutual respect. today we are even more convinced that all problems can be solved only through dialogue based on good political will. from that position we have joined the fight against terrorism and organized crime of all kinds. we have heightened our struggle against corruption by upgrading and strengthening our state institutions. we have placed the rule of law at the top of the agenda. good work has been done, results have been achieved and we have thus proved that bosnia and herzegovina is not a no-man's land. building democratic institutions, economic development and the protection and promotion of human rights are more than ever at the top of our priorities. following the recent tragic events and all the turbulent changes that bosnia and herzegovina has experienced, we strongly believe in the paradigm of democracy, development and peace as the pillars of progress and stability for my country, but also for the immediate neighbourhood and region as well. only responsible and accountable governance can bring about necessary changes and progress for all. unfortunately, we are still confronted with the heavy legacy of the past, and especially with the fact that the main culprits for the crimes committed in bosnia and herzegovina, radovan karadzic and ratko mladic, are at large. the moment they are brought to justice, it will be easier to reach our goals. that is why i would like at this juncture to emphasize the importance of cooperation by all sides concerned with the international criminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia in the hague. at the same time we are aware that democratization is sometimes a long process. post- conflict peace-building is even more complex. but, we have set the vision for developing a safe, peaceful, stable and self-sustainable country, and we shall not stop half way. today, we are a full member of the council of europe. more refugees and displaced persons have returned in recent times as compared to any other post-war period. in other words, in the last [number] months almost three times more properties, homes and apartments were given back to refugees and displaced persons all over bosnia and herzegovina than in the previous five years. many roads, many villages, many roofs were built or repaired many mosques and churches have also been built or repaired. the contribution of the united nations mission in bosnia and herzegovina unmibh , the stabilization force, the high representative, the peace implementation council, the office of the united [number] nations high commissioner for refugees unhcr , the organization for security and co-operation in europe osce and others in the family of the international community present in bosnia and herzegovina has been substantial in achieving the present level of stability and reconstruction. we particularly recognize the value and the role of unmibh which is completing its mandate at the end of this year. the police reform and restructuring, with a view to meeting international standards of organizational capacity and institutional integrity, represents a clear success. the united nations mission in bosnia and herzegovina was certainly one of the key players also in establishing the foundation for effective, democratic and sustainable law enforcement agencies, a fundamental element for the further development of bosnia and herzegovina as a multi- ethnic, tolerant and democratic state. we welcome the transfer of the remaining tasks in this area to the european union police mission, and especially the extension of the european union responsibility in the area of juridical reform as one of the basic pillars of self-sustainability, future democratization and the reform process. there should be no doubt that the united nations has the potential to fulfil its new tasks and thus respond to the ever increasing challenges of the fast-changing world. it should provide leadership in building a prosperous world, founded no longer on force and threats, but on the rules of international law and respect for all rights, and rights for all. in that context i would like to underline that we support the further democratization and modernization of the united nations. new tasks and challenges call increasing efficiency, cost rationalization and the equal geographic participation of states and peoples in the united nations system. bosnia and herzegovina also supports the continuation of work on reforming the security council, adjusting its membership in accordance with carefully designed criteria, taking into account equal geographic representation but not jeopardizing the efficiency of that united nations body. allow me to briefly mention some of the priorities of today's bosnia and herzegovina. bosnia and herzegovina has in the past two years proved its determination to move from the position of passive aid recipient from the international community to the position of contributor to international efforts. the fact that we are in a position to consider the need or even the imperative of taking a more active and creative role, and thus a bigger share of responsibility, testifies to the trend of normalization of the situation in the country. reconstruction is taking place and results are visible in the economy, social reforms, education, health care and so on. economic reforms are directed towards the establishment of a single economic space and also with a view to setting up conditions for upgraded education and thus to offering the choice for our young generations to remain in bosnia and herzegovina and become the frontrunners of its development and future. we have almost fully completed the conditions set out in the european union's road map, which we hope will soon open the process of a feasibility study for bosnia and herzegovina's signing of a stabilization and association agreement with the european union. we have gone through the process of being the object of international efforts and are now the partner in the process of making an economically and institutionally self-sustainable state of bosnia and herzegovina. this is only one phase in a process of finally becoming the owner of the changes in our country. in partnership with the international community, we are streamlining a common strategy for political stability, institution-building and an economic recovery programme as the precondition of overall sustainable development. the entire region, including bosnia and herzegovina, is entering a new stage of stability and the european integration process, but we still have to be on the alert. the ghosts of the past, segregation and wars are losing ground. in following the trials of war criminals before the international criminal tribunal for the former yugoslavia in the hague, we are bearing witness to the hope that justice and the future will finally bury projects based on genocide. that is why we have to act on a daily basis against those who are trying to open the box of drawing new maps or calling for new wars in the region. so much energy and so many efforts of the local and international communities have been invested so far that we are not even allowed to consider anything but a strategy for success. any type of hypothetical exit strategy of the international community can be based [number] only on a success strategy in building one multiethnic, democratic and european state of bosnia and herzegovina. once again, i would like to express the gratitude of my government to the international community for its devoted support towards long-lasting stability and development in the region. if the four million people of my country muslims, orthodox catholics, jews and others who historically lived in tolerance, even in a non- democratic environment cannot now live in a democratic and open society in the middle of europe, then the logical question after [number] september is how we can be consolidated and organized among the six billion people of our planet? coming from bosnia and herzegovina, i am driven by the force of optimism and the strength of vision shared by the overall majority of those who do not want to repeat the past, but are ready to fight for the future. jobs, justice for all, solidarity and europe, through reforms and strong state institutions, are the items on our agenda today. we are determined to turn these words into deeds.
i would like to congratulate you, sir, on your brilliant election to the presidency of the sixty-fifth session of the general assembly. that election is a sign of the unanimous recognition of your personal commitment to promote the role of this organization and to defend its ideals. it is also the crowning moment in a talented diplomatic career that you have led with skill and tact. it is therefore to you as a skilled diplomat that i would like to pay warm homage. it is also my pleasure to express to your predecessor, his excellency mr. ali abdussalam treki, my delegation s appreciation for the quality of the work he undertook and the results achieved under his presidency. finally, allow me to pay tribute to the secretary-general, mr. ban ki-moon, for his personal commitment and tireless efforts to support peace and development throughout the world. furthermore, i wish to convey my deep gratitude to him as well as the gratitude of his excellency mr. laurent gbagbo, president of the republic of c te d ivoire, as well as that of the people and government of c te d ivoire for his commitment to reach a settlement of the crisis in c te d ivoire. by proposing the theme of reaffirming the united nations central role in global governance for this session, mr. president, you celebrate the primacy of multilateralism over unilateralism as a method for managing global affairs in the best possible manner. moreover, you are transforming our organization into the forum of choice for dealing with issues of global concern. that vision is, without any doubt, in line with that of developing countries in general and my country, c te d ivoire, in particular and can only take shape if the united nations retains its credibility by adapting to an international context that has considerably changed since its founding in [number]. this requires urgent and thorough reform, because we believe that our organization has resisted the widespread changes in the world that it was established to serve. because the united nations is at the crossroads of all of the world s problems, it is here that we can fully assess what has happened since it was founded. this is the appropriate place to assess the progress achieved as well as the failings. it is also here that we can envisage solutions to problems that now confront the world. those issues include poverty, which is the source of all evils, and which remains an open wound on humanity, which continues to make progress to the point where it is already considering human settlements on the moon. but unfortunately, at the same time, humanity is forgetting that more than a billion men and women across the planet earth suffer from hunger. women s lives are lost as they give life. millions of children die before reaching the age of [number], and access to drinking water is limited in africa. the aids epidemic and the malaria epidemic kill more people than all the wars combined. if the world is powerless, the united nations must be adapted to provide proper responses to those imbalances, because there are not two worlds, there is just one world, which is our common heritage. managing that world must be done in a joint manner, and it must be shared equitably. the united nations must demonstrate the example and show the path forward. in that regard, my country s position has remained unchanged. for c te d ivoire, that long- sought reform must aim for balance in the main bodies of the united nations, including in particular a larger security council and improvement in its working methods. that is why my delegation places much hope in the successful outcome of the intergovernmental negotiations that were launched by the general assembly on reform of the organization in general and the security council in particular. this session of the assembly is taking place at a moment when the global economy is beginning a fragile recovery, following the most serious economic crisis the world has faced since the great depression of the 1930s. that crisis has shown, and indeed has exacerbated, the vulnerability of integrated world economies, ruined development efforts and threatened collective security. many countries, mainly developing countries, are continuing to suffer the effects of the [number] [number]-[number] crisis through a drop in the purchasing power of their people, the growing shortage of official development assistance, falling foreign direct investment and growth in unemployment. if, as the experts tell us, the global economy has begun to recover this year, it nevertheless continues to be fragile, with a growth rate of a mere [number]. [number] per cent. in such a situation, we must seek, in solidarity and by combining our efforts, the most appropriate solutions to consolidate that tendency to growth. meeting that fundamental requirement will allow us to establish throughout the world societies that are safer, more equitable, more inclusive and more stable. my delegation therefore calls on the industrialized countries to make a reality of their commitments with regard to developing countries, especially in terms of official development assistance, if the developing countries are to reach the millennium development goals mdgs by [number]. c te d ivoire also hopes to see the diligent implementation of the conclusions of the united nations conference on the world financial and economic crisis and its impact on development, which was held here from [number] to [number] june [number], particularly those calling for reform and strengthening of the financial and economic system and of the international financial architecture in order to adapt them to current difficulties. it also desires that that reform should not only allow developing countries in general and those of africa in particular to have more adequate representation in international financial institutions, but should also promote economic and financial policies that are better adapted to their needs. along those lines, i would like to pay tribute to the summit of the group of eight g-[number] held in june [number] in muskoka, canada, which reaffirmed, inter alia, the commitments of the g-[number] with regard to official development assistance and the guarantee of aid effectiveness. it called for the effective mobilization of all public and private resources for the achievement of the millennium development goals. it also emphasized the urgent need for collective action to achieve the mdgs, particularly improvement in maternal health and reduction of infant mortality. on that specific point, my delegation would like to welcome the creation within the united nations system of un women, a special body responsible for gender issues and the advancement of women. that new body and the establishment of a trust fund to support initiatives for women is a real cause for hope for developing countries, particularly those in africa, in their struggle against poverty, discrimination and social inequalities. in that connection, i wish to warmly congratulate ms. michelle bachelet on her appointment to head un women and assure her of the full cooperation of the authorities of c te d ivoire in fulfilling her mandate. food insecurity, which now affects more than [number] billion people, mainly in developing countries, is a major and immediate obstacle to development and a threat to world peace and security. in the face of that situation, for which the entire international community is responsible, we need to find innovative, effective and lasting solutions in terms of financing for agriculture. my delegation welcomes the efforts being made by the world bank, regional development banks and the specialized funds and agencies of the united nations for financing the agricultural sector. similarly, it welcomes the launching in [number] of the l aquila food security initiative, which allowed the g-[number] to mobilize [number] billion to finance agriculture in developing countries over a period of three years. the delegation of c te d ivoire welcomes, finally, the reform under way of the committee on world food security and the launching of the global agriculture and food security programme. similarly, i would like to recall the proposals made by president laurent gbagbo, at the meeting of the group of [number] and china that was held in june [number] at yamoussoukro, to set up a mutual support mechanism for providing food products to importing countries by producing countries while aiming to create in the united nations a stabilization fund for food products. climate change is rightly seen as a global problem and today represents a serious threat to humankind s equilibrium. it therefore requires clear and committed responses at the international level. thus it is important that we rapidly find solutions that can ensure that future generations will have a world that is better balanced and guarantees a better future for humankind. in that regard, the delegation of c te d ivoire welcomes the significant progress of the united [number]-[number] [number] nations conference on climate change, held from [number] to [number] december [number] in copenhagen. although the principle of a legally binding accord to succeed the kyoto protocol after [number] was not reached, the hopes promoted by that meeting largely justified its being held. moreover, the significant progress achieved confirms us in that opinion. among the advances made we would mention, inter alia, the consensus on the goals for stabilizing the temperature rise at [number] c, the creation of a mechanism to mobilize financial resources for the absorption of greenhouse gas emissions by forests, and the commitment of developed countries to provide [number] billion for the period [number] to [number], and [number] billion as of [number] for measures to adapt to climate change in developing countries. the diligent implementation of those measures should allow vulnerable states such as my own to establish plans to combat climate change, which is becoming increasingly evident throughout the world in an upsurge in natural disasters related to drought, flooding and coastal erosion. the effects of all of those events on the health of populations and on the availability of land and potable water compromise the economic and social development of many states that have already been weakened by poverty and pandemics. the united nations, in line with its charter, has the duty to carry out the negotiations that were begun in copenhagen and must work resolutely to that end. respect for human rights is a concern for my country, which has endorsed the set of international instruments in that regard. though it was affected by the socio-political crisis, the human rights situation in my country is today on a path to normalization, thanks especially to the valuable help of national and international non-governmental organizations involved in that area. the international community could see that on [number] december [number] in geneva, when the working group on the universal periodic review took up c te d ivoire. that review led to the adoption on [number] march [number] of a final report that earned my country the support and encouragement of the states members of the human rights council for our stated will to pursue efforts to improve human rights. the persistence of numerous armed conflicts around the world continues to threaten international peace and security. once again, the role of the united nations is vital to resolving those conflicts, which are hindering the harmonious development of the world. that is particularly true in africa, a region that, shaken by hotbeds of tension, cannot ensure its peaceful economic and social development, despite its enormous potential. in that regard, allow me to stress how happy we are that the peace so much hoped for is now a reality in c te d ivoire, following the implementation of the ouagadougou political agreement, which will permit the organization of free, transparent and open elections. the first round of presidential elections has been set for [number] october [number]. besides setting that date, the signing on [number] september [number] of a presidential decree finalizing the ballot list allows for the distribution of national identity and voting cards to the [number], [number], [number] ivorians who are on the list that has been validated by the independent electoral commission and the special representative of the secretary-general of the united nations. those signs of progress in the peace process and the proven determination of political players and the ivorian people to move towards free, open and transparent elections allow us to envisage, with optimism, the holding of the presidential election on the appointed date and thus of c te d ivoire emerging from its crisis. on that hopeful note, i would like to conclude by recalling that the various crises of security, food, energy and finances, compounded by the threat of climate change, demonstrate the extent to which in the existence, balance and future development of humanity are now threatened more than ever. in that context the united nations has a crucial role to play in strengthening indispensable international solidarity and in seeking effective, collective and appropriate solutions to those crises and challenges. however, to be fully engaged with its time and to remain true to the objectives of its founding [number] years ago, the united nations must adapt to the realities of the contemporary world if it wants to remain the guarantor of international peace and security and of the world s socio-economic development. to that end, we must strengthen the foundations of this organization and as the theme of this session invites us to do reaffirm its central role in global governance. c te d ivoire therefore calls for international solidarity so that our common organization may find the necessary [number] [number]-[number] solutions to offer to coming generations the hope of a fruitful and peaceful future.
[number]. mr. president, i wish to join the previous speakers in congratulating you on your unanimous election to the high office you now occupy. my delegation is confident that under your able leadership and guidance this thirty-third session of the general assembly will be a successful and fruitful one. i should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate your predecessor, mr. mojsov of yugoslavia, on the efficient manner in which he performed his duties during the last session of the general assembly . [number]. year after year we gather here in order to express our concerns over the issues facing our world today. these issues are so numerous that one could not possibly discuss all of them in this world forum at one time, let alone find solutions to them. therefore, i propose to highlight only those issues which my delegation considers are in urgent need of positive action by this world body. these issues are human rights the situations in southern africa and in the middle east decolonization disarmament and the new international economic order. [number]. the question of human rights, being an important issue, has occupied a central position for my government and indeed for many other governments represented here today. it is particularly pleasing to my delegation to note that in some countries adequate measures have been taken to restore basic human rights. however, in others there still exist inhuman practices and an appalling denial of the human rights of people living there. it is the hope of my government that the international community will condemn those who insist on perpetrating these activities. [number]. we note that this year the international community will be celebrating the thirtieth anniversary of the universal declaration of human rights. this will provide us with a unique opportunity for assessing the records of the united nations and the international community in the human rights field. my government hopes that each member of the united nations will do the same. [number]. my delegation is pleased to note that there has been progress1 on the question of namibia. we understand the people of namibia will attain their independence in december this year. papua new guinea will not accept anything less than that. the united nations should be proud of itself for not letting up on the racist regime of vorster. we hope the free elections will ensure equal participation in the running of that new nation. we shall certainly be looking forward to seeing namibia among us in a very short time. [number]. i turn now to the question of zimbabwe. in view of the mounting unrest and violence in zimbabwe, my government is convinced that there can be no acceptable solution until majority rule is established in accordance with the principle of "one man, one vote". unilateral action will not bring about a lasting solution it will only make the situation worse. initiatives taken by the front-line states together with the united kingdom and the united states have be helpful. [number]. in relation to apartheid, institutional racial discrimination in south africa still causes concern to my government. we have stated in the past and will state once again here and now, in the strongest terms, that the policy of apartheid in southern africa is abhorrent. there is no indication whatsoever that the racist government of south africa is moving away from its policy of separated races. opponents of apartheid are victimized african leaders and organizations are banned basic human rights are denied to fee black african people. we know, too, that leaders such as steven siko have been gaoled and murdered by the racist regime. how long will these inhuman acts go on? the time bomb is ticking. unless we defuse this bomb, it is going to explode. [number]. the situation in the middle east causes grave concern, not only to those who live in the region but also to all peace-loving peoples of the world. my delegation supports 'the efforts being made by egypt and israel towards a workable solution in that region. we understand the issue is a very complicated one, and a solution will not come overnight. however, we do believe that there should be some compromises and concessions. papua new guinea has always remained neutral on this question because deep in our hearts we sincerely want to see peace and security in that region. we hope that what has been achieved at camp david will give impetus to the process of peace in the middle east. [number]. papua new guinea is an ardent supporter of decolonization. my government has, therefore, earlier welcomed with great pleasure our nearest neighbour, solomon islands, to this organization of nations. i am particularly happy to see representatives of that country take their seats here. i am also happy to say that another island territory in the south pacific, namely, tuvalu, will become independent on [number] october this year. the gilbert islands expects to achieve its independence next year. in the years to come other small island countries in the pacific will achieve self-determination. [number]. my government welcomes the progress of decolonization that is taking place in the south pacific and looks forward to the day when the remaining territories under colonial administration become independent. some colonial powers represented here today have seen fit not to give people under their colonial rule the chance to express their views in line with the various united nations resolutions on decolonization. as a country in that region, papua new guinea hopes that these metropolitan powers will change their attitudes towards decolonization in the south pacific and will ensure that the people in those territories under their administration will be given the opportunity to exercise their rights to self-determination and independence. with that in mind, my delegation endorses the statement made at the previous meeting by mr. owen, the british secretary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs, concerning tuvalu, the gilbert islands and the anglo-french condominium of the new hebrides. [number]. it is my government's sincere desire that these pacific neighbours of papua new guinea should attain the status of full independence, as this will greatly increase the number of sovereign nations in the south pacific region. [number]. on the question of disarmament, my government is deeply concerned at the fact that the arms race consumes some of the most precious resources which we believe could be better used in the social and economic development of mankind. [number]. man has always sought a peaceful existence within secure boundaries in order to achieve this, he has always had arms. however, man has, through the arms build-up, particularly that of nuclear weapons, created a situation where he is no longer secure. each state now seeks to have more advanced and sophisticated weapons in case of attack by others. as we all know, this process is threatening the existence of mankind. [number]. the time has come for this world body to act positively towards reversing this dangerous trend. we should call a halt to the arms race immediately. we agree with those who say that political will is needed to achieve real disarmament. however, we also say that a certain amount of trust and perhaps faith in each other is needed in our endeavours towards the achievement of this complicated task. [number] ending the arms race and achieving real disarmament are very important and urgent tasks facing us today. the desire of a small nation such as mine is for the peoples of this world to have peace and security. this could then leave us free to concentrate our efforts on bettering the lives of our people-that is, eradicating disease, improving standards of living and providing enough food for the starving masses. [number]. those of us in the developing world are faced with problems of not having enough resources for the development of our peoples. needless to say, there are people starving, people in need of medical care, people in need of education, people in need of good housing. we are not saying that resources saved in the disarmament process would solve all problems what we are saying is that it would lighten our burdens if some of those resources could be used for those purposes. this would also contribute to the realization of some of the goals of the new international economic order. [number]. there are those who argue that an end to nuclear testing would not bring about disarmament. we disagree. we are opposed to nuclear testing because, first, we strongly believe that such opposition is a step towards disarmament and, secondly, no one has been able to tell us at least up to the present time-what are the effects of radiation on mail and his environment. the latter point concerns us most because we are situated in that part of the world the south pacific where nuclear testing is taking place. there is one fact that we know for sure, and that is that man and his environment will never be the same. we have been told that radiation effects are insignificant. this we find hard to believe. we in the south pacific have repeatedly expressed our opposition to testing in our region. however, our protests fall on deaf ears and testing still continues. we therefore call on those who are responsible for this unforgivable state of affairs to cease their irresponsible activities. [number]. the international community today recognizes the need to move quickly towards a new international economic order, even though there exist differing views on some specific aspects of the major proposals being put forward. my delegation is deeply concerned at the slow pace of the long-awaited world economic recovery. unstable commodity trade, persistent world inflation and a chaotic international monetary system are still the order of the day. if meaningful progress is to be achieved, developed industrial nations must address themselves to the question of improved access to their markets for the goods of developing countries. [number]. it is a recognized fact that developing countries are an important market for the exports of industrialized countries. if these markets are to remain open, greater efforts must be made to enable third-world countries to increase their export earnings. [number]. primary commodities are the mainstay of our economies. we are therefore very concerned to see the negotiations on a common fund move forward. we are also watching with interest the developments in the commodity agreements, and we are hopeful that these negotiations will contribute to freer trade, particularly in agricultural products. [number]. the development of an international marketing system, which provides reasonable returns to primary producers in developing countries particularly to smallholders-is of the utmost importance to the economies of the developing countries. [number]. we should also address ourselves to the question of the reform of the world monetary system as soon as possible. we support the restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the united nations system. we note that during the thirty-second regular session of the general assembly it was decided in resolution [number] [number] to convene a special session of the general assembly in [number], at a high level, in order to assess the progress made in various forums of the united nations system in the establishment of the new international economic order. we hope that we can then take some positive action for the promotion of the advancement of developing countries and international economic co-operation. in the meantime, we should not spare any effort to keep the dialogue going. the committee established under general assembly resolution [number] [number] should be used as the focal-point for keeping the north-south dialogue alive. [number]. as my prime minister stated in his statement at the thirty-second regular session of the general assembly last year, the south pacific region is often thought to consist of many small island-nations without a regional identity. this is no longer true. the region now has an identity with the coming into being of the south pacific forum seven years ago. this is an organization which strives to solve problems that confront our peoples in the south pacific region and to consider various ways in which economic growth can be achieved in the region. the proper utilization of our natural resources, in particular fish, is one such way by which this goal can be reached. the south pacific contains what may be the world's only under-utilized supply of tuna fish, and for several south pacific nations this represents the only natural resource available. as such, it is vital to their future economic growth. it is for this reason that the south pacific forum is seeking to establish the south pacific region fisheries organization, which would ensure that maximum benefits from the vast stocks of tuna that live in our waters would go to the peoples of the south pacific and not the major distant-water fishing nations. [number]. i should like to draw the attention of the united nations to the question of east timor. my government recognizes east timor as an integral part of indonesia. i visited east timor earlier this year and i was convinced that, during the long period when that territory was under the previous administration, there was little or no development in the social, economic or political field. however, while acknowledging the fact that east timor is now an integral part of indonesia, papua new guinea would like to reiterate its previous position, that is, that the people of east timor were not allowed their right to self-determination. my government would have also liked the international community to have had more say in the matter. we regret that this did not happen and that the international community was not properly consulted. [number]. the question of refugees has been preoccupying my country during much of the last year and is still doing so. [number] should like here and now to thank the united nations for agreeing to give us financial support through the united nations high commissioner for refugees, to help feed and provide medical care for indonesian citizens crossing into papua new guinea territory. my government is not in a position to look after everybody, as these people in the last couple of months have been coming in larger groups. this includes the last group, which numbered [number] persons. as a member of the united nations and acting within the spirit of the various united nations conventions on refugees, we are committed to helping these people by utilizing our limited resources, which could more effectively be spent elsewhere. [number]. [number] have briefly touched on a few of the issues which my delegation considers in need of urgent and positive action by this body. it is my delegation's hope that during this session some positive steps towards solutions will be found.
as you know, madam president, there is one african tradition, but its forms are many. that is why the african continent is the cradle of mankind and this african tradition universal. we can see this universal nature here in new york within this forum of the united nations where the values of solidarity and brotherhood symbolize a common desire for peace and love. how can we not fail today to recall the vitality which marked the world summit which was held in [number] in this very hall, following the fifty-ninth session, which was undoubtedly the longest ever due to the intensity of the consultations begun by his excellency mr. jean ping, president at that session, with a view to reaching a consensus on questions related to reform of our organization, including that of the security council. those questions divided, and continue to divide, delegations and regional groups, and finally overshadowed the discussion of other items. but the summit and the ensuing sixtieth session nonetheless had the merit of establishing the human rights council and the peacebuilding commission. despite all the differences among united nations members and despite the criticism of some of its actions, the united nations remains the international organization which, due to its universality, representativity and authority, cannot be ignored. the central african republic, which reiterates its commitment to the purposes and principles of the [number] [number]-[number] charter, would like to reaffirm its ongoing desire to continue to contribute to all efforts to reform the entire united nations system. having said that, i should like, on behalf of his excellency general fran ois boziz , president of the republic, head of state, and on behalf of the government and the people of the central african republic, to warmly congratulate you, madam, on your election as president of the general assembly at the present session. i view it as a sign of confidence and a well-deserved tribute to your beautiful country, the kingdom of bahrain. i am also pleased to express to your predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, my high esteem for the remarkable way in which he led the work of the sixtieth session. in addition, i express my warm and sincere thanks and appreciation to the secretary- general, mr. kofi annan, a worthy son of the african tradition, for his praiseworthy and tireless efforts, in a particularly difficult international context, to promote the role of the organization, to attain its objectives and to promote peace and security throughout the world. the theme suggested for the present session is implementing a global partnership for development . we should recall that, six years ago, the highest leaders of the organization s member states made the firm commitment to unite their efforts to collectively fight poverty and all the scourges it causes, which pose a serious threat to international peace and security and a major obstacle to the development processes in many countries. in the millennium declaration, which resulted from that commitment, the [number] signatory countries including the central african republic solemnly pledged to do their utmost to overcome poverty, which continues to devastate the majority of the world s population. to that end, several goals were defined. ms. blum colombia , vice-president, took the chair. as the secretary-general has stated, the main goals have been implemented to varying degrees accordingly, we will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights. unless all these causes are advanced, none will succeed a [number] [number], para. [number] . in the case of the central african republic, we must acknowledge that many challenges remain to be addressed if we are to truly strive to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs within the agreed time frame. indeed, my country experienced more than two decades of serious crises, from which we only recently emerged by holding general elections and establishing republican institutions and the government of national reconciliation. but we must still fight the cross-border insecurity raging in the subregion and push back out of our territory the aggressors, supported from abroad, who seek to destroy our democratically established republican institutions. the central african authorities are striving to restore security throughout the territory. it goes without saying that no development is possible unless we eradicate the endemic insecurity maintained by those who set up roadblocks and by the rebellion raging mainly in the north-eastern part of the country, bordering on the sudan and chad. the security and defence forces deployed in the back country face many difficulties particularly logistical ones in overcoming that phenomenon. the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the subregion due to the long crisis in darfur and its effects on the central african republic are hardly helping to put an end to that scourge. the central african republic supports the proposals made by presidents george bush and jacques chirac and by the chairperson of the african union, mr. denis sassou nguesso, on the positioning of united nations troops on the border between the central african republic, chad and the sudan. in addition, since [number], the central african republic, one of the seven countries in partnership with the world bank s multi-country demobilization and reintegration programme, has taken a new comprehensive, integrated approach that is integrative and inclusive aimed at resolving the thorny problem of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of former combatants. the results today reflect the government s willingness to succeed in that process. moreover, our country has just developed a new structure to fight the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, namely, a national commission against the illicit proliferation of small arms and light weapons and for disarmament. [number]-[number] [number] the deteriorated state of the central african economy is hardly likely to encourage the implementation of the development goals in order to promote a robust fight against poverty, which for us remains an ongoing threat to peace and stability. in the area of finance, the government has taken energetic measures to restore financial health by implementing an extensive system to monitor civil servants and establishing a body to verify their academic credentials. the other challenges just as great facing the central african republic are those of health care and education, which are among the main mdgs. with respect to health care, the hiv aids pandemic and other diseases, such as tuberculosis and malaria, are sources of concern for our country. the recent conference on aids, held here at united nations headquarters in early june [number], highlighted the particularly disturbing characteristics of that calamity among the most impoverished sectors of the population women and children. there is a health emergency, and thus the central african republic is requesting greater assistance and action from its development partners. the education and training sector covered by goal [number] of the mdgs has undoubtedly been the main victim of the long period of political and military crises, whose wounds are gradually healing. the many empty years of discouragement resulting from the loss of motivation on the part of the teaching staff, delayed salary payments, the lack of state resources to build schools and purchase equipment, and the continued insecurity in some areas of the country for the past several years all of that has led to a decline in the quality of teaching and a drop in the literacy rate. however, since the burst of patriotism of [number] march [number], the government has been doing its utmost to ensure that the school year will no longer be interrupted and to restore the former credibility of the central african educational system. thanks to the assistance of certain donors among which we must mention the international organization of la francophonie the central african republic is beginning to take up the challenge between now and [number]. indeed, it will not be possible to ensure that democracy and a culture of dialogue and tolerance are firmly established unless the people have access to quality education and are able to grasp what is truly at stake, and thus make sound judgements in full knowledge of the facts. the united nations millennium development goals report [number] highlights the need to ensure a sustainable environment by intelligently exploiting natural resources and protecting the ecosystems upon which the survival of humanity depends. climate change and global warming owing to the depletion of the ozone layer are worrisome phenomena for our country, whose northern region is being increasingly overtaken by desert. the initiatives set out in the kyoto protocol show that progress is possible if there is political will on the part of the major consumers. if we are to prevent and reduce the risks related to natural disasters and to equip ourselves with better organization and more effective means to make the world safer, we must support the transformation of the united nations environmental programme into a specialized agency with a broader mandate, as proposed by france. despite delays in the achievement of the millennium development goals mdgs , the central african republic is determined to reach them, especially goals [number] and [number], relating to the empowerment of women and the promotion of gender equality and to the reduction of under-five mortality. indeed, considerable progress has been made in terms of vaccination coverage and also with respect to the free distribution of mosquito nets to pregnant women and to children under the age of [number]. the central african republic greatly appreciates the proposals made during the [number] world summit by presidents chirac, lula da silva and hu jintao regarding the promotion of peace, security and development. however, the results of mdg implementation will remain mixed until international solidarity fully plays its part. we live in an interdependent world the development of the central african republic is closely linked to that of the rest of the world, because the united nations is a community of nations. may god bless the united nations. may god bless the central african republic.
at the outset, i wish to extend our sincere congratulations to mr. miguel d escoto brockmann on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-third session. i would also like to take the opportunity to pay tribute to the president of the general assembly at its sixty-second session, mr. srgjan kerim, for his able leadership during his past term. for turkey, the united nations charter reflects the common aspirations and conscience of humanity. the united nations provides a political and moral compass for our endeavours towards a just international order a better order that will prevent new conflicts, ensure that human rights are upheld and lead to more equitable and sustainable distribution of prosperity. in this framework, we believe that the most pressing task before the international community is to bridge, as quickly as possible, the enormous gap between the wealthiest and the least fortunate. we have certainly made considerable progress in that direction, including towards meeting the millennium development goals however, our common fight against poverty, illiteracy, epidemic diseases, child mortality and climate change is still far from over. on the contrary, volatile fuel prices, the food crisis and the global economic slowdown have brought about an even [number] [number]-[number] more challenging development and security environment. under such circumstances, the fight against terrorism, racism, xenophobia and all forms of religious discrimination and extremism takes on particular importance. we must indeed remain extremely vigilant against the risk of further alienation between different cultures and religions. in that respect, we regard the alliance of civilizations initiative, which we cosponsored with spain under the auspices of the united nations secretary-general, as an important instrument that can help us avoid such a dangerous track. turkey will continue to be a leading country in further advancing the goals of this initiative which enjoys worldwide backing, including from the european union and the organization of the islamic conference. we hope that the group of friends of the alliance of civilizations, which now consists of [number] international organizations and [number] countries representing different regions ranging from latin america to africa and asia, will keep growing. in this vein, we look forward to hosting the second forum meeting of the alliance of civilizations in istanbul next april. as i said, a top priority issue on our agenda is the need to address the problems of the developing world. there is no question that developing countries should get all the assistance they need to achieve sustainable development. they must be supported under a renewed global development agenda and through increased foreign investments and enhanced trade facilities. for its part, turkey is trying to contribute to this endeavour, first and foremost through increased development assistance. turkey also provides special facilities for development, health, education and agricultural projects in various parts of the world. as a result of such fast-growing aid programmes, turkey is now recognized as an emerging donor country by the international community. the united nations ministerial conference of the least developed countries which turkey hosted in istanbul last year has clearly demonstrated our commitment to humanitarian and development assistance. we have now offered to host the fourth ministerial conference. similarly, the first-ever turkey-africa cooperation summit held in istanbul last month provided an important opportunity to explore new avenues of cooperation with the african continent. turkey is also committed to combating global warming, which has serious implications for the entire world, but more so for the developing countries. driven by that conviction, we are taking active part in negotiations to shape our new global climate change agreement, which will replace the kyoto protocol. turkey also pays special attention to the global water crisis. in that regard, we hope that the fifth world water forum which we will host in istanbul next march will inspire new thinking and concrete action on this important question. if i may now turn to the political issues besetting our region, i am pleased to note that turkey has been actively contributing to the advancement of peace by facilitating dialogue. we have also been working hard to build a sense of co-ownership of regional issues among our neighbours through a series of regional cooperation initiatives. encouraged by its strong regional ties, turkey has launched another initiative designed to prevent further conflict in the recently traumatized south caucasus. in that regard, i believe that the caucasus stability and cooperation platform proposed by turkey could be an instrumental framework for building a climate of confidence in the region that will allow discussion of our common problems in a democratic setting. in the light of impressions from my visits to our neighbours armenia and azerbaijan and those of prime minister erdogan to the russian federation and georgia, all parties concerned seem receptive to the idea we hope they will give it a chance to work. i sincerely believe that a positive perspective thus created will help to solve frozen conflicts, including occupied nagorno-karabakh, on the basis of respect for the principle of territorial integrity. no doubt, such a perspective will also help improve the bilateral ties between the countries of the region. the president returned to the chair. it is also well past time to settle the conflicts of the middle east, at the core of which lies the palestinian question. turkey actively supports all endeavours to bring about a lasting solution to that central problem and alleviate the plight of the palestinian people. turkey is also making every effort to help advance the syrian and lebanese tracks. one [number]-[number] [number] recent example is the indirect peace talks that syria and israel started under turkey s auspices this past may in istanbul. in iraq, too, turkey stands firmly with the iraqi people and government. besides our bilateral efforts, i am particularly pleased to see that the neighbouring countries process, which i initiated five years ago, is functioning well. if the international community s efforts are to succeed, the iraqi people need to settle their differences through dialogue and compromise on controversial issues, among them the final status of kirkuk. afghanistan is another country where turkey is investing heavily in the future of a nation with which we have special historical ties. turkey will continue to contribute to the security of the afghan people and to their reconstruction efforts. we will also continue our initiatives to create an atmosphere conducive to regional ownership and cooperation, in particular between pakistan and afghanistan. that is equally vital for the common struggle against terrorism and for the stability of the region. finally, an urgent and peaceful settlement of the question of iran s nuclear programme, in conformity with international atomic energy agency norms and treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons obligations and respecting the right to the peaceful use of nuclear energy, remains high on turkey s active diplomatic agenda. i am convinced that would-be solutions to individual conflicts in the middle east will be sustainable only if we adopt a comprehensive approach based on a positive vision for the future. that is why i invite all the parties to give serious consideration to the longstanding idea of collective arrangements for conflict prevention and resolution that would promote regional security and stability by building confidence, facilitating political dialogue and encouraging economic and cultural cooperation in the middle east. turkey gives full backing to diplomatic efforts towards a political settlement in cyprus. the solution lies in the establishment of a new partnership state composed of two constituent states of equal status. the process towards that goal should be based on the united nations parameters of bi-zonality and the political equality of the two sides. we welcome and firmly support the comprehensive settlement negotiations recently started between the two leaders under the good offices of the secretary-general. at the same time, i believe that efforts to end the unfair isolation of the turkish cypriots who voted courageously in favour of the comprehensive settlement of the cyprus problem in [number] a plan that was unfortunately rejected by the other side are long overdue. before concluding, i would like to stress the indispensable nature of the united nations in resolving all those matters. indeed, without an effective and functional world body, it is impossible to realize the hopes and expectations of our nations. that is why we attach the utmost importance to reforming and further strengthening the united nations system as a whole. it is also why turkey is constantly stepping up its engagement in and contributions to all aspects of the united nations agenda, ranging from development and peacekeeping to human rights. it is also with that sense of responsibility that turkey has decided to put forth its candidature for a non-permanent seat on the security council for [number] and [number]. turkey has not been represented in the council for nearly half a century, and we believe that the main tenets of our foreign policy, together with our economic, social and cultural attributes, will allow us to bring added value to the work of the council. i hope that the general assembly, with its valuable support, will do us the honour of granting turkey the opportunity to do so.
i should like to join those who have spoken before me in offering you, sir, my warmest congratulations on your outstanding election to the presidency of our assembly. to your illustrious predecessor, mr. razali ismail of malaysia, my delegation reaffirms its satisfaction with the efficiency and competence with which he guided the work of the fifty-first session. we wish once again to convey to him our sincere appreciation. i also wish once again to welcome the election of mr. kofi annan as secretary-general of our organization. in raising him to this position, the international community recognized the qualities that have brought honour to him, his country and the entire african continent. on behalf of my delegation, i pay tribute to him for his dedication to the cause of international peace and security and for all he is doing to make the united nations more effective and credible by improving its capacity to meet the needs of today s world. two years ago, we celebrated the united nations first half-century. we recommitted ourselves solemnly to working together to advance peace, development, equality, justice and understanding among all the peoples of the world. the current session provides us with another opportunity to assess our collective work at a time when we are preparing to enter the twenty-first century with major achievements under our belt, to be sure, but also with innumerable challenges to face. in its ongoing quest to make life better for peoples, our organization has adopted and is implementing alternative strategies to meet the demands of a world in constant change. the proclamation of the united nations decade for the eradication of poverty, the advancement of the rights of women and children, and the convening of a special session of the general assembly on environment and development are all actions demonstrating the determination of the united nations to address the great problems of our time. but we must recognize that, despite the efforts of the international community to establish a new world order, we are still waiting for the ardently desired peace, security, development and growth to materialize. despite the detente that has existed since the end of the east-west antagonism, the international political situation continues to present a gloomy picture, marked by ongoing disputes, tensions and conflicts. even if piecemeal efforts are made to settle these crises, definitive solutions seem to elude us. thus, we remain deeply concerned for the future of mankind. moreover, our helplessness in the face of resurgent terrorism, worsening poverty, the ever growing number of refugees and displaced persons and the deterioration of the environment dims our hope that the noble objectives laid down in the charter to build a better world for future generations will ever come true. in this context, togo, under the guidance of the president of the republic, mr. gnassingb eyadema, is striving to strengthen the political and legal bases of a state of law and to make development and, above all, the eradication of poverty the cornerstones of its policy. the citizens of togo have entered a new era in the achievement of greater liberty, justice and progress in order to make their country a democratic, united and prosperous nation. every day, they demonstrate their will to reflect in their actions this deep-rooted desire to live together in peace and unity. according to experienced observers of good faith, the democratic institutions established in togo are proving themselves. the national assembly, having become an outstanding forum for democratic debate, is living proof of the country s commitment to entrench itself in democracy. most of the other institutions of the republic provided for under the constitution have been established for example, the high audiovisual and communication authority, the constitutional court, the national commission for human rights and the supreme council for the courts. aware, moreover, that they control their own destiny, the togolese have decided to work together towards a sound and transparent administration of public affairs. how could we not, therefore, be pleased by the economic performances achieved thanks to efforts made for the effective implementation of the government programme? the gross domestic product increased by [number] per cent in [number], and the rate of inflation has shown a clear improvement compared to [number] thanks to a prudent wages and monetary policy. improved export competitiveness and the progressive resumption of cooperation have allowed us to correct the balance of [number] payments and strengthen togo s contribution to the reserves of the west african economic and monetary union. the people of togo hope that the community of nations will continue to support it in its progress towards legitimacy and legality by helping it to complete the work of economic recovery. the maintenance of peace continues to be the primary task of the united nations. one cannot over-emphasize that preventing crises, reducing tension, separating combatants and finding definitive solutions to conflicts continue to be among the fundamental missions of our organization. we are pleased to see in togo that the united nations, through concerted actions, continues day by day to do even more. my country confirms its unswerving dedication to the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, in accordance with international law, and emphasizes the need to strengthen in this area cooperation between the united nations and regional organizations. chapter viii of the charter would then take on its full meaning. despite every effort, peace remains threatened on our planet, particularly on the african continent. as regards the republic of the congo, togo is concerned over the situation there since [number] june [number]. we keenly hope that the protagonists will put aside their arms in favour of dialogue in accordance with the spirit of libreville summit, held on [number] and [number] september [number], in which eight heads of state, including president eyadema of togo, participated. the government of togo urgently calls upon our brothers in the congo to conclude as quickly as possible a final ceasefire so that, under the aegis of the united nations and the organization of african unity oau , the international interposition force planned by that last summit can be deployed. as regards the democratic republic of the congo, togo, needless to say, was involved in the search for a peaceful solution to the crisis by hosting in lom last march a special summit of the central organ of the oau mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution in africa. faced with a new political situation, my government would urge the authorities in kinshasa to do everything in their power to provide a climate favourable to national reconciliation in order to tackle the priority tasks of development. in sierra leone, the hope born of the establishment of a democratic regime and the signing of the peace agreement in abidjan in november [number] between the government and the revolutionary united front was thoroughly tested by the putsch of [number] may [number]. my country strongly condemned this coup. it is demanding the reestablishment of constitutional order and earnestly hopes that this question can be peacefully resolved in order to avoid another crisis for the west african subregion at a time when the liberian conflict is coming to a close. the people of togo are pleased to note that, on the basis of the abuja agreement, the presidential, legislative and senatorial elections were finally able to take place last [number] july in an atmosphere of discipline, transparency and peace. my delegation takes this opportunity to congratulate the mission carried out by the economic community of west african states, supported by the united nations and the oau, from the beginning of the conflict to the establishment of new democratic institutions. i should like, moreover, given the instability that africa is experiencing, to remind the parties concerned that they must seek to prevent fratricidal conflicts, which diverts their energy from the path of development. more thought should therefore be given to establishing an african peacekeeping force, which was first suggested by president eyadema at the thirtieth session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the oau, held in tunisia in [number]. there is now an imperative, urgent need to establish such a force, which could react promptly and effectively to any armed conflict, in order to reestablish peace and stability as quickly as possible wherever necessary. i would like again this year to return to the question of the regional centre of the united nations for peace and disarmament in africa and to welcome the sending by the secretary-general of a mission of consultants to lom and other african capitals to explore ways and means of revitalizing the centre. it is clear from the decision taken in harare by the thirty-third session of the assembly of heads of state and government of the oau that the centre has a vital role to play in the maintenance of peace and security in africa as well as in the prevention of conflicts on the continent. i cannot fail to mention here the situation in other parts of the world. regarding the middle east, my country, which had in the past hailed the courage, dedication and spirit of initiative of the israeli and palestinian leaders in the implementation of the timetable for the withdrawal from the occupied territories, is today concerned about the blocking of the peace process in the region. we deplore the continuation of the settlements policy and the [number] resumption of acts of violence, which only serve to undermine the climate of confidence that is a prerequisite for the pursuit of dialogue. togo urges the parties to resume negotiations in accordance with the agreements of [number] and [number] in order to relaunch the peace process and achieve a comprehensive and lasting settlement of the conflict in the middle east, which has lasted now for more than half a century and is a threat to the peace and security of the states of the region. i turn to the situation in the korean peninsula. togo has been following with great interest the talks under way and calls for the establishment of lasting peace in this region. we hope that the negotiations that have begun will continue and will be crowned with success. everyone is aware that most of these conflicts have claimed, and continue to claim, numerous victims, including refugees and displaced persons. the proliferation of weapons, whatever their type, is a threat to peace and security. to be sure, commendable efforts have been made to create a world free from the spectre of nuclear war. however, it must be emphasized that the maintenance of international peace and security hinges on general and complete disarmament. my country hailed the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty and considers the entry into force on [number] april this year of the convention on the prohibition of the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction to be a decisive act by the international community in its permanent quest for a peaceful world. in ratifying this convention, togo wished to stress its unequivocal commitment to general and complete disarmament. it hopes that implementing the provisions of this convention will help spare mankind the innumerable evils resulting from the use of such weapons. regarding anti-personnel landmines, my country hails the process begun in ottawa in [number], which concluded in oslo with the adoption of the treaty regarding the use, storage, production and transfer of those mines and their destruction. we hope that this treaty, which will open for signature next december in ottawa, will be ratified and rigorously applied by all states, so that, because of its universal nature, many human lives may be saved. the end of the bipolarization associated with the cold war allowed the international community to glimpse a world in which efforts would henceforth be mobilized to eliminate poverty so as to ensure development and well- being for humankind. however, we are obliged to note that, despite this favourable environment for peace and economic expansion, poverty continues to grow unchecked and remains a striking phenomenon in our world. this situation provides a good illustration of the failure of the numerous development strategies put forward by the international community. in this context, the case of africa remains the most worrying. the burden of external debt, the drop in export earnings and the adverse consequences of trade imbalances have largely contributed to an increased deterioration in socio-economic conditions in many countries. the world economy, characterized, as we near the end of the century, by the phenomenon of globalization, has experienced a general growth in almost all countries over the past few years. it is regrettable, however, that despite this globalization the new rules of trade have not made it possible to dismantle the barriers erected by the industrialized countries to protect their industry and agriculture. it follows that it is still difficult for our products to gain access to their markets. these protectionist measures, which do enormous damage to developing countries, especially in africa, cancel out the efforts made by african countries to relaunch the growth of their economies through exports. we cannot stress enough how much damage is caused by the closing of the markets of the north to the products of developing countries. this situation deprives the countries of the south of substantial foreign-currency income, which are necessary to promote sustained development. in this respect, the government of togo fully appreciates the willingness of the richest countries, reaffirmed last june at the denver summit, intend to open their markets further to the countries of the south. we believe that by lifting their protectionist barriers the developed countries will make a genuine and tangible contribution to the development efforts being made by the less well-off. in this light, my government believes that globalization must be accompanied by an impetus for increased solidarity, characterized by the willingness of the countries of the north to buy our staple commodities at remunerative prices. despite the commendable efforts undertaken by african governments within the framework of structural- adjustment programmes, the economic situation in our [number] states remains difficult, and living conditions for our populations are increasingly precarious. given this state of affairs, the international community has developed various strategies to help the african states find viable and lasting solutions to their many socio-economic problems. it is important to welcome here the united nations system-wide special initiative on africa, which my delegation believes supports and complements the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s un-nadaf , as well as the cairo programme of action for the social and economic development of africa. my country also pays tribute to the government of japan which, in addition to its unfailing support to developing countries, has taken the positive initiative of planning to convene, in [number], the second tokyo international conference on african development. it is very desirable for the various parties involved in african development who will be participating in that forum, including africans themselves, to become more involved in the conception and the implementation of development programmes for out continent. development policies for our countries cannot be conceived today without cooperation and regional integration. in this respect, the entry into force of the treaty establishing the african economic community is a good illustration of the will of the african states to pool their efforts to achieve sustainable development. togo would like to reaffirm its commitment to the policy of economic integration of the continent and urges the united nations and the international community to support the african countries in their efforts to achieve the objectives of sustainable development so as to promote prosperity and well-being for their populations. we are pleased to note that [number] years after the adoption of the charter in san francisco, many processes are under way, aimed in particular at strengthening the united nations system, resolving the financial crisis of the organization and restructuring the united nations in the social and economic spheres and in related areas, including the security council. with regard to the security council in particular, it is important that the ongoing discussions on its restructuring aim at and succeed in expanding the number of both permanent and non-permanent members. such an enlargement should take into account the interests of developing countries and should be based on equitable geographic representation in order to make the council more representative and more democratic, thereby enabling it to respond more effectively to the requirements of the day. within the framework of efforts to revitalize the organization, my delegation has noted with interest the measures envisaged by the secretary-general and the recommendations contained in his report, presented on [number] july, which are aimed at restructuring the secretariat and providing it with the means to serve the member states more effectively. at this session the assembly will have an opportunity to take part in a careful and in-depth consideration of that report. togo wishes to stress that the decisions and measures resulting from such consideration should not reduce the capacity of the organization in the development field. we therefore hope, as the secretary- general himself has proposed, that the savings resulting from more rigorous management will permit the financing of united nations priority programmes, such as those for the elimination of poverty and the advancement of sustained economic growth in the developing countries. at the dawn of the third millennium, humankind is at a decisive stage in its history and requires greater pragmatism, creativity and solidarity in settling its problems. in this respect, our world, in a spirit of solidarity, must mobilize further to eliminate poverty, which is the vital concern of our time, as it impedes the cohesiveness of societies and states, destroys the very basis of human rights and damages the environment. we therefore need to tackle this principal cause of instability poverty with the same urgency and vigour that we apply to political crises. for it is clear that no system of collective security can be viable unless we seek effectively to resolve the problems of poverty and misery that are the daily lot of most of the population of the world. together, therefore, let us seek a new international order based on peace, solidarity and justice.
the bahamas delegation sincerely congratulates mr. harri holkeri on his election to the presidency of this millennium assembly and assures him and the members of his bureau of its full cooperation and support. i wish also to commend mr. theo-ben gurirab of namibia, who presided over the fifty-fourth session of the general assembly. the bahamas delegation also wishes to pay special tribute to the co-chairpersons of the millennium summit, ms. tarja halonen, president of finland, and mr. sam nujoma, president of the republic of namibia. their combined wisdom and focused leadership contributed in no small part to the success of the millennium summit. the bahamas is pleased to welcome tuvalu as the newest member of this organization. tuvalu's membership is a sign of the confidence that the united nations continues to enjoy among nations of the world as the best hope for the realization of the aspirations of all peoples. we applaud the secretary-general's continuing commitment to the united nations. this was particularly demonstrated by his bold proposals for the reform and revitalization of the organization, which culminated in the practical, responsive and visionary millennium summit declaration. the declaration was unanimously adopted by an unprecedented number of heads of state or government. in this millennium declaration, world leaders collectively and succinctly [number] outlined the labyrinth of issues on the global agenda for which solutions are essential in the twenty-first century. it is now our responsibility to implement it in good faith. it cannot be business as usual in this united nations. the millennium declaration placed globalization high on the list of issues requiring urgent attention. as a process offering opportunities for growth and development, globalization has never been challenged. it is a grim reality, however, that few have profited, and some, particularly smaller economies, have become marginalized and even more vulnerable. for many of the small island developing states of the caribbean, their mainstay industries, particularly bananas and financial services, have come under extreme pressure in this rapidly globalizing world. with respect to financial services, the bahamas has always cooperated, and will continue to cooperate, with international efforts to combat money laundering. currently we are amending our legislation and reinforcing our regulatory regime so as to fully comply with international best practices. while the bahamas will move expeditiously to correct deficiencies in our financial services industry, we call upon the financial action task force on money laundering fatf and the other concerned financial agencies established by developed countries to immediately adopt open and transparent procedures to recognize when such deficiencies have been corrected and to then take the necessary action as a matter of priority. additionally, it has been a source of serious concern to us in the bahamas that one group of countries, the organization for economic cooperation and development oecd , would seek to unilaterally determine what constitutes harmful tax competition in respect to financial services. we urge those countries to cooperate in resolving these issues on the basis of constructive multilateral dialogue, given that the pressures applied in this and other areas not only disrupt growth and development, but could well lead to the reversal of the gains made in the development process. the intensity of protests in seattle and in washington, d. c. , have mirrored the frustration of many developing countries in a globalization process which appears to be biased towards the rich and powerful and to widen the gap between haves and have-nots. yet no country can opt out of globalization. nor can we ignore the challenge its potentially devastating consequences present for peace and security. the united nations resolve that globalization must be fully inclusive and equitable should be buttressed with effective action to ensure a vibrant global economic order in which all countries, large and small, developed and developing, mutually benefit. the bahamas is now an observer in the world trade organization wto and will move purposefully towards full membership. we have chosen to take this course of action because we intend to participate fully in the wto processes. these processes should, and must, make globalization and trade liberalization inclusive and equitable instruments for development. we made this commitment at the highest level at the millennium summit. there is another commitment in the millennium declaration that is of critical importance to small island developing states such as the bahamas and other members of the caribbean community. the millennium declaration reaffirms the united nations resolve to address the special needs of the small island developing states by implementing both the barbados programme of action and the outcome of the twentysecond special session of the general assembly on this plan. it did so in recognition of the vulnerability of their economies to external shocks and their susceptibility to climate change, sea level rise and natural disasters. i wish to re-emphasize here that the call in the barbados plan is for action. in line with the millennium declaration and their own national efforts, the small island developing states now expect action, through initiatives such as global disaster management strategies and a vulnerability index. such initiatives must take fully into account the socio-economic development and survival of small island developing states. for caribbean community caricom small states, we also hope to see the development of an integrated management approach to the caribbean sea advanced. we would also, in this united nations, urge our partners in the developed world not to continue to put our countries at risk by shipping nuclear and hazardous wastes through the caribbean sea. we reiterate this appeal in the face of recent evidence that suggests that [number] the highly professed safety measures touted by the nuclear-power industry are questionable. in the millennium declaration, world leaders committed themselves to overcoming many seemingly intractable problems for which effective responses can only be of a global nature. the world's drug problem, and the trafficking in small arms and light weapons, are issues for which the global community urgently needs results. while these twin evils are, in our view, closely linked, every indication is that the trafficking in firearms is taking on a life of its own. the introduction of firearms into ordinary, non-drug related criminal activity, and even domestic conflict, is perhaps the greatest single threat to peace and stability in the bahamas today. therefore, the bahamas looks forward to next year's united nations conference on the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons in all its aspects. we are confident that the commitments made in our millennium declaration will motivate us to grasp this significant opportunity for concerted action. we especially urge developed countries in which firearms are manufactured to take the steps necessary to prevent illicit arms trafficking. in the millennium declaration, world leaders committed themselves to the eradication of poverty, hunger and disease, and to making the right to development a reality for all. this commitment compels us to act on several fronts to achieve our objectives. we must, for example, reach agreement to ensure the success of the high-level international and intergovernmental event on financing for development, to be held in the year [number]. our commitment means that we must ensure that technological advances benefit not just the few, but all of humankind. we must work more assiduously towards the elimination of human rights violations, including violence against women and the trafficking in women and children. we must ensure equal rights for men and women, to bring down barriers to development. for countries such as the bahamas, forced to bear the brunt of sustained illegal migration, the united nations must collectively address not only the challenges of migration flows worldwide, but also the reprehensible practice of alien-smuggling. our commitment means that we must achieve a comprehensive reform of the security council. addressing the unfolding human tragedy of hiv aids is also an important front on which the millennium declaration charges us to work. the pernicious effect of this disease, particularly on the economically productive sectors of society, has had a devastating impact on families, communities and nations globally. however, the major burden that aids presents, particularly for health care systems, has been most profoundly felt in developing countries, where it threatens to limit and reverse development efforts. adequate resources must be provided to confront hiv aids, particularly in africa. in this regard, the pharmaceutical industry must be encouraged to play its necessary role. the bahamas welcomed the recently convened conference in barbados under the auspices of the world bank, unaids, the pan american health organization world health organization paho who , the united nations development programme undp , caricom and the canadian international development agency cida , which brought together high-level caribbean health, education, economic development and labour policy-makers. the bahamas is committed to doing its part in addressing this serious problem and has offered to host a regional centre to assist in combating this hiv aids pandemic. the agenda set for the united nations by world leaders is a formidable one. forgive me if i restate the obvious the secretary-general cannot carry out the crucial mandates we ourselves have entrusted to him unless and until he is assured of adequate and predictable resources on a timely basis. at the same time, the quotas on the basis of which the organization receives its resources must be assessed in a fair, transparent and equitable manner. only in this way will we be able to give renewed impetus to the vibrant process of administrative and budgetary reform currently under way. by so doing, we will also break the cycle of the organization's inability to implement the mandates that we ourselves have collectively set. furthermore, we must arrest the process whereby many issues, including some of critical concern to developing countries, have been moved out of the ambit of this universal organization into narrower, special interest organizations. these organizations harmonize and seek the interest of their member states. therefore, the decisions they take can run counter, not only to the interest of non-member states, but also to that of global society as a whole. [number] allow me to raise one more serious concern - the safety and security of our international civil service, the dedicated men and women who are the embodiment of the united nations global outreach. in this respect, we extend our profound condolences to the families of the staff members who lost their lives as a result of the recent attack on the united nations office in west timor. we also join other delegations in condemning this attack and in urging the government of indonesia to spare no effort in bringing those responsible to justice. we also extend condolences to the family of the united nations refugee worker killed in an attack in guinea. in situations such as these, we must show that we can meet the concerns of our peoples and our world. through the historic millennium declaration, heads of state and government reaffirmed their faith in the united nations and its charter as indispensable foundations for a more peaceful, prosperous and just world. they also emphasized that the united nations is the pre-eminent global organization and has a central role in setting and acting upon the global agenda. heads of state and government equally provided us with a concise, focused and realistic blueprint for action by the united nations in the twenty-first century. they have charged the secretary-general to keep a score-card, the results of which will determine whether we have been true and honourable custodians of the united nations charter. it is imperative for us to demonstrate individually, and through our collective efforts, that we can leave for succeeding generations the kind of world envisioned in our charter.
many speakers before me have eloquently debated the theme for this session. i am delighted that no one disputes the evidence that science presents to us concerning climate change. today we meet in this hall as neighbours and residents of this one planet earth. we are bound together by our common humanity and shared future. we have within us the capacity to act resolutely to save our planet, and now is the time. we cannot afford to squander any more opportunities, for tomorrow might be too late. william shakespeare instructs us, in his famous work, julius caesar, that there is a tide in the affairs of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune omitted, all the voyage of their life is bound in shallows and in miseries. on such a full sea are we now afloat and we must take the current when it serves, or lose our ventures. we are convinced that we should focus on working together to save our planet from the increasing threat of global warming and all its attendant consequences. when we meet as the peoples of the world, we must of necessity remind ourselves of the original and higher purpose of the united nations. many of the global challenges we face persist, not because they are insurmountable, but because we have fallen short of the commitments and obligations freely entered into under the charter. we, the peoples of the earth, have the human and cultural resources and technology to end severe global poverty and disease, reverse climate change, prevent wars and alleviate human suffering. unfortunately, substantial resources continue to be wasted on destructive endeavours rather than constructive work. we squander valuable assets in the production of weapons of war and mass destruction rather than development. the world would be a much better place if the natural resources on this planet were exploited to feed, clothe, educate, care for the sick, prevent diseases and build communities. young men and women should grow up looking forward to doing extraordinary things to advance the cause of economic and social progress and not spending precious time manufacturing bombs and weapons of war or planning how to kill other human beings. it is deeply regrettable that nations continue to give higher priority to the narrow pursuit of national interests than to cooperation for the common good and mutual benefit. this emphasis on rivalry breeds injustice, intolerance, extremism and aggression. we must remind ourselves that all of us are the people of this earth and no other. we are bound by our common humanity. we must rise to the challenge of the founders of this unique universal organization, so that we may live for our respective countries rather than die for them and together build a more just and equitable future for us all. the united nations has touched the lives of the vast majority of our fellow human beings. we therefore reaffirm our abiding faith in its efficacy and usefulness in addressing global issues. the organization embodies our hope and aspirations for peace, security, respect for human rights and development in one word, a better life for all. in that respect, the search for consensus in all aspects of united nations reform must of necessity continue in a fair, just and balanced manner. from [number] member states in [number] to [number] in [number], the united nations has grown in diversity and universality. it has also spread and consolidated its legitimacy and authority throughout the world. the united nations is the centre for harmonizing the actions of nations towards the attainment of the common good. its strength lies in its unparalleled legitimacy. without the united nations, states, both large and small, would encounter many formidable challenges. it is hardly surprising, therefore, that for this organization to live up to its mandate and to people s expectations, it has to constantly reform itself to respond to contemporary global challenges and realities. in his inspiring and visionary statement at the closing of the san francisco conference [number] years ago, president harry truman of the united states proffered timeless wise counsel when he said, this charter, like our own constitution, will be expanded and improved as time goes on. no one claims that it is now a final or a perfect instrument. it has not been poured into a fixed mold. changing world conditions will require readjustments but they will be the readjustments of peace and not of war. those visionary words of one of the founding fathers of the united nations should guide us in dealing with united nations reform. we call upon the original signatories of the united nations charter and, in particular the permanent members of the security council, to assume greater leadership in the search for consensus and compromise on the reform of the united nations security council. they should be more flexible in responding to proposals put forward on the reforms of the security council. as nation states we are encouraged to build sound democratic institutions. it is imperative, therefore, that the principle of fairer, more inclusive, participatory and accountable institutions should be extended to global governance. in that respect, it should be perfectly understandable why a substantial number of member states consider it not only necessary, but also long overdue, to increase membership of the council in both the permanent and non-permanent categories. today, important matters of international peace and security cannot be resolved through the monopoly of fire power. it requires greater participation and collaboration of nations large and small. botswana recognizes that we cannot all be members of the security council. there are those among us who have the capacity to carry the daunting responsibilities of permanent membership. that is why it should be possible for us to reach consensus in making readjustments of peace and not of war . an all-or-nothing approach is not in our best interest. botswana strongly supports the search for a compromise on that long-standing issue, which if left unresolved can only become an unnecessary distraction to other equally pressing priorities. conflicts in africa cause the loss of hundreds of thousands of innocent lives. many people are driven into abject poverty and exposed to disease due to the massive displacement of populations and destruction of their productive capacity. huge amounts of resources are annually allocated to the united nations peacekeeping budget to resolve conflicts. even more resources are needed for the care and upkeep of refugees and displaced peoples. the situation in darfur continues to cause concern. concerted efforts are needed to bring that conflict to an end. in this respect, we welcome the security council decision to deploy a peacekeeping mission in darfur and call upon our brothers and sisters in the sudan to work together to find a lasting political settlement. botswana is concerned about the situation in chad and the central african republic. the loss of civilian lives is intolerable. we call upon chad, the central african republic and other parties to those conflicts to commit to a peaceful political process to avert further loss of lives. it is clear that the resolution of conflict in that region will require closer cooperation, collaboration and partnership between and among those countries involved in conflict situations. following elections in the democratic republic of the congo we are hopeful the country is on the road to recovery. it is important for the international community to continue to support the democratic republic of the congo in its post-conflict reconstruction and development efforts. the marauding lawless militias that continue to undermine the peace process should be left in no doubt that anarchy will not be tolerated. the democratic republic of the congo and the countries of the great lakes region of africa will for the foreseeable future require the assured support and partnership of the international community, not only in peacebuilding but more importantly, in the prevention of conflicts. botswana acknowledges the existence of those problems, not because we consider the future of africa to be hopeless or bleak. we do so in order to arrive at a correct diagnosis of the illnesses and hence the prescription of the right remedy. the african union is playing a pivotal role in the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts on the continent. while the united nations security council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, africa should be a dependable and indispensable partner in responding expeditiously to the urgent need to end the conflicts and save lives. the countries and peoples of africa should recognize that the primary responsibility for durable peace and social and economic development lies with them. in that respect, we should adopt sound policies and programmes that promote economic growth and development, foreign direct investment as well as domestic investment. indeed we are witnessing significant economic growth in africa. the latest international monetary fund projections are that, in [number] the african economy is expected to grow by six per cent, just below the seven per cent per annum target of the new partnership for africa s development, that is necessary to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs . we look to our development partners to deliver on the pledges to scale up official development assistance to africa, effect meaningful debt relief, improve market access for african goods and services and encourage their private sectors to invest in africa. in the year [number], at the dawn of the new millennium, we convened in these hallowed halls to chart a new path for the united nations development agenda. we adopted the millennium declaration and the millennium development goals. we undertook to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger, promote gender equality as well as to combat hiv and aids. the millennium summit followed many global conferences of the 1990s at which we made numerous commitments to combat poverty and underdevelopment. the outcomes of these united nations conferences and summits provide a veritable template for addressing the debilitating scourge of poverty, disease, hunger and underdevelopment in the world. today, as we meet here seven years after the adoption of the millennium declaration and half way to [number], we should pause and take serious stock of the progress made or the lack of it. it is evident that, while other regions of the world are making progress towards the realization of the mdgs, indications are that unless something is done to support africa, the continent is unlikely to achieve any of the goals by [number]. statistics tell tales of a continent that is host to huge numbers of the poor and the hungry. diseases, in particular hiv aids, malaria and tuberculosis, still kill many people in africa. those factors require an urgent response, as they create conditions that pose a threat to peace, stability and security. in this interdependent world, the united nations cannot realistically hope to achieve the mdgs by [number] if one part of humanity is lagging so far behind. something must be done to assist and support africa. in march [number] at monterrey, mexico, we recognized the imperative of global cooperation and partnership in the achievement of internationally agreed development goals. we agreed that achieving the internationally agreed development goals, including those contained in the united nations millennium declaration, demands a new partnership between developed and developing countries resolution [number] [number], para. [number] . let us honour our commitments and move forward. let me conclude by reiterating the fact that botswana has long recognized that sustainable development has to be a nationally owned and led process that requires sound democratic institutions and prudent economic management. adherence to those principles, coupled with the exploitation of mineral resources and donor support, enabled us to achieve rapid economic growth and some measure of development. continued assistance is necessary to enable us to consolidate the gains of the past few years and ensure sustainable development. in that respect, the scope of development cooperation should include private sector development, private investment and access to technology. assistance to middle-income countries such as botswana is crucial and in the long-term interest of the global economy. we are asking not for handouts, but for assured support, partnership and collaboration.
on behalf of the government of the republic of san marino, i wish to congratulate mr. nassir abdulaziz al-nasser on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-sixth session. his long experience as ambassador of qatar to the united nations and his deep knowledge of this organization will be valuable resources in helping us move ahead with the reforms needed in the most important areas of united nations activity. over the past few years, qatar has played a significant mediation role in the arab world. the delegation of san marino will cooperate fully in the work to be done. i also wish to sincerely thank the secretary- general, mr. ban ki-moon, for his energy and praiseworthy efforts, for the interest he constantly displays in all united nations member states, and for his constant and crucial presence in every politically important situation and emergency worldwide. his reappointment to a second term is important to promoting reform of the united nations, guaranteeing the organization s full effectiveness and preventing any action aimed at decentralizing global governance. i take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude for the excellent work done by the united nations, under the careful and effective leadership of the secretary-general, in south sudan. by putting an end to the violence and atrocities that have plagued that part of africa for several years, the united nations action led to the republic of south sudan s declaration of independence and its admission to our organization as a new member in july. on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the tragic attack on the world trade center in new york, i would like to stress the importance of effectively combating terrorism and taking action to prevent the formation and development of terrorist groups. a [number] [number]-[number] crucial task of policymakers is to create conditions in which terrorism cannot find a breeding ground. this year s theme of the general debate, the role of mediation in the settlement of disputes by peaceful means , unquestionably represents the purposes of diplomacy and the fundamental reason why states decided to cooperate within the framework of international bodies and mechanisms, headed by the united nations. in a certain sense, it is also closely connected to the reform process of our organization. the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes between states is enshrined in the charter of the united nations and in many general assembly resolutions, and the republic of san marino can only support that principle. indeed, our country has always tried to settle conflicts by peaceful means and has always believed in the power of dialogue, democracy and tolerance values on which peaceful coexistence among peoples is based. with a view to achieving this principle in order to maintain international peace and security, the republic of san marino supports the role and authority of the general assembly and the security council. this year we have witnessed a massive popular uprising spreading across the squares of cities in north africa and the middle east. these are protests for democracy and freedom, respect for human rights and social justice. at the forefront of this revolution are young people from the middle classes. despite their education, they have found themselves excluded from the labour market or suffering under poor working conditions. the unusual scale of the arab revolution, which has taken the world by surprise, demonstrates that major political and institutional changes are needed, because our economic and social foundations have also changed as a result of globalization. we cannot consider this spontaneous uprising of people looking for freedom, justice and democracy only in terms of security. if the united nations intends to play a pivotal role in managing global governance, it should also be able to interpret the need for such changes and to support them, as far as possible. san marino believes that the united nations must continue to play a leading role in managing global governance. the deeply democratic nature of our organization, with its universal participation and undisputed legitimacy, as well as the richness and diversity of cultures and traditions that are represented here, allow us to adopt an approach aimed at harmonizing the interests of the entire international community and at achieving sustainable human development. the global economic and financial crisis, the devastating consequences of which are evident to all, has unfortunately demonstrated that our existing institutions are unable to respond rapidly and adequately to such crises. this has led to a growth in the influence of some informal groups, such as the group of eight and the group of [number] g-[number] , on the management of global economic governance. san marino is grateful to those groups and for the role they have played. however, we believe it important to emphasize that in their decision-making process, which should be more transparent and inclusive, it is essential that they take into account the interests, worries and aspirations of states outside their groups, particularly developing countries. the actions of such informal groups should be complementary to those of the united nations, which will require the development of specific mechanisms to regulate their relations with our organization. we welcome the secretary-general s participation in the g-[number] meetings and the consultations held by the rotating presidencies with the united nations. however, we stress the importance of transparency in relations between these informal groups and the united nations system, the only organization in a position to take decisions whose legitimacy no one can challenge. the republic of san marino is concerned about the consequences of the economic and financial crisis and other crises closely and inevitably linked to it. unemployment is a very serious problem that faces every country without distinction. furthermore, in many states the youth unemployment rate is twice as high as that for adults. long-term unemployment has also risen in the past few years. we believe that the united nations should pay special attention to the issue of unemployment. unfortunately, the negative effects of the global economic and financial crisis are still visible today. although the international economy experienced a modest recovery last year, we have not yet emerged from the [number] crisis. and beyond the problem of unemployment, we are now confronting a global sovereign debt crisis. [number]-[number] [number] is there a good recipe for recovery from the crisis? is a rigorous economic policy sufficient? do innovative measures for relaunching the world s economy exist? can these measures be shared, or are we facing a deep systemic crisis requiring an in-depth analysis of the way our societies function and a rethinking of current business models? i believe that if the united nations focused on these important issues, its leading role in global governance could not be questioned by anyone. the destinies of our peoples are linked to global threats in an increasingly direct way. today, the threats of climate change and biodiversity loss, economic, financial and employment crises, food security, public health, disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons and the fight against terrorism are recognized as being interdependent. on that basis, we should create a new form of international cooperation and multilateralism so as to coordinate our policies at the international, national and regional levels. we have a duty to guarantee the full effectiveness of the organization s activities with a view to preserving and strengthening its essential value as a point of reference for the international community. the interdependence of such threats is more evident now than ever before. that is the case, for example, of the impact of climate change on world food security, which in turn poses a threat to security and peace, not only in africa, where perhaps this relationship can more easily be observed, but throughout the world. food insecurity fuels violent social conflicts. climate change leads to a reduction in global food production, the most damaging effects of which are experienced in africa and asia. the populations of countries in a post-conflict situation, countries that depend more directly on agriculture or the poorest developing countries will have more difficulties than others in coping with rising food prices due to droughts or other disasters caused by climate change. our country is following the humanitarian emergency in the horn of africa with great concern. the populations of somalia, kenya, ethiopia and djibouti are the victims of a severe drought. this is a humanitarian emergency affecting over [number] million people, including many women and children. the republic of san marino is grateful to the secretary-general for his rapid and significant actions in benefit of the affected populations. we also thank the office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs and the central emergency response fund for their immediate response and their substantial contribution to resolving the humanitarian emergency in the horn of africa, and member states for their financial commitments. another but no less important effect of climate change is sea-level rise, which has an impact on the very existence of many member states. this problem affects not only small islands, but also large islands and countries with extensive coastlines. therefore, this phenomenon affects a significant number of united nations member states. the implications, interdependence and effects of serious global threats on populations and world peace and security are increasingly evident. with a view to addressing such challenges, we need a strong united nations, as well as effective and coordinated action in our economic, environmental and food policies at all levels both globally and regionally. these policies should be designed to achieve sustainable, inclusive and equitable economic growth. as i mentioned earlier, this year s theme is inevitably linked to the reform of the united nations. that reform will be fundamental to future world stability and the maintenance of international peace and security. it must remain the target of all our efforts. the republic of san marino has been following with interest the security council reform process since [number]. in that regard, it is grateful to ambassador tanin for the wisdom and impartiality with which he has presided over the intergovernmental negotiations on security council reform and for his tireless efforts to reach the broadest possible political agreement. we are convinced that intergovernmental negotiations are the right framework within which to find a solution that reflects the interests and positions of all members. it is essential to move beyond respective initial positions in order to negotiate the broadest possible agreement. the republic san marino believes that the five key issues of reform categories of membership, the question of the veto, regional representation, the size of an enlarged council and its working methods, and its relationship with the general assembly are closely interrelated and need to be considered as a whole. another major reform in the united nations to which our country attaches great importance is the [number] [number]-[number] revitalization process of the general assembly. the republic of san marino supports this reform process and, in that regard, wishes to thank lithuania and saint vincent and the grenadines for having co-chaired the ad hoc working group on the revitalization of the general assembly this year. the revitalization of the general assembly is a politically necessary reform and, at the same time, essential to the future of the united nations. it is a reform that should involve all states in reaching an agreement based, again, on the broadest possible political consensus and aimed at reaffirming the central role of the general assembly as the most representative body of the united nations, as well as the role and leadership of its president. reform should make the work of the general assembly more effective, prevent duplication of its activities, and improve its relations with the other united nations bodies. nevertheless, the revitalization of the general assembly should not concern these aspects alone, however important they may be. the assembly should become a key forum where solutions can be found to the problems posed by the global threats that increasingly unite the destinies of our peoples. there are many issues and themes on which the united nations focuses its attention, and it is impossible to address all of them. therefore, i will highlight some aspects that are perhaps lesser known, but no less important. about [number] per cent of the world s population has some kind of disability, while between [number] to [number] per cent suffers from severe disabilities. since the adoption in [number] of the convention on the rights of persons with disabilities, we have witnessed a clear affirmation of the rights of the disabled. today, the convention has been ratified by over [number] countries. the international community has taken important steps forward in terms of equality for and non-discrimination towards disabled people, as well as their full inclusion and participation in the social, political and cultural life of societies. however, much remains to be done in order to implement the convention, including the establishment of legislative frameworks and policies at the national and international levels. the international community should also deal with the strong relationship between disability and poverty, and include that issue in future political strategies. a similar approach is fundamental in efforts to achieve the millennium development goals. at present, [number] per cent of persons with disabilities live in developing countries and most live below the poverty line. in addition, many of the children who do not attend school have some kind of disability. therefore, it is clear that targeted strategies and policies taking into due account the situation of children with disabilities should be adopted to achieve the goal of universal primary education. more than [number] million children under five years of age and [number], [number] mothers die every year. today, [number] million children are still out of school, and [number] million children under five years of age suffer from chronic malnutrition, which remains the major cause of childhood death. every day, more than [number], [number] babies are born with hiv and about [number] million young people between [number] and [number] years of age are living with this virus. children continue to be the most vulnerable to and most affected by violence, abuse and exploitation. currently, more than [number] million children, especially those in developing countries, do not have a birth certificate. sadly, most can barely access basic services, such as health care and education, or enjoy their rights. also, it is difficult to protect them. this threatens to seriously undermine the achievement of the millennium development goals. the republic of san marino joins the international community in supporting resolution [number] [number], entitled keeping the promise united to achieve the millennium development goals . gender equality is rightly placed high on the agenda of the united nations. in many countries, maternal mortality figures are still worrying, especially in the poorest areas of the world. furthermore, young people, girls and women are the most affected by hiv. unfortunately, trafficking in women and children remains a serious problem. women and girls continue to be subjected to humiliating practices, such as the payment of the bride price, child marriage, kidnapping and sexual violence, including domestic violence. protecting the rights of women in conflict and post-conflict situations continues to be another high priority for the united nations. women facing such situations are very often victims of sexual violence, mass rape, torture and arbitrary executions. schooling and education are vital to countering discrimination and favour the empowerment of women. [number]-[number] [number] improving the quality of and access to education for women and children requires providing them with instruments to improve their economic and social living conditions. i have talked about groups of people who live in extremely difficult conditions in many areas of the world and represent a very large share of the world s population. the primary task of each individual and state is to support every effort to help them live in decent conditions and feelfully included in society. their progress will be our progress, and their smile will be the light allowing us to look to the future with optimism.
it is my honour to convey to the assembly the warm greeting of yokwe from the government and people of the republic of the marshall islands. every september, world leaders take to the stage of the general assembly to broadcast our common concerns. but i am concerned that this poetic ritual too often hides the problem of political will. in january, the secretary-general outlined two key political priorities for leaders addressing climate change risks and the growing insecurity within syria. as autumn sets in, it is evident that efforts are falling short. this year, leaders of the pacific islands forum expressed strong concern about the use of chemical weapons by the syrian government and called for leadership on the part of the members of the security council to resolve that threat. while i am optimistic about recent diplomatic developments, the common international voice may come too little and too late for what could have already been prevented. that is only one example of a growing list of the tragic human costs of inaction. how many more mistakes will the world make in distant conference rooms? for how long can we turn a blind eye to realities and headlines? pacific nations are now dedicated to changing the pace. this month, pacific islands forum leaders adopted the majuro declaration for climate leadership. although many of our states are small, the common responsibility to act falls on all governments and persons, no matter how different we are. the marshall islands is well on track to achieve the complete solarization of our outer islands a goal we are meeting with assistance from japan s pacific environment community funds and from the european union, taiwan, italy, france and other donor partners. the entire region is also aggressively cutting its emissions through the pacific new energy drive. the message to our partners, the world s largest emitters, is clear. if we can do it, they can too. climate change is a risk that demands direct political ownership, and it is high time that other leaders stand alongside the pacific in showing the statesmanship so urgently needed. simply repeating well-worn negotiation slogans has not got the world anywhere. it is time for new solutions. i strongly urge my fellow leaders to engage eye to eye at the secretary-general s climate summit next year. never has the need for true statesmanship been as dire. global efforts on climate change are falling short, and low-lying island nations, such as mine, are already paying the earliest costs of what is fast becoming a global crisis. in every sense, the world must build for future risks, and we are still setting course based on current conditions, as is often the case. it is the seas that are rising not the islands that are sinking. i will not concede my own land or my nation nor will i rest until my fellow world leaders have signed on to act, not just out of economic convenience, but out of a common responsibility of all to strive for upward momentum. our pacific legacy is not as small island states, but as large ocean nations. we are stewards of what is a truly global resource our oceans and fisheries. even a casual glance at a map reveals a world of deep and vast blue, and not only scientists but our own local communities see change in our waters. local and global ocean impacts affect not only every region, but also global food security. i join with other pacific leaders in urging dedicated treatment of the oceans as a post-[number] united nations sustainable development goal. pacific nations, including the states parties to the nauru agreement, are leading the world in changing fishing practice. we are not only leading the world in advancing sustainable fisheries, but at the same time boosting our own economic growth. perhaps no other effort or region is such a strong textbook example of sustainable development in action. but for all of the expressed plenary sympathies and common international responsibility, existing legal commitments to safeguard fisheries all too often fall victim to the short-term trade interests of our partners. we pacific leaders will sacrifice neither our resources nor our growth or livelihood for quick returns our future generations are not for sale. the threat of harmful fisheries sanctions from distant fishing nations perhaps as punishment for our conservation efforts is hardly a helping hand either to our regional development or to international food security. next year s international meeting on small island states and development partnerships, to be held in samoa, will offer our political partners a moment for careful reflection. is the global thirst for rare earth minerals beneath our waves and is the hunger for our vast fisheries so great as to outstrip our rightful economic development and our conservation efforts? perhaps it is high time that island leaders set forward our island vision of partnership and collaborate accordingly. we cannot forge progress through political will alone. here, pacific islands forum leaders have forged a ground-breaking mutual dialogue to enhance and improve effective united nations partnerships in our region. those are not isolated words already, the united nations, together with our bilateral partners, is playing a valuable role in working with the marshall islands to recover from a climate-driven drought and other coastal flooding emergencies. but we need not wait for disasters. in every sector of basic development and environmental efforts, our door is open for increased collaboration among the united nations, our regional resources and bilateral partners. the statements of sympathy in the plenary are all too often not translated into effective, island-tailored results. our in-country united nations presence still has a long way to go in truly delivering as one and better addressing pressing threats. i encourage a direct discussion between the united nations and our region on practical efforts to enhance in-country effectiveness and collaboration. no one people or nation should be passed over. even as the united nations enters into a new discussion in setting the stage for the post-[number] development agenda, improved progress towards the millennium development goals mdgs remains no less a priority. i would also like to recognize the contributions that taiwan has made in helping my country in efforts to achieve the mdgs. pacific islands forum leaders have, for the first time, recognized the role of the united nations in authorizing nuclear-weapon testing during the cold war and welcomed the recommendations of the united nations special rapporteur s recent report a hrc [number] [number] add. [number] . nuclear testing in the marshall islands is no mere historical event, but an international legacy that will stay with us for generations. while the bulk of the unmet responsibilities still rest with our historical administering power, the united states, the united nations can, for its part, no longer ignore its own role during the trusteeship era. i am strongly encouraged by the secretary- general s commitment to addressing the ongoing impacts of nuclear testing in the pacific and look forward to practical steps in that regard. my government is gratified to note that with solid international support and cross- strait cooperation the republic of china on taiwan has increased its meaningful participation in united nations specialized agencies and mechanisms. we will continue to encourage positive interaction between the two sides of the taiwan strait in the international arena. too often, despite our own aspirations, we struggle to move inches when urgency demands miles. we wish to inform the secretary-general that our political will stands ready and that our hands are extended for a durable partnership.
it is an honour for me to address the general assembly on behalf of montenegro and to once again reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of my country to the united nations. at the outset, allow me to congratulate his excellency mr. peter thomson of fiji on his election as president of the assembly at its seventy-first session. we welcome the theme chosen for this sessin, in the light of the universal importance of implementing the sustainable development goals sdgs . i would also like to thank his excellency mr. mogens lykketoft, president of the assembly at its seventieth session, for his leadership and his many efforts invested in creating prerequisites for the efficient implementation of crucial agreements on sustainable development and climate change. this is the last general debate for secretary-general ban ki-moon. i would like to express my particular appreciation to him for his essential contributions aimed at building a safer and more prosperous world, especially in the light of the past decade, one tarnished by myriad challenges and crises. it could not have been easy to lead the organization in such conditions. despite the progress made in many areas, the current global situation raises many concerns. in many places around the world, peace, stability and sustainable economic development are still proving unattainable. brutal and long-term conflicts have taken their toll on hundreds and thousands of individuals, destroying millions of people s lives, the majority of whom are women and children. extreme poverty, weak institutions and serious breaches of human rights are still the harsh reality for a large number of people around the world. fundamental pillars of international law are being violated by non-state stakeholders, and violent extremism and terrorism induce constant instability, leading to millions of people being forced to leave their homes. other countries willingness to admit them is becoming increasingly uncertain, and the humanitarian funds raised are insufficient to meet those people s basic needs. in the current situation, where increasingly complex challenges know no boundaries and where no country is able to cope alone, we are compelled to turn to the united nations, a world organization like no other, where collective solutions can be reached. it is encouraging that the past few years have been marked by historic multilateral agreements, paving the way for global transformation and sustainable progress. that is a reflection of the general willingness to change the status quo. the [number] agenda for sustainable development, the paris agreement on climate change and the sendai framework for disaster risk reduction [number]-[number] carry significant importance and are characterized by their interdependence. it is time to assume our responsibility and commit to their implementation, so that all citizens have an equal chance to live a dignified life without violence, discrimination or extreme poverty. montenegro, despite its size and small share in global emissions, has been committed to implementing the agreements i mentioned through sustainable development initiatives, even though its contribution may be small. montenegro is one of [number] members of the united nations to have presented a voluntary national report on the implementation and monitoring of the [number] agenda and sdgs at the high-level political forum in july, further proof of that commitment. montenegro was also one of the first states to adopt the sdgs as part of a national sustainable development strategy, in place until [number]. the strategy ensures that the principal measures needed to achieve long-term sustainable development goals in montenegro have been implemented, while the country has also adhered to all necessary international commitments in line with the [number] agenda. the strategy is for the long term and aims not only to boost the economy and help the environment but also to capitalize on human resources and social capital. that should lead to prosperous development for our country s citizens. montenegro strongly believes that the paris agreement is a foundation on which further efforts to preserve climate systems can be based, thereby ensuring that all countries, regardless of their stage of development, progressively raise their ambitions in order to achieve their final goals. in line with the provisions of the paris agreement, montenegro reaffirms its ambitious contribution, which is to reduce its own greenhouse-gas emissions by [number] per cent compared with those of [number]. we wish to formally ratify that commitment as soon as possible, in order to initiate its implementation. our commitment to achieving the goals of the paris agreement will pose a challenge for our entire system and will need to include all the stakeholders at the national and local levels of management and in all segments of society. like many other countries, montenegro will require additional support from the international community and the financial mechanisms of the united nations framework convention on climate change. i refer primarily to the green climate fund. too often the international community is not able to prevent or end bloodshed, criminal activity and the suffering of millions of people around the world. the conflict in syria, which has continuously attracted attention from the international community and the united nations, is the most tragic illustration of that inability. montenegro expresses its deep concern at the conflict and the deteriorating humanitarian security situation, the repercussions of which are felt globally. we fully support an urgent cessation of violence and wish to point out the need for all parties to adhere to international law and united nations resolutions. it is unacceptable for the international community to condone the war s atrocities. it is not only morally unacceptable, but also contradictory to international law. therefore, in the absence of a political solution, a temporary agreement must be reached that respects the principles of international law and that would at least alleviate human suffering. such crimes must not go unpunished their perpetrators have to be held responsible for breaches of international law and its principles. the role that the security council plays in international and hybrid criminal tribunals is of vital importance. the crises and conflicts in syria, iraq, yemen, libya, south sudan and other countries demonstrate the importance of finding a long-term, peaceful solution through political and diplomatic means, which must have supremacy. the fragile and deteriorating nature of international peace and security and its ramifications clearly indicate that our current global approach that of managing violence and crisis must give way to an approach based on prevention. it is high time to move from rhetoric to action. mediation, a very efficient and peaceful way to prevent conflict, has not been given enough attention, despite article [number] of the charter of the united nations. montenegro, being fully aware of the importance of mediation, is organizing a conference next year to contribute to further enhancing mediation in the turbulent area of the mediterranean. throughout its history, including in its recent past, montenegro has been affected by numerous conflicts. our enthusiasm for and commitment to mediation flow from our commitment to honest dialogue and cooperation. we believe that mediation is the best way to overcome differences, alleviate tension and reach final solutions. humankind is facing humanitarian, refugee and migrant crises not seen since the second world war. we deem it exceptionally important that the general assembly took up this topic through its hosting of the high-level plenary meeting on addressing large movements of refugees and migrants. we are in favour of implementing the new york declaration for refugees and migrants resolution [number] [number] . we must not for a moment forget that today the world is facing the constant threat of terrorism and violent extremism. terrorist attacks worldwide and the killing of civilians remind us that we have made only limited progress in dealing with this complex and evolving phenomenon, and that more resolute efforts, unity, coordination and a more active role by every individual state member of the united nations are required. our actions to counter terrorism must focus on preventive measures and on the social, economic and political situation. more especially, they must target vulnerable and marginalized groups, because people susceptible to radicalism are primarily recruited from these groups. the implementation of the sustainable development goals is the best chance to make a positive difference in this respect. emphasis must be placed on youth and their empowerment, primarily through employment and education. in a year that marks the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the human rights council and the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of two key international instruments on human rights and fundamental freedoms, the united nations is facing major challenges with regard to human rights protection and overwhelming humanitarian crises. therefore, it is necessary to reaffirm the strong commitment of all member states to the multilateral system of protection and promotion of human rights. the full and immediate application of high standards in the protection of human rights and the translation of international norms into practice in every member state, without exception, are the prerequisites for peace, stability and development. the united nations and its member states should make a much greater effort so that all rights, not only civic and political rights but also economic and social rights, are guaranteed in order to build the necessary conditions to ensure that no one is left behind in the implementation of the [number] agenda for sustainable development. the integration of human rights into development policies, especially public policies protecting the rights of the most vulnerable groups at the national level, is a necessary step for effective protection. in that context, the consistent application of the principles of sustainable and inclusive growth in the implementation of economic growth strategies is a necessary precondition for combating poverty and social exclusion. in order for the united nations to maintain and strengthen its central position in the system of global governance, the organization must undergo reforms and adapt to the circumstances of the twenty-first century and to modern democratic principles. the priority in that regard remains a comprehensive reform of the security council in order to enhance its efficiency and transparency. the delivering as one approach, which montenegro is also applying, has already delivered positive results in the cooperation between the organization and host countries. it should therefore be further refined, especially in the context of the implementation of the [number] agenda for sustainable development. montenegro welcomes the changes introduced as a result of the negotiations on the role of the general assembly in the process of selecting the secretary- general. they will help to strengthen transparency and competitiveness and ensure a merit-based approach. montenegro is proud to have put forward a candidate for the most responsible position in the united nations system. we have thereby made a qualitative and quantitative contribution to the selection of the best candidate. at the same time, this also confirms our readiness to contribute even more actively to the universal goals of the charter of the united nations. on this occasion, i want to express the hope and expectation that the new secretary-general will come from one of the eastern european countries, given the need to respect the principle of regional rotation and the fact that our geographical group is the only one never to have provided the secretary-general to date. montenegro marked the tenth anniversary of its membership in the united nations on [number] june. this was a historic day for our country. it was the greatest confirmation of independence, restored montenegrin statehood, a signal that we have taken our rightful place in the world family of nations. since regaining independence, we are continuously strengthening our state in accordance with the european euro-atlantic standard, and i am pleased to note that montenegro is today an example of stability, multi-ethnicity and respect for differences a reliable neighbour and a reliable international partner and a leader in euro- atlantic integration in the region. given our experience, we know that institutions are a foundation for the stability of the state and the rule of law. integration into nato and the european union are national strategic priorities. in may this year montenegro signed the nato accession protocol. we believe that the process of ratification of the protocol will be finalized in the short term and that we will very soon meet all the formal preconditions to become a full-fledged member state of nato. the importance of this historic step for montenegro will not diminish our enthusiasm for the further improvement of our security, legal and political systems, as nato membership requires. the same applies as regards our readiness to contribute to peace and stability in the region and beyond. we have opened [number] of the requisite [number] chapters in the process of our accession to the european union. we are making strides on the path to membership, reaffirming the potential and capacity of montenegrin society and its institutions. montenegro continues to be a reliable and responsible partner for the international community and the united nations. montenegro is a member of the peacebuilding commission. it is also a member of the executive board of the united nations development programme, the united nations population fund and the united nations office for project services. we have been elected to membership of the executive board of un- women, starting next year. after serving on the human rights council from [number] to [number], we submitted our application for membership in the council for the [number]-[number] period. we also presented our candidacy for the security council for the [number]-[number] period. we have expanded our participation in the united nations peacekeeping missions by deploying military observers to the united nations mission for the referendum in western sahara. the foregoing are indicators that montenegro is firmly committed to the promotion of the united nations and to multilateralism and joint action in order to guarantee a peaceful, stable, prosperous and equal world. we are determined to actively and constructively contribute to the efforts of the united nations in this regard.
mr. president, i should like to say first how pleased france is to see you personally presiding over the work of the general assembly. beyond your personal merits, which i acknowledge with pleasure, your election underscores the important contribution to the activities of the organization of portugal, a member of the european union with which france feels particularly close. the united nations is [number] years old. as the heads of state and government of the european union solemnly emphasized in cannes last june, the collective work since the second world war has been considerable. the european council on that occasion paid tribute to the major contribution of the united nations to this collective work and gave some examples decolonization, the maintenance of international peace and security, disarmament, development, humanitarian aid and, of course, the protection of human rights. but the successes of the organization do not belong solely to history. this year has shown the vitality of the united nations. in copenhagen, the social dimension of development, the struggle against exclusion and for productive employment, which are both major challenges for all our societies, are now within the domain of our organization. in beijing, the principle of strict equality between men and women and the right of women to decide freely about their lives in all matters have finally been endorsed once and for all as universal values. in new york, the united nations has begun preparatory work towards the establishment of a world criminal court. this project signals decisive progress for international humanitarian law. in vienna, at this very moment, a conference on the scourge of inhumane weapons is being held. france is working in particular to eradicate the scourge of the spread of anti-personnel mines. in [number], it decided upon a unilateral moratorium on the export of these mines. now the time has come to go one step farther. accordingly, i wish to confirm that france has decided to adopt a unilateral moratorium on the production of all categories of anti-personnel mines. it is therefore [number] imposing upon itself a ban on the manufacture of such weapons. france also pledges from this point on to destroy gradually its stock of anti-personnel mines. i call on all member states to join with us and do the same thing. this year has also been marked by the success of the new york review and extension conference of the states parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. this success was a major step towards disarmament. france proposes that this coming year should be a time for further progress in this domain disarmament should be our common goal and it should encompass all aspects of disarmament. france calls upon the states that have not yet adhered to this treaty to do so without further delay. the struggle against the proliferation of nuclear weapons must be universal. i suggest that all the states which have already signed this treaty multiply concerted efforts to persuade the states which have not yet signed to join them. in addition, it is important to follow through on the new objectives decided by the review conference of the non-proliferation treaty in may. among these, the most important is the conclusion, no later than [number], of the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty now being negotiated in geneva. the president of the french republic, mr. jacques chirac, most solemnly reaffirmed on [number] june [number] france s determination to achieve this goal and to ensure that the ban is total. france is pleased that other nuclear powers have in turn made the same commitment. it calls on all nuclear powers to ensure, together with all the member states of the organization, that this pledge is duly confirmed in the text of the future treaty and that the negotiation of the treaty is completed before the autumn of [number]. i take this opportunity to recall the reasons that led france to complete the programme of nuclear tests that was temporarily suspended in [number]. the final series of tests now under way has no other purpose than to enable us to sign the treaty banning nuclear tests definitively. there were some who imagined and others who wished to make believe that we might reconsider such a decision. this will not happen. once again i repeat, this is a final test series, limited to what is strictly necessary and held under conditions that have been proved to be harmless. it will enable us to adhere as early as possible to the future treaty banning tests definitively. the disarmament effort must of course be directed towards reducing existing stockpiles of nuclear weapons. substantial progress has been achieved over the past few years with the destruction of a significant number of warheads by the two main powers. i would recall that france for its part, although it has never contributed to nuclear overarmament, reduced the nuclear warheads it had deployed by [number] per cent between [number] and [number]. disarmament, however, does not apply solely to nuclear weapons. with regard to chemical weapons, i call upon all the member states to ratify, or for those which have not yet done so to adhere to, the [number] convention banning chemical weapons. i regret that france is the only permanent member of the security council that has ratified this convention. i hope that the other permanent members will do so in the coming months. we must continue the effort to reduce conventional forces in europe. france took its full part in the agreement on conventional force reductions in europe. it proposes that the conference which will be held in may [number] to examine the implementation of this agreement should focus on compliance by all states with a treaty that is the keystone of security in europe. this conference should also be the occasion for further progress. there remains the highly sensitive issue of the convention banning biological weapons. a serious verification system has to be set up. i hope that the working group responsible for this matter in geneva quickly establishes such a system. my country cannot accept the argument put forward by some that the organization has failed in its task. we reject the accusations of passivity and helplessness that are sometimes made against it. nevertheless, we cannot hide the fact that the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary will not be as joyful and as optimistic as we would have liked. the image of the organization in public opinion is confused, even negative at times. we should try together and with a clear head to identify the reasons for such a situation. i am convinced they have nothing to do with any disaffection with the organization. never have the aspirations of our peoples, especially the youth of the world, so matched the objectives of the charter peace and disarmament, environmental protection, solidarity with the very poor, aid to those who suffer, the promotion of democracy, of liberty and basic human rights, and the collective struggle against the major scourges of the end of the century, namely drugs, terrorism and aids. in the last few years, we have witnessed the emergence of a body of common values on a world scale. these are the values which the united nations, like france, upholds they are the values of peace. [number] in europe we built with our neighbours a community and then a european union, and in doing so we turned a page of a history that had so often led us to confrontation with each other. since [number] europe has known a period of unparalleled peace. the european union is on the verge of being enlarged again. france warmly welcomes the forthcoming membership of its neighbours in central, eastern and mediterranean europe, and will do everything to make it a great success. in this way, the unity of our continent is gradually being organized. the extension of the boundaries of the european union does not lead it to close in on itself. quite the contrary, europe is opening up to nearby neighbours from the south, as the euro-mediterranean conference in barcelona will demonstrate. i should like to emphasize the fundamental importance of that conference. europe also wants to develop its relations with asia in this regard, the first europe-asia summit, scheduled for march [number], will be a clear illustration. lastly, europe is deepening its partnership with russia as well as enhancing its close ties with the united states and other partners. i would like to insist on the fact that the european union, under the impetus of the french presidency, has confirmed its privileged relationship with the african, caribbean and pacific countries in the context of the lom convention and its special place in north-south relations as the leading donor of development assistance. in all those areas, europe has set the example. these values of peace are also at work in the middle east. france welcomes the important results that have already been achieved under the peace process. i am thinking of the declaration of principles of [number] september [number] and the jordanian-israeli peace treaty of [number] october [number]. but, above all, i am pleased to see that the principles agreed upon in oslo have at last borne fruit with the long- awaited initialling of the interim agreement this sunday. with this, a major turning-point, manifested by the declaration of principles, has been given concrete form. the israeli-palestinian peace process is now irreversible. i also hope that the talks between israel and syria will soon resume and that negotiations will start between israel and lebanon so that a just and lasting peace, in accordance with security council resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] , be guaranteed throughout the region. as the french president, mr. jacques chirac, stated at the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary at geneva, the world needs the united nations. and it knows it, as proved by the increasing number of tasks member states have entrusted to the organization. therefore, today s doubts have another origin. i see two major causes. first, the united nations is not shown sufficient respect, probably because of a lack of political will and resources. secondly, the organization has yet to demonstrate its ability to reform itself. let me speak of respect first. one will never be able lay sufficient stress on the devastating effect of the sight of the blue berets of the united nations protection force unprofor held hostage last spring, in chains and humiliated in their dignity as men and soldiers. in somalia, in rwanda prior to operation turquoise, in the former yugoslavia since the outbreak of the conflict, the soldiers of peace had already found themselves in situations that the united nations accepted but that no member state would ever have tolerated. it is not surprising that the image of the organization has thereby suffered. i want to make myself clear. it is not a matter of questioning the enormous work that has been accomplished by the united nations peace-keeping forces since the end of the cold war namibia, cambodia, mozambique, el salvador and haiti owe to those forces progress that would have been impossible without the united nations. in somalia, the united nations saved thousands of lives. its intervention in the countries of the former yugoslavia made it possible to prevent the war from spreading to macedonia, to contain and dampen the conflict within central bosnia and croatia, and, above all, to ensure the survival of the populations in certain safe areas, in sarajevo in particular, for three years. however, we have been helpless witnesses to unacceptable suffering, to shameful operations of so-called ethnic cleansing and to crimes against humanity, which the international community was unable to prevent and before which it remained passive. these tragic events have shown the dangers of mixing humanitarian and military missions and the risks incurred when the mission conferred by the united nations is lacking in clarity. the organization needs to make itself respected when it intervenes in a conflict. last spring, france proposed to its partners that the time to react had come at last. it suggested a change in attitude and policy, with the formation of a powerfully armed rapid reaction force. we have since begun, in liaison with the north atlantic treaty organization nato , decisive action to lift the siege of sarajevo. this has [number] enabled the united nations to recover the respect of all parties. this strengthening of the united nations capacities for action has no other objective than to place force at the service of law. only a political solution can truly settle the conflicts brought about by the dissolution of the former yugoslavia. that is why france, together with its partners in the european union and within the contact group, has taken a clear position in favour of a settlement based on two main principles, namely, respect for international law and the support of the settlement by all the populations concerned. respect for international law entails a rejection of any solution which, imposed by force, would mean breaking with the founding principles of our organization. bosnia and herzegovina is a recognized state and a member of the united nations. its territorial integrity and sovereignty must be preserved. there is nothing to discuss or negotiate on those two matters. those who have chosen to break the law and who have committed the crimes of which we are all aware will be held responsible individually. the international criminal tribunal, whose creation was proposed by france in [number], must fully exert its jurisdiction. it is also important that all the citizens of bosnia and herzegovina should be able to assert their specific character through representative entities. let each entity have direct management of its own affairs and even be able to maintain special relations with states whose populations share the same affinities. all this is legitimate so long as the management of common interests and the exercise of the functions of sovereignty are not brought into question. the agreement on the principles of a settlement proposed to the protagonists in this conflict by the contact group at geneva on [number] september of this year and accepted by their representatives, meets these two criteria. this is why france has welcomed it, approves it and will support it. the agreement and subsequent actions represent an encouraging step, but they are only a first step. the extent of what remains to be done to end the tragedy of bosnia clearly shows the major role that the united nations will have to take. in that mission, it can rely on france s unwavering support. it must also rely on the support of the international community. peace will be the work of all. the decline in the respect shown the organization is evident in another domain that also affects its survival, namely, its financing. it is not normal for the secretary- general of the world s largest organization, faced with the threat of imminent bankruptcy, to have fewer avenues of recourse in dealing with his debtors than the smallest of our businesses. it is not acceptable for member states and i am not thinking here only of those that are experiencing real economic difficulties to show such scant respect for the organization by ignoring the legal obligations they have freely accepted. france would like to see the united nations stronger and more respected. for this to occur, however, it is also essential that the organization be reformed and adapted. the secretary-general has spared no effort to open the way to reform. under his aegis, significant progress has been made in the management of the organization. all the debates in these past few years were undertaken at his initiative and have been based on his proposals in the agenda for peace and the agenda for development. france is awaiting with the greatest interest the agenda for democracy, which will complete this triptych in a field in which the united nations is called on to take the leading role. the organization has need, more than ever, of its secretary-general in order to adapt to the demands of the twenty-first century. however, it also requires the political will of its member states, and this is not sufficiently in evidence. at the opening of this fiftieth session, my wish is a simple one. let us concentrate on the projects that have already been begun so that they can be completed soon, within the coming year. france will contribute to this, and i should like in this respect to submit a few proposals. one of our main objectives will be to reach an agreement on enlarging the security council. enlargement will be successful only if the council continues in a lasting way to be representative of the community of nations through a reasonable increase in the number of its members. i should like to reaffirm this today the security council will have to welcome germany and japan as permanent members, as well as some major states of the developing world. it would also be desirable, naturally, for the council simultaneously to be opened to some new non-permanent members. [number] the negotiation on the enlargement of the security council now can and should be concluded quickly. let us wait no longer. it is equally imperative for the discussion on united nations financing to produce results in the next few months. but we must be honest with ourselves. this negotiation depends in part on the response to the united states request for a reduction in its assessed contribution to the budget for peace-keeping operations. i shall not try to disguise france s genuine doubts as to the legitimacy of this request. none the less, for the higher interests of the organization, my country is ready to examine this question without any a priori conclusions. it does, however, set certain imperative conditions. the first condition is that any new scale must respect fully the real capacity of member states to pay. on this point i should like once again to pay tribute to your country, mr. president. portugal decided this year, of its own accord, to increase its contribution to the budget for peace-keeping operations. the second condition is that the agreement must make it possible for the organization to start off again on sound bases. all existing arrears will therefore have to be paid up. the third condition is that automatic sanctions should be applied to those who do not pay appropriately in order to prevent a recurrence of the current crisis. this is the modest price of enabling the united nations to devote itself less nervously to its two principal missions peace-keeping and development. peace-keeping is the domain of the security council, the only body empowered to decide on the use of force and to determine the principles and mandate of operations carried out in the interest of international peace and security. we have to learn the lessons of the experiences of recent years. aside from traditional peace-keeping, the united nations may find itself obliged, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to it by the security council, to resort to force, within the limitations of its means, in order to preserve whatever can be preserved. united nations military action is often the sole recourse available to the international community. it is therefore essential to increase the efficiency of the united nations in the service of peace. among the most pressing matters, i wish to underline the need to set up capacities for rapid intervention, in the framework of the vital process begun two years ago concerning stand-by forces. i wish also to mention the need to improve the command of operations and the interest in a still greater use of preventive diplomacy. i would like to say a few words about a situation that is of grave concern to france and that calls specifically for urgent action in preventive diplomacy on a large scale. i am referring to the situation in the great lakes region of africa. since the assassination of burundi s president, mr. ndadaye, and the unprecedented tragedy that struck rwanda, this entire region has been deeply destabilized. more than [number] million rwandans and burundis are living outside their country in terrible conditions, with the difficulties that all this entails for the host countries. the absence of lasting political solutions, the climate of insecurity and fear that is kept alive by all the extremists, the suspicion reigning on all sides, the risk of new tragedies all this compels us to address together and in depth the fundamental problems in this area, taking into account their extreme complexity and the trauma caused by the genocide that has plunged rwanda into mourning. france remains convinced that only a comprehensive regional approach that is political in character will make it possible to do this. the principle of a conference on peace, stability and security in the great lakes region is now accepted, and we welcome the recent appointment of a special representative by the secretary-general. but time is of the essence. this conference must be carefully prepared, with the active participation of the states most directly involved and interested in its success, and it must lead to the establishment of a stability pact for the african great lakes region. there are three elements that i believe to be essential in this respect first, the adoption of principles for the return of the refugees and for national reconciliation, along with a commitment by states not to tolerate any activity hostile to their neighbours on their territory secondly, the conclusion of bilateral or multilateral agreements among the states concerned to enshrine these principles and commitments and to give them substance and, finally, the organization of a follow- up mechanism under the aegis of the security council. france holds the conviction that development assistance is the second, or perhaps the first, raison d tre of the united nations. here, too, the balance sheet invites reflection. how can we not have questions about the [number] feebleness of results, the persistence of extreme poverty, or at times even famine, these crises that erase all prospects of development and bring indescribable suffering to populations? how can we not have questions about the reduced contributions of the world s richest countries? these failures have gone onto the record. now we must act, reform and take the best advantage of the experience we have acquired. the institutions of the united nations and their network of representatives in the field are strong points. the development agencies have to refocus their activity specifically on their objectives. they have to set real priorities aimed at addressing real needs in other words, first and foremost the needs of the least developed countries. but it would be shocking if, as i sometimes predict will happen, reform were boosted for the sole purpose of reducing still further the contribution of the richest states in the struggle against human poverty. france, together with its partners in the european union, hopes to bring about, through an agenda for development a mobilization for development on new foundations. the situation is too disturbing to set the interests of the states of the north and south in opposition to each other. we are all bound by a higher duty the global struggle against poverty. if, before this session comes to a close, we are able to enlarge the security council, to place united nations financing on solid bases, to give the organization the means to intervene rapidly and effectively to maintain peace and, finally, to modernize the modalities and institutions for development assistance, we will truly have celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, above and beyond all the speech-making, in a fitting manner by our actions. allow me finally to mention a project that is particularly dear to me to re-establish, on the occasion of this anniversary, the universality of our organization, which is reflected in the diversity of cultures and languages manifested here. linguistic pluralism is essential. it reflects the right of each member state to understand the others, but also its duty to make itself understood. a draft resolution on this subject will be submitted to the assembly it will deal with the use of languages in the assembly s deliberations and in the secretariat, and i hope it will enshrine the need to retain sufficient resources to ensure the provisions of translation and interpretation services. i am convinced that we will reach a consensus in this regard. our organization has deliberately taken its actions for the long term. recent events may obscure achievements that are nevertheless solid, the results of collective, patient, courageous work. but the gains are there. it is up to each of us to make them known and consolidate them so that the united nations may continue to fulfil the indispensable role entrusted to it [number] years ago.
i have special pleasure in expressing to mr. jaime de pinies my warmest congratulations on his election to the presidency, which is a fitting culmination to a lifetime spent mostly in the service of his great country and of the united nations. i should also like to take this opportunity to convey tunisia's condolences to the government and people of mexico and also to express to them our feelings of heartfelt sympathy and sincere solidarity following the tragedy that has befallen them. the present session is taking place as our organization is reaching maturity after [number] years of existence. the representatives of our nations will soon be gathering to celebrate as they should - this great event. we can already rejoice in this, aware as we are of the opportunity we have, which is certainly unprecedented in history, of coming together each year in ever-increasing numbers to discuss our problems, compare our points of view and endeavor as best we can to reach solutions in our common quest for a better world, a world in which peace, understanding and progress prevail. we cannot, however, hide our concern at our organization's inability to deal with the challenges facing mankind, in particular in carrying out the paramount mission entrusted to it by the charter, namely, the maintenance of international peace and security. this inability exists not only with respect to the means of enforcing the resolutions emerging from the deliberations of its various bodies, but also with respect to the initiatives which need to be taken and unremittingly pursued in order to prevent tensions and conflicts, to intervene at the flash point of a fire and take steps to extinguish it or at least contain it. increasingly, it seems as if the organization has no influence over the course of international relations and as if the treatment of the ills besetting our planet has become the prerogative of the super-powers, whose rivalry is expanding into an ever-widening area, relegating our organization, which nevertheless represents the entire international community, to the role of sound-box for some recording device. thus, we should not be surprised that the problems troubling our world persist and the international situation grows steadily worse. indeed, east-west relations continue to be tense. although negotiations between the united states and the soviet union on the limitation of nuclear weapons resumed a short while ago, rekindling hopes which had been seriously dampened by the suspension of talks for several months, missiles continue to be deployed and counter-deployed. the arms race, spreading into space, goes on. we are still far from the realization of our fundamental aspiration for collective security leading to a lasting peace and fruitful co-operation. moreover, the succession of regional conflicts and destabilization operations jeopardize world peace and hamper the work of co-operation among nations. this development is all the more disturbing since some regimes, for which violence is the preferred instrument for advancing their hegemonistic designs, are making increasing use of force and aggression, in defiance of the principles and rules of law governing the international order. innocent populations in africa, the middle east, asia and latin america are faced with a dramatic situation, which heavily mortgages the development prospects of the third world and, moreover, undermines the equilibrium and stability of the international community. there is a clear field for foreign intervention and rivalry between the major-powers which, for strategic reasons or out of self-interest, tend to accommodate themselves to the situation. the serious events unfolding in southern africa are a perfect illustration of this state of affairs. faced with a minority regime which has institutionalized, in an unyielding system, the total denial of the most basic human rights and the refusal to recognize the political and civil rights of the indigenous majority, the latter is fighting the good fight and making the heaviest of sacrifices. tunisia, which has consistently supported the just causes of freedom and dignity wherever they have been at stake, feels a special affinity with the south african and namibian peoples in their heroic struggle to win their legitimate rights. it reaffirms its unqualified support for the liberation movements which are their authentic representatives. the bloody repression which is buffeting the south african people under the state of emergency, no matter how harsh it might be, will be to no avail. the same is true of the punitive expeditions which a government with its back to the wall is carrying out against neighboring countries. tunisia reaffirms its support to them in the performance of their duty of active solidarity with the oppressed peoples of southern africa, whatever the price. never before has the pretoria regime aroused so much indignation and criticism around the world as a result of its racist and segregationist policy. even the countries which have continued to give it the benefit of the doubt are now joining the ranks of others which have been actively condemning that policy and advocating vigorous measures against it with a view to bringing about its demise. let us welcome in that connection the vast movement of protest which has swept public opinion in those countries and which has not failed to elicit a response in government circles. but in spite of its isolation, the pretoria government has no intention of changing course. gestures of appeasement, like the release of the african national congress anc leader, nelson mandela, have clearly been ruled out. in these circumstances, the international community cannot stand idly by while the situation worsens with potentially dire consequences for both africa and the world. the united nations must take appropriate action, such as mandatory sanctions as called for by the overwhelming majority of its members. there is an urgent need for the united nations to take strong measures to induce the pretoria authorities to negotiate with the legitimate representatives of the south african people on the immediate accession by the latter to the status of a free people under a system cleansed of all discrimination and segregation. the south african tragedy extends into namibia, where the same racist and obstinate regime persists in denying the namibian people their right to self-determination and dignity. in so doing it defies the international community in the most blatant manner. for seven years now it has obstructed the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] calling for the holding of free elections under the supervision of the united nations. in namibia, as in south africa, , there is no sign that the pretoria authorities are prepared to back down. it is therefore more necessary than ever to set a definite date for namibian independence. in addition, members of the security council, especially those belonging to the contact group, must at last shoulder their responsibility to give practical effect to resolution [number] [number] , which was adopted at their initiative. tunisia, which has always supported the just causes of freedom and dignity everywhere, stands by the south african and namibian people in their heroic struggle to win back their rights. it reaffirms its unreserved support for the national liberation movements and their authentic representatives. developments in the situation in chad, notably the agreement on the withdrawal of foreign forces from chadian territory concluded last year between france and libya, have unfortunately not yet led to a lasting solution to the problems of that brother country in accordance with the principles of international law and the charter of the organization of african unity oau . its territory is not yet completely liberated and national reconciliation has not yet been achieved. tunisia has consistently called for such reconciliation as a prelude to the reconstruction of the country in unity, brotherhood and peace, free from all outside interference. thus, it supports the commendable efforts which are being made to that end and hopes that they will soon be crowned with success. the situation in western sahara remains a source of uncertainty and instability in the maghreb. fearing a dangerous slide towards armed confrontation between the parties, which seemed a possibility in the light of the rising tensions late last year, and in response to the wishes frequently expressed to it by many friendly brother countries, tunisia, at the instigation of president habib bourguiba, the dean of the heads of state of the maghreb, took the initiative of proposing a summit meeting of the countries of the maghreb. the main objective of the summit would be to identify the principles and, if possible, devise ways and means for achieving a united maghreb on the basis of mutual trust, good-neighborliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, the co-ordination of positions on issues of common interest and the promotion of co-operation between the countries in the region. the summit was intended to afford, in a calm and forward-looking spirit, a valuable opportunity to consider together the problems which constituted obstacles to a united maghreb, with the problem of western sahara, of course, ranking first among our concerns. the first steps we took, which were well received by all concerned, produced the not insignificant result of encouraging the continuance of the talks already under way between the parties concerned with the problem of the sahara and the initiation of new talks, one outcome of which, as members know, was the re-establishment of relations of friendship and co-operation between morocco and mauritania. unfortunately, our efforts foundered on the delicate problem of sahara and the failure of the discussions on that issue. tunisia had no choice but to abandon its initiative temporarily. tunisia remains committed to the initiative because of the noble ideals on which it is based, but it is none the less aware of the long way still to go and, particularly, of the obstacles still to be overcome. one of the most serious obstacles lies in the atmosphere of growing tension induced by the regime of a country in the region which is practicing a policy known throughout the world for its deliberate lack of respect for international legality and morality and for the elementary rules governing relations of peace, friendship and co-operation among nations. as a projection of its policy, this regime is directing repeated threats against its neighbors, instigating violent acts within its borders and often threatening unequivocally to make use of military force. in the face of this dangerous situation, which could develop into a new conflict, the international community must be watchful. as for tunisia, it will shoulder its responsibilities as it has whenever the principle of independence and its security requirements have been in question, and particularly when it has itself been directly concerned. the middle east presents a heart rending spectacle of death and rampant destruction. it is a fire with numerous flash points which threatens to spread even further if we continue to fail to pay it the necessary attention, and which could eventually engulf the peace and security of the entire world. tunisia reaffirms its belief that the central issue of the serious situation which plagues this troubled region is the palestinian problem and that the reality faced by the palestinian people, who are deprived of their legitimate rights, remains at the heart of that issue. our organization found a solution to this problem, which was, of course, the [number] plan of partition, which in our view still constitutes the basic document in any genuine endeavor to bring about real peace and a lasting settlement of this conflict, which is now nearly as old as our organization. it is hardly necessary to go back over what came of that plan and the clear facts that give proof not only of the stubborn refusal of the israeli party to comply with international law as laid down by the united nations, but also of its unremitting intransigence in denying the palestinian party any rights, endeavoring to rob that party irrevocably of the land that is recognized as belonging to it, rejecting any compromise proposal from any quarter whatsoever, including that of its closest allies and persisting in trying systematically to gain control and to win ground. for the present, the important thing is to stress that, as far as the arabs are concerned, the fez plan, which is based on united nations legality, provides a realistic basis for a just and lasting settlement in the region. tunisia, which reiterates its support for the plan, believes, however, that any solution that calls for recognition of the inalienable right of the palestinian people to self-determination and to establish their own state and has the support of the legitimate representative of that people must be not only considered but also, and above all, backed by appropriate action on the part of the international community. in lebanon, the israeli army is not ending its occupation of a portion of the southern part of the country, once again on the specious pretext of guaranteeing the security of israel. it keeps that area of lebanon under the yoke of a military administration whose repressive activities are matched only by the arbitrary policy imposed upon the palestinian people in the west bank and the gaza strip. the failures suffered by the invader in the region are clear proof that neither a policy of the iron fist nor the recruiting of misguided militiamen will succeed in overcoming the heroic resistance of the lebanese people. that is why the international community must call upon israel to withdraw its forces, in accordance with security council resolutions [number] [number] and [number] [number] . israeli interference in the affairs of lebanon must cease permanently, and the territorial integrity and independence of lebanon must be established, once and for all. after five years of hostilities, during which the two belligerent countries were put to fire and sword, no end to the fratricidal war between iraq and iran is yet in sight. grateful acknowledgment must be made to the secretary-general of our organization for having succeeded, with much effort, in sparing towns and villages large-scale shelling that was aimed at civilian targets and, thus, threatened to wipe out entire populations. however, it is urgent to put an end to this conflict, which, in addition to bringing ruin upon the two countries at war with each other, is already having a dangerous impact on the countries of the region as a whole and is on the verge of entering a stage of internationalization, which is a serious development, not counting the damage done in both countries. some do not seem to have become aware of this serious development, and must become aware of it while there is still time. tunisia, which is aware of how tremendously dangerous it is for this war to continue, wishes to renew its urgent appeal to the united nations, particularly to the permanent members of the security council, to end this vicious circle and to prevail upon the parties to the conflict to embark on a process of peaceful settlement. their beneficial action will be all the easier in that, let us not forget, iraq has already accepted an immediate cease-fire supervised by the united nations, with a view to achieving a solution in accordance with the principles of international law and the relevant united nations resolutions. foreign interference, in the form of armed intervention, is an obstacle to progress in afghanistan and kampuchea, whose populations are still being denied their inalienable right to determine their future and to have the government of their choice. we are witnessing with revulsion the successive waves of bloody repression and punitive expeditions that are triggering the exodus of millions of innocent people from their homeland. the international community appears to be obliged to act within the framework of this de facto situation characterized by flagrant violations of the principles of the charter and of the law of nations in the two countries in question, which are full members of our organization. tunisia, which has often called upon the united nations to take energetic steps to deal with this situation, cannot but reaffirm, once again, the importance it attaches to the principles that must govern the endeavor to achieve a peaceful solution to these two conflicts, namely withdrawal of foreign forces from these two countries and respect for their independence, their territorial integrity and their status as non-aligned states, as well as the right of refugees to return to their homes. we are following the situation in latin america very closely. we welcome the coming to power of democratic regimes in many of the countries of the region. our satisfaction is all the greater in that this process of normalization has taken place smoothly, on the basis of a popular consensus. we are convinced that the governments which have resulted from universal suffrage will be able to realize the aspirations of their peoples and guarantee progress and prosperity for them. our concern at the situation in central america is mitigated by the successful action taken by the contadora group, which is endeavoring to bring about peace and co-operation among the states of the region. we believe that this action springs from a conciliatory state of mind and respect for the legitimate rights of the states concerned and from the principles of non-intervention and self-determination of peoples that inspire us as a state of the maghreb. tunisia therefore wishes to express its support for the contadora group and the hope that the process that has thus been set in motion will spare the countries of the region tensions and conflicts that cannot but prejudice their security and their development, as well as peace in that part of the world. the deterioration in international economic relations has resulted in a recrudescence of protectionist measures, rising external debt, and the increasing contraction of financial flows towards development and a steady drop in raw material prices, all of which represent so many challenges to be taken up by an interdependent international community. africa, which has among its ranks [number] of the [number] poorest countries and approximately half of the refugees in the world, is without question the most seriously affected by this situation. drought and desertification have seriously compromised the economic development process of many countries south of the sahara, which have become dependent on international assistance to meet the basic needs of their populations. admittedly, important initiatives have been taken at the united nations, in the specialized agencies, and by the world bank and the organization of african unity oau , which have resulted in an impressive surge of international solidarity, for which both its initiators and those who have responded generously to their appeal are to be commended. however, we wish to emphasize the link, which must not be forgotten, between emergency action and medium-term and long-term measures designed to give new impetus to economic growth. in addition to what is, when all is said and done, humanitarian assistance, the international community is expected to give the african countries substantial support in their endeavor to achieve stable and steady economic growth. in our view, this complementarity should have two facets. the first facet would consist in a new international division of labor, whereby economic sectors would be distributed among countries and groups of countries, taking into account the capacity and aptitudes of each country or group of countries. africa has created a w developed, with the financial and technological support from its partners in the developed countries, crops and industries of proven quality. by contributing to an improvement in quality through expanded financial flows and a greater transfer of technology within the framework of common projects and joint ventures, the developed countries would benefit from low-priced products obtained as a result of cheaper labor. they would deliberately abandon the economic activities in which they are still engaged, with the aid of subsidies that constitute a heavy burden for the taxpayer, and with the help of customs dues and other protective measures that are hampering international trade and bringing about an increasing disequilibrium in their african partners' balances of payment instead, they would concentrate on activities that are more profitable for their economies, particularly those calling for advanced technological skills and financial means that are within their reach. the second facet of the desired complementarity would be the development of co-operation between regions throughout the whole continent of africa and between african countries and countries in other regions of the world with which they have traditional threats resulting from geography and history or which are at an equivalent stage of development. the mobilization of the african countries' natural, financial and technological resources and of their markets in order to carry out joint projects in keeping with their priorities would of necessity have a beneficial effect on their development capacity. accordingly, judicious action recommended by the various international and regional forums would be integrated into a global strategy. partial results could be obtained without such a strategy but would not put an end to the crisis, which, it should be stressed, is affecting countries both south and north of the sahara, although to varying degrees. this exhaustive statement, by means of which we wish to demonstrate our committed and active participation in the work of our organization on the occasion of this anniversary session of its general assembly, shows both the extent and the complexity of the problems confronting the international community - indeed, the challenges that it must take up. however, it also refers to approaches and policies that can be adopted in order to achieve genuine solutions that arc likely to reverse an international situation that is grim from many standpoints and that is deteriorating so fast that the point of no return may be reached. tunisia is convinced that a better informed, more sensitized international community, one that is aware of the interdependence of its members, will have both the will and the ability to make the necessary changes. for that purpose, it assumes a prominent role for our organization, which remains a special forum for a frank and sincere dialog directed to harmonizing points of view and bringing about the understanding required in order to improve international relations. it is also the role of the united nations take initiatives and to carry them through by creating favorable conditions for their implementation. in that connection, we welcome the observations and suggestions made by the secretary-general in his report on the work of the organization. with regard to the maintenance of peace and security, we join the secretary-general in suggesting that ". . . a determined and conscious effort be made by members of the security council, and especially the permanent members, to use their membership to make the council more the guardian of peace . . . and less the battleground on which to fight out political and ideological differences. . . " we also share the view of the secretary-general that ". . . it has become increasingly clear in recent years that economic, financial, monetary and trade issues are so interrelated and are of such profound political and social importance that they can only be dealt with effectively as part of a wider political process. " we conclude, as the secretary-general does that "in the economic as in the political sphere, we are faced with the necessity of making our institutions relevant and effective in the realities of our time. "
mr. president, may the first words spoken by the delegation of the republic of uruguay be words of congratulations and greetings to mr. leopoldo benites, a distinguished ecuadorian and, as such, a member of our latin american family. [number]. i am happy to emphasize mr. benites' outstanding personal and intellectual qualities, a certain guarantee that he will conduct our deliberations with wisdom. may i also be permitted, as a uruguayan, to recall with sincere friendship for him and for his country, our sister nation, the valuable mission he discharged in my country as ambassador of ecuador, and also to recall the permanent ties that link him to uruguay, which is a symbol of the relations between our two countries. [number]. may i also extend a greeting to the representative of poland, mr. stanislaw trepczynski, who guided the work of the twenty-seventh session of the general assembly with dignity and great skill. [number]. my country warmly welcomes the entry into the united nations of the federal republic of germany and the german democratic republic. this event constitutes a historic step along the road to peace and understanding. the commonwealth of the bahamas has now joined our organization. we extend to it a cordial welcome to this forum and to the work of our latin american regional group. thus does the process towards full universality in the united nations continue. [number]. each session of the general assembly is an inevitable confrontation between the magnitude of our ideals and reality, which at times is difficult to mould to our hopes. this repeated and dramatic experience, however, is not interpreted by uruguay as a sign of ultimate failure but rather as proof of the very nature of this complex task to which the answer is clear we must multiply our efforts, confirm our commitment to the purposes of the charter and work untiringly to achieve them. [number]. consistent with this view i wish, on behalf of my government, to express our faith in the principles that gave life to our organization and our permanent devotion to their promotion. [number]. my country, to the extent of its possibilities, has contributed with perseverance and good faith to the building of a world governed by law. the observations we all make about the flaws and shortcomings of the system do not discourage us. rather, such failings show, by their imperfections and through their consequences, the need for a legal order in force for all, a legal order that will link the community of nations, that will offer the climate of security necessary for effective political independence and economic and social development, that will offer essential guarantees to small nations and will remove the shadows of arbitrariness. [number]. very often the flaws in the law have been covered by the makeshift device of an ad hoc political arrangement applied to specific situations barely to close the deepest gap and to staunch the most serious wounds resulting from that disruption. although that is valuable, we must study the matter further and not only cure the disease but try to prevent it, not only treat those who are ill but try to improve their health and make them well. that is why i venture to suggest that this sporadic political arrangement be applied now in a permanent manner and on a priority basis to arrive at the true enforcement of international law. the more utopian it appears, the more necessary it is to achieve it in order to discipline the chaotic reality, which is sometimes unjust and violent, and bring it into line with the law. [number]. this effort, so vital for our organization and, even, i would say, the very raison d'etre of our organization, must be included in the contemporary context which over the past [number] years has displayed certain definite characteristics. the birth of a number of new independent states throughout the world, the complex structure of relations between the great powers, the multiplication of plans for political, economic and social organization in the different countries, the opening of prospects for a single mankind, however diverse it may be in its manifestations. at the same time, research and scientific reflection, the requirements of the economy, and the progress of technology lead irrevocably to an interdependent world and, whether we like it or not, to a united world through an indestructible network of links and relations. it is in this perspective that our action takes place. [number]. many steps have been taken in our search for roads towards an integrating synthesis of this diversity without harming it. that must continue on the strength of the principle that we shall not dissolve what is different, but shall rather seek out the common points. in a word, this is the need to develop solidarity among peoples and to organize it, identifying and recognizing common interests in relation to universal questions. [number]. efforts along these lines are to be found in fields such as peace and security, natural resources, the human environment, health, communications, trade, finance, the strategy for development, and so many others. here, despite natural discrepancies, little by little we see a progressive acceptance of principles and behaviour reflecting the consensus of the international community and representing, as it were, the common denominator of common interests. to apply development along these lines is to work for peace and solidarity. [number]. the existence of this process of convergence, impelled by both ethical and philosophical needs, as also by material demands derived from the nature of things, does not, however, preclude the survival of anachronistic trends inserted in the process itself, which sometimes make use of it but which, more often, seek to impose some form of political domination or covert machinations designed to impose an ideology. in these trends and forms of conduct, the violence of the struggle for power suffered so long by mankind persists and overwhelms the small nations, through insidious infiltration of their institutions or the outbreak of terrorist cruelty or open aggression. [number]. in the face of this, uruguay reaffirms once again its respect for the various paths chosen by each of the -members of this community to organize its political, economic and social life and structures. we recognize the important contribution made by different cultures to the common patrimony, enriching it through new perspectives in what has been called the "dialogue of civilizations". [number]. for our part we are faithful to the pattern we have chosen and will continue to be so. within the simplicity and . modesty of our own customs, we proclaim with pride our fidelity to our own way of being, our national traditions, and the political, economic and social forms that we have freely established for ourselves. that is why, while we confirm our absolute respect for the choice of other nations, we demand equal respect for ourselves, not only in the shape of outer forms, but also in the very, substance of international conduct. [number]. resolution [number] xxv takes up these principles. i believe that its permanent and scrupulous observance is indispensable if we are to make possible international co-operation and even coexistence itself under international law. only thus can the plurality of patterns that are merged in the different political societies cease to be a factor of divergence and tensions and become an enriching element for constructive world co-operation. [number]. my country will give of its best in this undertaking to build up co-operation among nations, but at the same time will be watchful of its national individuality in the face of any possible intention, whether overt or covert, to subvert its character. [number]. at the same time, together with observing these political rules, we must go deeply into world processes in many areas to prevent the very dynamics of such processes extended throughout the world from changing the characteristics of the small nations. [number]. we maintain as a principle that the construction of world co-operation and technology shall not be based even involuntarily on the elimination of national idiosyncrasies. the challenge we confront, therefore, is twofold to organize constructive co-operation in a multiple world, and to eliminate from that process any aspect of a policy of power, of influences, interventions, and diktats, in order that each country may be authentically free in an interdependent and united world. [number]. in the light of these perspectives, uruguay will advocate and live a united nationalism in keeping with its history and integrated with the present reality of the world, while being ready to participate in the building up of an international community marked by peace, justice and co-operation. when i say "united nationalism" i want strongly to affirm the values of the nationalism of my country, of its own peculiar forms and characteristics and to make a strong affirmation of the values that are our own, of our sovereign right to govern ourselves freely and to choose our own patterns of development and national solutions. [number]. but, at the same time, when i speak of "united nationalism" i wish to express our indeclinable universal vocation and the feeling that we belong to a single mankind, to which we are integrated in spirit, within which we enjoy the same rights and obligations and to which we are united by our natural patterns, and associated by the interdependence of economies and technology. [number]. thus we wish to participate in the universal task and contribute to the effective establishment of solidarity. that is why we share and shall continue to share in a brotherly manner the common endeavours of the human species and will participate in the task of building a united and more co-operative world. we shall do so, however, with our own and unchangeable national personality. [number]. i have drawn on these reflections concerning the philosophy behind the participation of uruguay in the organization in order to explain from this high rostrum the spirit that guides us in this solemn moment in history in which we open a new era of authentic national and popular development. these principles which we have chosen freely to guide our destiny are combined with those of the charter they are the manifestation of the creative will of our people they represent the practical expression of a multiple world, and guarantee from the point of view of the international community our constructive desire to participate in the task of co-operation. [number]. that is why, in renewing our expressions of adherence to the universal objectives of the charter, we do so today with the new vitality derived from a process of profound national affirmation and with an international vocation which is in keeping with our history. [number]. we trust that militancy in solidarity represents the path to a better international community. but there is no doubt that this positive road cannot be followed to the end if when we begin it we do not simultaneously open up actions designed to face the main negative questions affecting world peace and security. [number]. it will be difficult to build a renewed world in solidarity unless we are able to apply a similar spirit to our daily and immediate endeavours-if we cannot duly harmonize our short-term interests with the demands of those same interests considered from the long-term view. [number]. with this criterion we shall approach consideration of the main items on the agenda. [number]. one of the main questions before us is that of disarmament. in our condition as a peaceful country we have worked towards that goal, advocating that the conference on disarmament be open to all states. we regret the meagre results achieved. it is necessary for states to strengthen their will to make progress in this area. undoubtedly, the permanent members of the security council have in their hands the possibility of creating appropriate conditions so that the international community may benefit in a climate of security from a policy of disarmament. [number]. we also wish, with pleasure, to point to the opening in helsinki of the conference on security and co-operation in europe as a valuable effort at relaxing tension. similarly, we are happy to point to the progress towards peace made by the united states and the soviet union in their talks on the limitation of strategic armaments. although we recognize the practical difficulties of the process, we insist on the need for it. the construction of new plans for co-operation throughout the world and prospects of a more just organization of the economy are delayed by the pressure of existing armaments. [number]. uruguay have mentioned its permanent desire for nuclear energy to become an instrument for a task of civilization. hence, we have subscribed to the treaty on the n -proliferation of nuclear weapons see resolution [number] xxii j, and in this spirit we have given life to the treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons in latin america treaty of tlatelolco , which, for the first time in history, establishes a denuclearized zone covering a surface of [number] million square kilometres with a population of about [number] million inhabitants. with this contribution by latin america, one of its greatest contributions to peace, we claim today the support of all states which may become parties to that treaty, and specially to its two additional protocols. [number]. moreover, i feel it opportune to recall her? general assembly resolution [number] xxvii , proposed last year by [number] latin american countries and approved by a large majority, in which we reiterated, once again, the condemnation of all nuclear weapons tests. we believe that there is already a universal awareness of the need for absolute prohibition, and we deplore the fact that the appeals made so far have not yet been heeded. [number]. with regard to the painful question of the middle east, uruguay, which has no material or political interest except that of co-operating with the nations involved, hopes that steps will be taken soon and in an effective manner to alleviate tension first, and later to arrive at permanent formulas ensuring peace on the basis of law. [number]. with a conciliatory outlook towards opposing views and a realistic view of just and balanced solutions, we come again this year to the general assembly. [number]. it is our desire-and we shall fight for this constantly-to support formulas that may bring us close to the objective. we hope that a more understanding climate will prevail. we hope that the effort of the international community will concentrate on the basic purpose of applying international law and that other aspects not directly connected with the question will be left out of the discussion. [number]. uruguay is happy to see the efforts made by the united nations, as well as bilateral efforts, in the hope that both may lead to a final settlement and complement each other. our delegation is prepared to co-operate, within the context of the charter, towards a negotiated solution allowing for the establishment of peace in the area, fully in keeping with international law and with all other aspects of the problem. [number]. as regards human rights our position is that we must accentuate the effective protection of these rights, whose recognition has been made general but whose application is still imperfect. for this reason we insist again on the creation of a united nations high commissioner for human rights, and we believe that this kind of mechanism can be instituted with the agreement of all our states, become a true promoter of peace and prepare the advent of a system based not only on a declaration of rights but on a legal statute governing, through the sentences of tribunals, the international protection organized by law. [number]. there is no doubt that, together with the instruments we have mentioned we must create an international climate that is in keeping with the peaceful coexistence of all states. in fact, it is well known that external factors which sometimes unlawfully affect internal affairs in many countries are hotbeds of imbalance and tension, change the structure of the coexistence within communities and thus create negative conditions for the preservation of human rights. [number]. we have arrived at similar conclusions as to the need to strengthen international security. since the creation of the permanent court of international justice over [number] years ago, uruguay agreed unreservedly to take its problems to that high jurisdiction, and still maintains those principles today in the firm conviction that at this stage of the development of the international community perhaps the greatest shortcoming lies in our disregarding the essential past of any system of law, which is the judiciary. [number]. our submission to such a norm is the best way of living up to the principle of the legal equality of states, and the day we see that jurisdiction consolidated and become an unconditional and automatic power we shall have finally created an authentic international order. [number]. faithful to these convictions, my government hopes to solve international disputes with a clear bent towards peaceful solutions and reaffirms its allegiance to the tribunals of international justice. [number]. my government wishes to express, with regard to international terrorism, its decision to support, as it did in the ad hoc committee on international terrorism which finished its work a few weeks ago, the adoption of specific measure allowing for the prevention and condemnation of this growing mode of violence whose inhuman methods create a climate of insecurity and danger and provoke the loss of innocent lives. [number]. we believe that no pretext can be invoked to delay this absolute obligation, and although the study of the ultimate causes of terrorism deserves analysis and reflection, we must avoid a situation in which any delay in energetically condemning and repressing these acts would be interpreted as a demonstration of weakness or of dangerous tolerance. this would encourage the perpetrators of such acts to continue them. [number]. ever since its inception, the united nations has followed a clear policy designed to lead to decolonization and to combat the manifestations of racial segregation. uruguay has lent, and will continue to lend, its militant support to this trend, which is why we must today deplore the persistence of such practices. we cannot say we have exhausted all peaceful means of solving these problems, and therefore we must multiply efforts to achieve constructive dialogue within the framework of the united nations in order to speed up the process and avoid painful confrontations. [number]. the economic and social growth of nations has frequently been conceived and practised as competition, as a pitiless struggle for better possibilities, which has led to a lack of morality in certain economic and trade practices, at the expense of the weaker developing nations. this has taken place due to the lack of balanced rules of conduct that would temper the rigours of confrontations that only impair justice. this situation has encouraged the concept of class struggle on the international level, among categories of countries. [number]. my government cannot go along with such a concept, nor can we accept the dialectics of hatred and opposition. we affirm, instead, the responsibility of all nations in the struggle for development and the establishment of more just-trade relations. it is a common, responsibility that flows from international solidarity and from the indivisible unity in present-day world economy. this is a responsibility that does not involve identical duties for each nation rather, each must assume the contribution that each must give in order to ensure the public wealth. as pope paul vi declared in paragraph [number] b of gaudium et spes, "as for the advanced nations, they have a very heavy obligation to help the developing peoples. . . ". [number]. the developing countries themselves, however, must take a hand in their own evolution, for nothing can be effective unless it is the product of one's own efforts. thus my government attaches special importance to the establishment of international machinery and norms which will allow the efforts of the developing nations to burgeon freely. each one must determine its own course and its own procedures and machinery. the international community will merely have to make sure that the common undertaking is based on justice. hence uruguay supported, during the meetings of the third session of the united nations conference on trade and development unctad , the mexican initiative for a charter of economic rights and duties of states. [number]. today the atmosphere is conducive to an undertaking of the required profound changes in the international economy along those lines. but the monetary system has reached a critical moment where a revision is called for, and the needs and requirements of the developing nations must be heeded. in this respect, it is indispensable that the means of international payment should be such that development can be financed adequately, and that there be a monetary reordering that will take into account the interests of all nations, and not only one group of them. at the same time, in the financial field, the international community must recognize the very serious situation created by foreign debt on the less developed nations. [number]. international finance cannot be used as a means to strangle the progress of the more backward nations, nor can it give exaggerated remuneration to the advanced nations. a policy of balance must be created that will ensure economic dynamism all over the world, in keeping with the diversity of situations and the degree of progress of each nation. only thus will the requirements of solidarity be met. [number]. the work of the general agreement on tariffs and trade gatt has formally begun in tokyo, and the figures are extremely enlightening that have emerged they show a loss being suffered by the developing countries, despite the fact that world trade as a whole has grown. this indicates that the greatest benefits flowing from that increase are concentrated in the most highly developed nations. . we must therefore deduce that general non-discriminatory preferences have not produced the hoped for effect, both because of the limitations those preferences imply as far as products, stability and quotas are concerned, and because of the failure on the part of some nations to put those policies into practice. by the same token, we must also point out the protectionist policies of certain developed countries towards their own agricultural production in sectors that arc usually the main source of income for many of the more backward nations. [number]. we would hope that this new series of gatt negotiations will produce operative results leading to a true opening up to our nations of a substantially increased participation in world trade. this requires a new ordering of trade patterns to include increased participation by the developing nations. we believe that gatt and unctad must work together so that all nations may join in more dynamic international trade relations. [number]. as uruguay has reiterated elsewhere "the defence of permanent sovereignty over the natural resources of each nation meets one of the most obvious requirements of international justice and- is in keeping with the efforts of the developing countries to shake off economic dependency and to raise the standards of living of their peoples. " [number]. but together with trade and financial resources, fully exploited natural resources are just so many other fields where development can take place. the effective utilization of all these economic factors is the condition for progress. therefore, the international community is in duty bound to regulate those processes with justice, and, considering the inequalities that exist among nations, to mobilize every possible effort to ensure that development is a true common undertaking. [number]. that is why my government attaches enormous importance to the international development strategy for the second united nations development decade resolution [number] xxv . i appreciate the value of all the efforts that have been made, but i must stress the need for obtaining more immediate practical results and a more prompt implementation of the principles that we recognize as underlying our own system. the peoples of the world are looking to our deliberations with the expectation of greater executive ability. everywhere, we are confronted by a public opinion that is increasingly well-informed and, therefore, more critical, specific and demanding in its expectations. the challenge lies in activating the achieving capacity of our community and in thus turning into deeds our good intentions. [number]. we admire with amazement the prodigies of science and technology we recognize in their accomplishments positive conquests for our peoples. but at the same time, we must warn against the risk that surrounds this progress, which, at its furious pace, threatens to reduce the individual to a mere component part in a process that 'is measured only by its efficiency and economic benefit. this does not mean, of course, that we think that we must abjure the marvels of applied science but it does bespeak the international community's need to recognize fully the existence of this question and to live up to its responsibilities in order to create a civilization that will be in keeping with the material needs of human welfare. [number]. we are approaching the point, i believe, where we will have more firmly to direct our development strategy towards what must be the true destination of progress. this is the moment of truth, when we must inscribe in the very heart of the computer a single, supreme human objective and multiply it thus as the only purpose and target of our efforts. [number]. with that prospect in mind, mere economic indicators can de deceptive as far as the facts of development are concerned, to the extent that they set aside the higher values of the spirit and the very quality of life, the type or condition of existence, and welfare in its widest sense. we aspire to an international community that will re-embrace these concepts and, even at the risk of shattering the clear-cut starkness of statistical tables, introduce the notion of the quality of life, replacing growth and economic development with growth and human development - replacing it with net national welfare, as it has been called. [number]. the subject of the environment is a true challenge to all countries, requiring a new effort on their part to co-ordinate their energies and therefore we must all take an attitude consistent with protection of the atmosphere. my country has made specific efforts in this respect, but it. is the industrial countries that have the greatest responsibility in this united effort. we can hardly consider that preservation of the environment can be at the expense of the development of the least developed countries, which are only now beginning, timidly, to take their first tottering steps on the industrial and technological scene. [number]. the institutions and machinery of the law of the sea must be restructured in order to ensure a dynamic and effective harmonization of the interests involved. we must appropriately order their legal protection and achieve a correlative distribution of responsibilities flowing therefrom, and do so on the basis of international justice, peace and security. [number]. the general assembly responded to this need by creating the committee on the peaceful uses of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction, entrusting it with the task of preparing for a conference on the law of the sea. [number]. but uruguay is concerned over the fact that this work has not progressed as we had hoped or foreseen. consequently, we deem it necessary that this general assembly adopt the necessary decisions that will allow for a further preparatory stage to be undertaken so that we can be reasonably assured of positive results without necessarily postponing its convening unduly. such a preparatory stage must, we believe, involve the widest participation of the states that will be attending the conference later. [number]. once again, before this assembly, uruguay wishes to reaffirm its decision to preserve its sovereignty over the [number] miles of its territorial sea. this is based on elementary reasons of justice and is in accord with the geographical, geological and ecological characteristics of our adjacent sea, and with our inalienable rights to promote the development of our economy and to safeguard the health and well-being of our population, without prejudice to the guarantees provided by the exercise of the rights of international communication. up to the present we have co-operated with the greatest willingness in the search for an international consensus to safeguard all those rights, and we shall continue to do so. [number]. in the introduction to his report on the work of the organization, the secretary-general raises the question of the very fate of the organization and gives us observations and comments as a basis for a very constructive discussion on the matter. [number]. my government wishes now only to refer to some aspects of that and to refer to the beginning of this statement, when i defined the nature of uruguay's participation in the organization. [number]. we are convinced that both political and philosophical beliefs with regard to the requirements of modern life strengthen the ties between nations. those increased relations must obviously be administered in accordance with law. certain basic principles must be safeguarded independence, justice, solidarity and equality among states. [number]. at the same time, modern law must give up those rigid criteria of a formal nature and must enter more deeply into this reality of relations among countries and consider the specific idiosyncrasies of each. thus the normative order will ensure the substantive validity of the principles as such and not merely their appearance. the organized international community will have to strengthen its capacity to achieve in order to transform declarations into deeds. but in the meantime we must link and tie our immediate and circumstantial interests to objective targets based on a true understanding of the community of interests. [number]. at the same time, we must be ready to correct any possible mistake that power politics and ideological penetration may introduce in the development of international solidarity. if i may, i shall put it another way we must create and maintain an atmosphere of political security that will guarantee the free development of the community. [number]. these and other more concrete tasks, all equally urgent, are tasks that can be discussed in the united nations as the most appropriate body. we believe that at the same time it may lead to the creation of the atmosphere we require for these transformations. they are linked in an extremely complex and complicated play of fields and planes, that calls for spiritual and material changes in order to create a new prospect for mankind international solidarity without destroying national characteristics. [number]. that is why we agree with the secretary-general that we should create for our organization the target of making it "a more reliable instrument of world order and cooperation, accepted and respected by all governments and capable of safeguarding the common interests of mankind in a crowded world of increasingly interdependent but sovereign states". only thus will we be consistent with the responsibilities we have assumed.
first of all, i would like to extend may delegation s and my personal warmest congratulations to the president on his election to the presidency of this important and vital session of the general assembly. without a doubt, his personal skills and experience, with which i am quite familiar because of our old friendship, will ensure the success of the work of this session and make it possible to attain the objectives and goals to which we aspire. i also wish to pay tribute to mr. joseph garba's important role as president of the general assembly's forty-fourth session i also wish to extend my country's congratulations to the people of yemen on their historic atop of unifying. i also would like to congratulate the people and government of liechtenstein on its admission to the membership of our organisation. the present session is convened at an historic juncture. the unification of the germanys is a giant step -which may be viewed as one of the most important results of the ending of the cold war. we hope to witness in the near future the unification of the two koreas, in the interests of the korean people. one of the most significant aspects of this session, is that it is being held in the wake of the cold war's ending at a time when detente has begun to prevail in the international community with all that that means in terms of a positive outlook and the ability to respond to the aspirations of peoples and whole communities, in the view of egypt's delegation, the ending of the cold war is the most important landmark in international relations at the end of the twentieth century. while we welcome this, we in the third world cannot but feel somewhat apprehensive with regard to the increasing co-operation between east and west. we fear that this new co-operation nay be at the expense of the south. i am referring to the dangers of the so-called marginalisation of the south. this is a tendency that the developed countries should avoid. on the other hand, the developing countries should be wary of it. none the less, there has been a recent important gain that has profound implications, which i must emphasise here namely, the strengthening of the united nations and the enhanced credibility of its role. there is no doubt that this forty-fifth session now takes place at a time when the international organization has enhanced its status and increased its effectiveness. i believe that this will enable the third world countries to play a more effective role in conducting the affairs of the united nations in favour of an international peace and world security system that would be based on justice and fairness. if the united nations has demonstrated recently its focal role in imposing the adherence to the principles of the charter and the need to resolve international problems by peaceful means, we are all required to ensure that the organisation should continue to play that focal role by showing our solidarity as a world community in standing up to each and every aggression, expansion and violation of the sovereignty and legitimacy of any state member of the united nations. moreover, the ending of the cold war necessarily will mean significant progress towards disarmament. this is the hop, of a humanity that yearns for peace, tranquillity and prosperity. it is also an objective that goes hand in hand with egypt's constant striving to free the middle east region from all weapons of mass destruction. having spoken of aggression, expansion and the violation of the sovereignty and legitimacy of other states, i am duty-bound to speak of the tragic events which began on [number] august [number], when the iraqi array invaded the territory of kuwait. that iraqi invasion of kuwait, the overthrow of its legitimate government, called to mind a bitter period in the history of europe that led to the outbreak of the second world war. it was unfortunate indeed that by its invasion of kuwait, iraq should have seen fit to stem the tide of optimism and about the hope in a future wherein nations could look forward to conduct their dealings with each other in line with the dictates of international legitimacy. it did this at a time when the international community had begun to breathe easier and enjoy the first fruits of detente and the collapse of the symbols of ideological and political differences. the iraqi occupation of kuwait cones as a brutal and irrational attempt to vitiate and annul the patient and painstaking strivings by mankind for over half a century to enshrine the principles of legitimacy. it undermines the achievements of sanity and the success of the international will to return to the rule of law and the principles of the united nations, charter. egypt, which prides itself on its participation in the drafting of the united nations charter its membership of the international organisation since its inception and its hosting of the league of arab states in line with the behests of its role and its commitments, cannot but declare from this rostrum - which represents the very pulse of an international community that is desirous of upholding international legitimacy and international law - egypt, i repeat, cannot but renew its condemnation of iraq's invasion of kuwait and reiterate its denunciation of the continuation of that occupation. egypt repeats it, call for iraq's immediate and unconditional withdrawal from the state of kuwait and the return of its legitimate government in compliance with the relevant security council resolutions. the successive security council resolutions concerning the iraqi aggression against kuwait provide a good basis for the peaceful option in the settlement of this problem. when i speak of a peaceful option, i want to stress that the president, government and people of egypt want to avoid the consequences and implications of the military option. president hosni mubarak s efforts towards a peaceful settlement of this crisis and his sincere appeal to the iraqi leader to resort to reason and respond to international and regional unanimity in calling for iraq's withdrawal from kuwait, stem from egypt's sincere desire to find a peaceful solution before it becomes too late and thus spare the region more bloodshed. it is enough that principles and values have been trampled underfoot. egypt's position of principle in respect of the gulf crisis is not only consonant with security council resolutions, but also bespeaks, quite clearly and altruistically, egypt's historic and moral responsibilities towards the arab world. those responsibilities are not a matter of choice. bather, they are a form of inescapable historic necessity. given the deterioration of the situation and the heightening of tensions in the gulf, we must never lose sight of another source of tension in the region, namely, israel's continued occupation of the arab lands and the increased suffering of the arab people under that occupation. israel would be mistaken if it believed that the gulf crisis can divert attention from the palestinian cause, from the intifadah of the palestinian people or from that people's right to claim its inalienable political rights, especially its right to self-determination. much as it is illogical to link iraq's occupation of kuwait and israel's occupation of arab lands, and much as it is wrong to make the settlement of the former issue conditional on the settlement of the latter israel would miscalculate if it were to exploit the gulf crisis in trying to blot out the palestinian cause or sweep it into oblivion. we are firmly convinced that the inadmissibility of the acquisition of the lands of others by force is an indivisible principle. in order for things not to become confused, world public opinion must remain alert to israel's practices in the occupied arab territories! collective punishment, demolition of homes, arbitrary measures imposed on the occupied territories, the deportation by force of palestinian women and their children and the continuing influx of immigrants from the soviet union jews to israel for settlement in the occupied arab territories. it is with pleasure that i extend congratulations to the state of namibia, which has joined the united nations. undoubtedly, this is a valuable addition to the organisation's strength that consolidates its universal nature. with the independence of namibia and its admission to the united nations as a full member of the international community, the african continent has achieved a great advance towards complete liberation. there only remains the granting of the full rights of the militant people of south africa and the dismantling of the apartheid system. in order to accelerate the tempo of accession to independence by the people of south africa, i wish to call from this rostrum on the african national congress of south africa anc and the pan africanist congress of azania pac to join racks and unite in their common struggle. we also hope that nelson mandela will be able to arrive at a shared position with mr. buthelesi towards an end to the violence, co-ordination of positions and the continuation of the liberation struggle. notwithstanding certain signs of south africa's march towards independence, the african continent still suffers from an unfavourable international economic situation, in addition to chronic economic problems and the results of natural disasters, such as drought and desertification. while egypt welcomes the declared readiness of some developed countries to forgive some bilateral public debts owed by some african countries, especially the least developed among them, it hopes that further effective measures will be taken towards mitigating the burden of the african countries, foreign debts. that burden has been portrayed quite honestly and objectively in the report just referred to by the representative of senegal which was prepared by mr. bettino craxi, the secretary-general's personal representative on the world debt problem. one of the urgent and just demands of the african countries is that the donor countries should adopt a more comprehensive strategy to deal with africa's official and commercial indebtedness on a consistent basis, without discrimination or distinction between categories of debtor countries, while giving special attention to the needs of the least developed countries. it was on this basis that egypt actively participated in the united nations conference on the problems of the least developed countries, which was held in paris in september [number]. the serious economic problems besetting the third world under the impact of the accelerating international economic changes require, in our view, the intensification of dialogue and co-operation in the south-south contest, on the one hand, and between the south and the north, on the other. it was on this basis that the joint initiative by the heads of state and government of egypt, yugoslavia, venezuela, senegal and india was taken, with a view to reactivating dialogue between the north and the south on development issues. the initiative commanded the support of the ninth summit of non-aligned countries which was held in belgrade in september of [number]. that effort coincided with the initiative of the group of [number] which was established at the belgrade summit of the hon-aligned countries in order to reactivate south-south co-operation. believing as it does in the importance of strengthening south-south co-operation, egypt participated in the summit of the [number] developing countries which was held in kuala lumpur in june [number]. that summit adopted a new strategy. the summit of the same group which is to be held in caracas in june [number] will follow up the implementation of that strategy. in all its actions, egypt works towards a just peace and the creation of opportunities that would strengthen that peace wherever possible. in effect, the striving for a just peace has always characterised egypt's policy through the ages. the present phase is no exception. peace that is based on justice provides the only solid foundation on which we can build the hopes and aspirations of mankind and translate them into realities. we in egypt, much as we are surrounded by tensions, anxieties and feelings of injustice and insecurity, hold fast to those hopes and aspirations. the radical changes now taking place in the world have revived the dream of an age of peace as foreseen by the arab philosopher, al-parabi, in his utopia. these radical changes that have been taking place over the past few years and which have now culminated in the lifting of the iron curtain between east and west augur well for all. however, egypt notes with concern the continued widening of the gap between the north and the south and the persistence of many chronic conflicts in the south, they are afraid that the iron curtain which in the past separated east from west could now divide the north from the south. this is a prospect that the international community should avoid most resolutely. egypt hopes that, with the coming of the twenty-first century, we shall be on the threshold of a world that will be more in keeping with the aspirations of the oppressed peoples, a world of less disparity between its north and its south, less injustice between rich and poor. the countries of the south, even though they do not possess science and technology, do possess a rich heritage of wisdom, civilisation, tradition and moral values. this is a heritage which no one, regardless of his degree of prosperity or level of development can ignore. let us approach the twenty-first century with the hope that the north and the south will complement each other and not distance themselves from each other. we hope that the gap between the north and the south will shrink, not widen, that their interdependence will become a way of life that cannot be altered. the developed world must understand this, just exactly as the ancient understood it when he expressed their surprise at the complementarily of the objects of our balanced material universe. i have long seen the river pour its waters into the sea. and yet, the river has not dried up, nor has the sea overflowed its shores.
i bring greetings from the people of nicaragua and from our president, comandante daniel ortega saavedra. we are very pleased to see a brother from fiji, a pacific island state, preside over the general assembly for the very first time. he can count on nicaragua s support. a year ago, the international community agreed to launch the [number] agenda for sustainable development, which offers us a historic opportunity to transform our planet and fight for a just world order so that together, in peace, solidarity and complementarity, we may advocate for the implementation of the sustainable development goals. endemic poverty and inequality have become more noticeable than ever in developing and developed countries alike, especially in vulnerable and marginalized groups, including peoples living under colonial occupation and foreign intervention. it is urgent that we eradicate colonialism and end military interventions and aggressions in order to fully realize the right of our peoples to self-determination and development. the right to development is a right of all. the international community has yet to answer for the millions of human beings to whom that right remains a dream. developed countries must comply once and for all with their commitments regarding official development assistance by providing additional, predictable and sufficient financial resources. nicaragua recognizes the need to build peaceful, just and inclusive societies that provide equal access to social justice based on respect for human rights, including the right to development. much has been said in recent days about climate change. the world meteorological organization projects that [number] is heading towards breaking all temperature records since records have been kept, which makes it clear that the agreements reached at the twenty-first session of the united nations framework convention on climate change cop21 in paris failed to establish a firm starting point to address the greatest challenge facing the planet. the voluntary, non-binding formula will lead to an increase in global temperature of [number] c or more, which will have catastrophic effects on highly vulnerable countries. many of us feel that what was agreed in paris is not sufficient , and we urge more ambitious actions. we note with great concern the worldwide record temperatures and little ambition to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions, which corroborates nicaragua position s at cop21. nicaragua, adhering to international law and taking into account the principle of damage recovery, has demanded a global compensation policy in order to address that phenomenon. we take this opportunity to reiterate our support for the just aspirations of the republic of china on taiwan for greater participation in united nations specialized agencies, in accordance with the demands and needs of that brotherly nation of [number] million inhabitants, which should not be excluded from the organization. we in latin america and the caribbean have reiterated our desire to assert ourselves as a zone of peace and fair development in order to achieve firm and lasting peace and social justice through dialogue and understanding. we are pleased at and welcome the restoration of relations between cuba and the united states of america. however, it is disappointing to note the intensification of measures that maintain the cruel, inhuman and criminal economic, financial and commercial blockade against cuba. we reiterate our congratulations to the bolivarian republic of venezuela on having recently assumed the leadership of the non-aligned movement. in that vein, we offer our full support to president nicolas maduro moros and his legitimate government, which continues to be the victim of aggression, assault and destabilizing policies from the exterior, coordinated with anti-democratic and oligarchic sectors from the past. we once again hail the signing of the peace agreements in colombia between the government and the fuerzas armadas revolucionarias de colombia, and offer our best wishes for the peace agreements to prevail and be implemented. puerto rico is latin american and caribbean. we demand that the colonial power resolve this situation through dialogue and negotiation. we call on the united states of america to release the puerto rican patriot oscar l pez rivera as a humanitarian gesture. we express our solidarity and support for the legitimate rights of the argentine republic in the sovereignty dispute over the malvinas islands, south georgia islands, south sandwich islands and the surrounding maritime areas. the united kingdom must immediately comply with the relevant united nations resolutions and resume direct negotiations with argentina. we reiterate our solidarity with the palestinian people in their just struggle for an independent state, with east jerusalem as its capital. we demand the immediate return of all arab and palestinian territories currently occupied by israel. we welcome and resolve to maintain our solidarity with the people of western sahara in their fight under the leadership of the polisario front. we reiterate our full solidarity with the government and people of syria in their fight against international terrorism in defence of their sovereignty and territorial integrity. we stress the need for a political solution negotiated among syrians and an end to foreign intervention, including the funding and delivery of weapons to terrorist groups. it has pained us to witness the proliferation of terrorist attacks against peoples and governments. we condemn terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. nicaragua will always promote its policy of peace, unity and understanding among nations, for political and negotiated solutions to conflicts and for the right of our peoples to achieve sustainable development and well- being. as current holder of the presidency pro tempore of the central american integration system, we are reinforcing our integration in all fields and working together to combat the scourge of drug trafficking and organized crime. together with el salvador and honduras, we are striving to make the gulf of fonseca a zone of peace and development. we highlight the need to eradicate threats to civic security and social order in our region with a strong and coordinated strategy against organized crime and its ramifications. in nicaragua, our policies are focused on the human individual and the nicaraguan family. our people are ratifying their confidence in our socialist christian model of solidarity, which ensures that our lives continue to improve in a safe and stable manner, in growth and in peace with our people as principal actors. through good governance, we have prioritized economic growth, job growth, the reduction of poverty and inequality, the strengthening of gender equality and macroeconomic stability in sovereignity and security in harmony with the earth. nicaragua has been recognized by the world economic forum as one of the most successful countries in terms of gender equality and as the safest country in central america and one of the safest in latin america. as one of the three safest countries for investment, we have sustained economic growth of approximately [number] per cent of our gross domestic product in the past five years. we have achieved this success through a model of partnership, dialogue and consensus under the leadership of our government, working with the private sector and the workers themselves. we reject the proposals and initiatives put forth by the house of representatives and senate of the united states, as they constitute violations of international law and a breach of the charter of the united nations. those legislative bodies have been involved in interventionist policy throughout history and interfered in our own sovereign political, economic and social processes. this interference is notably more intense in the election season. we in nicaragua shall continue to strengthen peace, stability, governability and progress through such unprecedented proposals as our model of partnership, dialogue and consensus, which enjoys constitutional status and has helped us to mobilize the economy and achieve important progress in the fight against poverty. the national reconciliation and unity government reiterates its firm commitment to this model, which unites us around the common good and reaffirms our unwavering commitment to peace, security, tranquility and democracy. in the weeks prior to our general elections, our people have demonstrated their support with high approval ratings and willingness to participate in the elections of [number] november with confidence and hope. nicaragua will continue to fight for a better world of values, where human beings strive for a sustainable, just, equitative, safe and sovereign development and where the advances of science and technology, reflected in all areas of our lives, are accessible and shared by all. we will be able to make our world a better one only once we ourselves assume, along with family and society, a steadfast commitment to peace and equality among nations and their respective societies. i conclude by declaring my hope that peace may prevail.
permit me to begin. sir, by taking this opportunity to convey to you the congratulations of the delegation of the dominican republic on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its forty-seventh session. coming from a region that is taking on a new dimension in the international community, you will no doubt take a realistic view of the major challenges posed by the world situation. you have first-hand experience of the transformations taking place in the world. you are thus superbly qualified to guide with composure the deliberations of the assembly. we wish also to pay a warm tribute to the distinguished saudi diplomat. his excellency mr. samir s. shihabi, the outgoing president, for his skill and for the fruitful results he achieved in his work. on the new international landscape, with the dissolution of the soviet union and the collapse of communism, the likelihood of a world war has vanished. but in many regions it remains possible that conflicts of an unpredictable nature could take place. hence the international community should remain vigilant, because though it is true that the danger of nuclear war has disappeared, it is no less true that another menace is still with us, that of the continued quest, on the part of some countries, for technology for the production of nuclear weaponry, behind the back of the international atomic energy agency. the agency deserves to be revitalized so that it will be able to work effectively in its efforts to prevent the proliferation of those terrible weapons. mankind is still burdened with problems arising out of the so-called conventional weapons, which are becoming more and more destructive, and what is needed is a degree of international control to limit them. that would make available resources that, if properly used, could contribute to the development of the countries of the third world, which are already suffering because of heavy public debt and restrictive and protectionist measures impeding international trade. that is the most important challenge facing mankind, and this forum is the right place to discuss those issues and create conditions and lay down guidelines to improve the lot of the two thirds of mankind that today finds itself threatened, not only by the economic crisis and the inequalities between north and south but also by the continued deterioration of the environment, which has been degraded by our own deliberate or unwitting use and abuse of it. i have expressed these thoughts because i come from a country, the dominican republic, that is small in size, with an area of only [number], [number] square kilometres and a population of [number], [number], [number], and we feel the ill effects of the problems i have mentioned burdensome external debt and declining trade because of restrictive and protectionist practices in the countries to which we export our agricultural products, whose prices are constantly falling in world markets. our adverse trade situation means that we are losing significant resources that could be devoted to our development. nevertheless, over the last two years the dominican economy has undergone a successful process of adjustment that has made it possible to eliminate inflation, stabilize the national currency and bring the budgetary deficit under control, all as a result of the adoption of a restrictive monetary policy. this has helped to rebuild confidence in the production sectors. we believe that confidence in our country's business sector in the immediate future is indispensable for the achievement of an accelerated and sustained recovery of the dominican economy. even more important in that regard is the country's ability in the short term to increase the foreign-exchange income that it needs for its development, at a time when the export of raw materials is being replaced by service-sector products. the dominican republic is now pursuing closer ties with the states members of the caribbean community caricom , with a view to bringing about our definitive entrance into caricom, on the basis of the great significance that the dominican government attaches at this time to the achievement of a more advantageous position vis-a-vis the european economic community as a state member of the lome convention, and the dominican republic is thus aiming to bring about greater openness in markets when it comes to selling its products internationally. the achievements of the dominican republic, despite the grave economic crisis suffered in recent years by latin american and caribbean countries, have been the result of good government, presided over by dr. joaquin balaguer, a champion of democracy who gives us an example of what a leader can do with the scant resources of a poor state when they are used judiciously to create conditions favourable to the people. those achievements include, among other things, the construction of thousands of dwellings, hundreds of kilometres of highways and local roads, as well as schools and hospitals to provide vital social services to a constantly growing population. let me now turn to the situation of our fraternal neighbour, haiti. unfortunately, throughout its existence as an independent country haiti has endured a chronic situation of economic penury and the impoverishment of its soil. this has forced its population to emigrate in waves across our borders and by sea in search of a better life. today that situation is made even more tragic by the political crisis our haitian brothers are going through. the dominican authorities and people are not indifferent to that situation, which stems from the coup d'etat that cut short president aristide's experiment in democracy. that development was condemned by the organization of american states oas , which imposed a trade embargo to compel the current authorities to restore legality. so far as the dominican government, presided over by mr. joaquin balaguer, is concerned, negotiation and dialogue within the context of absolute respect for the norms of international law are the most appropriate instruments in the quest for peace. accordingly, we have been and continue to be providing disinterested support to all the parties to the conflict, in the hope that a solution that would resolve existing differences can be found and that all institutions in the republic of haiti can again function normally. our government is deeply democratic, respects human rights and jealously guards its prerogative of guaranteeing the liberties of those inhabiting the republic. we deplore the fragmentation of the former yugoslavia as well as the tragedy that has befallen its people. bereft of any guarantee of their rights, they are suffering the onslaught of a tragic fratricidal war that is taking a heavy toll in human lives, particularly those of women and children, who are subjected to constant air attacks and shellings and are deprived of the food and medicine they need in order to subsist and treat their wounds and illnesses. we support the measures adopted by the united nations with regard to the former yugoslavia, measures that urge the parties to respect human rights and forcefully condemn the loathsome practice of "ethnic cleansing". it is a source of satisfaction to my delegation to see the communication that is developing between the republic of korea and the democratic people's republic of korea, aimed at reuniting the korean family. we regret, however, that the democratic people's republic of korea is persisting in its nuclear research with the aim of building nuclear weapons. by the same token, we are optimistic about the situation developing among the arab peoples and the people of israel, and we hope that this atmosphere of dialogue and negotiation will gain even greater momentum so that those concerned may live in peace and harmony on their lands while moving towards a future of prosperity and progress. though the cold war is a thing of the past, the danger and the tragedy of regional conflicts are still with us. settling those conflicts requires international cooperation and the good will of the parties involved. however, another serious threat to peace and to the well-being of our peoples still faces the americas and other parts of the world. we refer here to drug trafficking and the destruction and social and moral harm which that scourge entails for all our communities. our country supports every single measure taken by the united nations to cope with this serious problem, and calls for continued efforts to resolve and do away with this global scourge. in this vein, the dominican republic has been taking forceful steps to confront this evil, pursuing a dynamic drug-abuse-prevention drive and at the same time launching major administrative, legislative and judicial initiatives, not only against drug production, but also against the marketing of and the trafficking in drugs. moreover, we have signed bilateral accords along these lines with countries in our region and are in the final phase of preparations leading to our accession to the [number] united nations convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. the facts in terms of the state of the environment the world over are growing ever more alarming and must be a source of concern to, and a reason for solidarity among, all states members of the organization. because of interdependence, damage done to the environment anywhere in the world has an impact upon us all. accordingly, international cooperation is necessary so that the states of the third world as well as the industrialized nations can strive together to ensure that present and future generations will be able to enjoy a clean planet earth, where life will be easier and happier. the dominican government, aware of these facts, has embarked on a process of reforesting our country and of conserving our natural resources. we support whatever steps the international community may take along these lines, and, to demonstrate this, we are submitting to the congress of our republic, with a view to accession, the [number] vienna convention for the protection of the ozone layer, along with its protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer. at this point, we should like to refer to the matter of racial discrimination, yet another major problem that still shocks the conscience of humankind and continues to represent a major challenge to and violation of the most elementary norms of human rights. in this sense, our country has repeatedly, in this very forum, stated its rejection and repudiation of the apartheid system. two years ago, right here, we expressed satisfaction at the announcement by the president of south africa, frederick de klerk, of the recognition of the rights of other races in that country to ensure that an end would be put to the system of apartheid. however, today racial tensions continue to escalate, and it is not possible to discern any rapid progress in the process of change in south africa. the policy of apartheid constitutes a crime against the conscience and the dignity of human beings and, therefore, it must be totally eliminated, so that a genuine democracy, based on a multi-ethnic and pluralist system, may be established in south africa. the 1990s have begun with great frustration, but also with great hope frustration because of the stagnation or backsliding in terms of social progress, which the 1980s left as a legacy to the majority of developing countries hope because what is taking place is a real revolution in thinking, which makes imperative a review and a revision of proposals for the promotion of development. in the economic arena, there is a constant search for ways and means of fostering the resumption of growth and modernization, as well as the more active participation of those countries in the world economy. the data on the social condition of the majority of the world's population, and the possibility that those data may worsen as a result of economic measures that have been adopted, have made it necessary to place the issue of the social dimension in the world at the heart of our debate. the concept that social issues are a secondary matter, in contrast with the primary process taking place in political forums, is a grave and extremely costly mistake. in fact, if we do not deal with the social problems they turn very quickly into political problems. the groan of hunger does more than break the silence eventually it rends peace asunder. that is why the dominican republic backs unreservedly the convening of a world summit for social development. we take the view that the concept of human security, which that proposal reflects, refers directly to the important - indeed, the overriding task facing all societies the provision of food, clothing and housing in quantities sufficient for all, while promoting social progress in harmony with the environment, and supporting those institutions that respond to the noblest aspirations that human beings cherish throughout their lives. even if only in terms strictly of a cost-benefit analysis, it is cheaper to deal with social problems now. dealing with them later involves paying the price of social upheaval. we literally cannot afford to ignore that truth. we have great pleasure in taking advantage of this opportunity to reaffirm our resolute support for the international research and training institute for the advancement of women. the dominican republic is profoundly committed to the success of that body. today, the united nations constitutes that ecumenical, common forum where we set forth our ideas as we seek solutions intended to bring about a better life in the world in which we live a world free from discrimination and waste. it is our desire to see the work of this organization revitalized so that it may be able more effectively to do its job and live up to its obligations. we give it our fullest support, and we express our faith and hope in universal peace and harmony.
i warmly congratulate the president on his election to preside over the fiftieth session of the general assembly. we take confidence from the fact that his experience and distinction will be available to guide us in our deliberations at this historic session. i am especially pleased to extend my congratulations to the representative of a country with which we have the closest and most friendly relations as a fellow member of the european union. i wish at the outset to congratulate the parties to the latest peace accord in the middle east, which will be signed in washington tomorrow. it has required great statesmanship, courage and perseverance on the part of palestinian and israeli leaders alike to reach this agreement. we in ireland will continue to play our part in supporting the peace process, together with our partners in the european union. in the same spirit, we warmly welcome the agreement reached yesterday in new york, which we all hope will lay the foundation for a lasting peace in bosnia and herzegovina and throughout the region. if i choose to highlight two issues at the very beginning of my remarks, sir, you will understand, i am sure, that it is because these two issues have created such a resonance around the world. the first issue to which i refer is the fourth world conference on women. ireland stands committed to the principle that human rights are indivisible the rights of one are the rights of all. no system based on a universal commitment to human rights can survive if the rights of women are not seen as an integral factor in the equation. women suffer disproportionately from the effects of war and armed conflict, whether it be as casualties from land-mines or as the victims of systematic rape. women and children form the great majority of the more than [number] billion people living in poverty around the world today. women in most societies are prevented from participating fully in the decision-making processes and have unequal access to power. women continue to be prevented from fully exercising their sexual and reproductive rights, including the newly recognized right to have control over, and decide freely and responsibly on, matters related to their sexuality, free of coercion, discrimination and violence. the fourth world conference on women, held earlier this month in beijing, addressed these and other issues of relevance to women. the declaration and the platform adopted by the conference pose a major challenge to governments and the international community to overcome the obstacles which continue to face women around the world. they also represent a solemn commitment by governments and the whole united nations system to take all necessary measures to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women and to remove all obstacles to gender equality and the advancement and empowerment of women. on behalf of the irish government i pledge here that we will do everything in our power to ensure that this commitment is honoured and implemented. the second issue to which i must refer is the resumption of nuclear testing by the french and chinese governments. it would be wrong if i were to address this gathering and ignore decisions that have almost literally sent shock waves around the world. we in ireland, confronted as we are by the ever-present anxiety posed by ageing nuclear facilities on our neighbouring island, have had many occasions over the years to know the worry caused by the potential of nuclear power. the great majority of the irish people, therefore, easily understand and share the deep concern of the peoples of the south pacific. nor can we fail to recognize the dismay and dejection caused by the resumption of nuclear testing in the immediate aftermath of the successful outcome of the non-proliferation treaty review and extension conference. the finalization of the comprehensive test-ban treaty early next year remains an absolute imperative. the president of the general assembly is taking office at an exceptional time in the history of the united [number] nations. next month the heads of state or government will meet here in special session to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the organization. the general assembly, inspired by this anniversary, should mark a decisive new phase for the united nations. the world faces a daunting array of new problems which require the united nations to adapt and revitalize its resources. the representative of spain, foreign minister solana, speaking on behalf of the european union, set out these challenges in his speech here yesterday to this assembly. ireland associates itself fully with these remarks. the fiftieth anniversary coincides with a more critical attitude towards the united nations in many countries. there is a growing readiness to highlight shortcomings and failures rather than the longer-term record of real and substantial success. we cannot ignore this criticism, particularly when it comes from many who are ordinarily the strongest advocates of the united nations. the united nations, like any other organization, can only benefit from rigorous examination and adaptation. but no organization can of itself provide wholesale remedies for removing the hatred, the fear, the distrust and the divisions in the world. many of the shortcomings for which the organization is frequently criticized have more to do with a flagging of the collective will to demonstrate the determination, generosity, courage and tolerance to live up to the obligations of the charter. the charter remains the bedrock for what lies ahead, as it has been for all that has been achieved over those [number] years. the united nations has a remarkable record on which to build it has enshrined the universal obligation of respect for law and good conduct between states as the centre-piece of international relations it served in numerous ways during the long years of the cold war to dull the edge of great-power rivalry and reduce the dangers of global confrontation it provided an indispensable framework for the negotiation of crucial arms-control agreements which hold the promise of a world free of weapons of mass destruction it facilitated the process of decolonization and helped bring about the dismantling of apartheid it prevented numerous conflicts through its peace-keeping operations and restored stability to many parts of the world it set the basic international standards for human rights and monitors their observance it has sustained efforts to eliminate poverty, alleviate distress and deprivation, and improve the health and living standards of millions of the world s most vulnerable citizens. we may ask, what of the recent past? the united nations has seen great recent achievements in mozambique, in cambodia, in haiti, in el salvador, to take some examples. the peoples of those countries can bear witness to new hopes for a better and more secure future. in other local and regional conflicts, however, the united nations experience, in the face of extraordinarily complex and painful circumstances, has seen serious setbacks. the human misery resulting from the wars in former yugoslavia, rwanda and somalia has shocked the world. almost [number] years after the adoption of the universal declaration, human rights violations remain a major widespread problem. with a resurgence of regional conflict and ethnic tensions in many parts of the world, we have been confronted with virtually every imaginable human rights abuse. in contemporary warfare, more than [number] per cent of the casualties are non-combatants who are often directly targeted because of their ethnic or religious affiliations. children, like women, are especially vulnerable. during the last decade, nearly [number] million children have died in wars and more than [number] million have been forced into refugee camps. more children die in wars than soldiers. at the present time throughout the world there are almost [number] million refugees and displaced persons in need of assistance. in the great lakes region of africa, as the refugee nightmare deepens, we require urgent and concerted action to avert any danger of new tragedies. the scale of all these problems has already stretched to the limits our ability to respond, and has heightened the problem of united nations credibility. it is against this background that we the member states must revitalize the united nations in its mission and equip it with the means to react with vigour and determination to the new crises which constantly arise. this means improving the response to humanitarian emergencies. but it also means tackling more effectively their root causes, poverty and deprivation, preventing conflicts before they arise, and more quickly containing and resolving them when they do. the secretary-general s agenda for peace and agenda for development are landmark documents that set out clear priorities and a programme for action. [number] one of the many bitter lessons that we have to draw from recent experience in rwanda and bosnia is that the traditional deployment of peace-keeping units is no longer, on its own, a sufficient response to the type of crises which we face. in the past, peace-keeping operations were primarily concerned with policing cease-fires between member states, pending diplomatic efforts to resolve the substantive political issues. that, unfortunately, is no longer the case [number] of the [number] operations established since [number] have involved internal conflicts. peace-keeping contingents increasingly find themselves operating in situations where government and civil order have broken down. there are no longer clear points of reference for such operations which have become politically and logistically more complex, and financially more onerous. there are a number of ways in which the management and conduct of peace-keeping operations must be improved. perhaps most urgent is the need to improve the response capability of the united nations in dealing with sudden or complex emergencies. important initiatives have already been taken in this regard with the development of the united nations stand-by arrangements system. such arrangements might perhaps be extended to other areas to ensure that a full range of humanitarian, logistical and civil defence as well as military options is available to the united nations in dealing with the many crises which it is called upon to address. in ireland we are actively exploring the possibility of bringing together a humanitarian liaison group comprising experts from a wide range of fields which could be deployed at short notice when emergencies occur. command and control of united nations operations also needs to be improved. greater attention needs to be paid to ensuring that the distinction between peace-keeping and peace enforcement is not blurred in devising mandates for operations, if the confidence and willingness of troop- contributing countries to continue providing troops is to be maintained. regional organizations can also play a valuable role in support of united nations peace-keeping activities. it is of course essential that such organizations in carrying out their role do so strictly in accordance with the mandate which the security council has laid down. the united nations should benefit from the support of regional organizations, as the charter envisages, but should not in doing so relinquish its overall control and responsibility. my delegation shares the concerns which the secretary-general has expressed about the safety of united nations personnel in the field. we would like to see the united nations convention on the safety and security of united nations personnel enter into force as soon as possible. our concern extends to all personnel who find themselves in dangerous situations, including humanitarian experts working with non-governmental organizations, who are frequently the first to arrive in the field in the early, and often most dangerous, stages of an emergency. on the basis of the recommendations of the secretary-general, we need to look again at how we can develop the united nations capacity for preventive diplomacy, early warning and mediation, and for timely intervention in disputes before they escalate out of control. ireland continues to believe that the task of preventing conflict would also be facilitated by the creation of a mediation body which would work closely with the secretary-general and the security council. the dispatch of special teams of advisers and monitors to areas of crisis and tension should be placed on a more assured and regular basis than in the past. i believe that a small investment here would be amply and quickly repaid. there is a growing acceptance that violations of humanitarian law are a threat to international peace and security. the case for the establishment of a permanent international criminal court is therefore more obvious than ever before. it is only through such a body that the international community can effectively demonstrate that massive human rights violations will never go unpunished. the international community is attempting to break the pattern of violence in rwanda and the former yugoslavia by ensuring that those who are guilty of human rights abuses are punished and that minimum standards of accountability are set so as to deter future offenders. we have rightly responded by establishing teams of united nations human rights monitors as well as ad hoc tribunals to try the perpetrators of war crimes. this is a good beginning. it is also necessary to devise measures which would extend vigilance and provide early warning of potential situations of human rights abuse. the united nations high commissioner for human rights, supported by human rights monitors, is already playing a [number] key role in meeting this objective. he must be given our full cooperation and adequate financial support. the promotion of the universality of human rights achieved a significant breakthrough with the vienna declaration and programme of action. however, our concerns are that implementation will suffer unless there is a significant increase in the proportion of the regular budget devoted to human rights activity. as a demonstration of our own national commitment, the irish government has this year increased substantially its contribution to the various united nations voluntary funds in the field of human rights. it is now time for the united nations to pay more attention to constructing the foundations for peace through development. as part of the process of renewal, we need to work in partnership to pursue a new approach to cooperation for development a cooperation which redresses the imbalances and has as an objective the realization of sustainable human development for all. ireland has consistently supported the elaboration of an agenda for development , and we look forward to a substantive and relevant outcome. most of the zones of insecurity in the world are to be found in developing countries, and the charter clearly recognizes that lack of development is one of the root causes of conflict between states. this year is the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the great famine in ireland, a catastrophe of enormous proportions, which has had a lasting and searing impact on irish life. its memory is still very much alive, and it has reinforced the irish commitment to the prevention of similar catastrophes in other parts of the world. while many areas of the world, including my own country, have seen great economic and social progress over the past [number] years, the developing world, especially in africa, has not enjoyed the benefits of this progress. how can we explain the fact that, in a world of plenty, one fifth of the world s population still goes to bed hungry? earlier this year the world summit for social development agreed on a consensus approach to the development of international norms in the economic, social and related spheres. we now need to act at both the international and the national levels to implement the commitments and consolidate the achievements. in recent years new opportunities have opened up for disarmament we should now move decisively to grasp them. never has the continued presence of huge arsenals of mass destruction been so out of step with the hopes and aspirations of the international community. never has the logic underpinning nuclear deterrence been so much in need of fundamental and critical reassessment. there has been progress in some areas. the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt has been made permanent and its parties have been made more accountable. renewed commitments to nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament were accepted by all participants at the npt review and extension conference. my country looks to all nuclear-weapon states, and in particular the five permanent member states of the security council, to keep faith with the spirit and letter of these commitments. we welcome the progress being made in the negotiations for a comprehensive test-ban treaty. their conclusion next year would be warmly greeted by public opinion in our countries and would facilitate new steps in the field of nuclear disarmament, in particular the successful conclusion of a treaty which would ban the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes. ireland is deeply committed to stemming the excessive flow of conventional arms worldwide, and we support the objective of a ban on anti-personnel land-mines, which have caused civilian suffering on a huge scale. the elaboration of a united nations code of conduct on conventional arms transfers, which i have proposed to the assembly, remains a valuable practical priority in developing greater international controls over the flow of conventional weapons. in conducting its mission and fulfilling its responsibilities under the charter, the united nations must also begin a process of institutional reform and renewal. this should begin with the security council. the security council needs to be enlarged in order to increase its effectiveness and its ability to act, both clearly and unambiguously, as the expression of the common will of member states. enlargement should enhance the representative character of the security council, taking into account the emergence of new economic and political powers as well as the increase in united nations membership. it should also enhance equitable geographic representation, and it should not diminish the possibility for smaller member [number] states to serve. enlargement should take place in both the permanent and non-permanent categories of membership. after two years of discussion we have now reached the point where we should begin to clarify the elements of a balanced solution. the secretary-general has made it very clear to us that the organization is now facing an unprecedented financial crisis. how can we expect the united nations to discharge the responsibilities given to it by member states if the member states themselves are unwilling to meet their basic obligations under the charter to provide the necessary resources? unless urgent steps are taken, what we say here will be no more than empty words. my delegation fully understands the reason why the secretary-general has found it necessary to take various measures to reduce costs. we support the thrust of his proposals. however, as the european union has made clear, we view with considerable concern the decision of the secretary-general, as part of these cost-saving measures, to suspend payment of all troop reimbursement costs. even as a short-term measure, this imposes a heavy and unfair burden on troop-contributing countries, particularly those which, like ireland, have fully discharged all their financial obligations to the organization. if all member states were to declare here their intentions to pay assessed contributions in full, on time and without conditions, both for peacekeeping and the regular budget, this single commitment would do more than any other to strengthen the united nations capacity to act effectively. when i spoke last year to the assembly about the northern ireland situation, i stressed the importance of the announcement, a few weeks earlier, of the complete cessation of military operations by the ira. this was followed, some weeks afterwards, by a similar announcement by representatives of the loyalist paramilitaries. thankfully, the guns have now been silent in northern ireland for the past year. this has brought the gift of peace, and the gift of hope, to a situation where both had been sorely lacking. the gift of peace has been profoundly welcome. the unremitting toll of death and destruction which disfigured northern ireland for the past generation has been halted. the economic opportunities offered by peace have rapidly begun to be exploited. freed from the shadow of terrorism, human contacts have multiplied across the divide in northern ireland and between both parts of the island. the paramilitary leaders, through the maintenance of their cease-fires, have made an important first contribution to the climate of hope. however, only the two governments and the political leaders in northern ireland can consolidate the hope implicit in the cessation of violence by underpinning it with an agreed political settlement which can enjoy the consent and allegiance of all. that is now the paramount goal. in the joint declaration of [number] december [number], the british and irish governments acknowledged as their goal to remove the causes of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions which have resulted . this task can now be addressed free of the polarizing and distorting influences which terrorism, and the countermeasures it calls forth, exert on the political process. it is vital that this unprecedented opportunity should be grasped. a settlement of the northern ireland conflict requires the engagement and cooperation of both governments and of the political leaders of both communities in northern ireland. the close cooperation of the two governments has been the enabling condition for the progress to date. the anglo-irish agreement of [number] and the joint declaration of [number] are landmark documents in that process. last february we published the new framework for agreement, setting out the shared assessment of the two governments on how a balanced and honourable accommodation could be envisaged across all the key relationships. while this is not a blueprint to be imposed on the parties, it reflects long and careful consideration between the two governments on how the underlying realities should be addressed and is designed to give impetus and direction to the process of negotiations. the role of the two governments is crucial because the northern ireland conflict is primarily about the wider british or irish allegiances resolutely cherished by the two communities there. for that reason, there can be no purely internal solution. innovative thinking and potentially difficult decisions will be required on both sides of the irish sea if the two governments are to create the context and conditions where the conflicting allegiances can at last be reconciled. the success of these intergovernmental efforts will, however, be measured ultimately by attitudes of the two communities within northern ireland. the attitude of the [number] nationalist tradition has been characterized by an ever growing acceptance of the principle that there would be no change in the status of northern ireland without the consent of a majority of the people there. they look in turn to the unionist community for an acknowledgement that the principle of consent, as well as being a rightful protection for unionists against the imposition of a united ireland against the wishes of a majority of the people in northern ireland, also implies the rights of nationalists in northern ireland to be governed by structures which are relevant and responsive in terms of their allegiance and aspirations. the denial of the principle of consent, and of mutual respect, has been costly in the past. the relative weights of the communities within northern ireland, as in ireland as a whole, mean that coercion is quite simply impossible, even if anyone were foolish enough to attempt it. cooperation and consent at all levels are not just the best policy, but the only possible policy. because of this reality, the politics of the peace process must be resolutely inclusive. any viable settlement must deal with each community as it defines itself, not as others would find it convenient for it to be. for that reason, i welcome the fact that the new leader of ulster unionism is among the most forceful and assertive representatives of his community s philosophy. the test of statesmanship for any leader in northern ireland and the kind of solution we seek are not about abating the rights of either community. they are about finding ways to respect them which are compatible with equally important rights on the other side. we know that talks can succeed only if both communities in northern ireland are reliably and authentically represented at those talks. nationalism should be represented in its integrity at those talks, and so also must unionism. both have to spell out how they propose to accommodate satisfactorily a tradition and an identity which is not their own. both governments have explicitly set inclusive and comprehensive negotiations as their goal, yet these have not yet begun. that failure is frustrating and threatens to dissipate the momentum towards a lasting peace. it would be ironic and dangerous if those who have been persuaded to abandon violence were now to be denied the chance to make their case politically. it is vital, therefore, that obstacles in the way of comprehensive negotiations should now be overcome. one of the most difficult obstacles is that the continued existence of arsenals of guns and explosives is a source of fear, anxiety and mistrust. the irish government, for its part, is absolutely determined that all arms should be erased from the political equation as soon as possible. any debate is about the best means of achieving this, not about whether it should be done. it is because of the importance of this goal that we wish to situate it in the context where it is most likely to be achieved in practice. we seek to avoid, as far as possible, symbolic overtones of surrender or of a one-sided admission of guilt. in this context, no less than in other contexts in northern ireland, the concepts of victory and defeat will never offer a solution. to make the decommissioning of weapons a precondition for entry into negotiations, as opposed to an important goal to be realized in that process, ignores the psychology and motivation of those on both sides in ireland who have resorted to violence and the lessons of conflict resolution elsewhere. we should treat negotiations, as far as possible, as a practical step. rather than surrounding entry into negotiations with preconditions, we should instead seek to build golden bridges to enable and encourage all to take part. we need all those who have been part of the problem to become, as far as possible, part of the solution. given the depth and cost of the problem, participation in negotiations should be treated as a necessity and a duty, not a privilege to be jealously withheld or awarded. if we multiply preconditions, we are in danger of saying, in effect, that negotiations can take place only when the problems they are supposed to address have already been largely solved. in saying this, i do not wish to be in any way dismissive of the genuine difficulty many people in northern ireland have in dealing on an equal footing with those who have in the past used or condoned violence and coercion. it is clear that there is ample room for further guarantees and assurances aimed at building trust and confidence in relation to this sensitive issue. if these guarantees and assurances can be authoritatively and credibly underscored by a respected and objective outside agency, so much the better. that is why the idea of an international dimension to this confidence-building process is so appealing. we continue to work on it, in the hope that it can provide a bridge for all sides to overcome the present difficulty. [number] the secretary-general has eloquently expressed the essence of our task in this anniversary year by saying, to support the united nations is not, and never has been, to subsidize a separate, independent entity. today, more than ever, to support the united nations is to participate in the only world organization composed of all humanity and in the service of all humanity. today, a half-century later, it is our duty and our privilege to take this project to its next stage the achievement of an age of peace, development and security.
[number]. mr. president, first of all, on behalf of the government and people of panama, and personally, may i offer you our fraternal congratulations on your election to preside over this session of the world organization. your election to such a high post is a matter of satisfaction to latin americans. this is a doubly well-earned distinction because of your ability as a humanist and because you represent the supreme values of american culture as a spokesman of a country whose history has been written in pages of glory in the struggle for independence of latin america. [number]. we are also gratified to extend our cordial welcome to the representatives of the federal republic of germany, the german democratic republic and the commonwealth of the bahamas on their admission as new members of the united nations. we are convinced that these states, one of which in fact belongs to our continent, will make a significant contribution to the work of carrying out to the fullest extent the purposes and principles of the charter. [number]. i should also like to greet the secretary-general of the united nations, whose efforts to make the ideals and principles of the organization effective have earned him the appreciation and acknowledgement of the members of the organization, as well as of world public opinion. i also wish to greet the staff of the secretariat who so devotedly and efficiently work in the different spheres of the world organization's activities. [number]. my country, together with other small and medium- sized nations, has studied with great care the statements made by the eminent spokesmen of the world superpowers, who attach renewed importance to the work of our organization and offer new prospects to mankind that the values and ideals of the united nations will be sincerely and effectively put into practice. [number]. the new attitude that can be read into the statements made by the powers of the east and the west obviously reflect the transformations that are taking place in the disposition of world forces. one of the main aspects of this change is the increasingly important and legitimate participation in international decisions of the medium-sized and smaller nations, particularly those that in the last [number] years have gradually emerged from colonialism and dependency and have become independent and sovereign states. [number]. it is an undeniable historic fact that admission to the organization of new nations has increased the vigour of the united nations potential to achieve fulfilment of the purposes and principles of the charter, and particularly that of ensuring the true sovereign equality of states. gradually, a new international order has gained ground and force, based on the true and effective development . of the purposes and principles of the charter, which safeguard the right of the countries that lack war power and economic strength, and respect their sovereignty and their right to exploit their natural resources to benefit their economic and social development. the position of these countries in the international concert of nations is well-defined and the recently adopted declaration of the fourth conference of heads of state or government of non-aligned countries, held in algiers from [number] to [number] september [number], stresses the point that i am trying to make. in that declaration, they reaffirmed the decision to base their international relations on the principles of sovereign equality and respect for territorial integrity, to avoid the threat or use of force in international disputes and to work out peaceful settlements in accordance with the principles of the charter. the declaration also appeals to all states to act in accordance with such principles. [number]. the republic of panama has based its international policy on firm adherence to the principles adopted by the non-aligned nations and is therefore committed to the task of achieving world-wide respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and to the task of bringing about decolonization, which is one of the categorical imperatives of our day. [number]. however, the small nations still have some misgivings with regard to the apparently encouraging statements made by the great powers. the good faith underlying these statements has to be proved with concrete facts. events take place daily which vitiate the professions of openness on the part of certain powers. the gigantic economic and military power of some of these nations constitutes a danger to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of the smaller nations, and this is particularly so for those governments that are endeavouring to change their old economic and social structures in order to benefit the great masses of the population. there are still retrograde sectors and multinational economic cartels that refuse to agree that every country has the right to decide its own future for itself. [number]. as far as we, the small countries, are concerned, the strengthening of the united nations is one of our major hopes. in point of fact, it is the sole hope that we have of strengthening our independence and wiping out colonialism and all forms of oppression that still subsist in large areas of the world and this fact is brought home to us in our international relations. [number]. our national sentiments are offended by the brutal fact that on panamanian soil jurisdictional limitations still exist that weigh heavily on our national existence. since part of our objective is to free ourselves from this unjust situation, we undertake to make known our cause to all the sister republics of america and to put it before the peoples of the world, because the persistence of a colonial situation in panama is of concern to the community of nations. [number]. pursuant to these plans, the panamanian government, at the beginning of this year, called for the holding of security council sessions away from headquarters so that that body might consider "measures for the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security in latin america in conformity with the provisions and principles of the charter", to use the words of security council resolution [number] [number] . [number]. my country had the honour of acting as host to the security council in panama city from [number] to [number] march [number]. at that historic series of meetings, the question of the panama canal was thoroughly debated and we made it clear that we no longer wished to be a divided country bisected by a colonial enclave set in the very heart of the panamanian isthmus. [number]. these legitimate panamanian aspirations, which have been recognized in official documents of the two countries concerned, without any real action being taken, can be summed up briefly as follows first, to abrogate the isthmian canal convention of [number] that was agreed to in perpetuity and all the amendments thereto second, to convene on a completely new, equitable and just treaty regarding the present panama canal third, to respect the effective sovereignty of panama over the totality of its territory fourth, to ensure the reintegration of the so-called panama canal zone in the republic of panama, so that it is no longer subject to the united states jurisdiction and fifth, to lay the groundwork for the assumption by the republic of panama of full responsibility for the efficient functioning of the interoceanic canal. [number]. my presence in this assembly hall is due inter alia to my desire to repeat to the members of the security council, to the brother republics of latin america, and to the nations from other latitudes that supported our efforts and continue to encourage us, our undying gratitude and thanks. these deeply rooted feelings of gratitude are extended also to the illustrious representatives of austria, china, france and the soviet union, who all voted in favour of a joint draft resolution that was submitted to the security council. [number]. in the statement that the president of the security council read on behalf of his colleagues when he adjourned the meeting in panama, the justice of our cause was set forth. according to that statement, the majority of the speakers at the panama session stressed the fact that all states have the inalienable right to full jurisdiction over the totality of their territory. they also stressed that it is essential for all states to abstain from any act that might undermine the national unity and the territorial integrity of any other state. and on this point they stressed that the denial to panama of its intrinsic right to full sovereignty and jurisdiction over the entirety of its territory, including the panama canal zone, is a constant source of tension and, as such, constitutes a threat to peace and security in latin america. they said that, in order to eliminate that threat, panama must be given full sovereignty over the so-called panama canal zone and the foreign military bases must be dismantled. [number]. practically all speakers expressed the opinion that without any doubt panama has the right to make the maximum use of its main natural resource, namely, its geographical position, so as to benefit its own economic development they pointed out also that the situation in the panama canal zone constitutes a flagrant violation of the purposes and principles of the charter of the united nations. we are particularly grateful for the decision taken by peru, guinea, india, indonesia, kenya, sudan and yugoslavia to sponsor with panama a draft resolution on the question of the panama canal. in accordance with that draft resolution, the security council-after having taken note of the willingness shown by the governments of panama and the united states of america to reach a just and fair agreement with a view to the prompt elimination of the causes of the conflict between them and to establish in a formal instrument agreements on the abrogation of the [number] convention on the isthmian canal and its amendments, and to conclude a new treaty that would fulfil panama's legitimate aspirations and guarantee full respect for panama's effective sovereignty over all of its territory would have urged the two governments to continue negotiations in a high spirit of friendship, mutual respect and co-operation and to conclude without delay a new treaty aimed at the prompt elimination of the causes of conflict between them. [number]. however, that draft resolution was not approved because of the negative vote cast by one of the permanent members of the security council. yet the result of the vote was that, of the [number] members of the council, [number] voted in favour one the united kingdom abstained and the united states cast a negative vote. [number]. i shall not prolong this statement by commenting on the political, diplomatic and psychological consequences of that outcome, but i cannot avoid repeating that it is obvious that the case of panama requires a just and equitable solution without delay. [number]. the secretary-general, with his usual competence and dignity, described the correct approach to the solution of the problem. he informed the members of the security council at a meeting of that body that "this problem awaits a solution which can only be based on the respect for law and the search for justice. " and he added "a solution will have to take into account the basic principles which are enshrined in the charter such as the principle of territorial integrity, sovereign equality, the obligation to settle all international disputes by peaceful means and the principle which by now has become an accepted common standard, namely, that any state is entitled to put to full use and for its own account all its natural potentialities. " [number]. there can be no doubt that the support given to panama by the security council and the views expressed by the secretary-general evoked a positive response in important international circles. proof of this can perhaps be found in the fact that president richard nixon in his annual report to the united states congress on [number] may [number], after referring generally to latin america, specifically referred to the problem existing between his country and the republic of panama. in that message he pointed out that "another important unresolved problem concerns the panama canal and the surrounding zone. u. s. operation of the canal and our presence in panama are governed by the terms of a treaty drafted in [number]. " he later noted "the world has changed radically during the [number] years this treaty has been in effect. latin america has changed, panama has changed. and the terms of our relationship should reflect those changes in a reasonable way. " and he came to this conclusion "it is time for both parties to take a fresh look at this problem and to develop a new relationship between us one that will guarantee continued effective operation of the canal while meeting panama's legitimate aspirations. " [number]. authorized representatives of the united states have repeated their readiness to abrogate the unjust isthmian canal convention of [number], a vestige of the "big-stick" policy and of the peak period of colonialism, an anachronism that has no justification in these days when we affirm the self-determination of peoples and the sovereign equality of the nations that proclaim the charter of the united nations as their international constitution. [number]. in the time that has elapsed since the council met in my country, the united states and panama have come to an agreement on the methodology of the negotiations and, i repeat, have reaffirmed the commitment to abrogate the existing treaty and to draft a completely new one that will be just and fair and designed to eliminate the causes of frictions that have thus far seriously upset our friendly relations. so that negotiations can continue, the united states recently nominated the well-known diplomat, mr. ellsworth bunker, to head the united states negotiating team. we trust that mr. bunker will go to panama very soon and that the negotiations will progress along the right lines that is, that they will fully satisfy the legitimate aspirations of my country which, i am sure, are shared and understood by an overwhelming number of the states members of this world organization. [number]. a few days ago, secretary of state kissinger, from this very rostrum, repeated that justice cannot be confined to the frontiers of a single nation. we want that justice to shine on panama too. we want it to illuminate the oppressed peoples of the world as well. the readiness of the united states to abrogate the [number] convention is a step that we consider to be a positive one, but the gesture must go beyond the mere spoken word it must be embodied in tangible facts that will encourage the prevalence of justice that we, a peace-loving people, desire. [number]. my government considers it an unchallengeable truth that the geographical position of the isthmus of panama constitutes the main natural resource of the national panamanian state, and that the inter-oceanic canal is one way of exploiting such a resource. logically, the republic of panama has sovereign rights over the territory and full jurisdiction over the inter-oceanic waterway and its coastal region. at the same time we are primarily interested in its continued secure and effective functioning. [number]. it seems obvious to us that, within a natural and legitimate relationship between our countries, the jurisdictional exercise claimed by the republic of panama as an expression of its own territorial sovereignty also contains within it the maximum guarantees that the international waterway will continue to serve the needs of trade and international transit and the maintenance of international peace and security. [number]. as panama has found sympathy, warmth and support in this hall for our just cause, so too my country is at one with all those who nobly and justly are struggling, in latin america, in africa and in asia. in other words, panama is true to the struggle against colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism and racial discrimination. panama welcomes the decision of the liberation movement of guinea-bissau to declare that territory an independent state. [number]. it is for that reason, too, that panama maintains its adherence to the principle of a [number]-mile width of the territorial sea and has made it part of its legislation. we have therefore joined all the countries in general, and particularly those of latin america, that proclaim and defend that self-same principle. we consider it both necessary and urgent that an international agreement, widely accepted, should be drawn up in which would be set forth the legitimate aspirations of those coastal states for which the sea, the sea-bed and the subsoil thereof, including the continental shelf, straits and marine channels of communication, as well as the air space over those areas, are in fact important natural resources and, as in our case, their main natural resource. the location of the panama canal as a means of inter-oceanic navigation in our own territory and the fact that up to this moment, because of a profoundly unequal relationship, another nation has derived the benefit of the main natural marine resource of panama, force us to attach capital importance to the question of international waterways and straits. we must press for respect for the legitimate interests of the coastal state without jeopardizing the need for world navigation and trade. [number]. we note that there are many different situations and positions with respect to this problem and we hope that a positive result will be achieved by the third united nations conference on the law of the sea, to be held next year. [number]. the speedy progress of marine technology, the profound change in the concepts and the means of territorial defence, the accepted denuclearization of latin america and the increasing need of the coastal peoples to exploit the sea for their own benefit and to utilize the vast resources of the oceans, as well as the inter-oceanic marine means of communication, all create new legal, political, economic and environmental problems. but, at the same time, the increasingly acute awareness of these problems by nations of the third world, whose coasts make up almost the total, or at least the majority, of the active coasts of the planet, make it inevitable that flexible agreements will be achieved with due regard for the diversity of existing situations, so that most of the aspirations of each coastal state will be met regarding its own coasts and straits, without curtailing the rights of other, land-locked countries. [number]. as each developing country tackles the essential task of exploiting the resources of its geography for the benefit of its inhabitants, it is faced with a pattern of foreign economic domination which, sometimes subtly and sometimes with crude violence, stifles all efforts of true human liberation and creates and keeps alive certain sources of tension. [number]. we whole-heartedly support the idea expressed in paragraph [number] of the political declaration adopted by the conference of heads of state or government of non- aligned countries that "international security cannot be achieved if it does not include an economic dimension which guarantees to all countries the right to implement their development programmes, free from economic aggression and any other form of pressure" see a [number] and corr. l . [number]. in this statement i have referred to matters that are of vital importance to the republic of panama. but this in no way signifies that my country lacks interest in and devotion to the other work of the united nations regarding the many items on the agenda of the twenty-eighth session of the general assembly. [number]. our mission to serve the cause of international peace and security has been proved by panama both in the security council during our term of office and in the ad hoc committee on international terrorism that we had the honour of presiding over in july and august of this year. furthermore, our historic background stands us in good stead in the international court of justice, in the economic and social council, in the international law commission and in the commission on human rights, as it did in the many steps we took in the drafting of the universal declaration of human rights and the declaration of the rights and duties of nations and in dealing with the question of the definition of aggression, the prohibition of genocide as a crime against humanity, decolonization and the eradication of discrimination and racial discrimination in the world. [number]. the contributions we have made in this field are based on our unshakeable faith in the ideals which underlie the very existence of the united nations and which are expressed in the many resolutions of the general assembly on the principles of international law governing friendly relations and co-operation among states. [number]. i believe that the statements that are made in good faith in the general debate of the general assembly, in order to enhance the universalist mission of the united nations in bringing together the great and small nations, must be brought to bear when we consider the report that the secretary-general has submitted on the matter. [number]. i think that the best tribute to and the most significant statement of support for the united nations would be the full implementation of resolution [number] xxvii in order to strengthen the role of the united nations and to ensure that it will contribute more widely to the solution of international problems and increase the efficiency of the decisions and effectiveness of resolutions adopted by its constitutional organs.
it gives me great pleasure to join previous speakers in warmly congratulating mr. mogens lykketoft on his election to the presidency of the general assembly at its seventieth session and to wish him success. allow me also to express my appreciation to mr. sam kutesa for the tremendous work that he carried out as president of the assembly at its sixty-ninth session. i also congratulate the united nations and all delegations on the seventieth anniversary and wish our organization continued success, universal recognition and respect. in its approach to the major themes of the current session, turkmenistan believes there is a need to take concrete and targeted measures aimed at supporting states and regions where, for various reasons, the issues of sustainable development are particularly acute. with regard to central asia, there is currently discussion about the creation of the conditions enabling its successful integration into modern global processes and its rebirth as a region that provides a stable and strong link in intercontinental partnerships. i am convinced that that is an achievable goal, if we can ensure peace, tranquillity and security, which are key factors for the development, progress and prosperity of the central asian states. that has been the focus of turkmenistan s major efforts and the projects and initiatives that it is carrying out, which it invites the international community, represented by the united nations, to join. one of the projects is the idea of establishing a united nations regional centre in central asia for technology related to climate change. the large-scale environmental problems that exist in that region are, i think, well known. they directly or indirectly affect the overall atmosphere in the region, as well as the standard of living and the quality of life of the inhabitants, and sometimes have a negative impact on relations between states. under those conditions, it is becoming clear that there is a need for a specialized international body that would be able, with a united nations mandate, to carry out monitoring and an objective analysis of the environmental processes and trends occurring there and, on that basis, be able to issue relevant recommendations to the governments of the central asian states. the vision for the functions and directions of the activities of such a centre already exist. turkmenistan is ready to provide all the necessary infrastructure for the centre in turkmenistan and to ensure the most favourable conditions for its staff. i therefore call for an in-depth consideration of our proposal on the creation of a united nations regional centre for technology related to climate change in central asia. the achievement of the sustainable development goals in the region will not be possible without the participation of our closest neighbour, afghanistan. the brotherly afghan people and government are today particularly in need of the political and moral support of the international community. they also need real, tangible economic assistance. time has shown that the resolution of the situation in afghanistan is possible only through peaceful, political means on the basis of a broad national dialogue with the participation of all responsible and constructive forces representing the afghan people. moreover, we are convinced that the process of reconciliation must be accompanied by effective international economic assistance, targeted measures aimed at creating social infrastructure and humanitarian assistance. we believe that the most important factor in the stability, progress and prosperity of afghanistan is the integration of the country into regional and international energy and transportation projects. projects such as the turkmenistan-afghanistan-pakistan-india pipeline and the railway from turkmenistan to afghanistan are designed to ensure economic growth and the creation of new jobs in afghanistan and favourable conditions for foreign investment. not least important, their implementation will have a significant stabilizing effect on the political climate in afghanistan itself, as well as on the surrounding area. it will also restore the afghan people s confidence in their own strength and capacity to build a modern, stable and dynamic state, one that is an equal and like-minded partner with neighbouring countries and the entire international community. as an initiator and participant in those international projects, turkmenistan will continue to provide assistance to afghanistan at the bilateral level for the construction of economic and social facilities, as well as to supply energy at a discounted rate and to provide training for afghan professionals in our educational institutions. in the context of afghanistan s restoration, the support provided to both developing and the least developed countries, on which the effectiveness of today s entire system of international relations depends, is of over-arching importance. therefore, [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] for turkmenistan, the main goal and essence of post- [number] sustainable development should be to overcome the serious and i would even say borderline dangerous imbalance between states, regions and entire continents, in terms of industry, the economy, technology and the environment, as well as with respect to people s quality of life and in the areas of health care, education and in the standards and structures of food systems. it is obvious that humanitarian assistance alone, as well as supplies of medicine and provisions, along with one-time financial infusions by the united nations and individual states, while extremely important, will not solve the problem. today, there is a need for a long-term, in-depth and well thought-out strategy for support for developing and the least developed countries that includes a wide range of political, legal, economic, social and investment measures. an action-oriented and coordinating role should be played here by the united nations, in particular its economic and social council and the united nations development programme, as well as other specialized agencies. a more important factor for such support is, in our view, the participation of such countries in international economic projects, in particular in the area of the transport of energy to global markets, as well as the creation of transport corridors between regions and across continents. turkmen initiatives for the development of such sectors of the global economy have received unanimous approval from the general assembly through the adoption of relevant resolutions. we expect meaningful follow-up through their implementation. i would also like to emphasize the readiness of our country to both continue and strengthen cooperation with the world health organization, the united nations world food programme, the united nations population fund and other entities. the current session should provide us with clear guidelines for the future. it is natural and appropriate that it is the united nations, the international entity with a universal mandate, that will act as the leader in promoting and achieving the sustainable development goals. the tremendous potential of the united nations, which has been acquired over seven decades of unique experience of dealing with the challenges and threats and providing solutions for many global problems, proves that only together, by joining forces, will it be possible for us to achieve the goals we have set, no matter how difficult they may be. turkmenistan believes that today, within these walls, significant momentum will be given to our forward movement and to the new, more humane and more just world order. together with the family of nations we are prepared to participate in that work.
allow me, at the outset, to commend the president of the general assembly and his whole team for their election to the bureau of the general assembly at its sixty-sixth session. we would like to express to his predecessor, mr. joseph deiss, our gratitude for the excellent work he accomplished, work that has benefited our organization. i also congratulate mr. ban ki-moon, the secretary-general, on the renewal of his mandate. taking the floor from this rostrum has always been for me a special moment and a happy occasion to recall some current issues of importance to my country and the world. this moment is all the more special as it comes at a time when the democratic republic of the congo is preparing to hold general elections, the second since those of [number]. thus, it is appropriate to grasp the full significance of this key period for the congo, because it confirms a definitive break from the spiral of violence and instability that has characterized the country in recent decades. it is seen as a decisive phase in that, more than ever, it commits the congolese people to a lasting democratic culture. despite multifaceted challenges punctuating the electoral process, the national independent electoral commission, our people and their government are doing their utmost to hold transparent and credible elections in a calm climate. the elections are ultimately proof of a return to the effective peace for which congolese men and women have yearned. today, peace and security reign throughout the national [number] [number]-[number] territory. the republic s institutions are all in place and operating normally. as peace and security in my country have been recovered, the united nations presence merits reconsideration. indeed, the role of the united nations organization stabilization mission in the democratic republic of the congo monusco must necessarily adapt its vision and its action on the ground. in that phase of consolidation, monusco must increasingly move beyond the strict format of peacekeeping operations in order to assist the country in its efforts to develop and to relaunch the economy. enormous progress has certainly been made in the areas of peace and security. however, many other challenges remain, and the democratic republic of the congo is determined to meet them. the mobilization and support of all should be along those lines. i refer in particular to the following areas of concerns strengthening the capacity of the security sector, the army, the police, the judiciary and penitentiary systems to ensure the rights and security of citizens and to stabilize the country and the region the increasing and orderly return of displaced persons to their places of origin and of refugees to their respective countries the ongoing demobilization and reintegration of child soldiers leaving armed groups effective control over the exploitation of our natural resources and building good-neighbourly relations with the states around us. in that regard, after several years of conflict the countries in the region have reached the conclusion that war is the worst enemy of man and his development. it exacerbates problems rather than resolves them. that explains their common will and our efforts to seek peace at all costs. that is the reality today. the democratic republic of the congo is at peace with all its neighbours. now is the time for reconstruction and development. in that regard, i would like to welcome the recent entry of the republic of south sudan as a member state of our universal organization and to convey to its people my most heartfelt wishes for peace, happiness and prosperity. another challenge that my country must face is that of maintaining economic growth. despite a difficult international climate, today the democratic republic of the congo shows a positive growth rate above the african average, and it will continue that momentum thanks to the efforts to harness its economy. however, it is also true that such growth remains dependent, to a large degree, on the global economy. having spoken about the situation in my country, i would now like to address some big issues of current concern. the united nations has responded to a good number of challenges that justified its establishment at the end of the second world war. in [number] years, the world has changed greatly, and the pace of change increases every day. a great institution such as ours cannot remain static while its setting constantly changes. the time has come to envisage adapting the organization to current realities so as to improve its effectiveness and, above all, to bolster confidence among member states. to do that, it must make substantial progress in the major areas of a reform too long awaited, whether the revitalization of the general assembly, reform of the security council or the role of the economic and social council, which needs to be strengthened. a security council that incorporates equally the legitimate aspirations of developing countries, particularly those of africa, would certainly be more legitimate. furthermore, the issues of climate change and the protection of nature demand a changed approach that takes into account the aspirations of all peoples. that is an area where it is prudent to demonstrate a spirit of compromise and solidarity in the interest, of course, of all countries. that is also the case for the crucial goals of disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which remain hostage to the policy of double standards, such as discriminatory practices and non-compliance with commitments made, in particular by certain nuclear powers. the fight against impunity and against human rights violations, which is subjected to a selective approach and the partisan implementation of international humanitarian law, gives rise to legitimate doubts about the exploitation of these noble causes for political ends. our organization must address these issues. the democratic republic of the congo believes that the israeli-palestinian question should be a major concern for our universal organization. the united [number]-[number] [number] nations should unflaggingly continue its efforts to find an equitable solution that bears in mind the legitimate interests of two peoples, each with the right to live in peace and security. the middle east cannot recover peace and stability without a fair and lasting settlement of this question. i would not continue my remarks without mentioning the more active cooperation that we would like to see between the african union and the united nations in the area of conflict management. it is advisable, in my humble opinion, that we strengthen this cooperation and make better use of it in order to reduce the number of hot spots on our continent. we all stand to gain. i have focused my remarks today on the need to strengthen peace. that is the essential precondition for all progress, but a peace limited to an absence of stomping boots is not peace. without ignoring the successes, it must be said that in this area our organization still has an enormous amount to do to ensure that each and every person is able to participate in the progress of all of humanity. i conclude by renewing our wishes to see the concept and management of international affairs modified through an effective and sincere commitment of the entire community of nations for a renewal and strengthening of the multilateral system.
let me first congratulate mr. garba upon his election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the general assembly. his elevation to that high office is a reflection not only of his competence but also of the esteem in which his country, the federal republic of nigeria, is held internationally. we are confident that under his able leadership our deliberations will reach a successful conclusion. i should also like to commend his predecessor, mr. dante caputo, the former foreign minister of argentina, for the excellent manner in which he guided the work of the last session. to our secretary-general, mr. javier perez de cuellar, i wish to pay a special tribute for his untiring efforts, which have brought significant results in the further advancement of peace. we are grateful to him. after being forced to remain in the wings for too long, we are heartened to note that with common sense prevailing the united nations is at the forefront of international efforts to secure our collective desire for a better and peaceful world. the two super-powers continue to sit together, talking peace. even in places of seemingly intractable conflict the prospect of giving peace a chance is increasing. we are therefore witnessing a trend of world-wide rapprochement that has given greater meaning to the idea of peace, which we hope will be translated into a reality. our presence here is intended to give encouragement to the extension and consolidation of those trends and efforts. in the gulf, thanks to the cease-fire arrangement between iran and iraq, monitored by use united nations, the cessation of hostilities has now been effective for more than a year. this, however, is only the beginning, for security council resolution [number] [number] , the basis for that peace, remain to a large extent un-implemented. we urge its full implementation and express our full support for the peace efforts of the secretary-general and his personal representative. on namibia, the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] on its independence is a major advance which must be maintained so that free and fair elections to the constituent assembly, under the supervision and control of the united nations, can take place next month. if those elections are to succeed it is essential that all the parties concerned respect the letter and spirit of the united nations plan and other related arrangements to ensure that nothing is done which could cause them to unravel. no less significant are the winds of political change blowing across western sahara. we note that a breakthrough appears imminent in the [number]-year-old dispute there and welcome the acceptance by the two parties to the conflict of the secretary-general's proposal to work out the details of the implementation of the peace plan presented to them by the secretary-general and the chairman of the organization of african unity oau . we encourage them both to continue their efforts to find a durable solution to the conflict. pursuant to the geneva agreements on afghanistan, all foreign troops left afghanistan in february of this year. regrettably, the fighting still continues and has in fact escalated, increasing the suffering of the people of afghanistan. with the massive importation across its border of military hardware to nourish the fighting, the problem in afghanistan requires a political solution, which must come from the countries concerned. we therefore support the efforts of the secretary-general to secure a political consensus that will eventually put an end to the unnecessary loss of life and suffering in afghanistan. on the cyprus question, we welcome the recent high-level contacts between the greek cypriot and turkish cypriot communities and their commitment to achieving an overall settlement. the secretary-general must be commended for his untiring search for a peaceful solution to the conflict. we therefore call on all parties to co-operate with the secretary-general and his special representative wife a view to achieving an agreed settlement. while we have seen major advances towards peace emerging in the gulf, namibia, western sahara, afghanistan and central america, and super-power rapprochement, it is indeed sad feat this new wave of accommodation and reconciliation still eludes other areas of long-standing conflict. the recent conference on peace in cambodia, held in paris, was a step in fee right direction towards ending two decades of war, destruction and human suffering. regrettably, the conference could not arrive at a comprehensive political settlement. be that as it may, we should not give up hope of a negotiated political settlement but should encouragement to any efforts aimed at reconvening fee paris conference, which we hope will pave the way for fee people of kampuchea to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination through general and free elections under fee auspices of fee united nations. the lack of progress towards a solution to the conflict in fee middle east continues to be a source of grave concern. we continue to regard an international peace conference under the auspices of the united nations as fee best formula for bringing fee parties together in binding negotiations. the right of all to live within secure borders must be recognized and respected. elated though we are about fee very positive developments in namibia, we note wife concern feat the same cannot be said about south africa. the exclusion of the country's blade majority from fee parliamentary elections last month made those elections a farce. the new leadership that emerged from the recent elections represents a change only of guard, not of fee policies of apartheid. we reiterate the call for comprehensive mandatory sanctions against south africa and hope that the special session of the general assembly planned for december will provide the impetus to translate that call into action. the situation in the korean peninsula still requires constant vigilance. to assist in their efforts to arrive at a peaceful settlement of disputes in the korean peninsula, we would welcome the admission of the two koreas, whether simultaneously or separately, into the united nations. solomon islands attaches great importance to respect for human rights and we cannot, therefore, remain indifferent to the violations to which those rights are subjected. the events of tiananmen square were indeed shocking. we hope the people's republic of china will eventually heed the appeals addressed to them by the international community. in less than two months from this time next year we shall be commemorating the thirtieth anniversary of the united nations historic [number] declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. by then namibia will, we hope, have been admitted as the 160th member state of our organization. but happy as, we are at the prospect of namibia's admission to the united nations, we cannot become complacent until the legitimate aspirations of all colonized peoples for a free and genuine act of self-determination is realized. in new caledonia, we note the positive measures taken by the government of prance which have restored peace and dialogue to that non-self-governing territory. we are encouraged by the agreements concluded in paris last year and hope these will continue to form the basis of new caledonia's peaceful progress to self-determination. it is also our hope that the government of prance will, in the near future, co-operate with the united nations in accordance with article [number] e of the charter. it is our firm belief that, as in namibia and other former non-self-governing territories, a free and genuine act of self-determination in new caledonia must be in accordance with the principles and practices of the united nations. this is also the collective belief of the [number] countries of the south pacific forum. at its recent summit meeting held at tarawa, in the republic of kiribati in july of this year, the forum's final communiqu was explicit on this question "the forum restated its strong support for an act of self-determination consistent with toe established decolonisation practices and principles of the united nations, in which all options, including independence, would be open, and which would lead to a settlement that safeguards toe rights of the indigenous kanaks and all new caledonians in a multiracial society. " a [number] [number], para. [number] that is also the belief shared by my melanesian brothers and kanak leaders, and by the late jean-marie tjibaou and yeiwene yeiwene, whose tragic assassinations in may this year stunned us all. he shall continue to miss them. but it is up to is to keep their hopes and dreams alive and to ensure that they are translated into a reality. the commitment of the united states and the soviet union to cut their nuclear arsenals by [number] per cent, which we welcome, is a timely reminder that the possession of nuclear weapons is not a guarantee of genuine global security. we welcome also the proposals made at the beginning of this debate by president bush, and the positive soviet response, on the reduction of united states and soviet stockpiles of chemical weapons. but big or small, developed or developing, all member states have a commitment to global security and stability. the treaty of rarotonga, in the south pacific, which declares the south pacific region a nuclear-free zone, constitutes an important disarmament measure. it embodies a major security commitment for the south pacific region and represents a solemn step in contributing to both regional and global peace and security. solomon islands ratified this treaty last year and to date it has received [number] instruments of ratification from [number] countries in the south pacific region. the treaty entered into force upon the deposit of the eighth instrument of ratification on [number] december [number]. the people's republic of china and the soviet union, as nuclear-weapon states, have already ratified protocols [number] and [number] of the treaty. we command them for their sensitivity in accepting our contribution to what we hope will eventually be a nuclear-free world. it is, however, much to our regret, that the united kingdom, the united states and prance have not, as yet, heeded our concerns, and we urge them to do so by acceding to the protocols of the treaty. on the current economic situation, hard choices have to be made to narrow the widening economic gap between the developing and the developed countries. as an island heavily dependent on commodity exports. solomon islands places a premium on the final outcome of the uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, which we hope will take due consideration of the unique problem of island developing countries. of the major issues confronting us today there is probably none that has captured our imagination more than the deterioration of the natural environment. the greenhouse effect, global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer, acid rain, waste dumping, forest depletion, and drift-net fishing, threaten our existence. the greenhouse effect and the resulting global warming and the rise in sea level constitute a direct threat, no longer dismissible, to our survival, we in the pacific have more cause than many to be deeply concerned about it since if the rise in sea level is significant some of our islands and coastal areas may become permanently inundated. the possibility that entire countries may also drown is almost beyond comprehension. we in the south pacific, like other regions i believe, have our environmental problems. but the irony is that while these have contributed very little to the causes of global climate change it appears that we may be among the first of the innocent victims of its consequences - the first, but not the last. the sea, for many pacific island countries, is our greatest resource. for some it may be the only resource drift-net fishing, or the "wall of death" as it is appropriately called, poses a problem, and undeniable danger to our marine resources. these "ghost" nets, [number] metres deep and extending to about [number] kilometres, whose primary target is the tuna, suffocates almost anything that comes its way. whales, dolphins, seals lid sea birds, in pursuit of what appears to be easy prey, are entangled hopelessly in these nets. we believe drift-nets will seriously deplete albacore tuna rocks in the region over the next two years. this practice must therefore stop. we welcome the recent decision of japan to cut by two thirds the number of its tuna fishing vessels using drift-nets in the south pacific. we hope that this will be the first step towards ending drift-net fishing in the region. we call on taiwan, which remains the only holdout, to heed the concerns of the south pacific forum and abandon immediately its damaging drift-net operations in the south pacific. the pacific ocean is certainly the largest ocean in the world, but it is certainly not large enough to endure indiscriminate exploitation. another danger which threatens our environment is nuclear testing. we therefore call on france to put an end to its nuclear-testing programme in the pacific? it is not a reduction in the number of nuclear tests that we seek but a complete cessation of those tests. the bitter truth about the greenhouse effect, gill-net fishing, nuclear testing acid rain and the depletion of the ozone layer is that their effects transcend . d national boundaries. it therefore demands an international response. it is time for all nations to join together in a common effort to protect our environment. lent. with conflicts reduced and dialogue resumed we are indeed witnessing a different political climate, a favourable climate that should now inspire the resolution of long-standing conflicts in other areas an appropriate time also to inspire and consolidate international co-operation in economic development and the protection of our home and the environment. global co-operation in the management of global problems is essential to our search for global solutions. now is the time, so let us all rise to this momentous occasion and proceed to expand the frontiers of peace and harmony. this is the task, this is the labour, to which we must all bend our efforts. it is the earnest hope of my delegation that as we move into the last decade of this millennium, together, in unity, we can make further positive contributions towards achieving a better world.
i would like to begin by thanking the secretary-general and by expressing my gratitude for the convening of this important session, at which we mark the seventieth anniversary of the united nations. i would like to take this opportunity to congratulate his excellency mr. mogens lykketoft on his assumption of the presidency of the general assembly at its seventieth session. i am confident that, coming as he does from the great country of denmark, he will preside over our meetings with great success. i would also like to pay tribute to his excellency mr. sam kutesa of the republic of uganda for successfully presiding over the assembly at its previous session. i am profoundly grateful for the opportunity to deliver my first address to this gathering of world leaders. i should recall that, almost a year ago, my country found itself at a crossroads following the demise, on [number] october [number], of our fifth president, mr. michael chilufya sata may his soul rest in peace. i was elected president of the republic of zambia in the subsequent election, which took place on [number] january. building on my country s impeccable record in the area of democracy and good governance, the election was described as transparent, peaceful, free and fair, reflecting our commitment to internationally accepted standards for peaceful changes of government and popular participation in shaping a country s destiny. i would therefore like to thank the people of zambia for being true champions of democracy. as we meet today, i also feel duty bound to thank the international community for its unflinching solidarity during that very challenging time of the past year. this year is an important one for the general assembly, as we commemorate the [number] years of existence of the united nations. in our deliberations, therefore, it is imperative that we take stock of the collective successes as well as the challenges of the past seven decades, in order to improve the performance of this noble organization. i am optimistic that the seventieth session will set a tone for the future and meet the expectations of the international community as a whole. zambia is proud to be part of the global endeavour to foster the mandate of the united nations to promote peace, security and respect for human rights and to ensure progress in development for all. we are concerned, however, that the gears for advancing the three pillars of the charter of the united nations are moving at a very slow pace, which has the potential to negate the gains we have achieved so far. it is therefore important that we enhance our concerted efforts to address areas of concern. we have just adopted the world s quintessential development blueprint in the form of the [number] agenda for sustainable development resolution [number] [number] , centred on humankind, the environment and the creation of peaceful societies. those core elements will guide its implementation, supported by the principle of leaving no one behind. i have been encouraged by the focus on development that has characterized the global discourse in recent years, as the [number] agenda has evolved. the development lessons of the millennium development goals and the cumulative experience of the [number] years of the united nations should serve as a springboard for our ambitions. let us therefore ensure the successful implementation and attainment of the sustainable development goals sdgs . i am confident that the invaluable lessons learned will set us on a trajectory that must inevitably lead to a safer, more inclusive, cleaner and more prosperous world. in the [number] years of the existence of the united nations, the inequality gap among and between nations has continued to widen, as poverty and youth unemployment have threatened the prospects for peace, security and development. my government looks forward to the comprehensive implementation of the [number] agenda for sustainable development, which promotes poverty eradication and the creation of employment opportunities for young people and women, especially in rural communities. over the past [number] years, the global community has become more united than ever before in its quest to push boundaries in order to attain peace and security yet it is as divided as ever, if not more so, on the question of who makes decisions on global peace and security. the [number] years of the existence of the united nations have seen more conflicts in africa than on any other continent, and yet those [number] years have been characterized by africa s absolute exclusion from decision-making in the security council, despite the fact that a significant part of the council s agenda [number] [number] [number]-[number] [number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] concerns the african continent. in the [number] years of the existence of the united nations, africa remains the only continent not represented among the permanent members of the security council. goal [number] of the [number] agenda for sustainable development resolution [number] [number] on reducing inequality among countries will not be achieved without eradicating the inequality among countries in the security council. the united nations must, therefore, redouble its efforts to implement security council reform in order to ensure that africa can take its rightful place among the community of nations and contributes equitably and effectively to global peace and security. zambia has continued and will continue to offer its resources for peacekeeping, including the deployment earlier this year of a large contingent of troops to the central african republic. zambia comes with a long history of involvement in conflict prevention, peacekeeping and peacebuilding. as a landlocked country, our independence was incomplete as long as we remained surrounded by nations still fighting their liberation struggles. that gave impetus to our moral conviction to join in the liberation struggles in africa. since then, zambia has continued to participate in peacebuilding initiatives and has supported peacekeeping efforts all around the world. we continue to share the global concerns at the unrelenting threats of terrorism, as it mostly affects the safety of non-combatants and civilian populations. i have been encouraged by the focus on development that has characterized global discourse during the past year, notably through discussions on the sdgs and the [number] agenda for sustainable development. zambia has been a beneficiary of various initiatives aimed at facilitating the attainment of the millennium development goals, which arose from the collective resolve of the generation of world leaders at the turn of the millennium. indeed, most of our countries have continued to face serious challenges in the quest to foster development and improve the quality of life of our people. the challenges are numerous, including energy shortages and the effects of climate change. the two are inseparable on the development agenda for countries such as zambia that rely heavily on hydropower generation. the changing rainfall pattern has adversely affected power-generation capacities in most of our countries. this year, zambia is experiencing an unprecedented energy crisis, which has already cost the nation dearly in terms of productivity, jobs and revenue. beyond the economic limitations, the social ramifications are equally devastating to the country. it is therefore important that much effort be exerted to develop mitigation strategies to counter the effects of climate change. furthermore, developing countries are still grappling with other challenges, such as poverty, high unemployment particularly among the youth skewed industrial development, low intraregional trade, inadequate infrastructure, low productivity in agriculture and livestock, poor quality health services and the challenges of access to quality education. as we move forward, it is important for us to acknowledge the realities and imperatives of the world today and to renew our common resolve to sustain the core principles of our organization as the united nations. we should redouble our efforts, by harnessing our individual strengths in order to collectively address the rather complex challenges that confront us in our increasingly globalized and interdependent world. given the demographic nature of our communities, poverty remains a real concern, particularly in rural areas. in zambia, [number] per cent of the people in rural areas depend on agriculture for their livelihood. agriculture is one of my government s priority areas in the county s efforts to diversify the economy, apart from mining. the government is therefore devising interventions aimed at improving capacities and adding value for both subsistence farmers and commercial farmers. our interventions, notably the farmer input support programme, the irrigation development and support project, and other credit schemes, need additional support in order to exploit the full potential of that giant industry. we also seek to strengthen partnerships to enable the improvement of services in such areas as providing extension services, improving access to market information and facilitating the physical transfer of produce to markets. a key element of zambia s development agenda is industrialization. in that regard, my government has devised measures to encourage and support the development of appropriate industries, mainly in value-added industries, in order to spur structural economic transformation and increase private-sector participation. the primary focus in that area has been on areas with more backward and forward linkages so as to catapult the zambian economy to higher levels of growth, leveraging regional value chains so as to [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] expand trade, attract foreign direct investment, create employment, reduce poverty, promote sustainable development and thereby empower our people. financing is one of the major challenges that faces developing countries. we need external resources to bridge the gap in the funds required to finance development projects. it is in that light that the united nations third international conference on financing for development, held in addis ababa in july to develop strategies for financing development, was most welcome. the conference recommended several measures meant to bridge the financing gap, including the need to exploit new sources of finance and improve tax administration systems, which would be supplemented by international support. we know that putting the appropriate infrastructure in place is very important in our quest to expand intra-africa trade, bolster our productive capacities and enhance africa s competitiveness in the global market. in that regard, we must quickly identify sources to raise the [number] billion africa needs annually to finance its infrastructure development. it is equally important, from the perspective of landlocked developing countries, to remain committed to implementing the decisions of the [number] vienna programme of action for landlocked developing countries for the decade [number]-[number]. in keeping with that commitment, zambia was privileged to host a high-level meeting on the follow-up to the second united nations conference on landlocked developing countries, held in livingstone in june. i was honoured to officiate at the conference and hope that the assembly finds the time to review the outcome document, entitled livingstone call for action . special attention should be paid to gender and women s empowerment. the international conference on population and development beyond [number] global review report, published in june [number], indicates that [number] per cent of women have been victims of gender- based violence. indeed, zambia acknowledges that the problem extends to most nations, including our own. to that end, we are already implementing important interventions to curb that scourge. our approach to development will not be limited to the economy but will continue to focus on all pillars of development. i welcome the fact that our traditional leaders, the united nations system and civil society have all been seamlessly working with governments in fighting for gender equality for our women and girls. one of the most important programmes, and one in which i have been engaged as a designated champion, is the he for she campaign, which seeks to address issues of gender-based violence. that project was initiated by un-women in september [number] with the aim of addressing incidents of gender-based violence. in a few days, my government will also launch the united states-supported from boys to men project, which targets the [number]-to-[number]-year-old age group and is aimed at encouraging the development of a non-violent generation. in our determination to bridge the gap between the sexes, a vigorous campaign is under way to strengthen the education of girls by encouraging them to complete their schooling and unlock their developmental potential instead of being pushed into child-, early or forced marriages. the situation of our young people remains daunting, with unemployment one of the major challenges they face. to address that situation, my government recently launched a national youth policy that seeks to lay a foundation for interventions of various kinds aimed at supporting the development of a vibrant and productive generation. we hope to create [number], [number] jobs over the next five years, an effort that will depend heavily on the private-sector-led job market. we are also making efforts to address the specific social disadvantages of the most marginalized members of our society, including the disabled. we want to ensure that they can realize their potential and serve in national development efforts in the same way as anyone else. the challenges are many, but they are not insurmountable. the united nations has been a key ally in addressing some of those problems, and indeed, to a large extent, the story of zambia is the story of the united nations. i am confident that through our concerted and collective efforts, determination and hard work, coupled with able and visionary leadership, we shall indeed overcome. i look forward to working with everyone here so as to ensure that our shared solutions are brought forward and implemented in the spirit of this organization.
the united nations was created, not to lead humankind to heaven but to save it from hell. these were the apt words of mr. dag hammarskj ld, who served as the second secretary-general, from [number] to [number], and saw things for what they were. the united nations was created according to the people s will [number] years ago, following the second world war, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. today, in a world beset by armed conflict, violent extremism, radicalization and terrorism, in a world where war, persecution and violations of human rights force millions and millions of people men, women and children to leave their homes and to take to the road in mass exoduses in search of safety and dignity, the achievement of that goal seems far more urgent than ever. the choice of theme for the seventieth session of the general assembly, the united nations at [number] the road ahead for peace, security and human rights , was [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] wise indeed. as we have said many times from this rostrum, human rights and the rule of law are closely interconnected and one cannot exist without the other. i shall not revert again to the historic adoption of the post-[number] development agenda except to recall that secretary-general ban ki-moon, speaking in san francisco in june and commenting on the importance and scope of this universal programme, observed that we were the first generation that could put an end to poverty in the world and the last generation that could take action to prevent the worst consequences of a warming earth. that observation should cause us to renew our commitment to a better future for all, to show solidarity, to unite our forces, pursuant to the charter of the united nations. as we did when we reached agreement on the addis ababa action agenda and the [number] agenda for sustainable development, we must spare no effort to come together at the twenty-first session of the conference of the parties to the united nations framework convention on climate change in paris in december, so that we can accept an ambitious and binding climate change agreement that applies to all countries and will keep the increase in global warming to below [number] c. as president of the european council, luxembourg will spare no effort to ensure that the paris meeting will be a success. we must seize this historic opportunity. another priority project during luxembourg s presidency of the council in which i will invest all my energies is that of migration. according to the data of the office of the high commissioner for refugees, today there are [number]. [number] million displaced persons, including refugees, or more than at any time since [number], at the end of the second world war. as the secretary- general noted, the continuous flow of migrants and the surge of human misery bring us face to face with our responsibilities as political leaders, as members of the international community and, obviously, as human beings. in times of crisis, unfortunately, various unilateral vague desires and nationalist or populist reflexes seem to reappear. we saw that happen again, tragically, in the summer. but no country can face the unprecedented crisis of migrants and refugees alone. withdrawing into ourselves is not the answer. we must act together, as the countries of origin, transit and destination of migrants, and respond to the challenges posed by migrant movements in the mediterranean, the balkans and elsewhere. only if we firmly anchor our actions in respect for our international commitments, shall we find a solution worthy of our shared values, the values for which the united nations and the european union were founded. at the level of the european union we took a first step during the past week by deciding to relocate within the countries of the union [number], [number] people who clearly need international protection. other decisions will follow shortly. the european union will respond to the urgent needs of refugees by donating at least an additional [number] billion to the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees, the world food programme and other such bodies. we will increase our assistance to lebanon, jordan and turkey to deal with the syrian refugee crisis. we will help western balkan countries deal with the flow of refugees, including through pre-accession instruments. we cannot simply deal with the symptoms of the crisis. we must also tackle the root causes of migration and of refugee flows development inequalities, especially in africa conflict and violence the absence of the rule of law persecution and violations of human rights and impunity. that brings us back to the interconnectedness of security, development and respect for human rights and the need to adopt a comprehensive, integrated approach for the most effective application to development and migration of a combination of foreign policy, security, trade and cooperation instruments. the upcoming valletta summit on migration on [number] and [number] november will provide an opportunity for us to discuss a comprehensive approach to the question of migration with our african partners, an opportunity which i welcome. for more than four years, syria has been synonymous with war, violence and exodus. one in six syrians has now fled the country. one out of two has had to leave home. every day [number], [number] persons are added to the list of displaced persons. every minute a family is forced to abandon everything. a whole of generation of children has been exposed to war, violence and death and deprived of fundamental freedoms, protection and education. more than [number], [number] people have lost their lives. indiscriminate aerial bombing, the release of barrel bombs, the acts of violence and the violations of human rights and international law continue unabated. the sieges continue. the denial of assistance and the obstruction of humanitarian assistance persist. crimes [number] [number] [number]-[number] [number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] against humanity and war crimes are committed every day with impunity. that cannot continue it must be stopped. the situation is the security council s responsibility and it is the responsibility of all of us. the solution to the syrian conflict cannot be humanitarian, nor can it be military. today, the worst thing is the indiscriminate shelling in an undisciplined way and without prior coordination. the people are waiting for us to end the carnage rather than to make it worse. a solution to the conflict can only be political. as we have said time and again, any lasting settlement requires a political transition that meets the legitimate aspirations of the syrian people, in line with the geneva communiqu s [number] [number], annex . words must be followed by actions. it is time for negotiations to finally begin. all of us must support special envoy staffan de mistura in his efforts. the fate of the syrian people and the stability of syria and of its neighbours within and beyond the region depend on it. in that context, i will say a word on the destructive barbarism of the terrorist group daesh and the urgent need to combat it. the tragic current situation in syria, iraq and libya, and its repercussions in europe, demonstrates that the international community must work together to stop the advance of daesh. the day before yesterday, my country participated in a summit meeting organized by president obama, which was the continuation of a discussion held in the security council one year ago see s pv. [number] . the assembly can continue to count on our country s support in combating daesh and violent extremism, whether in terms of preventing radicalization, exchanging intelligence, countering the phenomenon of foreign terrorist fighters or taking measures against terrorist financing. i must mention another tragedy at the heart of the tumult in the middle east, which is the israeli-palestinian conflict. the year [number] was sadly emblematic of the impasse of the peace process, which, at present, is only that in name. in an environment characterized by a total lack of prospects and the continuing cycle of revenge, the idea that there might be an alternative to the two- state solution is beginning to gain public support and to be applied on the ground. during my travels in the region last month, i was able to see that development for myself. but it involves an illusion, and perhaps a very dangerous one. the two-state solution remains the only way forward. the conditions for that solution are obvious, both with respect to the [number] borders and the establishment of jerusalem as the capital of the two states. the call to stop the settlements is not a matter of israel-bashing, as it was described by the prime minister of israel earlier today. rather, it is a call to reason, to give the resumption of negotiations a chance. but to save the two-state solution, we must change our mindset. we must think outside the box. now is no longer the time for efforts that lead nowhere. we must encourage a new negotiating format, broaden the circle of participants so that there is a greater involvement of europe and especially of the arab countries, reactivate the role of the security council and set a reasonable time frame within which to conclude the negotiations. israel has the right to live in peace and security, but it is clear to me that israel s security in the long and medium term will depend on the creation of a sovereign and democratic state of palestine, living alongside it. the two-state solution is the only solution that is just and moral for both parties. as of yesterday, the palestinian flag began to fly beside those of the states members of the organization. let us all work to make it become more than just a symbol. the comprehensive solution to the iranian nuclear issue, which the e3 [number] and the european union reached after several years of negotiations with iran, demonstrates that we should not lose faith in the power of diplomacy, even when tackling the thorniest of issues. the international community has made considerable efforts in those negotiations with iran, which also serve the security interests of israel. let us be less fatalistic. israel s right to exist is not affected by that agreement. in fact, the opposite is the case. we believe that the full and rigorous implementation of the joint plan of action, adopted on [number] july, will mark a fundamental turning point for peace and security in the region. we could also say much more regarding other regions in the world, including africa, as well as my own continent, europe, where a conflict dating from another era started to affect ukraine in february [number] and is still ongoing. thanks to substantial mediation efforts and commitment on the part of germany, france and the european union thanks to close cooperation between regional and international organizations, first and foremost among them the organization for security and cooperation in europe and thanks to [number]-[number] [number] [number] a [number] pv. [number] [number] [number] [number] the continuous monitoring of the united nations, especially of the human rights situation in the crimea and in eastern ukraine, the foundations of a settlement of the crisis in ukraine have been established in recent months. commendable efforts have also been made with respect to regional autonomy and decentralization. the upcoming regional elections will be critical. it will be especially vital to hold them throughout the country and, therefore, in the donbas region, under the authority of ukrainian law. it is essential that each party fully respect the commitments entered into in the minsk agreements. when we talk of ukraine, the middle east, south sudan, the central african republic, mali or burkina faso, there is one constant in all the situations, which is that diplomacy and the commitment to human rights and the rule of law must prevail, if we are to solve today s profound crises. our secretary-general has fully risen to the challenge with the human rights up front initiative, firmly reminding us of our collective responsibility to protect and to place human rights at the centre of united nations efforts to prevent conflict. to that end, all the actors and organs within the united nations system must play their respective roles. allow me to focus on the particular role of the security council and its members. according to the charter of the united nations, the primary responsibility for maintaining peace and international security was conferred upon the security council to ensure prompt and effective action by the united nations . the paralysis of the council, when populations are threatened with horrific crimes, runs counter to the spirit of the charter. that is why we welcome and support the initiative launched by france aimed at ensuring that the permanent members of the security council refrain from using the right of veto in cases of mass atrocities. but beyond the permanent members, each of the member states must assume its responsibility. each one has its role to play, in working towards decisive action by the security council to prevent or halt mass atrocities. we therefore encourage all member states to support the code of conduct as it relates to the action of the security council against genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. it will be officially launched on the occasion of the seventieth anniversary of the united nations. the same code of conduct has been developed by the accountability, coherence and transparency group, of which luxembourg is a member. the responsibility to protect must cease to be an abstract principle and become a concrete reality. at [number] years of age, the united nations must be able adapt in order to be up to the challenges it faces. on that account, we welcome the ongoing reviews that aim to make united nations actions more efficient in its peacekeeping operations, peacebuilding or in the implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , which recognizes women s indispensable role in peace and security. luxembourg will continue to engage with the numerous member states that wish to push forward a reform of the united nations. i am obviously thinking, in particular, about a reform that would make the security council more effective, transparent and representative of today s world. let me conclude my remarks as i began them, with a quotation. this one is from mahatma gandhi. i understand it as an exhortation and a reminder of the responsibilities that we must shoulder, if we want to realize the dream of the creators of our organization, which is the dream of a world of peace and dignity for all and the dream of a better world you must be the change you wish to see in the world .
[number]. it gives me great pleasure, sir, to see you, an illustrious son of africa, occupying the post of president of the general assembly at its thirty-ninth session. i congratulate you most sincerely. your election is well deserved recognition of the vast diplomatic experience and stature which you have acquired in the course of many years of association with the united nations. your election is, at the same time, deserving recognition of your country, zambia. our two countries are linked, not only by territory, people and history, but also by a common resolve to struggle against oppression, colonialism and racism and to promote justice and the economic wellbeing of the deprived part of humanity, which is the greater part. this oneness of purpose and complementarity of efforts has joined us in the group of frontline states, the southern african development coordination conference, the oau and the movement of non-aligned countries. in welcoming your leadership of this session, my delegation pledges its fullest cooperation. [number]. i wish also to record the deep appreciation of my government to your predecessor, mr. jorge illueca, of panama, who with dedication and competence so effectively conducted the proceedings of the thirty-eighth session of the assembly. [number]. allow me also to pay a well-deserved tribute to the secretary general. it takes hard work, dedication and perseverance to ensure the smooth operation of the united nations, especially at a time when the organization is undergoing financial problems and facing crises of political confidence even vis- -vis some of its own members. we are pleased to note that he has shouldered his responsibility with commitment and resourcefulness. [number]. my delegation is happy to join other delegations in extending a warm welcome to the new nation of brunei darussalam. its admission brings us a step closer to the total eradication of the scourge of colonialism and towards the ultimate goal of universality of membership of the united nations. we look forward to friendly relations with the government of [number]. since the last session, the political and economic problems facing the international community have increased in complexity, critical initiatives have stagnated, and our capacity to provide hope to a weary world has diminished. indeed, the enemies and critics of the united nations have been reinforced by its apparent helplessness in the face of continuing conflict, insecurity and poverty in the world. [number]. perhaps our resolve is needed nowhere more than in southern africa. since the last session, there have been significant developments in the region significant not because we have as a result of them come any closer to the elimination of apartheid or colonialism but because those developments have, in fact, been seized upon by the detractors of african freedom to retard the liberation struggle. the countries directly involved have put the present situation in its proper context and their statements before this assembly stand for the record. [number]. the history of south african oppression and aggression against the black people inside and outside south africa is well known. in fighting the war in mozambique and angola, south africa has wanted to create a buffer zone for apartheid. the triumph of the mpla and frelimo in angola and mozambique, respectively, has obviously been a great blow to the sinister desire of the apartheid regime to surround itself either with economically dependent and totally submissive african states or with puppet governments. [number]. today, south africa has not ceased to react to internal and external opposition to apartheid by seeking to control its neighbours through a variety of methods, including a combination of false promises, destabilization and outright military attacks and occupation. [number]. the choice facing the countries of southern africa is clear. either they bow to the evil of apartheid or they must be prepared to become its victims. they have paid dearly for their commitment to the struggle against apartheid. [number]. in this regard, tanzania is deeply distressed that, out of the so-called concern for strategic, economic and security requirements, which in fact is a front for long held political misconceptions, a policy of acceptance of or accommodation with apartheid is now being assiduously fostered. the invitation to prime minister botha to visit some western european countries, as well as some of the statements we have already heard from this rostrum, is but another aspect of that policy. [number]. the situation in southern africa admits of no neutrality. in essence, apartheid represents a negation of our common humanity, which we seek to safeguard and foster by our commitment to the ideals of the charter of the united nations. the struggle against apartheid is, therefore, the responsibility of the international community as a whole and. not the burden of the countries of southern africa alone. [number]. that the apartheid regime is supposedly now ready to talk to the governments of the countries of southern africa which it thought it could obliterate at the time of independence is in itself a measure of the failure of the regime to subdue them. yet, we reject the premise that these overtures by apartheid south africa mean that it is now freedom loving or peace loving, for apartheid cm offer no peace to its victims, and neither can they. the victims of apartheid are primarily the black people of south africa. if the racist regime is willing to talk peace, it is addressing the request for dialogue to the wrong people. angola, botswana, swaziland, lesotho, mozambique or zimbabwe do not threaten the south african regime. it is the black people inside south africa that the regime has to settle with. south africa has to talk with the people of south africa through their national liberation movement. for its part, tanzania reaffirms its total support for the south african liberation movement. [number]. the events in southern africa must continue to be seen in their true context of south african aggression and not with an assumed image of south africa as a peacemaker. there can be no peace or accommodation with apartheid, and those who now echo the empty propagandistic pronouncements of the racist regime should know that they are in fact contributing to the undoing of all that has been achieved in the global campaign to isolate apartheid. to preach accommodation or neutrality with regard to racism is immoral and politically unacceptable. my president, julius k. nyerere, said in an address to the fifth summit of the southern african development coordination conference, held at gaborone on [number] july [number] "it is irrelevant that apartheid south africa has strong allies and that the economic and military muscle of apartheid is sustained to a very great extent by western states through trade and other forms of cooperation apartheid remains immoral and any support given to south africa is immoral. it is rejected by public opinion even in the very states which give support to south africa, as well as the vast majority of the south africans. immorality is immorality even when it has powerful supporters and apartheid is immoral. " [number]. for namibia, we have a plan which has been accepted by the parties concerned and upon which there exists an international consensus. swapo, the frontline states, africa and, indeed, the international community as a whole have invested a great deal of work, patience, hope and time in the evolution of the plan for the independence of namibia. that plan would have been implemented several years ago but for the extraneous linkages and conditionalities mooted to thwart the letter and spirit of security council resolution [number] [number] . let me reiterate my country's stand. we reject the use of the withdrawal of cuban troops from the sovereign state of angola as a bargaining chip in the implementation of the united nations independence plan for namibia. we also reject as illegal and unacceptable the continued occupation of southern angola by south african troops, and we consider entirely reprehensible the attempt to tie the withdrawal of these aggressor troops to a ceasefire between the patriotic troops of swapo and the south african occupation forces in namibia. we vigorously denounce the support given to the counterrevolutionary movement of unlta. we reaffirm our unremitting support for swapo, the sole and authentic representative of the struggling people of namibia. if the patience of the colonized and oppressed people of namibia is not to run out, if their faith, trust and confidence in the united nations and in the solidarity of the international community are to be sustained, the united nations plan should be implemented without further delay. in it is, the responsibility of the western five. , and particularly the united states, to see to it that the plan for the independence of namibia is not further obstructed cannot be overemphasized. [number]. the saharan people continue to be denied their independence. we regret that, despite the existence of united nations and oau formulas for the self-determination and independence of the saharan people, one party to the conflict morocco continues its obstructionist policies. we renew our appeal to the parties concerned, and in particular morocco, to facilitate the work of the oau implementation committee. [number]. we are equally concerned about the future of the comoros island of mayotte. while we welcome the ongoing bilateral negotiations between the islamic federal republic of the comoros and france, we urge the parties in question to expedite the negotiations for the eventual restoration of the national unity and territorial integrity of the comoros. [number]. in chad, the fratricidal conflict persists with the regrettable de facto partitioning of that country. my government has followed with keen interest the efforts of the current chairman of the organization of african unity to bring the warring parties to the conference table. we commend him for his tireless efforts. we appeal to the leaders of the contending chadian groups to put patriotism first, to come together and to agree on a future for their country which preserves unity and territorial integrity and militarily excludes foreign interference and involvement. [number]. in the middle east, we believe that a comprehensive and lasting peace can be achieved only if israel unconditionally withdraws from all the arab territories occupied since [number] and recognizes the legitimate and inalienable rights of the palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to establish an independent state of their own. israel must end its illegal settlement policy in the occupied territories. the need for all states in the region, including israel, to live within secure and internationally recognized borders should be acknowledged. meanwhile, we reiterate our support for the plo as the sole and authentic representative of the palestinian people. [number]. the war between iran and iraq, two nonaligned and developing states, has already caused tremendous devastation of human life and property. my government has all along encouraged the mediation efforts of the united nations, the movement of nonaligned countries, the organization of the islamic conference and the individual countries which have offered their services in the search for an amicable resolution of the conflict. while we continue to encourage these efforts, we renew our earnest appeal to both iran and iraq to agree to a peaceful settlement. at the same time, we hope that all countries, particularly the major powers, will desist from actions which might exacerbate the tensions in the region and widen the conflict. [number]. although the situation in the middle east remains unsettled, my delegation is encouraged by the new spirit of reconciliation and national unity among the lebanese people. this new spirit offers new hope for the future stability, national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country. therefore, we call upon the international community as a whole to give wholehearted encouragement and support to the lebanese people as they embark on the arduous road of national reconstruction. that process should be facilitated by the immediate cessation of the israeli military occupation of southern lebanon. [number]. in cyprus, intercommunal differences, exacerbated by foreign involvement, have led to the current unfortunate state of division. in a statement issued at the time of the unilateral action on the part of the turkish cypriots, my government regretted their unilateral declaration of independence. we hope that the cypriot communities will continue negotiations within the framework of the good offices of the secretary general with a view to finding a viable and lasting solution which will preserve the ethnic diversity, territorial integrity and independence of the republic of cyprus. in this endeavour, however, those foreign countries most directly concerned, namely, turkey and greece, and the international community as a whole, should give the cypriot people a genuine chance for dialogue and compromise. we hope the secretary general will continue to offer his good offices for that objective. [number]. tanzania supports the efforts of the korean people towards peaceful reunification of their homeland. we are encouraged by the steadily growing willingness of the two parts of korea to initiate constructive dialogue. [number]. central america remains engulfed in war or the threat of war. the civil war in el salvador continues, and the threats of foreign intervention in nicaragua and the unprecedented arms build-up around its borders and along its shores continue to be a source of serious concern. over the years, the movement of nonaligned countries and the united nations have reaffirmed the right of nicaragua and all other countries of the region to live in peace, free from outside interference. we continue to see the persistent threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of a nicaragua as ensuing from the deliberate refusal of some countries outside the region to accept the existence of ideological pluralism in the region. it is in this context that tanzania will continue to reject any attempts to infringe on the sovereignty of nicaragua or to undermine the independence of that country. the right of each state to choose its social, economic and political system without outside interference must be respected. [number]. the government of tanzania has supported the initiatives of the contadora group and, in particular, the contadora act on peace and cooperation in central america, which the group has issued. the countries of the contadora group recognize that ideological pluralism is a reality in the region which must be accepted. these countries realize that respect for the right of peoples of the region to self-determination and political as well as economic independence are the firm basis for any successful negotiations among the countries involved for genuine and permanent arrangements for peace. [number]. in africa, as in many parts of the developing world, the refugee problem continues to preoccupy the governments affected by the forced human migrations. more could have been achieved in terms of offering hope to the long-term needs of the refugees. we appreciate, none the less, the spirit of cooperation and generosity demonstrated at the second international conference on assistance to refugees in africa, held at geneva from [number] to [number] july [number], by the governments which responded readily and generously to the appeal of the conference. [number]. at the same time, we regard the mexico city declaration on population and development, adopted by the international conference on population, held from [number] to [number] august [number] as providing a workable guideline for the future elaboration by countries of appropriate population policies, taking into account the particular circumstances of each country. [number]. this session marks the tenth anniversary of the declaration and the programme of action on the establishment of a new international economic order. this is also the tenth anniversary of the charter of economic rights and duties of states. the first review and appraisal of the implementation of the international development strategy for the third united nations development decade will be carried out at this session. these are all important policy instruments aimed primarily at the acceleration of the development of the developing countries and the promotion of cooperation among all members of the international community on the basis of sovereign equality, justice and interdependence. [number]. unfortunately, the international community has failed to turn these policy instruments into effective action. what we have witnessed over the last [number] years is a disappointing record of inconclusive negotiations and persistent inaction. this failure to take appropriate and timely action has plunged the world economy into a deeper crisis and severely strained north south relations. the deterioration in the economies of most developing countries has reached grave proportions. severe balance of payments difficulties and unbearable debt burdens have become some of the most common features in most developing countries. and, while many developing countries, particularly in africa, are suffering from an acute shortage of food, the preoccupation in europe and north america is with reduction of supplies of foodstuffs in order to maintain farmers' incomes. [number]. these are some of the realities of the present international order. but there are those who would wish to dismiss these lightly as third world problems. their relationship to, and impact on, the economies of the developed countries are often ignored as if the north and the south lived in two isolated planets. thus, for example, although developing countries take over one third of the exports from the european economic community, the relationship between high levels of unemployment in these industrialized countries and the diminishing import capacity of third world countries, caused by the collapse of the prices of the commodities they export, is hardly talked about! in his address to the assembly last year, at the thirty-eighth session, my president stated "economically, an impoverished customer is no good to a shopkeeper, a destitute man is no use to a farmer and a bankrupt creditor is a disaster for a bank. " these, too, are the realities of economic interdependence. [number]. in order to achieve true interdependence, however, structural changes in the existing international economic system are imperative. this system has proved to be inappropriate not only for the development needs of the developing countries of the postcolonial era, but also to its own architects. a frank exchange on how to restructure relations between developed and developing countries is therefore needed as a key element in the revival of the world economy. [number]. but, at a time when such a dialogue is urgently needed, we witness deliberate manoeuvres by a few developed countries to disrupt the very process of negotiation. surprisingly, these are the same countries which [number] years ago made strong pleas for accommodation and cooperation and the need to avoid confrontation. some of them even talked about "global consensus for economic development". their actions today reveal the hollowness of such pleas. we know now that consensus and accommodation to them means acceptance of the policies of domination and exploitation of the majority by a few developed countries. when such policies have been overwhelmingly rejected by the international community, then the whole process of dialogue is regarded as ideological politicization of technical discussions. their immediate reaction to the aspirations of the rest of the international community is to try to put an end to any kind of dialogue unless such dialogue is conducted in accordance with the wishes and the rules of the few wealthy nations. the wave of notices of withdrawal from this or that organization and the threats to withdraw financial support for certain organizations do not help to improve the climate of international cooperation either. [number]. in short, we are faced with a conflict between a call by the majority of mankind for structural change towards justice and true interdependence and a desire by a few developed countries to protect the existing inequitable system of international division of labour. but change is inevitable. the question is whether it will be such as to advance the wellbeing of mankind in a shrinking world or to risk catastrophe, whether nations will share in and guide such change or have it forced upon them in a manner they may find much less manageable. there is la essential international character to the struggle for human equality and human dignity and to the search for lasting solutions to the world economic crisis and the war against poverty. let us agree at this session to launch the global negotiations and pledge our resolve to work tirelessly for their successful conclusion. [number]. while the political and economic problems cast a gloomy shadow on the future of the world, nothing puts its survival in greater jeopardy than the spiralling arms race. since the last session, the world has seen the further deterioration of relations between the superpowers and the attendant resurgence of the politics of the cold war. new and more sophisticated weapons are being manufactured at an unprecedented rate, and concepts of limited nuclear war find expression in equally unprecedented military expenditures as the international situation unfolds the possibility of nuclear confrontation. [number]. the politics of power are compounding the perceived sense of insecurity of countries and this, in turn, is fuelling the race for more weapons, including conventional weapons. the time has come to realize that the safety of the world depends on a courageous approach to the problems of arms control and disarmament, getting out of this vicious cycle of fear. in that approach, priority should be placed on nuclear disarmament, for it is nuclear weapons which pose the most immediate threat to the survival of mankind. [number]. any stability, however, must necessarily include the nonnuclear weapon states, in particular third world countries. their role in the scheme of global stability cannot be ignored because they also have an interest in self-preservation. their participation in the decision-making is a prerequisite for the solution of the security and economic problems which beset the world today. it was in this context of both involvement and breaking the impasse in the nuclear arms negotiations brought about by the psychological barrier of mutual suspicion that my president, together with the leaders of argentina, greece, india, mexico and sweden, issued a joint declaration on [number] may [number], in which they called upon the five nuclear weapon states to halt all testing, production and development of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems and to agree to negotiate substantial reductions in their nuclear forces, with adequate verification measures. this measure towards general and complete disarmament should be complemented by measures to strengthen the united nations system and to transfer the resources thus saved from the arms race to social and economic development. today, i wish to repeat that call to the nuclear weapon states, and i hope that, in the interest of world peace, other countries will join us in petitioning those countries to negotiate. [number]. the indian ocean continues to hold potential for big power conflict. we call on the big powers to respond positively to the desire of the littoral and hinterland states for the implementation of the declaration of the indian ocean as a zone of peace. [number]. present here at the united nations are nations big and small, rich and poor, strong and weak. we are bound together by our common desire and resolve to nurture and preserve our collective freedom, independence and security. we all speak of peace, security and independence, and the organization was established for the precise purpose of establishing these common ideals. we have heard a great deal about the diminishing moral authority of the united nations. the influence of the united nations has been questioned and its effectiveness is sometimes cynically dismissed. admittedly, [number] years after the united nations was founded, the greater part of the world has seen little peace and little relief from the oppression of poverty. yet, the world would be poorer without the united nations, for there is no denying that it provides an essential instrument for pursuing the objectives of world peace, security and development. nothing can diminish the nobility of the goals of the united nations. separately and together, we must work to strengthen it as an organization for the regulation and promotion of beneficial international relations. the tanzanian delegation pledges its full cooperation in this worthy endeavour.
i wanted to come here, and i had to come here. i thought it was necessary to show that i will not allow those fanatic killers, who [number] may be secretly lurking right now, to prevent me from presenting the general views of my country, the republic of croatia, about the current situation in the world in front of this audience in the united nations. this year, the general debate is taking place later than usual. the terrorist attacks on new york and washington postponed the scheduled autumn session. i emphasize the word postponed . the terrorists did not manage to paralyse the united states of america. they did not manage to stop the work of the united nations nor will the world s statesmen cancel their visits to new york and their participation in the work of the general assembly. since [number] september, when as if in a nightmare we were faced with the horror of global terrorism, it has been repeatedly said by many people, including myself, that the world is no longer the same. i am here today to repeat this, and also to add a few more words. it is true, or at least it seems to be true, that the terrorist attacks, which left thousands of deaths behind, have changed everything. however, the truth is slightly different much has changed as a result of the attacks, but nothing has changed in the area that made it possible for the attacks to be committed. i would therefore like to stress the following points. in order to make sure that the terror experienced by new york and washington will not happen again, we i repeat, we have to change the world completely. today we live with the threat of global terrorism, and the global response to it. with regard to the nature of this first big war of the twenty-first century, i can only repeat what i recently mentioned in my speech in the israeli parliament, the knesset. this is not a clash of civilizations this is not a clash of cultures this is not a conflict of religions. this is just a confrontation of civilization and non-civilization. i would also like to be very clear about something else. there is no such thing as our or their terrorism. there is no justified or unjustified terrorism. it is in the nature of terrorism, regardless of whether it is masked by an ideology, religion or war of liberation, to kill innocent people the more, the better. terrorism is therefore absolutely unacceptable, and this is why we are fighting against it today. we have created a broad anti-terrorist coalition, an alliance of countries not previously known in history, which can only be compared to the anti-fascist coalition at the time of the second world war. this anti-terrorist coalition is almost an alliance of the civilized world, a defence response of that world to the challenge and threat of destruction and anarchy. i would like to stress two things with respect to the response and the circumstances in which it is taking place. first, today we are not faced with the dilemma of choosing between anarchy imposed upon us by the terrorists, on the one hand, and autocracy, which some could perhaps see as the only efficient response to global terrorism on the other. to accept that dilemma would be fatal for our civilization. the response is, and can only be, democracy and the rule of law. the defence of democracy must not turn it into its very opposite, even under the conditions of war imposed upon us by the terrorists. secondly, the establishment of the anti-terrorist coalition represents the beginning of profound and far- reaching changes on the world political scene. i am speaking about changes in relations between countries or groups of countries. i am also speaking about changes in the nature and way of functioning of international alliances, such as the north atlantic treaty organization, as well as existing international organizations like the united nations and those organizations that are just emerging, of which the international criminal court is one example. however, while we are still combating global terrorism using our military, political and economic force and intelligence organizations, we must start looking for answers to the following questions what is global terrorism and what makes it possible? it is not enough to defeat the terrorists we are faced with today. we have to do everything we can to make sure that we shall not be dealing with new terrorists tomorrow. this is the second level of change that needs to be carried out, but that is not yet being made. i view the situation as follows. it will not be difficult to encourage fanatic behaviour in both individuals and large groups of people thus turning them into ruthless killers or terrorists as long as famine, poverty and non- development are present in large parts of the world, and as long as people anywhere suffer from inequality and the absence of freedom as a result of unresolved regional crises. i therefore think that we have to change [number] the world completely, if we do not want our present fight against global terrorism and our victory over it, of which i have no doubt, to be mere episodes. that might sound too ambitious or even a bit utopian, but i believe it is neither of the two. i am sure that, in addition to the fight against terrorism, there is another task ahead of us that is no less difficult or responsible, namely, creating and implementing a global strategy for solving accumulated problems of today s world, problems that did not appear only yesterday. many of them have been discussed under the dome of the general assembly. many beautiful words have been said. it is now time to turn those words into actions. it is now time for those actions to stop ugly, abominable words full of hatred and hostility from turning into new acts of madness such as the ones we saw in this city. we have a common interest life in peace and safety for all. let us have a common goal, too a life of dignity for all. neither can be achieved tomorrow everywhere, but both can be achieved everywhere. i would like this session of the united nations general assembly to reaffirm this world organization as an irreplaceable instrument in the struggle for a different and better world. i would like this session to show the political will of all member states to start seeking together and finding in a sincere and coordinated way, solutions to problems that, in the context of the threat of global terrorism, prove to be literally unavoidable. let us not forget that in september the terrorists used planes full of passengers in order to kill thousands of people. the next time they may use chemical, biological or, perhaps, even nuclear weapons to kill hundreds of thousands of people. let us also not forget that this organization was founded to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war . there is no time to lose. let us change the world we live in so as to be able to continue to live.
as we gather near ground zero, site of the world trade center mass murder, i wish first to honour the victims of terrorism. i honour all victims everywhere, including those killed and wounded at the westgate shopping mall in nairobi. tragically, we lost two canadians in nairobi, including one of our diplomats. there is no more fitting venue to honour the life of annemarie desloges and her service than right here at the united nations. the crime of terror is an assault on all people. in its wake, the human family is one united in pain, mourning and our resolve that we will never allow evil to triumph. at this moment of grief, the oneness of humankind is the theme of my remarks today. allow me to begin with an observation drawn from the canadian experience. the province of newfoundland and labrador was the last province to join canada, but it is the site of the earliest known european settlement in the new world. l anse aux meadows is more than [number], [number] years old. we consider the province s capital city, st. john s, to be the oldest english settlement in north america, dating back to [number]. the early newfoundland settlements are the subject of significant archeological activity. among the artifacts commonly found is a three-handled drinking mug known as a tyg. the three handles are designed for sharing. during the seventeenth century, it was common to share eating and drinking utensils. further research reveals that the tyg is not unique to canadian and english history. on the contrary, cups with three or more handles are common to many of the world s cultures. indeed, nearly three millennia ago, homer wrote in the iliad of a multi-handled mug. the tyg and its many counterparts around the world are tangible reminders not just of the fact that eating and drinking are social activities, but that, as long as human beings have inhabited this planet, sustenance and the necessaries of life have been community endeavours. human beings share out of necessity. we cooperate to survive. we form communities because that is our natural state. as cicero observed, we were born to unite with our fellow men and to join in community with the human race. animated by the same spirit of community, the charter of the united nations declares that our goals include to live together, to be neighbours and to unite. the very first words of the charter of the united nations make clear that the organization is a body of, by and for human beings. it begins, we the peoples of the united nations not we the countries or we the governments or we the political leaders , but we the peoples . that is an important reminder of why and on whose behalf we are all here today. at the united nations, canada targets its efforts on securing tangible results for the human family. it is much more important to consider what the united nations is achieving than how the united nations arranges its affairs. canada s government does not seek to have our values or our principled foreign policy validated by elites who would rather go along to get along. the billions who are hungry, or lack access to clean water, or are displaced, or cannot read and write do not care how many members sit on the security council. but they do need to know that their brothers and sisters in humankind will walk with them through the darkness. peace, prosperity and freedom are the conditions that have been sought by human communities from the beginning of recorded time to live in peace, to live in prosperity, to live in freedom. of those priorities peace is the foremost objective of the united nations. it is no surprise that the charter of the united nations mentions the word peace four dozen times. sadly, peace the word is easier to locate than peace the condition. since the moment the organization was created, not a day has passed without the human family being pained by war somewhere on the planet. almost always, the suffering is felt by the most vulnerable among us. far too often, that involves women and violence. in the context of war, rape and serious sexual violence are war crimes. i have met girls who were victims of that very war crime, and their stories are absolutely horrific. the war criminals involved must be identified, pursued, prosecuted and punished. earlier this year, canada and other group of eight nations agreed to treat sexual violence in conflict as a violation of the geneva conventions. i applaud the united kingdom and foreign secretary william hague for their work in this very important area. but he would be the first to acknowledge that the fight to eradicate this crime has been led by women, including the special representative of the secretary-general on sexual violence in conflict, ms. zainab hawa bangura. tragically every year, millions of girls, some as young as nine years old, are forced into marriage. since i began my remarks today, [number] children have been forced into marriage at a rate of [number], [number] per hour, or more than [number], [number] per day. the effects of early forced marriage are documented and beyond dispute. early forced marriage harms health, halts education, destroys opportunity and enslaves women in a life of poverty. a young woman once recounted her wedding date. she remembered, it was the day i left school . no country is immune from this scourge. this is a global problem a problem for humankind. forced marriage is rape an act of violence against women. early forced marriage is child rape an act of violence against young girls. the practice is abhorrent and indefensible. we condemn it, even though some might prefer that we kept quiet. the discomfort of the public is of small concern, particularly in the context of a crime that calls to heaven for justice. spoke in english if the united nations does not act to protect young girls, who will? another way to protect the vulnerable is to improve the health of mothers, newborns and children so that we can reduce the number of deaths. i would like to say how proud i am of canadian prime minister stephen harper for having led a global effort the muskoka initiative to reduce maternal and infant mortality and to improve the health of mothers and children in the world s poorest countries. that is about half of the world s population, and all of its potential. while those efforts, to eradicate sexual violence in conflict, to eliminate early forced marriage and to improve maternal and newborn health are essential, we must do more than react to crises. we must invest in opportunities for women and young girls. we must ensure that women participate fully in all parts of our society and in all the countries of the united nations. that will help us build a stronger, more secure, more prosperous and more peaceful world. it is in every nation s self-interest to ensure every young girl realizes her full potential. and it is from the perspective of the human family, one family, that we must address other threats to peace and security. among the most urgent crises remains the violence in syria. canada s position is clear we support the syrian people, the innocent people caught up in this senseless violence and those who show great courage in working on their behalf. we will never support a brutal and illegitimate regime that has unleashed weapons of mass destruction on its own people. nor will we tolerate extremism and terrorism as alternatives to al-assad s tyranny. the people of canada have been generous in helping those most in need. when success is achieved, i believe that it is important to recognize it. the near- impossible work of the world food programme must be applauded, and canada has responded by being the second-largest single-country donor in the world. its work in syria is paramount and has not gone unnoticed. i also commend the work of the office of the united nations high commissioner for refugees in providing assistance to the refugees fleeing that terrible conflict, as well as the generosity of syria s neighbours in providing safe haven. canada joins the entire world in seeking a political resolution to the conflict. canada supports a peaceful, democratic and pluralistic syria that protects the rights of all communities. but let us not confuse a peaceful, negotiated outcome with equivocation or moral uncertainty. there can be no moral ambiguity about the use of chemical weapons, particularly against civilians. today, [number] september, is a dark reminder of the price of accommodation with evil. it is the seventy- fifth anniversary of the munich agreement, by which czechoslovakia s freedom was sacrificed to appease the nazi regime. the appeasers claimed they had won peace in our time. in fact, their abandoning of principle was a calamity for the world. nobel peace prize winner elie wiesel, a holocaust survivor who was imprisoned at auschwitz, has been even blunter neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. sometimes we must interfere. when human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant. just as we are not neutral or silent on the crimes being committed against the syrian people, neither is canada neutral on israel s right to exist and to defend itself. there can be no bargaining over israel s existence. while dialogue is a virtue, there can be no virtuous discussion with anyone wedded to israel s destruction. today, the jewish people are masters of their own fate, like most other nations, in their sovereign jewish state. and like all other nations, israel has the right to defend itself, by itself. canada fundamentally believes peace is achievable and that palestinians and israelis and their neighbours can live side by side in peace and security. we, like many nations, wish to see a prosperous palestinian state living in peace with its jewish neighbour. that is why, although at times we have fundamental differences on how statehood is achieved, canada is providing significant assistance to build the institutions that are vital to the establishment of a viable future state. in the west bank, canada is contributing greatly to economic, security and justice initiatives. recent developments in negotiations between israel and the palestinian authority are indeed encouraging. i want to salute the leadership and courage of the israeli prime minister and the palestinian authority s president. i commend united states secretary of state john kerry for his personal leadership in this area. we must all commit ourselves to this cause, united by the prospect of peace. i look forward to the day when israeli and palestinian children can live side by side in peace and security in a jewish and in a palestinian state. dialogue is important, yes. but our dialogue must be a prelude to action, and action must mean achieving results. action must mean making a difference. if we take the recent statements coming from the regime in iran, some observers see encouraging signs, but sound bites do not remove threats to global security. kind words, a smile and a charm offensive are not a substitute for real action. we will welcome and acknowledge reform, if and when it comes. by the following test we will know when genuine reform has occurred has there been real, measurable, material improvement in the lives of the iranian people and in the security of the world? not yet. we will judge the regime on the basis of its actions and results. the five permanent members of the security council plus germany have had five rounds of formal negotiations with iran in the past two years. while everyone says the meetings have been productive, the fact remains we have not seen any change in iran s actions. next year, nothing would make canada more pleased than to see a change in iran s nuclear ambitions, a change to its terrible human rights record and an end to its material support for terrorism, including for hizbullah. now is the time for the global community to maintain tough sanctions against iran so that the country takes a different path on its nuclear programme. the iranian people want peace, and they are suffering great hardship because of their government. canada wants the iranian people to be able to access a life of freedom and prosperity for themselves. how do we as a human family achieve and maintain prosperity? we do so through free trade among open societies operating under transparent, consistent and fair rules. canada continues to diversify its markets because it is a trading nation. we are aggressively pursuing free-trade agreements with other nations. bounded by three oceans, with the second-largest land mass in the world, canada is literally open to the world. we are both deepening existing economic relationships and building new ones. whether with china, which is now canada s second-largest trading partner, or the countries of the association of southeast asian nations, where canadian trade and investment ties are dramatically increasing, or the pacific alliance, which provides new and exciting opportunities, or the european union, where we are negotiating a comprehensive free trade agreement, canada and canadians are supporting market liberalization. in the process, ordinary lives are becoming enriched and entire societies stronger. but the quest for prosperity must never come at the expense of our commitment to freedom. prosperity is inextricably linked to peace. after all, those who lack security usually lack the means to provide for themselves and their families. with economic opportunity, a fruit vendor in tunisia may not have felt compelled to end his life seeking the dignity to provide for his own family. a young man in afghanistan may never feel compelled to join terrorist elements simply to raise his children and ensure that their lives are better than the one he lived. i will always remember the [number]-year old girl that i met at zaatari refugee camp, in jordan. her parents had made the difficult decision to leave their home and to seek refuge in another country, braving hardship because they were motivated, like all parents, by the desire to keep their family safe. i asked the young girl how she was doing. with tears in her eyes, she said simply, i do not like it here. i want to go home. it was absolutely heartwrenching. and millions of people are in the same tragic position around the world millions of members of the human family who cannot even begin to contemplate prosperity until a more basic need, their need for security, is addressed. the global family will never achieve the prosperity that is our full potential unless we address the peace and security concerns that constrain human opportunity. everyone has an interest in contributing to the solution, because peace and prosperity ultimately ensure the freedom of the individual. that is why we need the people of these united nations gathered here to promote that freedom freedom from oppression, freedom from discrimination, freedom to worship, to think, to speak, to love, to believe freedom to be. human freedom can be exercised and, sadly, limited in far too many ways. religious persecution continues in too many places. since we gathered here last year, the world has witnessed bombings of mosques in iraq and pakistan and catholic churches in tanzania attacks against hindu, buddhist and muslim places of worship in burma and bangladesh the bloody persecution of christians in syria attacks on coptic christian churches in egypt attacks on a mosque and on a catholic church in sri lanka the detention of sri lankan muslim leader azad sally the murders of catholic worshippers in nigeria and the iranian regime s ongoing persecution of the baha i. canada this year opened an office of religious freedom. its mandate is to promote freedom of religion and belief as a foreign policy priority, and to combat the enslavement into fear by those who seek to intimidate and undermine the right to worship freely in peace and in harmony. we reject the pernicious notion that human dignity can be sliced up, compartmentalized or compromised. in a pluralistic society, it is impossible to protect some human rights and freedoms while infringing others. all freedoms are rooted in the inherent dignity of human beings. whether the issue is religious freedom, sexual freedom, political freedom or any other freedom, some people ask what business is it of ours? what interest do we have in events outside our borders? our business is a shared humanity. our interest is the dignity of humankind. many assaults on human dignity have common roots. i refer to neo-fascist ideology masquerading in different forms, and the threat that it poses to individual freedom. i spoke earlier of the anniversary of the munich agreement. what the signatories claimed as a triumph of practical politics was in fact a craven capitulation that betrayed human dignity and bankrupted the peace it purported to secure. it was wrong then to underestimate and to appease fascism, just as it is now to underestimate its modern incarnation. extremism that subjugates human dignity and crushes individual freedom beneath rigid ideology must be opposed for what it is. one year ago, the world lost the great somali poet known as gaarriye. although his pen has been silenced, the inspiring words remain. he wrote and tell them this our purpose is peace our password freedom our aim, equality our way, the way of light. . in other words, peace, prosperity and freedom three universal human priorities. like the three handles of a mug from which we all drink, they are three values that all humankind shares. as i close, i cannot help but reflect on the three young girls, and my heart breaks for them the child bride who said, it was the day i left schoo. the young girl who was a victim of rape and sexual violence the refugee who said, i just want to go home . we are not here to achieve results for governments or political leaders. we are here to protect and defend those three girls and [number] billion other members of the human family. let us remember that as we embark on discussions to shape a new global agenda, focusing on those most in need. i am confident that everyone here feels the overwhelming honour and privilege it is to serve our people. it is not without great challenge and responsibility, but we all must stand up and deliver on that unique mandate for the people, for it is the people who expect nothing less.
at this crucial moment, when it is debating questions vital to the united nations and all humanity, the general assembly has unanimously decided to elect you, mr. president, to preside over the deliberations of its sixtieth session. i therefore congratulate you very warmly and offer you my best wishes for success. i also congratulate your predecessor, mr. jean ping, and thank the secretary-general for his efforts for peace, development and agreement among nations. our world has been radically transformed since the end of the cold war that sombre period that still has continuing effects. new threats have appeared, while other, older ones remain. new kinds of challenges loom, even as the international community is falling behind in finding appropriate responses to existing challenges, which are getting worse. new conflicts are erupting violently today, while the international community still struggles with the flashpoints that appeared following the second world war, as well as those that arose out of the ensuing process of decolonization. humanitarian disasters, whether man-made or natural, and the problems of refugees, famine, the aids pandemic and malaria, exacerbated by persistent underdevelopment have contributed more than ever to stretch beyond strictly military issues our definition of collective security, which our organization, since its birth, has been asked to promote. the mission to protect remains today an unattainable goal. a vital threat seen daily throughout the world is the growing threat of international terrorism, which respects no borders and violates the most fundamental human rights. it is not enough to vigorously denounce the killing of innocent victims. to combat terrorism, we must oppose it with relentless determination. in that context, there is no alternative to resolute international cooperation that recognizes, above all, that an effective response to transnational terrorism is necessarily a collective effort. algeria believes it urgent to implement existing agreements on the fight against terrorism and to conclude a comprehensive convention on terrorism that can overcome the difficulties in reaching an agreed definition of terrorism while not providing pretexts for the oppression of peoples seeking to realize their legitimate rights. active cooperation has been long awaited, but it is not sufficient. bilateral, regional and multilateral cooperation must be expanded and improved as we strengthen international legal instruments, such as the international convention for the suppression of acts of nuclear terrorism, adopted last april. at the same time, given the justifiable revulsion terrorism provokes, we must guard against attributing such acts to any religion or civilization. on the contrary, we must emphasize that the aspiration to peace and the search for agreement and exchange [number] among peoples are values common to the various civilizations we represent. that leads us to express our complete rejection of terrorism and spurs our collective reaction against it. we cannot hide our concern at growing intolerance and the echoes we sometimes hear of pseudo-theories and false analyses that show ever less restraint in directly blaming islam, which, for the overwhelming majority of a billion believers, is a religion that calls for fraternity, solidarity and tolerance. to blame islam - as some small but influential groups do - is to forget that before terrorism was recognized as an international phenomenon, it also struck, in particular, at muslims who had rejected the perpetrators and denied their claims that they represented all muslims. i strongly reaffirm that those criminals have placed themselves outside islam and have no claim to it. i say this on behalf of a country that has suffered a decade of terrorism and which has found precisely in its religion the endurance and the will to triumph over barbarism, staunch its wounds, renew its hope and take the path of reconciliation and brotherhood, which are at the very heart of the community of people and its leaders, as we approach the national referendum of [number] september. although the situation today confirms some of our earlier doubts and concerns, our only concern now is to see the people of iraq the heirs to an ancient civilization that is admired by the whole world return to peace and stability through the recovery of its full and complete sovereignty over a territory whose integrity is best preserved by exorcising the divisive demons generated by the present circumstances. the arab world is today the site of promising developments for the development of democracy and economic prosperity for its people. it would be wrong to see in these developments merely a response to external pressure. first and foremost, it comes from peoples wishing to participate, finally and actively, in their future, and who are eager to make their specific contribution to the conduct of affairs in a world where nothing that happens should be alien to them. this desire for reform brought the arab heads of state together in algiers, last march for a summit meeting, over which we were honoured to preside. reaffirming that desire, the leaders made firm commitments and we have proceeded to implement them. as diverse as the arab countries may be in their political, economic and social realities, we still have the same aspiration, which is bearing us towards a future of peace and progress to be shared by all if possible. in other words, we are fully aware that no peace and no sustainable economic momentum can be built in the middle east unless the palestinian people recover their full and complete sovereignty in the occupied territories, including al-quds al-sharif, capital of their independent state. it is a positive thing that the risks of nuclear proliferation have received heightened international attention in the last few years. the seventh conference to review the nuclear non-proliferation treaty held last may should have provided us with a special occasion to develop and adopt appropriate measures to deal with the problem on a consensual basis. however, we must note that our expectation was not met, particularly with respect to the [number] measures on nuclear disarmament agreed to at the preceding conference. algeria, which has adopted and supported the additional protocol on the international atomic energy agency iaea safeguards regime, also fully supports total and complete disarmament, as well as the total elimination of weapons of mass destruction. but we cannot conceal our concern that an exception to the treaty that has been tolerated, even allowed, in a region as riven by conflict as the middle east only further underscores the discriminatory approach that prevails with respect to non-proliferation. the african landscape has been profoundly transformed since the formation of the african union and the launching of the new partnership for africa's development nepad . so it is with new energy that africa, having established its peace and security council, has decided to tackle the conflicts that afflict it and to take up the resolute promotion of their final settlement. anyone who looks at africa objectively cannot ignore the endemic diseases, all of the visible and latent crises, the natural and man-made disasters, the famine and illiteracy. but today s africa, we must note, has never had so many democratically elected regimes and so many economies undergoing promising reforms. much still needs to be done, and the african countries are the first to recognize that. out of a sense of solidarity and also out of self- interest, developed countries should accompany africa in its determination to make a radical change in its circumstances so as to allow the african continent to [number] become part of the world economy, gain prosperity and make its contribution to the prosperity of the world in general. this cannot be done unless we take specific actions that have been amply identified by nepad, by the commission for africa established by tony blair and by the report of the secretary-general of our organization. as you know, the main points are to erase the debt and raise official development assistance oda from the current [number] billion to [number] billion and then to [number] billion between now and [number], to establish an international finance facility and to raise oda from the developed countries to [number]. [number] per cent of their gross domestic product by [number]. it is also in africa, near algeria, that we still see one of the last remaining uncompleted processes of decolonization. i am referring to the conflict in the western sahara, where morocco and the polisario front are adversaries. the united nations has identified this territory as being non-autonomous, and it is a situation that is actionable under the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. there is a peace plan that has been approved unanimously by the security council, calling for a framework and modalities for a final settlement through a free consultation of the saharawi people regarding their destiny. my country believes that the baker plan is the only framework able to lead to a settlement of the conflict, which pits moroccans against the polisario. algeria fully supports the efforts of the united nations to this end. we are pleased in this respect to see mr. peter van walsum appointed as personal envoy of the secretary-general and we assure him of our support in his mission, just as we do the new special representative of the secretary-general for the western sahara. resolving the conflict in the western sahara in keeping with norms of international legality and within the framework of the united nations would have the positive effect of giving critical momentum to the building of the greater arab maghreb, which algeria has always called for. we can only agree with the secretary-general when he puts development at the centre of his concept of a new international economic order and gives it priority attention within the united nations agenda. a few days ago, member states evaluated progress made since the september [number] adoption of the millennium development goals mdgs , and we must admit that the results are not that encouraging, the case of africa being rather instructive. with regard to the implementation of the eight goals of the [number] declaration, we would say that some of them, such as poverty reduction, have been deferred to a dangerously remote future. the requirement of adapting to new international realities makes reform an obligation for our organization. such reform must be thoroughgoing and balanced and serve and preserve the interests of as many as possible. we cannot just have specific amendments for the ambitions of a small number of members, legitimate though those ambitions may be. the reforms to be undertaken must, above all, satisfy the majority and serve the collective interests and common aspirations of all. the special attention given to the expansion of the security council is certainly justified, given the dominant role played by the council in maintaining international peace and security, but we must not let this cause us to lose sight of the legitimate demands of africa, nor of the need to maintain balance among the various bodies. given the fact that most of the african countries were excluded from the conference for the united nations at san francisco because they were colonies, it would be paradoxical, anachronistic and ineffective if developing countries were now invited to validate reform proposals that ignore their interests and concerns. in this exercise that we are undertaking under the watchful eye of our peoples, let us work together and embrace a common vision that will ensure a future of peace and prosperity shared by the member states that the united nations has the duty to guarantee.
i would first of all like to extend my sincere congratulations to mr. sam kutesa on his election as president of the general assembly at its sixty-ninth session. i assure him of the full support of my country. the remarkable work of his predecessor, mr. john william ashe, during the sixty-eighth session deserves our recognition. the same goes for the commendable and tireless efforts of secretary-general ban ki-moon as head of the organization. at the previous session, we deplored and condemned the cowardly terrorist attacks on the shopping centre in nairobi. now, inevitably, the current session takes place in an equally worrisome context, marked by serious threats to international peace and security. first, there is the advance of the elusive boko haram terrorist network, which is extending its area of influence to the border of the neighbouring countries of gabon, wreaking havoc and killing without discrimination. then, there is the recurrence of the epidemic of the ebola haemorrhagic fever, with an unprecedented incidence of infection, which is plunging africa into mourning. allow me to pay tribute to the memory of those who have lost their lives trying to help those who are ill. i also pay solemn tribute to the men and women who risk their lives in their daily fight to eradicate the pandemic. given that the threat of ebola is worldwide, national responses should be replaced by a comprehensive mobilization at the global level. in that regard, my country welcomes the recent steps taken by the african union and the united nations, as well as the many national initiatives that have been announced. i welcome the united nations decision to dispatch an emergency medical mission to fight the ebola epidemic in the affected countries. my country, which prevailed in its fight against several ebola crises in the past, intends to make available the international centre for medical research centre in franceville. the centre s expertise in treating that disease has been proven. i am pleased that this session allows us to debate a topic that concerns all of us, namely delivering on and implementing a transformative post-[number] development agenda . for gabon, the report recently adopted by the general assembly on sustainable development goals a [number] [number] is a solid foundation in the development of that agenda. my country welcomes the fact that african priorities, including the eradication of extreme poverty, the promotion of sustainable agriculture and industrialization, and the protection of the environment, all figure prominently in that report. i would like to recall here that gabon entered the post-[number] development agenda process when it began to implement the strategic plan for an emerging gabon. the plan is based on a vision, an approach that has led us to define a bold development programme. that programme, of course, incorporates the concerns reflected in the millennium development goals, as well as the challenges of climate change and food security. it gives pride of place to everything that promotes the maximization of our youth potential. the strategy implemented by gabon aims to accelerate the structural transformation of its economy by moving from a rentier economy to an economy of industries and services with high added-value in the near future. in the current phase of implementing that programme, special attention is being devoted to competitiveness factors, such as the formation of human capital and the construction and upgrading of development infrastructure, including the development of a digital economy and the strengthening of energy- production capacities. over the short term, we intend to devote greater efforts to education and training in order to improve the performance of our basic education system. the goal here is to enhance the employability of our workforce, provide a qualified labour force for our labour market and accelerate the integration of young people into the workforce. the development of agriculture, livestock, fisheries and aquaculture, as well as food security, continues to receive sustained attention from my government. those are all areas where we thought it best to anticipate our leap in the post-[number] development agenda. it is common knowledge that all those efforts can truly thrive only in a political, economic and social environment marked by good governance. to that end, gabon has established various institutional instruments, such as the national commission for the fight against illicit enrichment, whose overall mission is to ensure transparency and accountability in the management of public funds. since then, i have made the fight against corruption a priority strategic objective. right now, large-scale inspection and verification missions are under way throughout the country with substantial results. i remain firmly convinced that, in order to establish a solid foundation for our post-[number] agenda, we need to tailor our economic environment, so as to ensure that transparency guides the awarding of public contracts and licenses, that investments produce a good return, and that economic actors respect their obligations vis- -vis the state. gabon s commitment to the fight against climate change remains constant, given the seriousness of the problem. indeed, as has already been pointed out, the latest report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change draws attention to the harsh reality of the damage caused by climate change. it would be wrong on our part to remain insensitive in the face of what is transpiring before our very eyes. that is why i welcome the commitments made by the heads of state and government at the end of the climate summit held here on [number] september. i reiterate gabon s determination to bear its share of our common duty. gabon s objective is to reduce, by [number], more than half the greenhouse gas emissions per capita produced by every gabonese. my country wishes to strengthen its contribution to the efforts of the international community aimed at the adoption of a more binding agreement to succeed the kyoto protocol. that is the purpose of the meeting that we will organize in libreville from [number] to [number] march [number], our south climate initiative. as part of that initiative, which will take place after the important lima conference, we, the countries of the south, want to make a structured contribution for the success of the paris conference. the scale of climatic upheavals caused by global warming shows that climate change is a vital, even existential question. given the extreme seriousness of the danger confronting us, we must unite. we need to work hand in hand towards the same goal, namely, to save the planet in paris in december [number]. in just one year, our organization will celebrate its seventieth anniversary. that maturity should enable it to better respond to the multifaceted challenges that it faces. the effective implementation of the post-[number] development agenda must also be tackled. that is why we must continue our efforts to resolve crises and hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world. regarding the central african republic, gabon continues to actively participate in the efforts of the economic community of central african states, the african union, the united nations and the rest of the international community in seeking to stabilize the political, security, economic and humanitarian situation on the ground. in that connection, i want to pay tribute to the brazzaville forum for national reconciliation in the central african republic, which concluded with the signing of a ceasefire agreement. moreover, gabon welcomes the effective establishment of the united nations multidimensional integrated stabilization mission in the central african republic, which took over from the african-led international support mission to the central african republic. regarding mali, gabon supports the peace process that has been launched and supports the mediation efforts by burkina faso, algeria and morocco aimed at achieving a lasting peace. in south sudan, gabon supports the efforts of the intergovernmental authority on development and the african union in the search for a negotiated political solution between the two parties. regarding the israeli-palestinian conflict, i welcome the signing, under egyptian mediation, of a ceasefire agreement between israel and hamas. my hope is that that truce lasts and promotes the resumption of direct negotiations to achieve the widely shared vision of creating a viable palestinian state existing in harmony alongside israel in peace and security, within secure and internationally recognized borders. regarding western sahara, gabon welcomes the efforts based on dialogue and negotiations agreed to by our organization. my country wants to reiterate its support for the moroccan initiative, which we consider to be a courageous and realistic proposal that could lead to a lasting settlement. finally, in terms of the embargo against cuba, gabon reiterates its position in favour of lifting it, because of its negative impact on the welfare of the population. never has the terrorist threat been as strong as in recent times, jeopardizing the survival of the institutions of the countries affected by that terrible phenomenon. in africa, boko haram s activism pushes entire populations to live far from their homes and in terror, poverty and despair. in the middle east, the so-called islamic state has extended its gruesome reign from eastern syria to northern iraq. its establishment there has been accompanied by a lengthy sequence of rape, summary executions, decapitations and punishments of all types inflicted upon all those who, in the eyes of the extremists, symbolize the rejection of their radicalization. as no nation is now spared the murderous folly of those negative entities, the fight against terrorism needs to be more concerted and organized. my country reiterates its support for international efforts undertaken to that end and reaffirms its firm condemnation of terrorist acts in all their forms and manifestations. in seeking to meet the security challenge of terrorism, we need to strengthen the operational capacities of our defence and security forces in conformity with the spirit of the united nations global counter-terrorism strategy. our concerns for peace and security are compounded by other cross-cutting threats, notably the poaching of and illicit trafficking in protected species. that growing phenomenon, especially in central africa, constitutes a threat at three levels ecological, economic and security. my country therefore remains wedded to the london initiative of february [number]. we reaffirm our commitment to opposing poaching and to implementing a moratorium on the ivory trade. to that end, gabon and germany will organize tomorrow, [number] september, a side event on the issue. my country is more determined than ever to cooperate further with other states in formulating a development tool that would take into account the global concerns of our populations. that will involve, inter alia, achieving progress in the reform of the united nations system. it is from that perspective that gabon, like other states members of the united nations, adheres to the delivering as one initiative. currently at the very core of united nations reform, that approach aims at improving the coherence of the united nations system s operational development activities. respect for human dignity and for fundamental freedoms remains at the heart of my government s concerns. that factor underpins our chairmanship of the human rights council, which we are holding in a very difficult international context marked by numerous human rights violations. despite all those challenges, the council has been able to react and to respond with solutions to emergency situations caused by such violations. gabon s leadership has allowed constructive debate and has in particular prevented a lapse into politicized and polarized discussions. i should like to reiterate my gratitude to those countries that have lent us their support to ensure the success of our mandate. from this rostrum, i encourage the inclusion of the human rights dimension in the current consideration of the post-[number] agenda. gabon urges such inclusion, and suggests that particular emphasis be placed on the link between human rights and sustainable development. given all this, gabon remains committed to engaging, alongside other states, in seeking collective solutions adapted to current challenges in preparation for a better world.
i extend my delegation s sincerest congratulations to the president on her very well-deserved election. i would like to congratulate her predecessor, mr. jan eliasson, on his stewardship of the historic sixtieth session of the [number] [number]-[number] assembly and to pay a special tribute to the secretary- general for his dedicated service to the organization over the past decade. it is also my pleasure to welcome montenegro as the newest member of our organization. the assembly is meeting against a backdrop of dire human tragedy. the recent wanton israeli aggression in lebanon has shocked the world. most disconcerting has been the fact that the international community failed to respond promptly and effectively, as colossal devastation wrecked lebanon and the lebanese people. in the end, the security council redeemed itself by ordering a ceasefire in lebanon. let us hope that the security council will exercise its mandated responsibilities so that such atrocities and violations of human rights do not occur in the future under any pretext. alongside lebanon, the dire situation in palestine has worsened owing to the continuous use of disproportionate force by the israeli government. we call upon the international community to make sincere efforts to put the peace process back on track. the scourge of terrorism knows no boundaries. it is professed and carried out by a handful, and the vast majority of victims are innocent men, women and children. efforts to combat terrorism and its protagonists globally and nationally may have seen some positive results. however, action to combat terror by individual countries has created divisions between peoples and affected interfaith harmony. many individuals are being subjected to racial or religious profiling, which foments suspicion, misunderstanding and even hatred. that is what the terrorists are actually looking for to divide the nations of the world. we must ensure that they do not have their way. prime minister begum khaleda zia has unequivocally declared that bangladesh abjures religious extremism and does not and will not support any kind of militancy. the prime minister has reasserted her government s vow to eliminate all militants and their networks. she has called for the passage of tough laws to punish the perpetrators, whom she has repeatedly dubbed enemies of islam, enemies of democracy, development, humanity and the people of the country our country, beloved bangladesh. in this connection, i must mention that a small group of extremists carried out a country-wide bombing attack on [number] august last year in bangladesh. but the extremists underestimated the will of the government and the people of bangladesh. instead of fear, there was anger. the government mobilized all available resources to relentlessly hunt down the leaders and the operatives. i am proud to inform the assembly that we have been able to bring all the leaders of the outlawed militant group to justice. bangladesh today is what it has always been a moderate, tolerant society that practises democracy and where the equal rights of each and every citizen are preserved. our determined action did not allow the opportunists and the perpetrators of terror to destroy the values of democracy and tolerance that we treasure most. for smaller states, the united nations remains the premier world body, addressing the challenges they face. despite its shortcomings, the united nations has proved invaluable in times of crisis and in the tasks of preserving global peace and security and promoting sustainable development. at present, we are seized of the issue of reform of the united nations. bangladesh holds that reform is a process and not an end in itself. we do not think that arbitrary deadlines or pressure in order to obtain a particular outcome are helpful. it is our belief that, for meaningful reform, an environment of mutual trust, confidence and respect for divergent positions is indispensable. we trust that the new human rights council will not be a mere replication of the commission on human rights. it must not indulge in politicization of its work. bangladesh, as an elected member, is committed to advancing the work of the council in a fair and balanced manner. we hope, too, that the newly constituted peacebuilding commission will fill the existing institutional gap in the united nations system to facilitate the transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding. bangladesh, being one of the largest contributors to united nations peacekeeping operations, will bring its experience to the work of the commission in all its aspects. as the united nations deals with individual post- conflict situations, it must not lose sight of wider issues, such as disarmament and small-arms proliferation, as well as weapons of mass destruction. [number]-[number] [number] bangladesh would like to see sustained efforts by the united nations in these very critical areas. the outcome document of the [number] world summit resolution [number] [number] , which had development as its centrepiece, has hardly progressed beyond mere pledges. for the least developed countries ldcs , the savings-investment gap and lack of capital remain the primary constraints to development. official development assistance oda to the ldcs in [number], according to the most recent data available, amounted to [number]. [number] billion, or [number]. [number] per person living in these countries. this is certainly not sufficient to complement income or boost investment. faster growth in exports, and the consequent rise in income, could help the ldcs accumulate the resources needed for development. for this, we would need unhindered market access for all ldc exports. the doha development round must resume to ensure special and differential treatment for the ldcs. we would also need increased oda, full debt cancellation, foreign direct investment and transfer of technology to enhance the global partnership for development. we can also increase capital flows to ldcs by addressing one of the fundamental inequities in the global financial system. it is utterly inefficient and unfair that the ldcs cannot utilize their own foreign exchange reserves a staggering [number] billion to finance their own development efforts and that these reserves yield very low interest, or none at all. on the other hand, when ldcs borrow against their own reserves, they pay a huge premium in interest or service charges. the united nations system must lead the international effort to reform the global reserve system and to make arrangements that enable the ldcs to borrow at a zero mark-up of the interest rate against their own foreign exchange reserves. the general assembly has just concluded the midterm comprehensive review of the implementation of the brussels programme of action for the ldcs. in this context, i would like to point out that, unless duty- free and quota-free market access for all ldc products is ensured, the agreed development goals and targets will remain unattained for a long time to come. we call on the developed countries to fulfil their pledges of support for the framework to facilitate aid for trade, to which they have committed many times over. an effective monitoring capacity under the auspices of the united nations can significantly facilitate this task. let me now turn to two issues that are of particular concern to bangladesh. i begin with migration. liberalizing the movement of labour can generate significant benefits and a win-win result for both sending and receiving countries, as well as for the migrants themselves. numerous studies have found that a modest commitment under the world trade organization s general agreement on trade in services mode [number] would offer substantial welfare gains for both developing and developed countries. it may even exceed the gain of complete market liberalization in merchandise trade. the second issue is the threat of natural disasters, which often undermine our development efforts. the asian tsunami was a wake-up call for all of us. in these times of increasing global interdependence, disaster risk management is a matter of global concern, as the impact of a disaster in one region adversely affects others. bangladesh has advanced considerably in the field of comprehensive disaster management. we stand ready to share our experience, which has been internationally recognized as the best-practice model. the united nations must gear its efforts to introduce weather insurance and weather derivatives to manage the risks of natural disasters, especially in developing countries. within weeks of her assumption to power five years ago with a massive mandate from our people, the government of prime minister begum khaleda zia launched a reform programme to restore discipline in our country. thanks to our relentless efforts, we could accelerate the growth momentum remarkably without destabilizing our macroeconomic fundamentals. after maintaining a growth rate of [number] per cent for the past five years, we expect a growth rate of [number]. [number] per cent this fiscal year, against the backdrop of a global economic slowdown. given natural disasters, political unrest and many external shocks such as the global economic recession, the phasing out of the multifibre arrangement and the oil price hike that affect our economies, that is a remarkable achievement. keeping our commitment to the millennium declaration, we have already achieved two millennium development goals by ensuring access to safe drinking water and removing gender disparity in primary and secondary education. enrolment in primary education has been ensured for [number] per cent of our children. of course, there is no complacency on our part and we [number] [number]-[number] know that we should try to achieve [number] per cent enrolment in our primary schools. apart from those achievements, bangladesh has achieved remarkable success in the reduction of child and maternal mortality and malnutrition and in improving food security. we have begun channelling resources to targeted programmes in the light of our poverty reduction strategy paper. our development efforts, however sincere, will not reach their goals or even see the light of day unless they are complemented by international support. bangladesh has been pursuing meaningful regional cooperation to improve the socio-economic conditions of south and south-east asia. as the current chair of the south asian association for regional cooperation and as members of the bay of bengal initiative for multi-sectoral technical and economic cooperation, the asia cooperation dialogue and the developing eight countries, bangladesh has demonstrated its commitment to working with other countries of the region. we are working in total harmony with the nations of our region. our recent partnership in the regional forum of the association of southeast asian nations bears testimony to our commitment. the present government will complete its tenure towards the end of next month and will hand over power to a neutral caretaker government in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. we very much hope to return to work again with the general assembly. we have had peaceful transfers of power over the past three elections under neutral caretaker governments when the voters exercised their franchise freely and without fear or intimidation. the system has worked and has been accepted by the people. democracy has taken firm root in our country and the next general election will be one more opportunity for the people to demonstrate that they are the ultimate source of power. i end with the assurance that we will work together for a better tomorrow for future generations.
it gives me great pleasure to express to mt. dante caputo my sincere congratulations on his well-deserved election as president of the forty-third session of the general assembly. we are confident that his wisdom and experience will ensure constructive and fruitful deliberations on the very important, indeed vital, issues before the assembly. i assure him of the full co-operation of my delegation to that end. may i also express our deep appreciation to his predecessor, mr. peter florin, for the exemplary manner in which he presided over the deliberations of both the assembly's forty-second session and its third special session devoted to disarmament. i should also like to express our gratitude to the secretary-general, hr. javier perez de cuellar, for his competent and excellent management of the affairs of the secretariat of our organization. we are particularly gratified at his devotion to the cause of international peace and security, demonstrated in his relentless efforts to ensure the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts in different parts of the world. we congratulate him on the outstanding success he has scored in these efforts. that success testifies to the enhancement of the role of the united nations. the general assembly is in session at a time when the world seems to have reached a critical juncture in history. recently, we have witnessed a number of promising developments in different spheres of international relations which, if sustained, will have far-reaching positive consequences for the future of humankind. the general relaxation in relations between the soviet union and the united states, progress so far achieved in disarmament negotiations, the intensification of efforts in seeking peaceful solutions to regional conflicts, and greater awareness of the need for multilateral co-operation in solving the conflicts, political, security, economic and ecological ills afflicting our world are all manifestations of a general improvement in the international climate. it is regrettable, however, that the atmosphere of international relations is still plagued with various unresolved problems and conflicts. if not solved in the interests of regional and international peace and security, these problems could seriously jeopardize the progress achieved so far. the danger of war and, worse, of nuclear holocaust still looms large, while the upward spiral of the arms race continues unchecked. the tendency to resort to the threat or actual use of force, interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states and various forms of political and economic coercion is strong in international relations. old concepts, attitudes, policies and doctrines continue to govern the behaviour of states towards their neighbours and other countries of the world. this is a situation which is of grave concern to the international community. the world community has welcomed with joy and relief the signing of the treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles. the destruction of an entire class of nuclear weapons is, indeed, a historic achievement and a turning point. men and women in every corner of the world are awaiting with great hope the successful delusion of ongoing negotiations on a [number] per cent reduction of the strategic nuclear arsenals of the two great nuclear powers. their hope is that this will prove a happy prelude to the achieved of the long-cherished objective of general and complete disarmament. a comprehensive nuclear-test ban is obviously the most significant step towards building the confidence necessary for the further reduction and total elimination of nuclear weapons. pending total elimination, a treaty on the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons, coupled with acknowledgment of the universally accepted dictum that a nuclear war cannot be won, and a solemn pledge by all nuclear powers not to be the first to resort to the use of such weapons, constitutes an essential first step towards assuring man that the macabre vision of total annihilation may indeed be avoided. the establishment of nuclear-free . ones and measures for enhancing nuclear non-proliferation will also serve this purpose. while nuclear disarmament is indeed of prime importance, considerable attention should also be paid to conventional disarmament. newly emerging technologies capable of producing new generations of conventional weapons of mass destruction have highlighted the need for the urgent adoption of measures towards the limitation, reduction and total elimination of conventional weapons, in this context, a radical reduction in the strength of standing armies is also of prime importance. the conclusion of a treaty banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of all types of chemical weapons, including binary weapons, is also of paramount importance. we welcome the progress made in the conference on disarmament towards a chemical-weapons-ban treaty and the successful review of the convention on biological weapons. the global economic situation is of particular concern to all the developing countries, while the scientific and technological revolution has provided mankind with the know-how and tools to deal successfully with the problems of underdevelopment, such as hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy, the prospects the steady progress of the developing countries remain bleak. inequitable conditions for participation in international trade, coupled with the burden of foreign debt and debt servicing, are frustrating their efforts towards development and progress. the sharp decline in commodity prices, the deterioration in the terms of trade, high interest rates, the protectionist measures adopted by developed countries and the reverse flow of financial resources have deepened the economic crisis that threatens the future of the developing countries. the least developed countries in particular are in a very precarious economic situation. in view of this reality, the need for the establishment of a new international economic order on a just and equitable basis acquires greater urgency. it is also important to recognize the relationship between disarmament and development. only the additional human, technological and financial resources released through disarmament can successfully cope with the development needs of the world. without any doubt one significant manifestation of the general improvement of the international climate is the positive trend towards solving regional conflicts through political means. in the geneva talks between iran and iraq, in angola, kampuchea, nicaragua, cyprus and western sahara dialogue and negotiations have raised high hopes for lasting peace and tranquility for the people of the various regions. these noble efforts deserve full support by the international community. in the middle east, the situation remains tense owing to the policy of aggression, military occupation and expansionism pursued by israel. complete and unconditional withdrawal by israel from all occupied palestinian and other arab lands, including the golan heights and jerusalem, is the key to a lasting peace in the middle east. it has been universally recognized that the question of palestine constitutes the core of the middle east problem, without full restoration of the undeniable rights of the palestinian people, inc1uding their right to statehood, no just and lasting solution to the middle east problem is conceivable. we who1e-hearted1y welcome the cessation of hostilities and the commencement of the cease-fire in the iran-iraq war. we wish both sides every success in the geneva talks, under the auspices of the united nations, in establishing lasting peace and normal relations between the two neighbouring islamic countries. in south africa, the abhorrent polio, of apartheid continues unabated, depriving millions of human beings of their elementary human rights and freedoms. the pretoria regime also poses a grave threat to international peace and security through constant acts of aggression against the front-line states, particularly angola and mozambique. the negotiations between the interlocutors aimed at resolving the problems of southern africa by peaceful means are to be commended. the cessation of aggression against angola and of interference in its internal affairs is the key to normalization of the situation in that country. we support the immediate independence of namibia, under the leadership of the south west africa people's organization, swapo, the sole and legitimate representative of the namibian people, through the full implementation of the united nations plan for the independence of namibia endorsed in security council resolution [number] [number] . the government of the democratic republic of afghanistan also warmly welcomes the dialogue among the kampucheans. it is our hope that this dialogue will soon result in peace and tranquility in kampuchea and co-operation between the countries of indo-china and members of the association of south-east asian nations asean . the talks in nicaragua have also raised high hopes of the restoration of peace and normal life in that country, if this is to be achieved, it is essential that outside interference in its internal affairs be ended. the dialogue in cyprus is also encouraging, we reaffirm our support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of cyprus. my government also supports the independence , woeful reunification and national unity of korea through dialogue and reconciliation. we welcome and support security council resolution [number] [number] , on preparations for holding a referendum in western sahara, under the supervision of the united nations in co-operation with the organization of african unity. it is our firm conviction that constant renewal of our faith in the purposes and principles of the united nations charter is the only firm guarantee of an improved international climate. the role of the united nations in safeguarding international peace and security and proofing global operation is indeed vital. the organization has played a unique and outstanding role in codifying the norms of international conduct, with the aim of making the world an orderly place in which to live. it has also demonstrated its vast potential for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, we believe that it is time for the united nations to play a central, primary role in the field of disarmament as well. the republic of afghanistan, as a founding member of the non-aligned movement. it is firmly committed to the purposes and principles of the movement. the movement's recent ministerial conference at nicosia demonstrated once again the validity and relevance of the principles of non-alignment in the contemporary world and their positive impact on positive trends in international relations. the republic of afghanistan will continue to play a positive and constructive role in the movement. the signing of the geneva agreements on the situation relating to afghanistan has been welcomed by the international community as a historic achievement. statements made so far in the general debate at the forty-third session of the general assembly have clearly indicated that international support, for which we are grateful, we are particularly grateful to the secretary-general. mr. javier perez de cuellar, and his personal representative, mr. diego cordovez, for their all-round efforts in the geneva process. based on the principle of the united nations charter, particularly those of non-interference and non-intervention, the agreements map out a comprehensive political settled which is in the interest not only of the people of afghanistan but also of the peoples of the entire region and the cause of international peace and security. the republic of afghanistan signed the geneva agreements in good faith and with a firm resolve to implement all its provisions in letter and in spirit. true to our good intentions, the republic of afghanistan and the soviet union have strictly abided by the provisions of the agreements. the return of soviet troops from afghanistan commenced on [number] may [number]. and [number] per cent of the troops had been withdrawn by [number] august, as provided for in the agreements. the republic of afghanistan has given every assistance to the united nations good offices mission for afghanistan and pakistan ungomap in performance of its duties. much to our regret, however, four and a half months after the entry into force of the agreements the hope of the people of afghanistan - indeed, the hope of the entire international community - for the restoration of peace in our country has not yet been fulfilled. war and bloodshed have not subsided. people are being killed, public and private property destroyed and acts of terror perpetrated by armed extremist edition. kabul and many of other cities have come under a constant barrage of rockets with a range of from [number] to [number] kilometers, [number] such rockets were fired on the city of kabul in the course of a single day. these blind rocket attacks have claimed [number] innocent victims, including women and children, while [number] houses and [number] public buildings have been destroyed. only two days ago [number] rockets were fired on kabul. one of them hit a bus station in front of the ministry of education, claiming the lives of [number] persons and injuring [number]. why does this situation continue after the signing of the agreements? from where are all these lethal weapons pouring into afghanistan? the sole reason for this situation is the non-implementation of the geneva agreements and their open violation by the other main signatory. in contravention of the explicit provisions of the instrument on mutual relations, particularly those relating to non-interference and non-intervention, centers on its territory for training, arming and equipping extremist groups have not been dismantled. the earmarking of modern weapons, including stinger missiles, long-range artillery and mortars and ground-to-ground rockets for the extremist opposition groups and their transfer to afghanistan are continuing. a guarantor of the instrument on non-interference and non-intervention is continuing to send weapons and equipment to armed extremist groups. the events at spin boldak demonstrated that pakistani militia even participated in the attack carried out by the extremists. at the present time similar situations exist in the provinces of kandahar and the kunars. at the same time i should like to point out clearly that the government of afghanistan is directing all its efforts to the implementation of the geneva agreements and the settled of the internal situation t, rough dialogue and the establishment of a broad-based government, with the participation of the seven commanders inside afghanistan and other influential personalities within and outside the country, with this in view, afghanistan is firmly in favour of improving its relations with all its neighbours and strongly opposed to any action that could heighten tension in its relations with them. afghanistan has never resorted to small- or large-scale border violations either on land or from the air, and has nothing to do with the internal incidents occurring in neighbouring countries. we firmly believe that such actions not only are contrary to the geneva agreements but will delay and complicate the solution of existing problems. on the other hand, the government of the republic of afghanistan has so far brought to the attention of the government of pakistan [number] cases of open violations, by means of [number] notes presented to ungomap. however, the other side has created serious obstacles to ungomap'ss investigation of these violations. on the pretext of the existence of tribal conflicts and a lack of security, prevented from visiting areas which are used for the transfer of weapons to afghanistan and where large depots of such weapons are located. contrary to clear provisions of the geneva agreements. uwgomap has not been granted freedom of movement in the territory of pakistan. on the contrary, uhgcmap has to request prior permission from the pakistan authorities before it can visit areas where violations are taking place, while the agreements provide that inspections should he completed within [number] hours, it takes two to three weeks to get permission for ungomap visits. obviously, that is time enough to transfer weapons depots to other areas or to transform a military training centre into a school. this being the case, can it still be claimed that violations have in fact been investigated in accordance with the provisions of the agreements? in such circumstances no one can really talk about investigations, because the fact is that violations are taking place and the agreements are not being implemented. furthermore, in spite of our continued requests, meetings between the two sides to review violations have yet to take place, although the agreements provide that such meetings should take place within [number] hours. we recently proposed a meeting of the ministers for foreign affairs of the two main signatories and the two guarantors to review the process of the implementation of the agreements. regrettably, however, pakistan and the united states have not responded positively to this practical request. agreements, mixed commissions for facilitate the return of afghan refugees should have been established a long time ago. however, four and a half months after the entry into force of agreements, the other side has shown no readiness to implement this important provision. if the afghan refugees are such a heavy burden, then why have such commissions not been established on the basis of the provisions of the third instruct of the geneva agreements, as is the wish of the republic of afghanistan and of the afghan refugees? on the contrary, conditions and prerequisites being created with respect to their return. as to the government of afghanistan, it has taken all the necessary steps to receive the refugees. a ministry has been established for this purpose, which has so far welcomed [number], [number] returnees. to assure the refugees, and with due respect to the traditions of our people, border areas have been proclaimed non-military zones. an agreement has been concluded with the united nations high commissioner for refugees and its office has been opened in afghanistan. a similar agreement has been concluded with the international committee of the red cross. in this connection, we sincerely appreciate the initiative of the secretary-general of the united nations to launch an appeal for international relief assistance to the people of afghanistan. we warmly welcome the designation of prince sadruddin aga khan, an internationally renowned personality with rich experience in international humanitarian efforts, as the co-ordinator of such assistance. i should also like to express our gratitude to all those countries which have shown readiness to assist in the reconstruction of afghanistan. although in the present circumstances internal efforts for peace and tranquility inside afghanistan are adversely affected by continued interference from outside, the policy of national reconciliation has opened its way in the minds and hearts of the afghan people, inside and outside the country. after an interval of [number] years, an elected parliament, in which different parties are represented, is functioning in the country, a new coalition government, including [number] non-party members out of a total of [number] meters, has received a vote of confidence from the parliament. in this connection, let me reiterate that we deeply believe in negotiations and reconciliation and it is our conviction that, through dialogue, agreement on the mechanism for the formation of a broad-based coalition government could be achieved. the fact is that if the geneva agreements are implemented and interference from outside is thereby stopped, the government and people of afghanistan, through the continuation of the national dialogue establish peace and national accord in their country. tired of years of fratricidal war. the people of afghanistan, both inside and outside the country, will join hands in a coalition government to reconstruct their land, which has suffered through [number] long years of war and destruction. the government of the republic of afghanistan is making every effort to ensure that, on the one hand, the situation relating to afghanistan is through strict implementation of the geneva agreements and. on the other, that on the basis of the establishment of a genuine coalition inside. afghanistan, as a non-aligned and neutral country, will pursue a policy with regard to the improvement of regional and international relations that will correspond to the balance of interest of all the other countries of the world, including the soviet onion, the united states, pakistan, india, china, iran, the islamic countries and members of the movement of non-aligned countries. at the same time, we hope that the new leadership in pakistan, taking into consideration the existing realities, will adopt a constructive position towards the elimination of the existing tense situation, and will play its role improving the relations between the two countries and the situation in the region through the strict implementation of the geneva agreements. these agreements constitute a firm basis for this purpose, which is in the interest of all the peoples of the region and the cause of international peace and security. it is profoundly clear that it was in the light of increasing interference from abroad that the government of afghanistan had called for soviet assistance, to enable the people of afghanistan to repulse the threat from outside. at present the withdrawal of soviet troops is in place in accordance with the time-frame envisaged in the geneva, agreements, but, at the same time, interference has not ceased. if this situation is not corrected in time, south west asia will continue to remain a region of conflict, tension and a threat to international peace security, m such cases, afghanistan and the soviet union reserve the right to adopt coordinated measures as called for by the situation. in the light of the signing of the geneva agreements and the continued implementation of the policy of national reconciliation, we do not see any need for the discussion of item [number] on the agenda of this assembly. it is our conviction, however, that any such discussion should focus on the need for the strict implementation of the geneva agreements. we are ready to work towards a consensus resolution, taking into consideration the concerns of all the sides. nicosia proved that, given the political will and the existence of a genuine resolve to make a constructive contribution to the restoration of peace, stability and security in our region, it should not prove difficult to reach such a consensus. recently, our world has arrived at the threshold of a new era of understanding, of mutual efforts for peacefully resolving conflicts and for promoting peace and disarmament. it is the great hope of the world community that this trend will not prove ephemeral but acquire a permanent character. we are ready to co-operate towards this noble end. we are particularly willing to co-operate in turning our own part of the world into a region of peace, stability, co-operation, understanding and good-neighbourliness in the interest of all our peoples and of the cause of international peace and security.
i am particularly pleased to convey to you, sir, my delegation's warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the general assembly. our satisfaction is all the greater since, quite naturally, you were destined, by reason of your exceptional diplomatic background, to assume this lofty responsibility. the international community has thus honored a remarkable career that has been closely linked to the life and activities of the united nations for over a quarter century. [number]. the prestige of your country, iraq, with which guinea-bissau has fraternal relations of friendship and cooperation, has thus been further enhanced, and it extends to all member states of the organization of the islamic conference and the non-aligned movement. my delegation will lend you its friendly co-operation throughout this particularly important thirty-sixth session. [number]. mr. president, you succeed a distinguished personality known for his devotion, competence and initiative throughout the work of a heavily charged and trying session and between that session and this one. mr. rudiger von wechmar deserves our congratulations and warmest thanks for the excellent results attained by the thirty-fifth session. we are particularly grateful for his efforts to reactivate the global negotiations. [number]. it is a great pleasure for me to extend greetings to the secretary-general to whom i convey my government's tribute for his contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. [number]. the admission of two new member states to the united nations is a source of particular satisfaction to my delegation. aware, as we are, of the hard trials which preceded that important event in vanuatu and' belize, we warmly welcome the representatives of those two countries and assure them of our determination to develop strong bonds of frank, friendly and mutually beneficial co-operation with them. [number]. in response to an increasingly pressing need for world-wide agreement, leaders and politicians of most of the countries of the globe come together in this forum every year to analyze the international situation. this phenomenon, although traditional, is not a ritual it is the logical outcome of our will to seek, together, the ways and means likely to ensure us of peace and happiness. for the radical changes that have taken place in the world thanks to the enormous progress made in the fields of science and technology have confirmed the interdependence of nations and forged the common destiny of mankind. [number]. today the world belongs to all its inhabitants. its progress or its destruction can no longer escape the rule of participation, but depends on the individual and collective efforts of our governments. each one of us bears a share of the responsibility for building our common edifice. peace in the world cannot be brought about by a single nation, however powerful it may be, nor can it be the fragile result o-[number] a transitory compromise among major powers. if peace in the world is to be lasting and is to respond to the aspirations of our peoples, it must be forged by the international community as a whole and must be based on its need for progress. [number]. the liberation struggle of oppressed peoples is founded on every human being's right to freedom. it is an inalienable and unique right it is the same right for all people throughout die world. it is a sacred right which must be respected and defended by all available means, wherever it may be ignored or flouted. [number]. on the basis of that principle, and aware of its own collective responsibility, the international community lends its total support to the cause of peoples fighting for their independence. this solidarity was once again expressed, in support of freedom fighters, at the eighth emergency special session, devoted to the question of namibia. [number]. international public opinion has recognized the urgent need to put an end to die sufferings imposed by the racist apartheid regime on the african people of southern africa. an independent and non-aligned namibia would be an invaluable contribution to the strengthening of international peace and security, because each and every one of us is aware of the gravity of the situation obtaining in that region. [number]. south africa's repeated acts of aggression against the front-line states particularly against the people's republic of angola demonstrate the extent to which the racist apartheid regime mocks the norms of international law and the decisions of the united nations. the occupation of southern angola, and the well-known quantities and types of military equipment, bear eloquent witness to the bellicose and dangerous nature of the pretoria racist regime. the hundreds of victims of the savage bombings by the south african air force, and the vast extent of the material damage to the angolan economy, are macabre pieces of evidence of pretoria's true designs. [number]. disdain for the human person can only evoke abhorrence and condemnation. the international community and the governments which represent it cannot tolerate such acts, which seriously jeopardize international peace and security. our need for peace in order to ensure mankind's survival and our people's prosperity calls for action. but our action should not be inspired by selfish interests. to be effective, it must be based on our common destiny and start with acknowledgment of the need for all people on earth to pool their efforts so as to shoulder fully their collective responsibility for saving the world from destruction. [number]. south africa cannot alone defy the rest of the international community. it persists in its racist policy of apartheid, domination and aggression because of the support it receives from certain countries. true, that support most frequently takes the form of economic and military co-operation, but there can be no doubt that it constitutes moral and political support for the practitioners of apartheid, who derive sure encouragement from it for the perpetuation of their domination. [number]. the independence of namibia cannot be deferred sine die without there being unforeseeable consequences, to say the least, for the entire community of nations. [number]. the contact group continues to be responsible for the strict implementation of security council resolution [number] [number] , which those members themselves sponsored, and which provide the only real basis for a swift and peaceful settlement of the namibian problem. the contact group must go beyond the stage of ambiguous behavior and laconic communiques and devote itself with determination to the quest for a true and definitive solution to the problem. the five states must bring to bear their power of economic, political and moral coercion on the government of pretoria to prevail upon it to come to terms with the international community and with the south west africa people's organization swapo . swapo, the only legitimate representative of the namibian people, has already expressed its readiness and preference for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. [number]. since the problem of namibia is a problem of decolonization there is only one solution the accession to independence of the namibian people and the exercise of its inalienable right to decide its own fate. such independence is inevitable contemporary history confirms this. what is important at present is to preserve the chance of brotherly coexistence among all the components of the namibian population so that, rich in ethnic and cultural diversity, the namibian people may, in a climate of peace and national harmony, in the near future achieve rapid and harmonious development. [number]. the racist regime of apartheid will not be able to oppose indefinitely the struggle of the south african people and its determination to restore justice and impose respect for the human condition. to judge by the recent events in that country and the scope of the struggle being courageously waged by the south african patriots under the banner of the african national congress and the pan africanist congress, its days are limited. [number]. it is essential for the international community to play an effective part in the establishment of a climate of peace in that part of the african continent by stepping up its aid to the african patriots and increasing its pressure on pretoria in order to force that apartheid regime to recognize and respect the basic rights of every south african citizen. , [number]. it is also necessary for the united nations to decide during this session to grant special emergency aid to the people's republic of angola. that aid should be commensurate with the damage done and the suffering so courageously borne by the people of angola, and should be given in the name of the united nations and in keeping with the obligation of the international community as a whole to contribute to the cause of the independence of namibia. [number]. needless to say, the countries that have close relations with the republic of south africa have an undeniable moral obligation to contribute to that international effort, thus acting pursuant to the relevant decisions and resolutions of the united nations. [number]. my government welcomes the results achieved by the oau at the eighteenth session of the assembly of heads of state and government, held last june at nairobi, with regard to the question of western sahara. [number]. acceptance by the moroccan government of organizing a referendum in western sahara no doubt constitutes a decisive step towards the just and definitive solution of the problem. the consensus reached by africa, with the direct participation of all the interested parties, although all aspects of the question were not defined in detail shows the unanimous will of the african states to contribute together to a peaceful settlement of the conflict. we hope that the referendum will enable the sahraoui people to determine their future and to satisfy their legitimate aspirations to independence. my country, aware of the difficulties inherent in the complex nature of such a process, will spare no effort to contribute in a constructive spirit to its successful outcome. [number]. the international conference on assistance to refugees in africa, which was held last april at geneva, made the international public aware of the serious problem which affects the existence of [number] million human beings. [number]. as victims of natural disasters of all types, or more frequently of degrading economic and political situations, african refugees flee from their homes of origin to escape poverty and death. we must say here that in order to face the situation and eliminate that evil, african countries themselves must provide the necessary political effort to put an end to the dispersal and weakening of their human potential. the example of the war in chad confirms that need. of course, the aid of the international community is essential in order to alleviate the sufferings of those millions of human beings. however, the upsurge of solidarity which was evidenced in geneva and which we hope will become even stronger may prove meaningless unless an effective solution to the problem of refugees is found. last june at nairobi the oau adopted an african charter on human and peoples' rights, and respect for and strict implementation of that charter will contribute greatly to the solution of the problem. [number]. turning now to the eastern part of the african continent, we must express our concern over the growing tendency to install foreign bases in the region and the in-creasing deployment of an entire armada in the indian ocean, which seriously threatens peace and security in that region. the situation is even more threatening because the will of the international community to make the indian ocean into a zone of peace has not been carried out, for reasons that are well known to all and which we deplore. the decision of the united nations to convene a conference on that question should be implemented as soon as possible in order to provide a positive response to the aspirations to peace and security of the riparian states of the indian ocean and of the rest of the world. [number]. it is with the same wish to see the countries of the region devote themselves legitimately to the consolidation of their unity and their development that has led us to hope that the negotiations that have begun between the comorian and french governments will lead to the swift reintegration of the island of mayotte in the rest of the comoros. in our view, france's retrocession of the malagasy islands in the indian ocean should obey the same logic and satisfy the same principle of respect for the territorial integrity of states. [number]. for several years now we have been denouncing with the same vigor and condemning with the same force the violation of the right of peoples in the middle east. israel's persistent denial of the inalienable rights of the palestinian people continues to whip up tension in the region and is giving a world-wide dimension to the conflict. [number]. guinea-bissau, which has always adhered to the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force, vigorously condemns israel's aggressive and annexationist policy. despite the continuous efforts of the united nations to uphold legality and international norms governing normal relations among states, the solution of this serious conflict continues to elude us. israel continues to defy the international community by rejecting with the greatest arrogance all of its l60 [number] recommendations. its intransigence, as everyone knows, is based on its alliances with certain western powers which lend it the political, economic, military and even moral support that is indispensable to its policy of aggression. the contempt expressed by certain governments towards peoples whose culture is different from their own finds its most abject expression in this infamous conspiracy against human freedom. [number]. the very nature of the question of palestine, which is the struggle of a people for its most legitimate rights, is distorted and reduced to the mere matter of a refugee problem. such an overturning of historical facts, which are nevertheless unimpeachable, is being shamefully offered to us today in the utterly absurd form of so-called negotiations on the internal autonomy of the palestinians. the international community, having been alerted by a whole series of earlier maneuvers and aware of the deception involved, must, after the well-known and inevitable failure of the partial accords, demonstrate with even greater vigor its disagreement, and it must condemn this plot. [number]. the free exercise by the palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and to the creation of an independent state continues to be the sine qua non of any just and final settlement of the problem. the question of palestine, representing as it does the heart of the problem of the middle east, as has been stated many times, must form the basis of any peace initiative which, in order to be viable and to be acceptable to the community of nations, must consider that problem in all its aspects. [number]. first and foremost, israel must withdraw unconditionally from all th arab territories occupied since [number] and must recognize the inalienable right of the palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to form their own state. [number]. israel must recognize the plo, the sole legitimate representative of the palestinian people, and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the states in the region. [number]. israel must renounce its policy of aggression and its expansionist aims, just as it must put an end to its murderous attacks against lebanon. it is obvious that the israeli bombings are designed to disrupt the lebanese stage and to destroy its national unity. this further act committed by israel with impunity shows the seriousness of the situation with even greater clarity and places the responsibility of the united nations with regard to this problem in its true context. guinea-bissau strongly condemns the flagrant violations of the independence and territorial integrity of lebanon and repeats to the brother people of lebanon its unswerving solidarity [number]. another example of the escalation of israel's aggressive policy is the bombing of the iraqi nuclear installation at tamuz. the entire world has condemned the criminal nature of that act, which was designed solely to halt iraq's technological development. [number]. the world cannot remain idle in the face of the groundless decision of the israeli authorities to make jerusalem the capital of the hebrew state. the method used, it is true, stems from the same arrogant and aggressive israeli policy. however, such contempt for the faith of millions of believers will inevitably aggravate the situation in the region and give rise to consequences that are, to say the least, unforeseeable. [number]. israeli has neither the right nor the strength to shatter the spiritual longings of millions, who will take up this new challenge in order to preserve for the holy city of jerusalem its sacred and indestructible nature as the cradle of the three major monotheistic religions. [number]. i cannot conclude these remarks on the situation in the middle east without mentioning the painful conflict between iraq and iran. guinea-bissau's membership, at the side of those two brother countries, in the organization of the islamic conference and in the non-aligned movement explains, the great concern we feel at the continuance of that fratricidal war, our bitterness is even greater since the praiseworthy efforts undertaken by the mediation committee of the non-aligned movement and the goodwill committee of the organization of the islamic conference have not achieved the expected results. we hope, however, that our iraqi and iranian brothers will be able, with the contribution of all, to transcend their differences and re-establish friendly and lasting relations between their peoples. [number]. in south-east asia, the situation remains unchanged, despite the peace efforts undertaken by the international community. with regard to kampuchea, we continue to believe that any action by the united nations must be directed towards the exclusive defense of the higher interests of the kampuchean people and must respect their right to settle their own affairs themselves. [number]. this same approach in international relations applies also to the situation in afghanistan, in latin america and in the caribbean. [number]. we note that, in east timor, in spite of the repeated appeals and relevant decisions of the united nations, the government of indonesia is persisting in its policy of occupation of that country. the international community is aware of the fact that the presence of foreign forces in east timor runs counter to the norms of international law and the right of peoples to self-determination. the session of the permanent people's tribunal on the question of east timor which was held at lisbon from [number] to [number] june of this year strongly confirmed the inadmissibility, de facto and de jure, of such action see at36 [number], annex . [number]. it is up to the international community, as we have said on many occasions, to act in accordance with justice and to assist the fretelin4 patriots to restore their people's legitimate right to self-determination, the portuguese government, as the former colonial power, must pursue its efforts in that regard and implement its will to contribute to the solution of the problem of east timor. [number]. the desire of the people of korea for reunification deserves the attention and total support of the international community. guinea-bissau highly values the efforts of the democratic people's republic of korea to strengthen the unity of the korean nation and strongly favors the signature of a peace treaty which would finally put an end to the presence of foreign troops in korea and to any outside interference. there is no doubt that the united nations should base itself on the relevant decisions of the countries in the non-aligned movement to help the korean people to see its dream come true and to attain its desire to live in unity and peace. [number]. regarding the question of cyprus, we must note with great regret that the past year has not brought the progress we had hoped for. the people of cyprus continues to struggle courageously for respect for its independence, territorial integrity and unity. we think that the talks between the turkish and greek cypriots must be based on these principles, which, with the principle of non-alignment, constitute the only guarantee of peace and stability for the two communities. my delegation hopes that negotiations will be pursued in a constructive spirit. [number]. the report of the secretary-general reminds us once again of the crucial problem of disarmament, in all its gravity. i will not expatiate on this matter, which has been the subject of several publications by the united nations and various specialized agencies. [number]. the colossal expenditures on military arsenals are so distressing that they remain the primary concern of humanity. man cannot permit his self-destruction. he must react to the dangers of a possible apocalypse. it is in all our interests to change these trends and to contribute to the prosperity of mankind rather than to its destruction. [number]. man, in his daily struggle for a better future, must likewise take account of the need to preserve the balance of nature. the decision of the oau council of ministers to propose to the general assembly the adoption of a world charter on nature see ai36i534, annex i, resolution cm res. [number] xxxviij must be studied with all the requisite care. [number]. the realization of the aspiration of the majority of the members of the international community to establish a new international economic order is undoubtedly one of the vital necessities of our time. the establishment of a new international economic order would constitute a fundamental response to the need for justice and equity for all the peoples of our world. the experience of recent years shows us how difficult this goal is to achieve. indeed, since the special sessions in [number] and [number], at which the assembly proclaimed the urgent need of such an order, and the failure of the first two united nations development decades, the north-south dialog that we wished to establish has led merely to the impasse which the international community is now facing. nevertheless, this difficulty is not insuperable and resignation is certainly not appropriate, especially on the part of countries which continue to be the prime victims of the present social and economic order. that is why we wish to join our voice to the voices of other peoples to express the hope that this new decade will really be one in which the new international economic order will be established, since the survival not only of the poor majority of the international community but also of the whole of humanity depends on it. [number]. the facts clearly show that it is useless to attack partially and in an isolated manner the evils that affect relations among nations. indeed, substantial structural changes are needed. happily, the initiatives that have been taken recently among the countries of the third world have given proof of their clear awareness of this need. [number]. the implementation of measures to establish a new international economic order necessitates the establishment of a new system of institutions which would enable a qualitative change to be made in the present world economic structures, particularly in the trade, monetary and financial fields. the countries of the south have quite rightly remained inflexible in regard to this need. [number]. the need to eliminate the structural causes of inequality is made clear in the documents adopted at the end of the most recent international meetings, in particular the high-level conference on economic co-operation among developing countries that was held at caracas. this action is all the more indispensable in that it is the only thing capable of bringing about a complete change in the existing order and opening the way to new economic prospects. [number]. facts show ever more clearly that because of the disparities in the present international economic order the world is on the brink of an abyss, and a revolution is necessary to change this situation. only strong political determination based on the imperative needs of justice, equity and respect for man can lead to the solution that humanity is anxiously awaiting. [number]. the promotion of individual and collective self-reliance in developing countries can be regarded as a reliable means of attaining the main goals of the new international economic order. in africa, significant progress has been made towards developing regional co-operation, as is borne out, for example, by the establishment of joint economic institutions, such as the economic community of west african states ecowas . [number]. the united nations conference on new and renewable sources of energy, held recently at nairobi, has created new hopes for the developing countries in particular for the african countries which do not possess energy resources. if we use the opportunities for co-operation in this field, we shall undoubtedly be able to overcome the major problems in the field of energy, and thus help to make the non-oil-producing countries less dependent on outside sources. [number]. the republic- of guinea-bissau, which is among the [number] least developed countries, continues to be confronted with great economic difficulties. we think that in speaking on behalf of guinea-bissau we are also voicing the point of view of other members of this group, for the simple reason that, despite the existence of certain local variations, problems are by and large the same. [number]. for us, the fact that our country has been put on the list of the least developed countries is very important. indeed, apart from the deficiencies and the multiple structural problems we inherited from five centuries of colonial domination, the seven years which have just passed since our accession to independence in [number] have shown us that the international situation and the present economic order discourage any initiatives which would lead to the solution of the problems posed by development. [number]. the dislocation of the traditional sector resulting from the process of colonial exploitation and the impossibility for the modern economic sector to absorb workers from rural areas have given rise to serious problems, such as unemployment and under-employment, and have made difficult the participation of rural workers in a comprehensive development process within an integrated national economy. [number]. agricultural production, constantly decreasing because of desertification in the sudano-sahelian region, is far below the level required for us to be self-sufficient in food. [number]. our determination to support any measures aimed at bringing about a complete change in international economic relations is based on fundamental social and economic considerations. that is why we welcome the results achieved at recent international meetings on economic problems and we hope that adoption of the substantial new program of action by the united nations conference on the least developed countries, which was held in paris, will initiate a solution to the many problems confronting these countries. increasing international assistance to the least developed countries is essential. [number]. while we are aware that the cancun meeting is not a forum for negotiations, we hope that a genuine will to contribute positively to the establishment of a new inter-national economic order will prevail during this highly important meeting, thanks to the new concept of the interdependence of peoples and of international relations. [number]. the draft convention on the law of the sea is an important step forward in the development of international law. unfortunately, the hopes aroused by the possible adoption, at long last, of rules governing the sea have not been met because of the obstruction encountered at the last session of the third united nations conference on the law of the sea and in spite of the existence of a consensus which had been reached after more than seven years of difficult negotiations. however, we hope that the decision taken at geneva to conclude the convention at the next session, scheduled to be held in new york, will be acted upon, thus allowing us to proceed to the signing of the convention in september [number] at caracas. [number]. the proclamation by the international community of [number] as the international year of disabled persons is obvious proof of the abiding concern of the great family of the united nations to find just and adequate solutions to all problems affecting mankind. my country, which is emerging from a long war, is making great efforts not only in the sphere of national reconstruction, which has been particularly affected by the international economic crisis, but also in the reintegration of the disabled into the socio-economic development process. [number]. the republic of guinea-bissau welcomes this important decision, which is of great help in making the international public aware of the special situation of disabled persons and of the need to help them play a full role in society. [number]. the problems of concern to the international community are numerous and complex. that is why it is evermore necessary for us to undertake joint action aimed at establishing a more just and more equitable world and at strengthening international peace and solidarity. [number]. at a time when we are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the creation of the non-aligned movement, which is making a positive contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security, it is an honor for me to pay a resounding tribute to the founding fathers of our movement. [number]. my country, the republic of guinea-bissau, reiterates its total support for the principles of non-alignment and expresses once more its wish to establish and strengthen ties of friendship and co-operation with all countries, as well as its resolve to contribute tirelessly to the establishment of a climate of peace and progress for all mankind.
i am honoured by this opportunity to address the general assembly at its sixty-third session. this great institution plays a vital role in the development process of its members and remains the global organization best situated to address the world s pressing needs and to help find solutions for them. so, it is with pleasure that i use this occasion to make the following remarks on a few challenging issues of vital significance confronting micronesia today. i must first congratulate his excellency mr. miguel d escoto brockmann on his election to the presidency of the assembly. he has my delegation s admiration and full support. in the same vein, i commend the dedication and stewardship of mr. srgjan kerim, president of the assembly at its sixty-second session. i wish to offer my greetings to our able secretary- general and to express the best wishes of my government as he continues to lead the organization through the difficult challenges ahead. the general assembly is meeting at a time of unusual uncertainties surrounding the global economy. the world financial situation and the double threat posed by the fuel and food crises impose additional strain on all of us and negatively impact our efforts to achieve the millennium development goals mdgs and our pursuit of sustainable development. the security of our island countries remains under threat by the effects of climate change. the fuel crisis is a major challenge to the members of this organization. there are few countries in this world that are left unscathed by the worldwide fuel crises. too often, i am afraid, those most affected by the crisis are those members of the united nations that can least afford an effective response. more often than not, they are the small island developing states that are also the most vulnerable members of this organization. the developed countries may have room to respond to the worsening energy crisis without jeopardizing other development programmes. but for us in micronesia, we are painfully aware of the strong [number]-[number] [number] and adverse impacts on everything from government operations to the effect on individual households and families. in a very real sense, the lingering global energy crisis has transformed the energy debate and highlighted the world s dependence on fossil fuel. power outages in our state centres have become a regular phenomenon affecting our medical facilities, schools, businesses and everyday government operations, including services to our remote outer islands, which are reachable only by ships. these setbacks are the result of our inability to procure fuel at a reasonable cost. while we recognize that fossil fuel will, in the medium term, remain a necessity, the current energy crisis strengthens micronesia s resolve to call for the acceleration of the development of technologies for renewable and affordable sources of energy. micronesia recognizes that special assistance from the international community and financial institutions in the area of renewable energy is necessary to achieve this goal. we are grateful to our friends that have over time generously extended assistance to that end. the general assembly, by its own resolutions, recognizes everyone s right to food. on a global scale, that right is being threatened as the world faces a severe food crisis. already, the cost of imported foodstuffs has increased considerably, and my government and people are thus faced with yet another development challenge one that has already been exacerbated by the energy crisis. the cost of rice, one of the main imported foodstuffs, which has become a main staple in my people s diet, is no longer affordable. my government, in responding to the food crisis, has encouraged the people to increase the local production of our own crops. but that cannot be achieved without the support and cooperation of our development partners and the united nations system. the nexus between food security and climate change cannot be overlooked. in micronesia, farmlands and inhabitants occupy the low-lying fringes and islands barely a few metres above sea level. taro patches, which provided the main staple of our people for centuries, are now under threat by sea level rise. already, many islands have experienced inundation of their taro patches and fields of other food crops by salt water, resulting in decreased crop production. of equal importance to our self-sufficiency and in meeting some of our nutritional needs is the bounty of our ocean. the ocean is of fundamental importance to micronesia, as we rely heavily on it. the ocean sustains us, and its resources enrich us. at a time when the world food market is deeply affected by the food crisis, micronesians are increasingly dependent on the bounty of the sea to provide for their food and for their economic development. it is therefore of paramount importance that we continue to conserve and manage sustainably the use of our marine and fisheries resources. but collateral catches and discards in commercial fisheries remain a concern to us. for micronesians, these are critical resources that are of cultural importance, and our people depend upon them for their subsistence living. the international community must help us find ways to minimize and eliminate this wasteful use of resources. equally damaging to fish stocks is the incidence of illegal, unreported and unregulated iuu fishing. this practice continues to deprive our people of their food resources, while the illegal operators continue to reap and enjoy the rewards from this activity without any accountability. the major consumer and market outlets must reduce this illegal activity if we are to effectively eliminate this abhorrent and unsustainable practice. the world s financial turbulence, as evidenced by the current delicate situation in the host country, is another matter of concern. while the situation emanates from the bigger economies, all of us are at risk, as we are all part of the globalized economy. we encourage the developed countries not to use this as a convenient excuse to reverse their gains in reaching the agreed target of [number]. [number] per cent of their gross domestic product for official development assistance. my delegation is encouraged by the spirit and determination of the members of the united nations to bring security council reform a step closer to reality. our task remains difficult, but we are encouraged by the recent decision of the general assembly and look forward to the beginning of the process of intergovernmental negotiations. among other things, we reiterate our support for the expansion of both membership categories and reaffirm our long-standing view that japan and india, from the asian group, should become permanent members of a reformed security council. we also renew our support for germany, from western europe. [number] [number]-[number] in the attainment of the international development goals, there is no single issue that presents such an enormous challenge to small island developing states, such as the federated states of micronesia, than that of climate change. micronesia is especially concerned about climate change and the grave threat of sea-level rise, which can literally wash away our islands and culture. three recent articles have been published in the prestigious science journal proceedings of the national academy of sciences, addressing the tipping points for abrupt climate change, including sea-level rise. a tipping point is a point of no return beyond which an element of the climate system abruptly tips into a new state, with a profound impact on the planet. examples include tipping points for the melting of glaciers and snow pack from the tibetan plateau the headwaters of most of the rivers in asia and the disintegration of the greenland and west antarctica ice sheets, which will cause metres of sea-level rise. the news is startling. simply put, it means that the planet is in peril and the islands and low-lying states are, of course, in peril. but we cannot afford to be paralysed. we must undertake an aggressive programme of fast-track mitigation strategies, starting with those that are already justified by their strong co-benefits. this includes the strategy micronesia promoted last year and again this year to strengthen the montreal protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer. our strategy can play a strong role in protecting the climate system as well as the stratospheric ozone layer. let me make one final suggestion. tipping points for abrupt climate change have been called the shadow that haunts climate negotiations. this issue is a shadow because it has never been squarely addressed by the intergovernmental panel on climate change ipcc . the global debate on climate change is predominantly framed from a sustainable development perspective. we could not agree more with that focus. but micronesia is convinced that, while sustainable development is of paramount importance, we must also be assured of our security and our territorial integrity. we must approach climate change from a holistic perspective rather than limiting it to the dimensions of sustainable development, to humanitarian or technical issues, or to economic or environmental issues. climate change also has an impact on our human rights. it has an impact on international peace and on our own security and territorial integrity, and on our very existence as inhabitants of very small and vulnerable island nations. experts have warned that climate change is also a threat to international peace and security. yet, instead of addressing the issue squarely, the united nations seems to be more concerned about turf and encroachment, as if it were wrong to admit that territorial integrity, national stability and security might be threatened by the impact of climate change, and that human conflicts might also arise as a direct or indirect result of climate change. just as the ipcc reports, the stern review report and the [number] human development report inform the negotiations in the context of the united nations framework convention on climate change, a report analysing the potential impact of climate change on international peace and security should provide additional reasons for urgent and adequate climate change mitigation actions. our future our environment is at stake. our culture and our human rights are at stake. but we must not lose hope, because the entire world is represented here. the time to act is now, not later.
allow me at the outset, on behalf of my delegation, to extend my warm congratulations to you, sir, on your election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the united nations general assembly. coinciding as it does with the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the organization, your election is indeed evidence of the esteem in which you and your country, portugal, are held by the international community. you can be assured of the full cooperation of the delegation of niger. to your predecessor, foreign minister amara essy, who has just added to his rich career the record of a job well done here, i convey my best wishes for success in his future activities. in this transitional year in our organization s history, i should also like to pay tribute to the secretary-general, mr. boutros boutros-ghali, for the dynamic manner in which he is performing his duties at the head of our organization. [number] a half century has gone by since the creation of the united nations at san francisco in [number]. hence, this year s session affords us a unique opportunity to recognize the importance of the historic gesture by which the leaders of the day created the organization as well as to renew our faith in the ideals and principles of the charter, which unquestionably stands as one of the most important documents available to mankind for building the world of tomorrow. for young states like niger, which acceded to international sovereignty [number] years ago, it would be remiss to overlook the forceful role the united nations has played in the emancipation of peoples and its invaluable contribution to the progress of mankind as a crucible of international cooperation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres. fifty years after the creation of the united nations the threats created by the cold war, which long paralysed it, have disappeared, making way for healthier and more constructive cooperation between states. this new climate enabled the organization to extend, a year ago, an emotional welcome to south africa following its successful victory over the system of apartheid, thus closing after many years one of the most painful items on its agenda. since the madrid conference, the middle east too has moved along the irreversible path to peace, crowned by the signature on [number] september [number] of the agreements on autonomy for the gaza strip and jericho. however, this new climate has also created other kinds of threats, threats as formidable as those of the cold-war period and just as disturbing to the peace of many peoples. conflicts that intermingle nationalism, ethnic rivalries and religious intolerance have erupted in many parts of the world. democracy, notwithstanding the progress it has made, is finding it hard to take root in countries where worsening poverty, malnutrition, disease and environmental deterioration mete out indescribable suffering. in other words, the global context in which the present session of the general assembly is meeting is far from giving grounds for complete optimism. this session should furnish us with an opportunity for a fruitful analysis of ways to create a better world, a world free of such atrocities, a world in which mankind will no longer suffer and in which the ideals of peace, true development and justice will prevail. the situation of my country, niger, like that of many other african states, is still fraught with difficulties of all kinds arising out of a disastrous economic environment. a [number] per cent devaluation of our currency, the cfa franc, in january [number] dealt a severe blow to the living standard of the population. the economic recovery expected as a result of this fairly drastic monetary step has been delayed, for the collective and uniform nature of the measure made it unsuitable to the specific situations in the various countries affected. unable to count on a significant increase in its raw-material exports, niger has, on the contrary, experienced an unreasonable increase in the pressure of its external debt and the cost of imports. despite that, my government, in conjunction with the bretton woods institutions, has undertaken a programme of economic structural adjustment based on a policy of systematic restructuring of the public and semi-public sectors combined with a balancing of macroeconomic aggregates based on a substantial improvement in state revenues and a reining in of public expenditure. politically speaking, the democratic process entered into in [number] is being pursued and expanded, although it continues to experience the growing pains that accompany any new experiment excesses and abuses of new-found freedoms, a tendency to civic impunity, the excessive growth of all kinds of interest groups, special interests, and so on. however, the existence of active trade unions, an independent and free press and a dynamic civil society are creating the basis for a lasting democratic structure capable of ensuring respect for the rule of law and contributing to the gradual growth of a democratic culture. after less than four years of institutionalized democracy, niger held elections for president and for the legislature. the holding of the last set of elections for the legislature, advanced to january [number], was entrusted to an independent electoral commission headed by a magistrate and made up primarily of persons from the non-governmental organization sector, and from human rights organizations and organizations advocating democracy. several international observers witnessed the vote and all of them said that it was a model of transparency and equity. these elections resulted in a majority in parliament for the opposition parties. thus, since that time, niger has been living under a regime where the presidential minority does not coincide with the parliamentary majority. this so-called cohabitation regime is the most delicate form of the distribution of [number] constitutional powers and of relations between the different institutions of the republic. despite all the difficulties inherent in the exceptionally delicate and unprecedented experience we are undergoing, the regular functioning of the institutional machinery has never been found wanting. the supreme court, the institution entrusted with interpreting the constitution and stating the law on the basis of which the operation of the republic s institutions can be ensured, has played a crucial role. systematic reliance on the machinery of law has been an option of principle supported by the entire political community, which constitutes its dedication to the rule of law and to the stability as well as the security of the country. it is precisely to ensure the country s security and stability that my government undertook all the efforts that finally led to the agreement of [number] april [number], between the government and the leaders of the tuareg rebellion, joined together in the armed resistance organization. as the assembly knows, since [number] there has been in the northern part of niger an armed rebellion claiming to represent the tuareg community and calling for the establishment of a federal regime, which it believes is the only one that can provide its people with free self-government. the discussions undertaken with the leaders of the rebellion constantly stressed the need to avoid useless bloodshed, and to focus on dialogue, the major focus of which would be the best interests of the country. thanks to mediation efforts by the friendly countries of algeria, burkina faso and france, to which i once again extend the gratitude of the nigerian people, we were able on [number] april [number] to sign a definitive peace agreement. that agreement, based on the principle of respect for the constitution, which enshrines the indivisibility of the republic, emphasizes two main elements first, at the political level, the agreement recommends the acceleration of the establishment of decentralized structures and a consequent devolution of administrative and political powers to those structures secondly, at the economic level, the agreement recommends the implementation of a special programme of economic and social development in the northern part of the country. with respect to the first aspect of the commitments undertaken in this important agreement, the responsibility of the government is almost exclusive. but that is not true of the second aspect. indeed, it is quite clear that the motives for this rebellion, which started at the very time when the country had embarked on the road to democracy and institutionalization of freedoms, are primarily economic. the northern area of niger, after the past few years of cyclical draught, was in a highly precarious condition due to the upheaval of its ecosystem. livestock grazing became highly problematic, condemning nomadic communities to wandering and inducing in them a feeling of malaise, which quickly led to claims for a separate identity. the only way to deal appropriately with this rebellion, which is, after all, only a symptom of the real difficulties faced by these people, is to restore hope to all of these hard-hit regions. that is why the peace agreement provides for the holding on [number] and [number] october [number] of a round-table meeting involving all the countries and institutions linked to niger, with a view to preparing a special development programme for the northern area. i appeal to all those who wish to help niger definitively restore and consolidate peace to kindly lend their support to this undertaking. on the international level, the tragic conflicts in rwanda, somalia, liberia and the former yugoslavia to refer only to them bear witness eloquently to the fragility of the international order that emerged from the end of the cold war, and also to the inability of present structures to provide an adequate collective response when national stability breaks down and when the ensuing internal conflicts give rise to unspeakable suffering. the situation of rwanda is among those which, given their gravity and their undermining of the basic principles of our organization, deserve special attention. my country is following with great attention the efforts undertaken for a year now by the authorities of rwanda to overcome the consequences of the tragic events that took place there and to consolidate the work for national reconciliation and lasting peace. the situation in liberia, after a series of initiatives leading to the establishment of a new council of state, has taken a truly positive turn. this is an opportunity for me to extend my congratulations to the economic community of west african states ecowas and to all those whose help has been so useful, in particular president sani abacha of nigeria and president rawlings of ghana. i wish to congratulate the people of liberia on their courage and encourage them to persevere on the path of peace and hope that they have paid so dear a price to find again. in angola, niger is following closely the progress achieved along the path to peace and we congratulate president dos santos and mr. savimbi. niger is following with the same attention the developing situation in western sahara and we deplore the slow pace of the process for the restoration of peace there. [number] with regard to the sanctions imposed on libya by the security council, niger believes that the constructive proposals made by the authorities of that country constitute a serious basis for a resolution of this crisis, whose consequences are so burdensome to the libyan population and to neighbouring countries such as niger. outside of our continent, niger welcomed the signing on [number] september [number] in washington of the agreements between the palestine liberation organization and israel envisaging autonomy for the gaza strip and jericho. the ensuing dynamic led after very hard work to a significant breakthrough with the signing of the agreement on [number] september [number] in washington which extends autonomy to the west bank. the long tragedy in bosnia and herzegovina, a member state of the united nations, gives rise to many questions about the capacity of our organization to ensure respect even for its principles. the muslim population of that country has suffered too much from the inconsistencies, improvisations and hesitations of the international community, while the bosnian serbs, grand masters of fait accompli politics, have been allowed to calmly continue their abominable practice of ethnic cleansing , calling seriously into question the sovereignty and territorial integrity of bosnia and herzegovina. niger welcomed the military pressure exercised upon the serbs by our organization and the north atlantic treaty organization last september, and we warmly welcome the latest peace initiatives led by the united states of america with a view to the return of peace to that region. we hope that this great stride will provide a basis for bringing about just and lasting peace in bosnia and herzegovina. fifty years after its creation, the united nations must strengthen its mission of promoting dialogue and cooperation between peoples. it must, even more than in the past, work to limit tensions as far as possible, and to settle conflicts when they erupt but, in particular, to prevent situations that could threaten international peace and security. in this spirit, in this special year in the life of our common organization and in accordance with the principle of universality enshrined in article [number] of the charter, niger has advocated the establishment of an ad hoc committee to look into the question of the representation of taiwan. the end of the cold war has not helped to shield the world from the emergence of local conflicts any more than it has made it possible to remove the heavy burden weighing on mankind as a result of the stockpiling and improvement of weapons. however, it is now an established fact that disarmament and the non- proliferation of weapons of mass destruction have a pivotal role to play in preventing conflicts and promoting peace and social and economic development. for this reason, we can congratulate ourselves on the results of the [number] review and extension conference of the parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. this conference, in addition to agreeing on an indefinite extension of the treaty, agreed that a comprehensive nuclear test-ban treaty would be concluded in [number] at the latest. niger wishes to reaffirm its deep desire to see the negotiations now under way lead to the conclusion of a treaty that comprehensively bans nuclear tests, that is universal and that can be effectively monitored. our attempts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons should not make us lose sight of the threat of conventional weapons and the need to control them. niger is pleased to applaud here mali s initiative which this year led the secretary-general of our organization to dispatch a mission to the subregion of west africa to assess the negative impact of the illicit circulation of small arms upon the states of the subregion. we support the recommendations made by the secretary-general following that mission and we retain the hope that the international community, which gave massive support to the relevant resolution, will give the backing that is indispensable for the implementation of these recommendations. in recent years, our organization has invested heavily in conflict prevention and management. many resources and a great deal of time have been devoted to this area, sometimes to the detriment of development measures. my delegation, however, remains convinced that there is no greater threat to peace than the current stalemate in dialogue between rich and poor countries and the widening of the various inequalities that have ensued. this session is taking place at a time when the world economic situation is riven by deep-seated imbalances. although some regions have seen considerable progress, in other regions delays are becoming worse every year, sometimes leading to unprecedented crises. the poorest countries seem to have been left on the sidelines of the progress that the world economy has enjoyed. in some countries the very structures of the state have fallen into [number] complete disrepair and populations have been plunged into the deepest distress. poverty, hunger and illiteracy plague more than one-fifth of the world s population and in many parts of the world the situation is becoming dangerously worse. the african continent is requesting, as a priority and urgently, the solidarity of the international community. the weaknesses of its structures persist and frequently grow worse. the current improvement in growth rates are still too weak to compensate for [number] years of economic decline. economic performances are disappointing even in countries that have undertaken considerable reform. despite the international community s commitments in the framework of major conferences and summits of every kind, flows of official development assistance are falling off every year. at a time when developing countries need it most to support their reforms, official development assistance has fallen drastically and the general malaise surrounding this assistance, christened donor fatigue , is growing worse and worse. my country regrets that not even the economic and social council high level segment on the development of africa, including the implementation of the united nations new agenda for the development of africa in the 1990s, nor the mid-term global review of the implementation of the programme of action for the least developed countries for the 1990s which has just ended, has made it possible for the international community to arrive at a set of concrete measures that can reverse this trend by creating conditions for sustained and lasting economic recovery and development in the poorest countries. the silent crisis of poverty, disease and illiteracy should inspire the international community to tackle the roots of the evil by adopting a preventive and more consistent approach to the resolution of these problems. the roots of the problem include the burden of external debt which continues to hamper the development efforts of developing countries. although we recognize the efforts to reschedule and write off debt under the naples terms, we must point out that this is not enough. donor countries are fully aware that they, along with the multilateral financial institutions, are the main creditors of our countries and that a large part of the debt servicing they finance simply returns to their treasuries and those of multilateral institutions. financial flows on favourable terms are not usually enough to make up the financing deficit of poor countries. comprehensive and lasting solutions are needed if problems are to be solved once and for all. the radical structural reforms that developing countries, especially the least developed among them, have undertaken in their economies have proved to be very costly in social and political terms and have not been given sufficient support by the international community. although structural adjustment remains indispensable to remedy serious economic imbalances, the needs and priorities of the poorest and most vulnerable people should not be neglected. adjustment and transformation must be designed to improve the well-being of populations. there is good reason to encourage in practice governments to persevere, but they must also be helped to attenuate the severe impact of such reforms. the struggle against poverty was one of the principal topics of the world summit for social development in copenhagen last march. the international community made courageous commitments, which we welcome, in particular the commitment to supply the financial resources necessary for integrated strategies to combat poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. we remain hopeful that these commitments will be translated into action and initiatives at both the national and international levels. the fourth world conference on women that has just recently ended in beijing is also a landmark of our time in so far as the international community reaffirmed there the importance of the role of women, the main actor in and beneficiary of development, and committed itself to devoting greater resources to improving the status of women and their access to the political and economic life of our countries. the agenda for development, which is now being drafted and unanimously heralded as complementing the agenda for peace should provide the international community with a new opportunity, in addition to just reaffirming principles, to focus on producing resources commensurate with the task of implementing concrete development initiatives. a whole series of world conferences in recent years has enabled us to forge a new vision of global development and to define the measures needed to turn that vision into reality. the international community must urgently give tangible proof of its commitment to progress along the path it has chosen. [number] any delay can only make the remedy that much more difficult and costly. the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations, marking a half-century of the existence of our organization, is highly symbolic and we would be ill advised not to make judicious use of these symbols. this is such a rare occasion that i believe we must take advantage of it.
it is with much pleasure and great satisfaction that i join the previous speakers who have already congratulated the president on his election to the presidency of the fiftieth session of the general assembly. the participation of his country, portugal, at the united nations has always been active and constructive. my delegation, therefore, is confident that under the president s wise and able leadership our organization will progress further towards its goals. and we assure him of our fullest cooperation and support in the tasks that devolve upon him. may i take this opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to the president s distinguished predecessor, his excellency mr. amara essy of c te d ivoire, for the admirable and effective manner in which he conducted the business of the forty-ninth session. let me also renew my delegation s homage to mr. boutros boutros-ghali for the efficient and committed manner in which he is carrying out his mission as secretary-general. every year, we seize the opportunity of the session of the general assembly to share our views and concerns about the state of international relations. in this fiftieth year of the existence of our organization, i particularly wish to address the assembly from the perspective of a small island state. the end of the cold war and the breakup of the soviet bloc, the globalization of the world economy and the establishment of the world trade organization to oversee international trade, the emergence of china as an economic giant, the liberalization of the indian economy and south africa s return to the community of nations, in such a short span of time, have all contributed to rapid changes in the global economic scene. my country shares the belief that regionalization is a first prerequisite for smooth integration into a global economic pattern. it was natural, therefore, that the region of the indian ocean could not remain isolated from the movement towards regionalization, despite the fact that the indian ocean countries form a heterogeneous zone with a multiplicity of economic systems, political traditions and cultural experiences. it is in this perspective that mauritius hosted, in march this year, the indian ocean rim ior initiative. built on the foundations of historic interchanges between nations in the indian ocean, the ior initiative could be seen both as a geographical reality and a natural economic entity. its objective, as clearly outlined at the first meeting, is to establish a regional forum, tripartite in nature, that will bring together representatives of governments, business and academia for the purpose of promoting economic cooperation in the region. although the ior initiative has been launched with an initial group, may i hasten to add that the ior is open to all the countries of the indian ocean region. as we go along, the initiative will expand progressively to include other countries, on the basis of a coherent programme and plan of action. other existing groupings, such as the common market for eastern and southern africa comesa , the southern african development community sadc to which organization my country has recently been admitted and the indian ocean commission, have already contributed significantly to greater interaction in our region, and it is our hope that this new initiative will further pave the way for a dynamic integration of the indian ocean region into the global economic pattern. in this regard, we look forward to, and will highly appreciate, the support of major regional groups and countries in the implementation of this laudable initiative. indeed, while we are making considerable efforts to ensure the prosperity and advancement of our countries, we are also very much aware that this cannot be achieved without the assistance of major players in the global economy. at the same time, it is important that, at a time of growing interdependence among states and economies, efforts must be made to include developing countries in the international economic decision-making process so as to achieve effective management of the global economy. the bretton woods institutions namely, the world bank and the international monetary fund [number] should be able to devise new ways and means of responding to the development needs, priorities and specificities of developing countries by providing adequate resources without stringent conditionalities. i should like here to appeal to the international financial institutions to put aside, when circumstances demand, their first and foremost role of bankers and act more as partners in the global development process. for it is becoming increasingly clear that development problems cannot be solved by countries on their own, whatever be their sense of commitment and purpose. africa, where countries are afflicted by deep-seated and chronic problems, is one such example. my country, therefore, welcomes the views expressed by the secretary-general in his agenda for development, and in particular supports his d marches to alleviate problems and sufferings on the african continent. we wish in this regard to see the rapid implementation of the united nations new agenda for the development in africa in the 1990s and the cairo agenda for action on relaunching african economic and social development, as well as the recommendations of the bandung asia-africa forum. africa, we know, is not alone, and we were gratified in september last year by president clinton s statement at the reception for african nations to the effect that the united states has been, and will continue to be, a partner in africa s success story . this is comforting, and we wish to see more concrete steps in this direction. i wish also to seize this opportunity to pay tribute to two decades of partnership between the countries of africa, the caribbean and the pacific and those of the european union, through the lom conventions. in a few weeks time mauritius will have the privilege and honour of hosting the signing of the second financial protocol of lom iv. while i pay tribute to this concrete example of effective partnership between the north and the south, it is our sincere hope that our partners of the european union will continue to support its traditional friends despite emerging demands nearer home. economic and socio-cultural progress cannot be sustained if man does not remain at the centre of development. in this context, education, training and information play a fundamental role. we firmly believe that it is extremely important to invest in human resources. in keeping with this belief, education and training are provided free of charge at primary and secondary levels in my country, to boys and girls and to men and women alike. an educated and trained individual is in a better position to respond and adapt to the changing needs of society and the developments taking place around him. as such, he is able to provide faster and better results. one of the scourges of developing nations remains an inadequate level of education and the lack of training facilities and access to the latest information. developing countries, in fact, run the risk of being left outside the network of rapidly evolving information technology. and yet can anyone deny the absolute need for small island states like mine to be connected to the rest of the world through up-to-date information networks? therefore, while the eradication of illiteracy and the provision of education facilities should continue to remain a top priority of the united nations, we should add to this the transfer of information technology. women are a major agent of development, and they have often been disadvantaged in their quest for education and training. of course, to the united nations, the advancement of women is not a new cause. the year [number] was proclaimed international women s year, followed by the united nations decade for women. since then, major united nations conferences, such as the earth summit, in rio, the world conference on human rights, in vienna, and others have repeatedly brought the plight of women to the fore, the most significant being the recent beijing conference. the agreements concluded at beijing recognized the pivotal role of women in our society and laid down the foundations for their participation as equal partners in development activities. more important, however, will be the after beijing the need to get down to the implementation of decisions arrived at and the need to find ways and means of building the bridges to allow for greater involvement of women in national and international matters. the world this year befittingly witnessed two other important united nations conferences the world summit for social development in copenhagen and the review and extension conference of the states parties to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt in new york. the summit on social development called attention to the impact of the world economic system on the poor and underprivileged and helped to project new ideas for alternative models of social development. it also allowed [number] the renewal of the world commitment to resolve the problems of poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. for its part, the non-proliferation treaty, which came into force in [number], is important in several ways. it enshrines an undertaking between the five nuclear-weapon states to begin serious nuclear disarmament negotiations and the non-nuclear countries not to acquire nuclear weapons in return for access to peaceful nuclear technology. it is a major international agreement the aim of which is to curb the spread of nuclear weapons and build confidence among the nuclear-weapon states towards a reduction of their arsenals. the treaty also provides the basis for legitimate trade in nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. the indefinite extension of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty in may this year can be considered a landmark in the history of mankind, which has committed itself to free the world from the threat of nuclear weapons. unfortunately, the optimism generated by the indefinite extension of the treaty was short-lived in the wake of the resumption of recent nuclear testings. these activities are definitely not encouraging signs for the conclusion of a comprehensive test-ban treaty in the foreseeable future. in our region, however, we are confident that the african nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty, which was recently finalized in south africa, will go a long way towards contributing to international peace and security. it covers a large part of the indian ocean and the atlantic ocean, both containing major sea routes of the world. my delegation sincerely hopes to see the speedy entry into force of this treaty, which, among other issues, encompasses the integrality of the territory of states members of the organization of african unity as a nuclear-weapon-free zone. the vienna conference was a turning-point for world perception of human rights. we hope that the principles and objectives enshrined in the [number] vienna declaration and programme of action on human rights may in time be recognized and effectively respected in all corners of the world. my country has always upheld human rights and favoured their promotion and protection. but at the same time, in the field of human rights, we believe that we have to move with caution lest we run the risk of damaging the interests of those very individuals and societies that we are purporting to protect in the short run. nevertheless, this should not prevent us from combining our best efforts in all good faith to bring about a just and equitable society by trying to win the confidence of the peoples, societies and governments rather than by threatening them economically, militarily or otherwise. the upholding of human values and uplift of humanity should continue to remain our main concern at all times and in the best interests of humanity. it is for this reason that we should seize every opportunity to applaud the restoration of human rights and democracy, regardless of other considerations. we are delighted, therefore, at the long-awaited liberation of mrs. aung san suu kyi this year, which we feel has opened up new avenues for dialogue in myanmar. during the past few years in particular, the united nations has become increasingly identified in the public perception with the blue helmets. the growing focus on the activities of the peace-keepers is such that their successes and failures often affect the credibility of our organization. peace-keeping is an important tool for conflict resolution its success depends to a large extent on a strong political will on the part of member states, a clear mandate to the peace-keepers and solid material, logistical and financial support. however, one of the main factors for conflict resolution remains the early identification of potential conflicts and tensions. while arms and weapons can be used to threaten and temporarily silence those involved in the conflicts, lasting peace can be achieved only through moral persuasion, the removal of fear and despair, and the instilling of hope and security in the minds of people. the need, therefore, to strengthen the arms of preventive diplomacy becomes imperative. in the recent past, the united nations has been increasingly called upon to carry out peace-keeping and peacemaking operations. in fact, the number of demands made on the organization is now straining its resources almost to the breaking-point. the erratic and reluctant disbursement of contributions by some member states has highlighted the shortcomings of such operations and exposed the limits of this approach in ensuring peace and stability. we therefore need more than ever to place much greater emphasis on preventive diplomacy and allocate more resources to this activity. we believe that, in the long run, the cost of supporting programmes in [number] preventive diplomacy would be far outweighed by the actual costs of dispatching blue helmets around the world. in this respect, we urge the international community strongly to support regional initiatives, such as the mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution of the organization of african unity oau . the experience of my country as a result of my own personal participation in several ministerial missions organized by the oau in the context of this mechanism has convinced us to put greater reliance in this approach. my delegation would therefore like to appeal to this body to make a strong commitment to the realization of this very important programme. the establishment of an early-warning system and threat-assessment unit at the united nations could equally support the proposed oau early-warning system. this would go a long way towards preparing the united nations to deal with the contemporary challenges of peace-keeping and peace-building at a more realistic cost. yet i would appeal for more cohesion and harmonization among the various conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms in order to avoid duplication of efforts. spoke in french at this point, my delegation should like to refer to the increasing activities of the francophone movement in the areas of conflict prevention and peace-keeping. we welcome the encouraging results of the work of the recent conference of french-speaking countries on conflict prevention, which took place in canada. among the recommendations of that conference, we note in particular the one relating to the support of the francophone movement for the pan-african mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution. it is true that the movement has no great means at its disposal, but it has none the less been able to lend considerable support in the recent past to certain united nations programme in the area of human rights and the process of democratization. with respect to those two areas, i also wish to highlight the important activities of the movement over the past two years in the countries of the african great lakes region following the tragic events that took place there. in december, at cotonou, my prime minister will be passing on the presidency of the movement to the president of benin. i wish to take this opportunity to express my great satisfaction at the way in which, during his term of office, the political dimension of the french-speaking movement s work on the international level has developed. i should like to express the hope that this political facet of the movement will in future be able to play a growing role in international forums in striving for the realization of lasting peace in the world. spoke in english we are already witnessing promising developments in conflict resolution in regions such as angola, mozambique and the middle east. we commend the recent initiatives in bosnia and exhort all parties concerned to continue to intensify their efforts to find a long-term solution, and hope that the long-awaited peace in this region is achieved not under the threat of guns, but through the goodwill, understanding and tolerance of all concerned. my delegation recognizes that the fiftieth anniversary of the united nations provides a golden opportunity for the re-examination and the renewal of the united nations system, and welcomes the initiative launched in the general assembly to negotiate a reform of the security council. we believe that the present [number]-member composition of the security council does not reflect the realities of the economic and political changes of the past decades. in its present composition, the security council can neither claim to take into account the positions of nations in the next [number] years, nor reasonably pretend to speak on behalf of [number] nations for the maintenance of world peace and security. the security council has indeed the main task of maintaining peace and security. however, the concept of world security has itself undergone a huge transformation. we are now more at risk from the threat of economic, social, cultural and religious upheavals and turmoils than from the outbreak of war resulting from conflicts between states or a group of states. consequently, if the security council is to command full respect in all parts of the world and enjoy legitimacy, it should undergo a complete overhaul. in the context of the current exercise on the expansion of the security council, we believe that the claim of india, the largest parliamentary democracy, to a permanent seat on the security council is legitimate. in the same spirit, countries from other regions, including small island states, could equally aspire to permanent seats in an expanded security council. the world has gradually been reduced to a global village. the regions of the world and their peoples, [number] although still widely separated geographically, are fast realizing that the future of the world community lies in a common shared goal. we are increasingly becoming aware that the world is one family, and that if we are to assure a brighter and better future for coming generations, we have no other choice than to continue our efforts towards preserving and promoting a strong united nations that will be able to pursue a common purpose for a world of equity, justice and shared economic progress. in mauritius, in spite of the existence of many cultures and religions, we have been successful in promoting peaceful coexistence. we have always believed that no meaningful progress can be achieved in the absence of peace and harmony. we have always believed in our people and have actively promoted the culture of tolerance and mutual respect. we remain deeply committed to the principles of democracy and justice. the path of tolerance and mutual respect for different faiths and religions and the acceptance of unity in diversity laid down under the inspiring leadership of the father of the nation, sir seewoosagur ramgoolam, since independence in [number] and followed through relentlessly by our present prime minister, sir anerood jugnauth have been largely responsible for the harmonious way of life in mauritius. in conclusion, i should like on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of our organization to share with the international community our rich experience of living in peace and harmony.
i am pleased to open my statement by extending warm congratulations to you, sir, and to your friendly country, the czech republic, on your election to the presidency of the general assembly at its fifty-seventh session. we wish you success at the helm of this assembly, which is convened against a backdrop of complex circumstances and daunting global challenges. let me assure you of my delegation's full commitment to cooperating with you in order to facilitate the fulfilment of your mandate. i wish to extend a word of thanks and tribute to your predecessor, mr. han seung-soo, for his prudent and efficient stewardship of the previous session. in the same vein, i wish to reiterate our appreciation for the outstanding performance of secretary-general kofi annan and for his tireless and concrete efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the world organization in serving global peace, security and development. kuwait welcomes the admission of the swiss confederation to the membership of our organization. we are confident that switzerland's membership will enhance the benefits of its already active role in supporting various united nations programmes and activities and will further consolidate the principles and purposes of the charter, particularly as that country is host to many united nations bodies and specialized agencies. the events of [number] september [number] in the united states, together with their consequences and implications, have changed the global landscape and have created a multitude of new challenges for the entire world, as we are now collectively entrenched in our fight against terrorism, violence and extremism. experience has shown that combating this pernicious phenomenon is a universal responsibility and that no individual country alone, irrespective of its resources or determination, can eliminate it. moral and practical reasons make it unacceptable to link that curse to any particular nation, religion or culture. such an attempt does not serve any of our common goals. to the contrary, it will deepen political and cultural divides, exacerbate the crisis and transform it into a conflict among civilizations that harms us all and from which we have nothing to gain. therefore, the united nations remains the most appropriate and effective mechanism for studying and analysing that phenomenon, so as to identify its causes and parameters and to coordinate efforts with a view to developing guidelines for effective measures to eradicate that plague. the united nations is also the appropriate body to define our responsibilities and obligations in that regard. the signing, ratification and scrupulous enforcement by all member states of the [number] united nations instruments aimed at combating terrorism are perhaps the most viable means for establishing a solid common ground to combat and conquer terrorism. in that context, i wish to take this opportunity to express once again our condolences and sympathy to the friendly people and government of the united states and to the families of all the victims of that heinous act of terrorism. we share with them their anguish and the hope that their fortitude will help them overcome their pain and loss. in the meantime, kuwait reaffirms its longstanding core position condemning all acts of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. we also categorically renounce all acts of violence and extremism, as they contravene not only international norms and treaties but also the tolerant teachings of islam and its compassionate value system, as well as other religions, humanitarian concepts and civilized values. [number] kuwait welcomes security council resolution [number] [number] within the context of kuwait's cooperation with the ongoing international efforts to fight terrorism and, pursuant to its provisions, has put a number of important new steps and measures into effect. they include the enactment of a bill to combat money laundering and the adoption of practical measures to regulate fund-raising activities in order to ensure that those activities are not exploited or illegally used for any objective other than their legitimate and declared intent. furthermore, for its part, kuwait has answered all the queries of the united nations counter-terrorism committee. we have provided to the committee all the information and notations that clarify our national laws and legislation enacted by the government to combat terrorist acts and to prosecute their perpetrators. within the same context and in order to consolidate world efforts in combating terrorism, i wish to reiterate kuwait's support for the idea of convening an international conference under the auspices of the united nations aimed at reaching an agreement on a clear and specific definition of terrorism. the primary purpose of that aim is to distinguish between terrorism as a phenomenon that endangers international peace and security and the right of peoples to legitimate struggle in resisting foreign occupation in order to attain their rights to self- determination, as set forth in the charter and in international law. in this regard, kuwait condemns the insidious campaign orchestrated against our sister state, the kingdom of saudi arabia, by certain american and western media sectors. for our part, however, we pay tribute to the kingdom for its valuable role and significant contributions to the fight against terrorism and to efforts to achieve peace and security in the region. the success of our global efforts to eradicate terrorism depends in large measure on the ability of the international community to effectively address major issues and challenges that have become a source of despair, misery, frustration, isolation and perceived injustice felt by a number of people in all parts of the world. an elusive challenge that continues to stand out is the constant deterioration of the situation in the occupied palestinian territories. the escalating confrontations have reached a level that threatens peace and security in the middle east region as a whole. the brutal practices of the israeli occupation forces, including the unwarranted excessive use of force against the palestinian people, the deliberate destruction of the institutions and infrastructure of the palestinian authority, in clear violation of united nations resolutions and the fourth geneva convention of [number], have resulted in exacerbating the economic and social crises sustained by the palestinians for more than five decades. large-scale round-ups, house demolitions, curfews, bombardment of civilian neighbourhoods, incursions into villages, town and cities and helicopter gunship assaults on civilians have become daily events for the individual palestinian citizen on the street. indeed, those acts have become routine stories in radio and television news. we have silently resigned ourselves to that. it seems that the international community has been numbed into accepting that way of life for defenceless palestinians. but unfortunately all israeli practices seem to be emanating from an entrenched precept that israel is immune to all accountability, exempted from all jurisdictions and shielded from all criticism and condemnation by the united nations or the world's major powers. against that background, kuwait reaffirms its commitment to the pan-arab position adopted at the recent beirut arab summit, which endorsed the initiative put forward by his royal highness prince abdullah bin abdel aziz, crown prince of saudi arabia and chief of the saudi national guard. kuwait remains committed to supporting the right of the palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of their independent state on their national territory with jerusalem as their capital. kuwait will continue to demand full israeli withdrawal from all occupied arab territories, including the syrian golan and lebanese territory. world history and experience have amply demonstrated that force alone, regardless of the degree of brutality, will not bring about peace and security. the only viable option is restoring legitimate rights to their rightful owners and implementing peace. perhaps the best assurance for a secure future requires long- term good-will investments in the present. kuwait welcomed with satisfaction the decision adopted by the most recent arab summit, held in lebanon in march [number], on the situation between iraq [number] and kuwait. in that decision, the arab leaders welcomed iraq's pledges to respect the independence, sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of the state of kuwait and to avert any action that might lead to the recurrence of the events of [number]. arab leaders also demanded that iraq cooperate in finding an expeditious and final solution to the question of kuwaiti prisoners and hostages and the return of stolen kuwaiti property as set forth in relevant security council resolutions. but, to our deep regret, that decision has not been implemented. the government of iraq has not as yet carried out its pledges, especially in regard to kuwaiti and third-country prisoners and detainees. that long-running humanitarian question can bear no further delay in view of its traumatic implications for the families of the victims, who do not know the fate of their loved ones. the iraqi government continues to refuse to cooperate with the united nations mechanisms established to deal with the matter. assessing the approach followed by the iraqi government, the secretary-general concluded in the final paragraph of his most recent report to the security council pursuant to paragraph [number] of council resolution [number] [number] , contained in document s [number] [number] of [number] august [number], that despite the encouraging agreements at the arab summit in beirut, iraq's words on the fate of the missing persons are yet to be matched by tangible deeds. there still is a window of opportunity to address humanitarian issues, such as that of missing persons, in good faith. iraq should use this opportunity to restore its credibility on the outstanding humanitarian issues. ' para. [number] in that context, kuwait welcomes the efforts and steps undertaken by the united nations in preparation for the return of kuwait's state archives from iraq pursuant to relevant security council resolutions. despite the fact that iraq has denied over the past [number] years that it had seized the archives, we consider its acknowledgement that it holds the archives and its intention to return them to be an important step towards carrying out security council resolutions, particularly resolutions [number] [number] , [number] [number] and [number] [number] . irrespective of iraq's motives for returning the archives and other kuwaiti state documents, it is our hope that this step will be followed by other positive actions leading to the release of our prisoners and those of third countries. only then can this dossier be closed. i wish to stress here that the humanitarian issue of our prisoners has dominated the national agenda of the government and the people of kuwait since liberation. regarding other relevant issues, kuwait has welcomed the dialogue between the united nations and iraq, and we hope that this exercise will lead to the implementation of the rest of the key obligations, including the elimination of weapons of mass destruction and other outstanding matters. kuwait thinks that iraq's strict and scrupulous implementation of all relevant security council resolutions and the admission of united nations weapons inspectors back into iraq would spare our region the horrors of a war which we do not want. such a war would only lead to the exacerbation of the suffering of the brotherly people of iraq and to the escalation of tension and instability in the region. kuwait also welcomes the prudent approach outlined by president george bush of the united states in his statement before the general assembly yesterday, in which he requested the security council to fulfil its legal and political responsibilities within the context of relevant council resolutions regarding iraq. the security council undoubtedly has the power to do so. we call upon the security council to perform that legitimate role. meanwhile, we demand that iraq fully and strictly implement all relevant security council resolutions in the interest of security and stability in the region and in order to avert the dangers it faces. because of its keen interest in maintaining and bolstering security and stability in our region, the state of kuwait emphasizes again its support for all efforts to resolve by peaceful means the disagreement between the united arab emirates and the islamic republic of iran over the disputed islands. in that context, we welcome the mutual visits by ranking officials of both countries. we hope that such visits and direct contacts will help the parties to create a favourable climate for confidence-building between the two countries. the world economic landscape has been quite turbulent over the past year. reports issued by numerous specialized international institutions show that many countries, including some developed countries, have begun to suffer from a global economic slowdown. that in turn has led to mounting economic [number] and social burdens on many states due to growing imbalances and disparities between the economies of countries of the north and those of the south. while the countries of the north continue to enjoy economic prosperity and better standards of living for their peoples, countries of the south continue to suffer from poverty, famine, unemployment, environmental degradation, severe shortages of drinking water and widespread pandemics such as those of hiv aids and malaria, in addition to a whole range of other problems that impede their efforts towards sustainable development. it is our hope that the decisions and plans of action recently adopted at the johannesburg world summit on sustainable development, held at johannesburg in august and september, and at the international conference on financing for development, held in mexico in february, will help bolster efforts and strengthen bonds of cooperation between the north and the south with a view to laying the underpinnings of a new partnership that contributes to the stabilization and growth of economic relations and to establishing the basis for an equitable world trade system that sets out the responsibilities and obligations of all sides. perhaps one of the most pressing demands at present to shore up the economic structures of the developing countries is that the developed nations fulfil their obligation to provide meaningful financial and technical aid to the developing world. that includes bilateral arrangements and understandings with international financial institutions and organizations to alleviate the debt burden of developing countries and the cancellation of the debts of the poorest nations. also, any tariffs or other obstacles to access for the products of those countries to developed countries' markets should be removed. furthermore, developing countries should have easier access to information and technologies that would help them solve their problems and became integrated into the world economy. such steps would prevent the marginalization of the developing countries and least developed countries and would help put them back on the road to development. in this regard, kuwait draws satisfaction from the fact that it tops the list of arab states on the united nations development programme undp arab human development index for the current year. the arab human development report was published by the undp in cooperation with the arab fund for economic and social development. the report drew on a whole range of indices including health, education, acquisition of technical knowledge and per capita income. the government of kuwait will be guided by the report's indicators and, in cooperation with our national assembly, which is the legislative authority in our country, will maintain its efforts to improve economic and social conditions to the benefit of kuwaiti citizens and their well-being. i wish to place on record our sense of pride in carrying out all our international obligations. in particular, kuwait is a robust contributor to the development programmes of many developing nations. furthermore, we are a vibrant player in ensuring a stable and balanced global oil market with a view to ensuring equitable and universal economic development. also, in line with its arab and islamic heritage and given the imperatives of kinship, kuwait has never hesitated to reach out to meet its full official and unofficial obligations towards the palestinian people in the palestinian territories and towards the people of afghanistan. it is now our hope that the afghan people, following the recent developments in their country, will be able to live in security and stability after their long and deep suffering due to war and internal conflict. let us hope that the country will now channel all its resources into national reconstruction in order to make up for those long years of conflict and hostilities. inasmuch as the peoples of the world differ in their religion, culture and ethnicity, they are similar in their aspirations, ambitions and hopes. we all seek to live in freedom, dignity and safety. we all yearn for a world in which peace, security and justice prevail. translating that vision and hope into reality requires accelerating the pace of concerted global action to meet the lofty purposes and principles defined in the charter of the united nations. in addition, the united nations millennium summit declaration must be translated into a concrete reality that satisfies the hopes and aspirations of the peoples of the world. we as countries believe that ultimately we all are accountable to allah, his name be praised and glorified, the creator of the universe. we are also accountable to our peoples in terms of fulfilling their legitimate aspirations in a world of prevailing security and peace.
i wish to congratulate mr. opertti on his assumption of the presidency of the general assembly at its current session. i believe that his wisdom and experience will enable him to accomplish his important mission with distinction. i would also like to express my appreciation for the contribution made by mr. udovenko as president of the general assembly during the previous session. at present, the international situation is undergoing profound changes. the accelerated trend towards multipolarity has injected new vitality into international relations. economic globalization is developing very quickly, and countries are becoming increasingly interdependent. the development of multipolarity and globalization has provided a stimulus to the readjustment of international relations. bilateral partnerships, mainly characterized by non- confrontation, non-alignment and non-targeting against third countries, have been established one after another. various regional and intercontinental organizations of cooperation have become more active than ever before. such endeavours to seek the establishment of stable, pragmatic and balanced international relations contribute to peace and development as well as to the establishment of a fair and equitable new international political and economic order. [number] however, we cannot lose sight of the many uncertainties still existing in the world. the nuclear arms race is a product of the cold war. in the post-cold-war period of today, the people of all countries call fervently for the prevention of nuclear proliferation and endeavours for nuclear disarmament. it is to be regretted that last may india conducted nuclear tests, going against the tide of the times, thus adversely affecting peace and stability in south asia. soon afterwards, pakistan, too, conducted nuclear tests. their nuclear tests not only led to an escalation of the tension between the two countries, but also dealt a heavy blow to international nuclear disarmament and the mechanism for the prevention of nuclear proliferation. this has aroused the great concern of the international community. we hope that india and pakistan will fully implement the joint communiqu of the five permanent members of the security council, as well as the provisions of security council resolution [number] [number] , give up their plans to develop nuclear weapons and immediately and unconditionally accede to the comprehensive nuclear-test- ban treaty ctbt and the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons npt . we appeal to india and pakistan to resolve the dispute over the issue of kashmir through peaceful means. in our view, following the nuclear tests in south asia, the international community faces the pressing task of consolidating and strengthening the international non- proliferation mechanism to prevent further proliferation of nuclear weapons and enhance the universality and authority of the npt. china has all along stood for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. back in [number], the chinese government proposed to the general assembly that a treaty on the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons should be concluded through negotiations. furthermore, the chinese government has on many occasions called on all the other nuclear states to undertake not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states and nuclear-free zones, has proposed the conclusion of a convention on no first use of nuclear weapons through negotiations and has called for the early negotiation of a fissile material cut-off treaty. china was active in the negotiations on the ctbt and was among the first to sign the treaty. today, i would like to reiterate on behalf of the chinese government that china will abide by the provisions of the treaty and has no intention of resuming nuclear testing. china will continue to pursue the policies of unconditional no first use of nuclear weapons and unconditional no use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states and nuclear-free zones and will continue to support the conference on disarmament in geneva to negotiate and conclude a non-discriminatory and verifiable fissile material cut-off treaty on the basis of the agreed mandate. china urges the countries with the largest nuclear arsenals to accelerate their nuclear disarmament process. as to the question of the ultimate complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons, china, as a nuclear state, will never shirk its responsibility. the east asian financial crisis that broke out in july [number] has caused a sharp decline in the economies of many countries of the region. its negative impact is still spreading. the drastic devaluation of the japanese yen since last june has added to the difficulty of economic recovery in the region. the crisis occurred in the overall context of economic globalization, and its impact is being felt across the world. stepping up international cooperation and putting an early end to this crisis is not only in the immediate interests of the east asian countries, but also in the interests of the international community as a whole, and especially of the developed countries. we hope that those developed countries with important influence on the region s economy will shoulder their responsibilities and take active, resolute and effective measures to make their due contributions to safeguarding the stability of the financial order and promoting the recovery and development of the region s economy. following the eruption of the east asian financial crisis, the chinese government has taken a highly responsible attitude. china has rendered assistance to the countries concerned within the framework arranged by international monetary fund and, at the same time, through bilateral channels. proceeding from the overall interests of maintaining the stability and development of the region, china has made the decision not to devalue the yuan renminbi, for which we have endured great pressure and paid a heavy price. now, despite the growing pressure and risk facing us, our decision to maintain the stability of the yuan renminbi will remain unchanged. fighting with one heart and one mind, we won the battle against the disastrous floods. we have taken a series of measures to deepen our reform and expand [number] domestic demand so as to ensure the sustained growth of our economy and achieve the objective of an [number] per cent rise in this year s gross domestic product. we firmly believe that with the common efforts of the countries in the region and of the rest of the international community, the east asian economy will be able to gradually get out of its predicament and return to the road of sound development. the middle east peace process has been in a stalemate for some time, which has aroused widespread concern in the international community. we are of the view that the arab nations and israel should hold earnest and pragmatic negotiations so as to achieve a comprehensive, just and lasting peace, which will be not only in the fundamental interests of the arab and israeli peoples, but also conducive to world peace and stability. we hope that all the parties concerned in the arab-israeli disputes will take a flexible and pragmatic position to promote steady progress in the peace negotiations under the principle of land for peace and on the basis of the relevant united nations resolutions and the agreements already reached. the chinese government will, as always, support the middle east peace process and the efforts made by the united nations and the relevant parties to this end. we are following the developments in the kosovo region of yugoslavia with concern. it is our hope that the parties involved will solve the problem through political dialogue. the sovereignty and territorial integrity of yugoslavia should be respected. peace and stability in the balkans have been hard won and should be cherished all the more by the relevant parties and by the international community. the border conflicts between ethiopia and eritrea and the conflict in the democratic republic of the congo are another source of concern for us. it is hoped that they will be appropriately resolved by the parties involved through peaceful means. the twenty-first century is greeting us. on the threshold of the new century, the united nations bears heavy responsibilities with regard to maintaining world peace, promoting human progress and establishing a just and rational new international political and economic order. it has an irreplaceable role to play. above all, after the end of the cold war, the united nations, with fewer constraints and more vitality, is confronted with unprecedented opportunities. in this context, the united nations should and can use its own advantages to play a unique and constructive role in building a peaceful, secure and stable world, in establishing a new type of international relationship based on friendship and cooperation and in taking up the common challenges facing mankind. china has consistently held that it is necessary to carry out appropriate reform in the united nations so that the organization can better keep abreast of the changing situation and serve its numerous member states. we have taken note of the initial progress of united nations reform in a number of fields promoted by all member states. some reform measures and recommendations proposed by the secretary-general, mr. kofi annan, have been approved by the general assembly and are now being put into practice. intense discussions on reform of the security council are also in orderly progress. at present, there are still differences among member states on quite a few issues involved in the reform of the security council. we hope that all parties will adopt a constructive approach and play an active part in the relevant consultations with a view to reaching a proper settlement of relevant issues. here, i wish to reiterate the basic position of the chinese government on these issues. first, the reform of the security council bears on the interests of all countries and so requires a democratic style of work and extensive and full consultations. all member states should have an equal right to speak on the question of the reform, and their reasonable proposals should be fully reflected. secondly, the security council is not a club of rich countries. the purpose of its reform is not just to meet the concerns of a few big countries. rather, more attention should be given to the interests and aspirations of the vast number of developing countries. representation should be balanced between the developed and the developing countries. thirdly, the reform measures are of major significance, as they bear on enhancing the role of the security council in maintaining international peace and security. they should be worked out on the basis of the realities and in the light of history. it is a matter of course that the objective of the reform of the security council is to solve problems rather than to create new sources of discord. in order to ensure that the reformed security council gains extensive support from member states, it is essential to adhere to the principle of consensus. this year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of the universal declaration of human rights. in the past [number] years, the declaration has vigorously promoted the advancement and development of the cause [number] of human rights in the world. vast numbers of people in asia, africa and latin america freed themselves from colonial rule. the south african people rooted out the dark system of apartheid, won basic political rights and became an equal member of the international community. the united nations, for its part, adopted a series of international instruments on human rights such as the declaration on the right to development, further enriching the content of human rights. the right to development has been universally recognized in the international community as an inseparable part of basic human rights. in the meantime, earth-shaking changes have taken place in china. especially in the past two decades, since the introduction of reform and opening up, china has witnessed an ever-improved practice of democracy, an ever-improved legal system and ever-enhanced legal protection of the rights of its people. it is perfectly obvious that the chinese people now enjoy a higher degree of freedom and equality than ever before and a much fuller and more settled life than in the past. the chinese government will continue to make unremitting efforts to advance democracy and to strengthen the legal system, while developing the economy so as to better ensure that its people enjoy human rights to the full. the chinese government is active in supporting and participating in the activities of the united nations in the field of human rights. china has all along stood for international cooperation in the field of human rights on the basis of equality and mutual respect, so as to enhance understanding, narrow differences, expand common ground and strengthen cooperation through dialogue. the chinese government is ready to engage in dialogue, exchanges and cooperation, on the basis of equality and mutual respect, with human rights organizations at the national and international levels. last october, the chinese government signed the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. as to the international covenant on civil and political rights, i earnestly declare here that the chinese government has decided to sign it early next month. this once again testifies to the resolve of the chinese government with respect to promoting and protecting human rights. china is ready to continue to work with other countries to maintain and increase the current positive momentum of dialogue and cooperation so as to promote the furtherance of the world cause of human rights. this year is the twentieth anniversary of the introduction of the policy of reform and opening up in china. in these two decades, china has scored tremendous achievements in its reform, opening up and modernization drive. particularly in recent years, our national economy has gained a favourable momentum of high growth and low inflation, thanks to deepened reforms and strengthened macroeconomic regulation. last september, the communist party of china, at its fifteenth national congress, formulated a blueprint for china s cross-century development based on the new developments both on the domestic and international scene. in march this year, our new state institutions and new government were formed through elections at the first session of the ninth national people s congress of china. we will build energetically on our political and economic restructuring and carry forward the cause of building socialism with chinese characteristics into the twenty-first century in a comprehensive way. china s modernization drive requires a stable international environment of peace. china will continue to pursue its independent foreign policy of peace. this policy is sustained by three pillars to persist in independence and maintain the initiative, to safeguard world peace, and to seek common development. to persist in independence and maintain the initiative, we always put our state sovereignty and national security first and never develop relations with other countries at the expense of our own sovereignty. taiwan is an inalienable part of china s sacred territory. the successful return of hong kong and the upcoming return of macao will undoubtedly provide useful inspiration and create favourable conditions for the settlement of the taiwan question. we will, as always, adhere to the basic policy of peaceful reunification and one country two systems adhere to president jiang zemin s eight-point proposal on developing cross-strait relations and promoting the process of peaceful reunification of the motherland expand cross-strait exchanges and cooperation in various fields and resolutely oppose the creation of the independence of taiwan , two chinas and one china one, taiwan and taiwan s attempt to re-enter the united nations. we respect the sovereignty of other countries and vigorously support the efforts of all countries in the world, and of developing countries in particular, to defend their state sovereignty, while firmly safeguarding our own. in handling international relations, we adhere to non-alignment, non-confrontation and the non-targeting of third states. we do not go in for military blocs and the [number] arms race, nor do we engage in military expansion. china s development will not pose a threat to any other country. the so-called china threat is entirely unfounded and fabricated with ulterior motives. to safeguard world peace, china is a staunch force for the maintenance of world peace and regional stability. it is our consistent view that state-to-state relations should be handled in a spirit of mutual respect and peaceful coexistence, transcending differences in social systems and ideologies. countries should safeguard their own interests and, at the same time, respect those of others and continuously expand mutually beneficial cooperation by seeking the convergent points of common interests. with regard to existing differences and disputes, it is necessary to persist in dialogue, not engage in confrontation, and strive to settle them by peaceful means rather than by resorting to force or the threat of force. it is essential to completely reject the mentality of the cold war, advocate a new security concept and resolve international and regional security issues through consensus and participation on an equal footing. we in china stand for the equality of all countries, big or small, and for accelerated democratization of international relations. world affairs should be handled through consultation by all countries, and no country should impose its own will on others. to seek common development, peace is the prerequisite of development and development is the basis of peace. in today s world, where the economy is increasingly globalized, countries must pursue an open policy in order to achieve economic growth. opening up to the outside world is china s long-standing basic state policy. as a huge emerging market, china will strive to keep abreast of the trend of economic globalization and be even more active in opening up to the world. it is ready to develop trade and expand scientific and technological exchanges with all countries on the basis of equality and mutual benefit and in the interest of common progress. it attaches importance to and actively participates in the activities of the asia-pacific economic cooperation council apec and the asia-europe meeting asem and sets store by the establishment and development of friendly exchanges and cooperation with other global and intercontinental or regional organizations for economic cooperation. china continues to take a positive attitude towards joining the world trade organization wto . thanks to unremitting efforts over a decade, china is already qualified for entry. regrettably, however, the relevant negotiations have dragged on and on with no decision having been made. china is a developing country, and we can negotiate china s entry into the wto only on this basis, in accordance with the principle of balancing rights and obligations. it is our hope that the countries concerned will take a practical, fair and flexible attitude, give up excessive demands and work for an early conclusion of the relevant negotiations. china s joining the wto will benefit all its members and make the multilateral trade mechanism complete and more balanced. before i conclude my speech, please allow me to use the forum of the united nations to brief you on china s flood-fighting and disaster-relief efforts. owing to such factors as abnormal climate changes this year, catastrophic floods swept along the yangtze, nenjiang, songhua and other rivers of china. the sheer size of the submerged regions, the duration of the floods and the seriousness of the disaster they caused were something rarely seen before. giving top priority to the protection of people s lives and their safety, the chinese government mobilized forces from all sectors across the country and organized millions of soldiers and civilians for an all-out battle against the floods and for disaster relief. thus, the assaults of flood crests were repelled again and again the safety of the main dykes, the main transport arteries and major cities along the rivers was ensured and the loss of life and property was kept to a minimum. at present, the chinese government is sparing no effort to resettle the people affected by the flood and has started reconstruction projects in the disaster areas. we are taking every measure possible, with full confidence, to ensure that there will be no famine and no widespread epidemic diseases in the wake of the natural disaster and that none of the pupils or students in the flood-hit areas will drop out from school or be deprived of education. in the course of reconstruction, we will carry forward the great flood-fighting spirit in an all-round endeavour to push forward our reform and opening up and the socialist modernization drive. since china was hit by the disastrous floods, a number of countries and international organizations and communities have sent messages to express sympathy and solicitude, and rendered support and assistance to china. i wish to take this opportunity to extend, on behalf of the chinese government and people, our most sincere gratitude to them. the world of today is a world of interdependence. the promotion of peace, cooperation and development has [number] become the main trend of the times. let us join hands and work together to bring into the twenty-first century a world of peace, security and stability in the interest of development.

Subsets and Splits

No community queries yet

The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.