Split (1)

train

The full dataset viewer is not available (click to read why). Only showing a preview of the rows.

The dataset generation failed

Error code:   DatasetGenerationError
Exception:    ArrowInvalid
Message:      JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 151
Traceback:    Traceback (most recent call last):
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 153, in _generate_tables
                  df = pd.read_json(f, dtype_backend="pyarrow")
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 815, in read_json
                  return json_reader.read()
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1025, in read
                  obj = self._get_object_parser(self.data)
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1051, in _get_object_parser
                  obj = FrameParser(json, **kwargs).parse()
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1187, in parse
                  self._parse()
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1403, in _parse
                  ujson_loads(json, precise_float=self.precise_float), dtype=None
              ValueError: Trailing data
              
              During handling of the above exception, another exception occurred:
              
              Traceback (most recent call last):
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1997, in _prepare_split_single
                  for _, table in generator:
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 156, in _generate_tables
                  raise e
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 130, in _generate_tables
                  pa_table = paj.read_json(
                File "pyarrow/_json.pyx", line 308, in pyarrow._json.read_json
                File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 154, in pyarrow.lib.pyarrow_internal_check_status
                File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 91, in pyarrow.lib.check_status
              pyarrow.lib.ArrowInvalid: JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 151
              
              The above exception was the direct cause of the following exception:
              
              Traceback (most recent call last):
                File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 1529, in compute_config_parquet_and_info_response
                  parquet_operations = convert_to_parquet(builder)
                File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 1154, in convert_to_parquet
                  builder.download_and_prepare(
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1029, in download_and_prepare
                  self._download_and_prepare(
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1124, in _download_and_prepare
                  self._prepare_split(split_generator, **prepare_split_kwargs)
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1884, in _prepare_split
                  for job_id, done, content in self._prepare_split_single(
                File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 2040, in _prepare_split_single
                  raise DatasetGenerationError("An error occurred while generating the dataset") from e
              datasets.exceptions.DatasetGenerationError: An error occurred while generating the dataset

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pred_label string	pred_label_prob float64	wiki_prob float64	text string	source string
__label__wiki	0.815604	0.815604	Deputy Chief Minister, Chowna Mein, who also holds the Minister-In-Charge of Power and Non-Conventional Energy Resources have dedicated one unit of 3×1.5(4.5)MWAngongNallah Small Hydro-Electric Project to the people of Arunachal Pradeshon the occasion of 74th Independence Day. The SHP is built at Janbo Village, a border village at 70 km from the district headquarter, Yingkiong in Upper Siang District. While dedicating the AngongNallah Small Hydro-Electric Project, Mein said that it will meet up the power demand of entire Upper Siang District and will bring more border villages into electrification. It will also meet up the future power demand of the district that may arise due to increase in households and business & industrial establishments. With the completion of remaining 2 units of SHP (which will be done in some later date), there will be surplus production of power in the district, which will be shared to other parts of the State, he added. He commended the Chief Engineer of Hydro-Power Development(Eastern Zone), all the Officers & Officials of Geku Hydro-Power Division for their tireless efforts and hard work despite the COVID-19 pandemic and the Planning Department for continuous monitoring of the project to its successful implementation.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line3
__label__cc	0.734614	0.265386	Fully Automated Assay Screens Blood for HIV A fully automated blood screening test for human immunodeficiency virus-1 (HIV-1) /HIV-2 can be used by laboratory professionals to screen individual donors of blood and plasma for antibodies to human immunodeficiency virus type l Groups M and O (anti-HIV-l) and type 2 (anti-HIV-2). It can also be used as an aid in the diagnosis of HIV-l/HIV-2 infection. The new HIV assay can run 160 samples per hour, making it possible to test more than 1,200 samples in an eight-hour shift. Speed and efficiency are important to labs because large volumes of blood are screened each year. According to the American Association of Blood Banks (AABB; www.aabb.org), eight million volunteers donate about 15 million units of whole blood each year in the United States alone. Each donated unit of blood must be tested for infectious diseases including hepatitis, AIDs, and other diseases caused by retroviruses. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has approved the new assay, which runs on the Abbott Prism and is called the HIV O Plus test. Following the FDA approval Abbott Diagnostics (Abbott park, IL, USA; www.abbottdiagnostics.com) has a complete panel of hepatitis and retrovirus tests including the following assays: a hepatitis B core test (Abbott Prism HBcore); a hepatitis B surface antigen test (Abbott Prism HBsAg along with Abbott Prism HBsAg Confirmatory); a hepatitis C test (Abbott Prism HCV); and a human T-tymphotropic virus test (Abbott Prism, HTLV-I/HTLV-II). The assay has not been validated for use with pooled specimens and is not intended for use on cord blood specimens. Abbott offers a broad range of diagnostic instrument systems and tests for hospitals, reference labs, molecular labs, blood banks, physician offices, and clinics. The diagnostic products offer customers automation, convenience, bedside testing, cost effectiveness, and flexibility. Erythrocyte Sedimentation-Rate Analysis Made Easier and Faster Hematology Automated Sample Sorting and Archiving Systems Introduced	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line4
__label__wiki	0.644119	0.644119	Home Business Azercell Expands Network and Service to Karabakh Azercell Expands Network and Service to Karabakh The liberation of our native lands as a result of Azerbaijan’s victory in the 44-day Patriotic War opened up a new stage in the life of the country. Azercell started building the first mobile network infrastructure in the liberated territories. It has announced the launch of its mobile network in the city of Shusha, which has a great cultural significance for the country. The Azercell team was able to launch its 4G network in the restored territories, starting from Jabrayil to the historical city, Shusha. Azercell has continued to build its mobile telecom infrastructure, which is a prime platform to continue the rapid development of the liberated territories. More than 65 units of 2G/3G/4G base stations have been established and the Azercell network currently covers the districts of Shusha, Agdam, Fuzuli, Jabrayil, Zangilan, Gubadli and Kalbajar, along with the settlement of Istisu, Hadrut, Sugovusham and the villages of Khojavand and Lachin. Zarina Zeynalova, the CEO of Azercell said: “The liberation of Karabakh is a great historical marker for Azerbaijan. With the restored territories comes vast opportunities to develop the area and improve the quality of life, as well as bring more people to visit and work there. At this stage, the deployment of the latest mobile technology across the region is of top priority for Azercell.” In addition, following the official order of the President of Azerbaijan to develop the concepts of ‘Smart City’ and ‘Smart Village’ across the country and specifically in the restored territories, Azercell has declared that it is prepared to support state institutions in this regard. The main purpose of Azercell is to accelerate the expansion of the new generation network at full capacity in the liberated territories to provide the population returning to these territories, with mobile internet and advanced communication services. During September 22-23, Azercell Mobile Customer Care services organized a tour to Shusha, allocating two separate days to provide a full range of customer services in the area. For example, the Azercell Customer Care crew met with various subscribers currently located and working in Shusha. During this visit, up to 200 subscribers, which include military men, healthcare personnel and employees of various organizations, received services. Additionally, over 50 various customer operations were implemented by the Azercell team such as new acquisition, sim-card change and number restoration, and were done sofree of charge for subscribers in Shusha. Azercell has become the first to service its customers in the liberated territories of Karabakh and has completed one of the many tours planned in the area. Additionally, Azercell will be expanding its sales and service centers across the region, thus providing complete customer support for various subscribers. Azercell is in eager anticipation of the growing population who will gradually return and inhabit the beating heart of Azerbaijan. Azercell mobile provider Concierge Services with a Client-centric Approach Luxury Apartments in the Heart of Baku Empowering Azerbaijani Women Goal: 43% Increase in Russian Exports to Azerbaijan	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line7
__label__cc	0.644807	0.355193	How eggs become chickens October 25, 2017 Dennis Ross There is no doubt that human beings have been enjoying feasting on eggs and chicken since time immemorial. These tiny birds are the most common ones and also offer the best meat and eggs in comparison to the others, so it is no surprise that everyone loves them. However, have you ever sat to think how eggs become chickens? To many people, it’s a mystery that takes place after about twenty one days. However the processes shown below prove that it is not a mystery for an egg to become a chicken. About hens First things first, just like it takes a woman for a baby to be born, for an egg to become a chicken, the process cannot take place without a hen. It takes about twenty weeks for a hen to start laying eggs and once it does, there is no turning back. Some lay every day, others twice a week while others do not due to narrow pelvis and many other genetic conditions. However, it is important to understand that a chicken must lay an egg with or without mating hence; egg laying does not rely on the rooster. If that happens then it becomes unfertilized and no embryo development takes place since it only possesses the DNA of the hen but lacks that of the rooster. Nonetheless, if mating takes place then that is when we expect a chick to develop. It takes a poultry farmer to know the difference between the two, but you can also notice it. When you place the egg against light, blood spots usually signify the presence of an embryo which tells you that it is fertilized. When mating takes place once, the hen stores up enough sperms to fertilize up to five eggs. That means a single mating process can give a farmer up to five chicks, which is why you will find many of them keep only a single rooster but many hens. Actual process Just like other female creatures, when a hen is born, it usually holds hundreds of tiny ova in its body. These in poultry terms are referred to as undeveloped yolks. When it matures, one of the yolks is then released into the oviduct and it now begins the process of development. As it goes down the canal, it continues to get much bigger and now becomes surrounded with the albumen and a clear membrane. More often than not, people expect that it has a shell in this stage but that is usually the last thing which happens in the process. Nevertheless, if mating between a hen and a rooster take place, the sperm joins the yolk in the egg laying vent before the albumen and the other parts, such as the clear membrane can join it. The function of the latter is to cushion the embryo as it develops while the yolk offers nutrients and nourishment to it. Once all this is done, the shell now develops and covers the contents and its pigmentation takes place just before the egg is released. There are two channels on the exterior opening of the hen also known as cloaca to ensure that the egg and the waste matter of the chicken do not mix. During the release of the egg, one of the channels is blocked temporarily. Once released, the embryo does not turn into a chicken immediately. Instead it takes about twenty one days for it to become fully grown. During this period, if the hen does not lay on it, the farmer can always incubate it. Therefore once a fertilized egg is released, the entire process now relies on the warmth it gets to grow and not on the hen. That is why it is possible for a farmer or anyone who is planning to keep chickens to buy fertilized eggs and make them chickens through the provision of necessary conditions of growth through incubation. Most female chickens usually lay on their eggs afterwards to provide them with the necessary warmth and stable levels of humidity so they can hatch. That is why if a fertilized egg is put in a refrigerator immediately after release, it cannot make a chick. The whole fertilization process takes about twenty five hours to complete and another three weeks to hatch if provided with the right conditions. A single hen can lay more than five eggs at a time which is a benefit to the keeper. It is a short but worth process at the end of the day. Eggs Vs Protein Powder – The better option Eggs for weight loss	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line8
__label__wiki	0.73929	0.73929	Fort Frederica The Fort as it would have looked in 1742 “In the morning, Mr. Oglethorpe began to mark out a fort with four bastions, and taught the men how to dig the ditch, and raise and turf the rampart.” Francis Moore wrote in A Voyage to Georgia in 1736. General Oglethorpe chose this site for Frederica’s fort, high ground on a river bend where cannon could hold off Spanish ships upstream or downstream. Flanking marshes gave protection against land attack, and there was plenty of timber for building fortifications. The fort at Frederica became the centre of military operations along the Southern frontier of the British colonies. From here Oglethorpe launched offensives against the Spanish at St Augustine. The Spanish invaded Georgia in 1742, but were turned back before they reached Frederica. The fort was eventually leveled – not by the Spanish, but by time and the elements. Archeological excavations in the 1950’s confirmed the locations of palisades, walls and buildings. Earthworks have been partially reconstructed. “All sentrys are to be vigilant on their post; neither are they to sing, smoke tobacco, nor suffer any noise to be made near them.” Treatise of Military Discipline 1749. “There are barracks in the town on the north side, ninety feet square built of tappy, covered by cypress shingles; and a handsome tower over the gateway.......” London Magazine dated the 23rd of October 1747. At the time of the Spanish attack in 1742, about 200 British troops were stationed at Frederica. Some of the officers and married men lived in their own homes in or near town. Others lived camp-style in clapboard or thatched huts adjacent to the barracks. The barracks itself could accommodate just over 100 men. The building took the form of a square with rooms surrounding an open parade. Walls were of tabby more than twelve inches thick. Soldiers entered the barracks through gateway covered by a tower made of double thick tabby. Fortunately three walls of this impressive tower remain standing and have been stabilised by the National Park Service. During the 1742 military campaign the barracks served as a hospital and as quarters for Spanish prisoners-of-war. London Magazine, 1745. “They make as fine an appearance upon the parade as any regiment in the King’s Service.” This large, open area near the barracks was the parade ground. Soldiers assembled here daily for training, drills and inspection. On the parade Oglethorpe’s Regiment marched in military formation, with orders sounded on the drum and fife. They sharpened their skills with muskets, bayonets and grenades. Located nearby was a bomb magazine, a small building designed to store and protect more than 3,000 artillery shells. The magazine mysteriously exploded on the 22nd of March 1744, alarming the townspeople, but causing little damage. The building no longer exists. London Magazine dated the 23rd of October 1747. “There are two bastion towers of two stories each in the hollow of the bastions, defended on the outside with thick earthworks, and capable of lodging great numbers of soldiers.” An earthwork known as a bastion projected from this corner of the town wall. Within the bastion stood a remarkable wooden tower fortified with gunports. A similar tower was built on the opposite side of the town away to our right. A visitor to the fort wrote: “At the N.E and S.E. angles are erected two strong, covered pentagonal bastions, capable of containing 100 men each to scour the flanks with small arms, and defended by a number of cannon......” Archeological investigations in 1957 confirmed the historical records. Although the tower is gone, its corners were found; five posts mark their location today. Musket balls, gun flints and other military artifacts were recovered. Discovery of more than a hundred glass beads indicates that Indians may have traded with soldiers who stood guard duty here. In 1743, Mary Musgrove Matthews, General Oglethorpe’s Indian interpreter, lived on this lot. She had a good tabby house and worked faithfully for the General for ten years. The daughter of a white trader and a Creek Indian mother, (her uncle was the tribes king), Mary left the Indians at the age of ten to receive a Christian education in South Carolina. A skilled interpreter, negotiator and trader, she helped Oglethorpe win the friendship and support of the local Indians. William Stephens wrote on the 22nd of February 1740 “.....Mary has always been in great esteem with the General... for being half Indian by extract, she has a very great influence upon many of them, particularly the Creek Nation....” The house that stood on these ruins was a two-story duplex that had tabby walls with elegant brick and wood detailing, with evidence of two wine cellars. Archeologists feel certain that the great house was destroyed by fire, perhaps in the Great Town Fire of 1758. On the ground floor they found ashes that contained charred lumber, blobs of melted glass and fragments of many bottles, jugs and crocks. The house may have been built by Captain James MacKay, who acted as Frederica’s commanding officer during Oglethorpe’s attack on St Augustine in 1743. Earlier residents on this lot included Will Allen, a baker and Thomas Sumner, a carpenter. Mixing the tabby – a type of concrete made from sand, lime, oyster shells and water. London Magazine, 1747. “The soldiers have the privilege of cutting timber and building houses for their families, which many have done, and thrive very well.” The Old Burying Ground. Here, in unknown graves more than two centuries old, lie many of the early settlers of Frederica. Although the town they created did not survive, they helped to lay the foundation for what would become the State of Georgia. General Oglethorpe, governor of the colony, passed this cemetery often en route to his plantation outside of town. The noted clergymen John and Charles Wesley presided over funerals here. The plan for protecting the fort and town. Bear “swimming” in the ‘moat’ Cannon protected Frederica’s river approaches from enemy ships. The big guns were mounted behind the fort parapets and in batteries near the water’s edge. In 1742 cannon located downriver prevented Spanish galleys from reaching the fort. The King’s Magazine was probably built during the latter part of Frederica’s colonial period. Less than half of the 96-foot structure remains standing. Archeologists believe the building consisted of three parts. On the left – still partially intact – were two vaults for protecting gunpowder. At the centre, or sally port was crowned with a large tower. On the right were small rooms used by soldiers on duty. Beginning in 1903, the King’s Magazine became the focal point of efforts to preserve the remains of Frederica. Walls were rebuilt and the riverbank was backfilled to prevent erosion of the site. The King’s Magazine was only part of the town’s extensive fortifications, but to many visitors, it IS “the fort”, including one man I know pretty well, who kept it until last, to savour it longer...........Trigger finger at the ready, of course. These two cannon were brought here from Jamaica in recent years, they are about the right age and Bear was quite happy with them, I on the other hand was not fussed as they were pointing straight at Beez Neez. This gun is thought to be an original of the fort. Its wooden carriage has been reconstructed. A smoothbore muzzle-loader like this could shoot 12-pound ball one mile. The compact, garrison-type, recoiled after each shot, then rolled back into firing position. A wooden wedge, or “quoin”, was used to set the aim higher or lower. ALL IN ALL A REALLY INTERESTING STOPOVER	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line10
__label__cc	0.701688	0.298312	Philosophy Special Theme Reading Group Published on Thu, 2018-09-06 18:09 Stockholm shop Uppsala shop Welcome to join this special theme philosophy reading group, facilitated by Madeleine Hyde. There will be a meeting in Uppsala as well as in Stockholm. WOULD YOU KILL THE FAT MAN? The Trolley Problem and What Your Answer Tells Us about Right and Wrong by David Edmonds A runaway train is racing toward five men who are tied to the track. Unless the train is stopped, it will inevitably kill all five men. You are standing on a footbridge looking down on the unfolding disaster. However, a fat man, a stranger, is standing next to you: if you push him off the bridge, he will topple onto the line and, although he will die, his chunky body will stop the train, saving five lives. Would you kill the fat man? The question may seem bizarre. But it's one variation of a puzzle that has baffled moral philosophers for almost half a century and that more recently has come to preoccupy neuroscientists, psychologists, and other thinkers as well. In this book, David Edmonds, coauthor of the best-selling Wittgenstein’s Poker, tells the riveting story of why and how philosophers have struggled with this ethical dilemma, sometimes called the trolley problem. In the process, he provides an entertaining and informative tour through the history of moral philosophy. Most people feel it’s wrong to kill the fat man. But why? After all, in taking one life you could save five. As Edmonds shows, answering the question is far more complex – and important – than it first appears. In fact, how we answer it tells us a great deal about right and wrong. Stockholm Monday 8th Oct at 18.30 Uppsala Tuesday 9th Oct at 19.00 Group fee 60:- (incl tea & cake) + book 185:- SIGN UP for this reading group either by dropping by the shop (and getting the book), or contacting the shop in any other way. David Edmonds is the author, with John Eidinow, of the best-selling Wittgenstein's Poker, as well as Rousseau's Dog and Bobby Fischer Goes to War. The co-founder of the popular Philosophy Bites podcast series, Edmonds is a senior research associate at the University of Oxford’s Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics and a multi-award-winning radio feature maker at the BBC. He holds a PhD in philosophy. » visit the publisher's website (with an interview and Q&A with the author) » follow David Edmonds on twitter @DavidEdmonds100	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line12
__label__cc	0.592379	0.407621	Dr Andrew C. Clarke Leverhulme Early Career Fellow Current Research Publications \| News & Outreach \| Research Resources \| Background \| Links \| Contact Tweets by @aclarkenz My research interests span evolutionary biology, plant molecular systematics, (palaeo)ethnobotany, phylogeography and anthropology. I am particularly interested in using genetic data to understand the origins, domestication and dispersal of crop plants. This includes an emphasis on how the movement of humans has influenced, and been influenced by, the movement of their commensal plants. This research requires a variety of genetic approaches, often including the development of molecular markers in non-model plant species. I have worked extensively with the AFLP technique in the past, and am currently using next-generation sequencing methods for the development of molecular markers. I am also using ancient DNA (DNA extracted from archaeological and ethnographic material) to look at changes in genetic diversity through time. To date, my research has been focussed in Oceania — a region that includes some of the first and last locations to be settled by modern humans, as well as some of the oldest and youngest domesticated plant species. I am especially interested in pre-European contact between Polynesia and South America, and have carried out research on sweet potato and bottle gourd. These species are a proxy for human movement, and were probably introduced from South America into Oceania by Polynesian voyagers. Most recently, I have been conducting research as part of the Genographic Project. For this, we collected DNA from indigenous Pacific peoples and have sequenced complete mitochondrial genomes using 454 technology. The aim of this work is to investigate some of the less well understood aspects of the human settlement of Oceania. The research I do is inter-disciplinary, and I enjoy collaborating with researchers in archaeology, linguistics, ethnobotany, phylogenetics and plant molecular biology. I am currently a Leverhulme Early Career Fellow in the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research at the University of Cambridge, and a Research Associate at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. My Cambridge staff page is here. I am a member of the Editorial Board for Scientific Reports. Some Places I’ll be in 2015: Massey University — 5–16 January 2015, Palmerston North, New Zealand Information About Current Projects Coming Soon Read about previous research projects here. McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research University of Cambridge Copyright © 2003–2015 by Andrew Clarke (except where otherwise stated) Silk icon set 1.3 by Mark James	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line15
__label__cc	0.745812	0.254188	Home 2016 Global Economic And Financial System On The Verge Of Total Collapse Global Economic And Financial System On The Verge Of Total Collapse Reign Of The Almighty Dollar Is Over Relatively few are aware of the tectonic shifts which are now occurring daily throughout the Global Economic & Financial System (GE&FS). For instance a fortnight ago the two co-presidents of Deutsche Bank, the largest in the world, were forced to resign their positions at the Frankfurt, Germany mega-bank. A substantial and injurious exposure to toxic derivatives has been speculated as the reason for their surprising dismissal. The Vatican has taken exceptional measures with regard to its bank because of decades of corruption and abuse at the Institute for the Works of Religion (aka Vatican Bank). Just a few week ago the “Vatican bank agreed to open its books to US tax authorities“. Pope Francis has even declared an “Extraordinary Jubilee Year for the Church” to begin on December 8th of 2015. Calling it a “Holy Year of Mercy”, which many understand to be an urging toward debt forgiveness, the Pope’s initiative is unprecedented in the modern era. The list of economic earthquakes and financial volcanoes which have occurred since the Crash of 2008 is now endless. And, the pace and profundity of events is quickening. It’s becoming clear to those in the know that the entire GE&FS is under enormous pressure. The banking and investment brokerage industries are especially operating under tremendous duress. The many and diverse stresses only intensify by the week. So, what’s really happening here? In just a sentence an astute observer might say that: “The snake of predatory capitalism is literally eating itself.” More accurately, this snake has already eaten its tail and much of its body; it is now making its way for its own head. This is precisely why the markets have been so frenzied and volatile. It’s also why the USA and UK coordinated a coup d’état in Kiev and started a civil war in the eastern Ukraine. Ditto that for Syria, Libya, and Iraq. However, when the snake begins to eat its own head, it sets things up for a literal War of the Titans. There is no place on Planet Earth that will be spared being used as some kind of battlefield. Even Iceland was bankrupted after the ’08 crash just as Greece, Ireland, Spain and Portugal were financially decimated. They practically shuddered the banks in Cyprus before engineering an illegal haircut (aka outright theft) for the account holders. When nations large and small are aggressively repatriating their gold from London, Paris and New York City, you know something very BIG is about to happen. Particularly after the Chinese issued an SOS about receiving gold bars which were actually counterfeit tungsten did the USA decide to pivot toward the East. The South China Seas are now the site of ever-intensifying confrontations between the Washington and Beijing. The War Between East And West Is Centered On Russia It is within the Russian sphere of influence that this Great Game is being played out with great consequence. Not only has the Ukraine been bankrupted and their gold stolen by the West, their industrial base of the southeastern Donbass region has been turned into a war zone. Poland and the Baltic nations have likewise been dragged into this multi-century conflict on the side of the Anglo-American Axis (AAA). What exactly is the reason for so much manufactured strife and conflict? Why is there so much provocative warmongering and resource theft on Russia’s borders. Why has the whole Middle East been transformed into a Hollywood set for ARMAGEDDON? First, all of this bellicose behavior is being acted out by the USA, UK, Canada, France, Germany, Australia and their NATO allies. This is because the core nations of the Anglo-American Axis stand to suffer the most during the upcoming economic and financial collapse. Of course, the heart of the Anglo-American Axis (AAA) would be the U.S and U.K. Both nations are in big trouble, as in very BIG trouble. The USA and UK have been remarkably successful at hiding their profoundly serious economic problems and financial improprieties from their respective citizenries. They both quite cynically use the ‘fearsome’ Russian bear as a distraction from their manufactured domestic troubles and diversion from their exploitative foreign invasions. Their strategy includes not only stealing all the wealth they can from the ex-Soviet republics and satellite nations within the former communist bloc, they also want unfettered access to Russia’s natural resources as well. As one would expect, such an ongoing enterprise (this Great Game first began in 1813) is not without serious consequences and cannot end well for anybody. Which is why President Vladimir Putin of Russia has coalesced the BRICS nations around a real new world order; one that is quite different than the current AAA-sponsored NWO that steals everything in sight. World Looks To The BRICS Alliance For Global Leadership Vladimir Putin Draws The Red Line: Anglo-American Imperialism Will No Longer Be Tolerated President Putin demonstrates once again how Russia is determined to be on the right side of history. He has repeatedly spelled out Russia’s positions regarding a number of critical geopolitical, economic and military issues which the Western media has all but ignored, when they’re not deriding them. In all of his pronouncements, Putin makes one thing perfectly clear: Russia will not be toyed with. The Anglo-American Axis* will no longer run roughshod over the Russian steppes or the people of the Motherland. *The Anglo-American Axis is represented, first and foremost, by the major English-speaking countries of the world: USA, UK, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Israel. The European member nations of NATO, such as Germany, France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands are also closely aligned with the AAA as are all the Scandinavian countries. So are the Asian Pacific Rim nations of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and the Philippines. The World Shadow Government is a secret, supranational organization which completely controls the Anglo-American Axis, as well as the European Union, NATO, among many other institutional entities which constitute the Global Control Matrix. — Vladimir Putin’s Russia: Perfect Foil To The Anglo-American Axis And Their New World ‘Order’ Meanwhile the Anglo-American Axis has shown itself to be not only an incorrigible warmonger, its many misguided geopolitical moves demonstrate that it can no longer be trusted in any way. It appears that Putin’s Russia, Jinping’s China and Modi’s India really get that, as do all the nations associated with the BRICS alliance. More importantly, the BRICS economic union is now acting in concert to remove itself from the AAA financial plantation that has utilized the petrodollar as the de facto global reserve currency. Because of this single development, the world as we knew it has changed — profoundly and fundamentally changed. Quite unfortunately, the Western Mainstream Media (MSM) has failed to disseminate many of the historic developments which have slowly but surely ended the reign of the Almighty Dollar. For this and other reasons, the American people have been deprived of crucial information. This quickly evolving worldwide scenario is not too unlike the Titanic’s first and final voyage. In fact, the Federal Reserve (the FED) has been doing nothing more than “rearranging the deck chairs” on the USS Titanic for many years now. Federal Reserve Building The FED Is Dead The FED has been frantically printing US Federal Reserve Notes since the markets crashed on 2008. This aptly named initiative became known as Quantitative Easing. Whenever a highly mysterious financial rehabilitation process is desperately needed to maintain nothing less than national solvency, it is mystified with a mystical name like Quantitative Easing. However, when such a dangerous, last-ditch measure is utilized over several years — all to no avail — there can only be one outcome. While the continuing recovery of the US economy is trumpeted from every MSM platform, there is an entirely different reality which must be acknowledged. Although the international status of the U.S. dollar appears to be the same as always, it is not. The profusion of Federal Reserve Notes propping up many national economies around the world can no longer be sustained. Particularly in light of losing its prominent position as the world’s reserve currency, the once Almighty Dollar has been mortally wounded. In view of this emerging reality, the FED is now effectively dead. Yes, the FED is dead! Therefore, it is high time for the American people to treat it to an appropriate burial. The failure to do so will seal the fate of the nation and the vast number of enterprises found within her borders. Just in case you didn’t get it, this specific nationwide endeavor is as necessary as it is non-negotiable. More to the point, abolishing the Federal Reserve System is the very crux of any possible recovery of the U.S. economy. The only recovery is one that creates real jobs, not the fake ones routinely reported by Obama’s MSM. Unless the current incarnation of the Federal Reserve is replaced by a fully functioning Treasury Department, the USA will go the way of every fallen empire. Nothing represents the excesses of decaying empires like worthless fiat currency. Particularly when a given currency has no backing, is it fully dependent upon those who have faith in it. For instance, when the rest of the world no longer conducts its business with US dollars, the true value of the once Almighty Dollar will reflect that corresponding collapse in confidence. The printing presses at the FED will then be shut down. What are the other major developments pushing the whole system into collapse? The following list of examples of systemic breakdown portrays the true state of the Global Economic And Financial System (GE&FS). For the uninitiated it’s important to understand that each one of these indicators is enough to wreak havoc. Therefore, when they are all considered in the aggregate, there can be only one conclusion: ALL HELL IS ABOUT TO BREAK LOOSE US Treasury Bond market volume is down markedly to dangerous levels US FED is the principal buyer, lapping up all paper sold US FED soaks up Indirect Exchange in the $billions for foreign asset purchases US FED uses fake money to cover hidden derivative losses in the $trillions US FED balance sheet has turned toxic, with cancerous growth everywhere REPO market dried up, stuck in reverse Dollar Swap market dried up, stuck in reverse Negative interest rates at big banks, stuck in reverse Yields are hyper-sensitive with no stability, due to diminished liquidity Money market funds are a wasteland with no returns given Hidden Petrodollar damage from dismantled derivatives Strain to the primary bond dealers (surprised, but not all dead yet) Strain to pension funds and insurance companies, stuck in mud The US FED is exploiting secondary nations to export QE, a global lashing. (Source: U.S. FED Exported QE Travesty: Meet The BLICS Nations) The very last item above ought to be quite disconcerting for anyone who knows the real story about QE (Quantitative Easing). When nations like Belgium, Luxembourg, Ireland, Cayman Islands and Switzerland (BLICS) and are used to relieve the monetary strain currently overwhelming the entire GE&FS, the end cannot be far. Confluence Of Negative Circumstances Grows By The Day The preceding discussion, quite incredibly, represents only the tip of the iceberg. Here are some other major trigger points which are serving to collapse the GE&FS at any moment now. I. Greece is now utterly bankrupt and an acknowledged failed nation-state. Grexit, as it is known, appears to be the only hope for its survival. If and when Greece does leave the European Union, the default and ensuing monetary collapse and financial breakdown will likely spread across the Eurozone. The risk of contagion to other nations that are closely tied to Greece and/or the EU also runs quite high. II. The European Union has never been so fragile and desperate on so many fronts. Loan default exposure to a Grexit will severely impact French banking among other countries. Germany, the one remaining economic engine that is still running in spite of the ill-advised sanctions against Russia, will find itself stuck on idle until Greek finances are disentangled from the EU. III. The worst case scenario — a disorderly default by Greece — could not only bring down the EU, it could trigger a series of market crashes that would reverberate worldwide. The equity, bond, derivative, commodity, currency, real estate, and insurance markets would each take their respective hits. The bigger the market bubble burst, the more damage globally. In some cases national economies will sustain irreparable damage, as will the global economy. IV. Should the above scenario unfold, confidence in the U.S. economy would further erode because of the current national debt level, which is upwards of $18,285,000,000,000. The fictitious jobless recovery would also be halted by a repeat of the 2008 market crash and 2007 real estate collapse, both of which are likely to be much worse this time around. However, the worst outcome of a U.S. default would be the subsequent sovereign debt default by many other vulnerable nations.[1] V. The U.S. petrodollar, which has been the world’s reserve currency for decades, is especially vulnerable throughout this period of extraordinary market volatility and international armed conflicts. Many nations are looking to remove this special status because of relentless meddling and systematic abuse inflicted by America on defenseless nations. Russia, China and the other BRICS, as well as the BRICS-allied countries on every continent, are determined to terminate Anglo-American hegemony and war-mongering, once and for all. They also know that a GE&FS collapse may be the only way to disarm the 800 pound American gorilla that “sits wherever it wants to“[2]. VI. Japan has the third largest economy in the world and is still lacking a durable resolution to Fukushima, the worst nuclear catastrophe of this millennium. Tokyo is a mere 144 miles from the Fukushima meltdown sites. Many trade relationships with Japan have been quietly broken for fear of spreading radioactive contamination. Their state finances have also been regularly raided by the West, even as they continue to attempt a ‘rebound’ from a relentless economic downturn that began in the 1990s. VII. Crude Oil Price: When the price of oil drops from $115 per barrel (June 2014) to $42.85 (March 2015) in less than 9 months time, there is something very wrong with the oil commodity market. Not only was the U.S. shale oil market collapsed overnight, Russia, Venezuela and other major oil producers suffered economic calamity. The worldwide institutional arrangements concerning oil drilling and extraction, refining and transport are still experiencing unparalleled disruption. VIII. Gold Price: It’s true, the price of gold has been gyrating like a jitterbug for quite some time and this pattern will only intensify. That’s because GOLD is the only and ultimate financial barometer, despite the fact that the price has been artificially manipulated downward over many years. The real problem, however, is with the supply of gold. Very little gold stock that is held in trust is actually where it is supposed to be. There is also an unknown amount of counterfeit gold floating around which only complicates the matter. When the various gold heists and fake good-mining stocks start to make it to the MSM front pages, you can be sure that many will wish that they followed the yellow BRICS road. Russia, China and India, in particular, have been stockpiling real physical gold bars with great purpose. IX. The New York Stock Exchange, along with all the major stock exchanges are now totally disconnected from reality. The more bad economic news, the higher the stock market goes; the worse that the financials are looking, the more the DJIA goes through the roof. When the most accurate technical data is properly analyzed, it points to one thing — that a HUGE market correction is coming this way … soon! Because of the multi-year, out-of-control margin buying, the losses will be worse than 2008. In view of the fact that several market bubbles now interpenetrate and overlap each other, the upcoming “crash and burn” will look like the Hindenburg on its final voyage. X. The Derivative Market has been effectively unregulated and out-of-control since its inception. The notional valuation of all outstanding derivatives has been estimated to be in the quadrillions of dollars. These exotic byproducts of years of ‘creative’ financial engineering infect every other market, some to a great degree. Therefore, when the derivative explosion does take place, it will take down the whole City of London-conceived and Wall Street-built house of cards not too unlike the Hindenburg shown above. There is now “Mathematical Certainty” that the Global Economic & Financial System will collapse Just in case the uninitiated do not understand what “mathematical certainty” means, it goes like this. The GE&FS has been built around numerous equations and formulae which are based on inherently flawed logic and false assumptions. The existing system(s) was then constructed on this foundation of fanciful premises and fictitious expectations. Likewise, the institutional arrangements conformed themselves to artificially support the very unstable GE&FS superstructure. Similarly, the current financial process and procedure, as well as the various economic theories and models that maintain the GE&FS infrastructure, were simultaneously put into place as a means of compensating for all the anticipated ‘errors’ as well as fixing all the fraud. Until recently, only a few knew that the whole charade was pulled off by a Wizard of Oz type character who was really good with smoke and mirrors. Because the current GE&FS edifice was built with such risky financial engineering and shaky economic architecture, a massive degree of transparent manipulation was permitted to keep it from collapsing. However, the time has now come where there is mathematical certainty that the system will suffer a truly catastrophic and irreversible breakdown. Surely, there comes a time when it takes so much time and energy, money and resources, personnel and management, tactics and strategy to maintain such a profoundly and fatally flawed system, that it is better to let it go and start over. That time has arrived. It is now simply a matter of EXECUTION. As a matter of fact, the GE&FS will likely be taken down in a manner not to unlike the way that the same ruling cabal took down the Twin Towers on 9/11. We’re talking about a highly controlled and perfectly timed demolition. They used a similar blueprint in coordinating and carrying out the real estate market collapse of 2007 and stock market crash of 2008. The following exposé well documents many aspects of the execution plan that was meticulously implemented during September and October of 2008. The PRE-PLANNED Financial and Economic 9/11 of 2008 The raw financial physics and true economic mathematics, which represent the current reality of the global marketplace, reflect a GE&FS undergoing an unprecedented systemwide disintegration. Much of the slow motion breakdown has been occurring under the radar for many years; however, we are very near a tipping point. Once that critical threshold is exceeded, one can only expect a free-fall collapse to proceed forthwith. “Debt Default and Dollar Meltdown, Derivative Explosion and Deflation Implosion are Timed According to a Controlling Calendar”[3] For those who want to know the timing of these eventualities, as indicated by the previous headline, the following essays are provided. Further understanding of the relevant historical precedents (see previous graphic) and rapidly evolving 2015 context can also be found in the endnotes and references listed below. The 2015/2016 Shemitah Jubilee And The End Of The Modern Era SEPTEMBER, 2015: The ‘BIGGEST’ Month Of The Millennium There is no question that the entire global marketplace is very close to seeing the memorable “motion picture chase scene through the Middle Eastern bazaar” in living color… and in real time. Only instead of a Mideast principality, the shooting location will be NYC’s Wall Street and the City of London’s financial district, Brussels and Paris, Tokyo and Hong Kong. Truly, The Greatest Show on Earth is about ready to start … and coming to a theatre very near you (read: your own city or county). Therefore, it would be very wise to respond to this information in a way that ensures both the safety of your money and protection of your assets. Unlike all previous market crashes and monetary meltdowns, global depressions and national recessions, the coming global collapse will quickly thrust the planetary civilization into unknown territory. The exciting new terrain that humanity is about to venture over will be at once highly challenging and deeply transformative. Hence, anyone possessing the right knowledge and accurate information is able to make much more informed decisions for themselves and wiser choices for their families. Can the effects of the Biblical Shemitah Jubilee be mitigated or altered in any way? Just by reading this exposé and similar essays, the field of possibilities has been favorably expanded and positively altered. By shining the light of awareness on any potential series of events, they can be transformed in a manner that produces the best outcome for all concerned. For those who are new to the whole business of fake ‘high’ finance and pseudo-economics, the following links will quickly bring you up to speed. [1] The Great Global Debt Default Of 2015 [2] The USA: Military Arm Of The New World Order [3] 2015 AND 2016 COLLAPSE TIMELINE GLOBAL MONEY MATRIX SELF DESTRUCTS The FOUR HORSEMEN Herald the Death Knell of Predatory Capitalism Special Message to the Market Oracles and Money Masters of the Universe Previous articleThe Great Global Debt Default Of 2015 Next articleGovernor Jerry Brown BETRAYS California Residents, Ignores Geoengineering Causes Of Historic California Drought	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line18
__label__cc	0.556184	0.443816	Where does your money go? Annual reports can help students learn more about the university’s revenues and expenditures. (Photo by 401 (k) 2013 used under Creative Commons license.) By Brad Crofford, Editor-in-chief Students pay for a variety of things each semester, such as tuition, room, board, books, the general health fee, and more. Yet, the university receives revenue from other areas and has expenses that students may not be aware of. To help students better understand where their money goes, Dr. Scott Strawn, vice president for business and finance, sat down for an interview with The Echo. According to data from fiscal year 2012 that Strawn provided to The Echo, tuition and fees were 62 percent of the university’s revenue. This is up from 54 percent in FY 2011 but down from 63% in FY 2010, according to the annual reports from those years. Traditional students benefit from the fact that the university receives revenue in other areas. “Between gifts from our church and unrestricted giving, most of that supports traditional students,” Strawn said. Strawn estimates that out of the $22 million budgeted for traditional students, about $2 million of it comes from church and unrestricted giving. Traditional students also benefit from the university’s professional and graduate studies programs. “There is no doubt that when you look at traditional programs, we lose money. There is no doubt that when you look at [professional and graduate studies programs], we gain money,” Strawn said. “Our budget is structured so that we have more net revenue from PGS than traditional programs, and that is by design.” Strawn did note that this does somewhat depend on how one accounts for things. For example, because it uses a cohort system, PGS ebbs and flows; it does not use a traditional fiscal year. In regards to cost increases, Strawn noted that there are factors outside of the university’s control. “Health care costs are going up five percent, and we have little control over that,” Strawn said as one example. Many other employee benefits are also beyond the university’s control. These are also important in attracting quality faculty who are willing to work for less than they could earn at other universities. For example, SNU’s tuition remission policy is more generous than other universities. “On the whole, SNU pays professors at about the 80 percent level of other universities,” Strawn said. “We probably pay five to ten percent less than universities that are like us.” While costs for students go up over time, Strawn emphasized SNU’s value. He also said that this will continue in the future. “Next year, if we are not the cheapest Nazarene university, we will be the one right above it, and that’s before discounting,” Strawn said, referring to mechanisms such as financial aid that reduce the sticker price of university attendance. “SNU, for the value we provide, is an absolute steal.” Each year, SNU prepares an annual report stating both its revenue and its expenses. It divides the revenue into the categories: (1) net tuition and fees, (2) investments, (3) gifts and grants, and (4) auxiliary, sales and services, and other. Expenses are divided into: (1) instruction and academic support, (2) auxiliary, (3) student services, and (4) institutional support. Data for FY 2008 through FY 2011 are available at http://snu.edu/annual-report. annual report expenditures finances revenue university Prev PostStudent starts International Justice Mission chapter Next PostThe do’s and don’ts of dating	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line20
__label__wiki	0.823838	0.823838	Encyclopedia > Lauryn Hill Lauryn Hill (born May 26, 1975) is an American hip-hop singer, initially establishing her reputation as the most visible and vocal member of The Fugees. She was born in South Orange, New Jersey and began singing and acting at a very young age. Her acting roles included the TV show As the Word Turns[?] and the film Sister Act II: Back in the Habit[?], the latter of which showcased her vocal abilities. Though the Fugees had originally formed in 1988, Hill's membership was disrupted by her acting and her education at Columbia University. The Fugees' first album, Blunted on Reality[?], was much-hyped but fell far short of expectations. This was followed by The Score[?], a multi-platinum selling album that established all three Fugees (Hill, Pras Michel[?] and Wyclef Jean[?]) as international successes. In 1998, Hill released The Miseducation of Lauryn Hill, a critical smash hit that ended up on numerous best-of lists for the year, decade and all time. in 1999's Grammy Awards, Hill was nominated eleven times and won Album of the Year, Best New Artist, Best Female R&B Vocal Performance, Best R&B Song, Best R&B Album[?], setting a new record for a female performer. Soon after, Hill was sued by two musician who claimed to have been cheated out of full credit and compensation for their assistance on the album. Though a Fugees reunion was discussed by all of the members of the group, it has not yet happened, reportedly due to conflicts between the three Fugees, including much-rumored feud between Hill and Wyclef Jean[?]. Hill released an MTV Unplugged album in 2002 to mixed reviews. Westhampton Beach, New York ... from 25 to 44, 28.2% from 45 to 64, and 20.7% who are 65 years of age or older. The median age is 44 years. For every 100 females there are 93.5 males. For every 100 ...	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line22
__label__cc	0.621111	0.378889	Who Founded Christianity - Jesus or St. Paul? Apologetic Paper (Joseph Smith) - May 1995 Maccoby: Jesus was a Pharisee, Paul was a Sadducee Response to Maccoby Jesus v. Paul Paul was not the first Seeming Contradictions Between Jesus and Paul Two Covenants Atonement? The Prodigal Son Inclusive v. Exclusive Gospel Why didn't Jesus call himself a Christian? Later changes made by Paul A: Introduction An ongoing problem for Christians who argue or discuss with Muslims at Speaker's Corner is that of the authority for our beliefs. Many of the best references to support the theology which we hold to and support in our conversations are gleaned from the epistles of Paul. Yet we continually find our arguments rejected outright by Muslims because they consider Paul's letters to be untrustworthy and therefore non-authoritative. Christianity, they go on to say, was founded by Paul and not by Jesus. Much of what we believe, they continue, was added to later on by Paul and his followers, in direct contradiction to Jesus's teachings. Most of their criticisms on this point, interestingly, do not come from research they have undertaken, but is borrowed from recent polemical writers within the Jewish community, particularly the writings of Dr. Hyam Maccoby, who teaches here in London. B: Maccoby: Jesus was a Pharisee, Paul was a Sadducee According to Hyam Maccoby, Paul was not a Pharisee, nor even a Jew, but a gentile proselyte to Judaism. Maccoby's source for his material is the discredited Christian writer Epiphanius, an Ebionite who wrote 3 centuries after the fact. Paul, according to Maccoby, failed in becoming a Pharisee, and so allied himself to the Sadducees and the High Priest, two groups who enjoyed their privileged status under Roman occupation, and so were in conflict with the Pharisees, who wished to be rid of the Roman oppressors. Maccoby believes that it was due to a near nervous breakdown that Paul split from this group and formed a new religion, taking ideas such as baptism, the eucharist, christology, the Holy Spirit, and eschatology and melded them with Jewish sacred history, Gnosticism, and the pagan mystery religions. Jesus, on the other hand, according to Maccoby, taught beliefs which are quite common to Jewish Pharisaical teaching. He was a figure within Judaism and so would not have accepted his own divinity. This, Maccoby says, is clear from the first three Synoptic gospels, but not John, which was written much later, after the evolution of this theology by the early Christians led by Paul. Maccoby continues by asserting that Jesus never regarded himself as a sacrifice for humanity, a belief which Maccoby contends arose after his death, as it was not part of Jewish theology. Yet, Maccoby does admit that creating a divine character for Jesus has Jewish roots. Elijah and Enoch were both taken up to heaven, which transcended other human experiences. This well- known Biblical event, he feels, could be the stepping stone to the belief of the divinity of a person who then takes on the divine qualities of God. There is no root in Judaism, however, for the sacrifice of the divine figure. Jews never worshipped the allegorical concept of God's divine wisdom as found in the book of Proverbs. And nowhere, Maccoby maintains, did Jesus ever make a claim of deity, calling himself instead the Messiah, a title which he maintains was political and which was quite common in those days. In fact, Maccoby believes that much of Jesus's teachings were also political in nature, and it was for this reason that he was finally put to death. Those passages which do point to Jesus' spiritual nature were added later, he says, by Paul and his disciples. Along those same lines, Maccoby states that Jesus did not wish to abrogate Judaism, but was only in conflict with certain Jewish figures, which is normal within Jewish circles. He neither abrogated the Torah nor reformed it, but interpreted it, and in ways not unlike the Pharisees. For instance, curing sick people on the sabbath is not forbidden by the Mishnah nor the Talmud, which are both Pharisaic writings. Maccoby believes that the ideas attributed to Jesus would have appalled him, had he known about them, therefore they could only have been attributed to him after his death. The gospels were written 40 years and later after the death of Jesus, thus Maccoby contends that there was plenty of time for these theological ideas to evolve within the Christian community. C: Response to Maccoby In response to the above claims by Hyam Maccoby, we need not go into great detail except to point out from the outset that much of Maccoby's material is derived from the Ebionite tradition, a tradition which was first of all proposed three hundred years later than the subject in question, and secondly, a tradition which acknowledged its hostility to Paul and his beliefs even at that time. It is inexcusable to rely on material for supposedly truthful information about a person or movement which is not only distant from the source, but also the avowed enemy of that person or movement. Would we go to Serbian generals to ascertain the facts of the Bosnia conflict today? This is what Maccoby has done in his work. To divorce Jesus from the personal claims which he makes in the gospels puts into question his whole ministry and the amazing impact which he had on those who followed him. It also makes the book of Acts look totally worthless, as the church which evolved from the ministry of Jesus was completely dependant on the person and claims of Jesus as saviour. Concerning the contention that Paul changed the gospels later on, it is unthinkable that an invention of Paul, who was not one of the Twelve and whose apostolic credentials were so often questioned, could succeed in becoming a part of the narratives of the Synoptic Gospels. "It staggers belief that he could have successfully foisted his innovation... on the church at large" (Hunter). To say that it was Paul who created the view of Jesus as deity is to reject the christology of the Jerusalem church and the evidence of Jesus's deity found in the book of Acts. Of key importance is Peter's statement that Jesus has been raised to God's right hand, from which he has poured forth the Holy Spirit, and has been made both kyrios and christos (Acts 2:33-36). Numerous titles of deity were attributed to him, such as: Messiah (Acts 3:20f), Servant of God (Acts 3:13,26; 4:27), the promised Prophet like Moses (Acts 3:22; 7:37), the Prince of Life (Acts 3:15; 5:31), the Holy and Righteous One, and the "stone" of prophecy (taken from Psalm 118:22), rejected, but now made the head of the corner (Acts 4:11). These all predate the more developed delineation of Jesus as deity expounded by Paul. Muslims who use Maccoby's material to substantiate their claim that Paul is not authoritative would do well to first understand the agenda behind Maccoby's criticism. As a Jew Maccoby concludes that "If Paul was the creator of the Christian myth, he was also the creator of the anti-Semitism which has been inseparable from that myth." It is for this reason that he tries to distant Paul from a Jewish background, and thereby instil upon him the guilt for all anti-Semitic undertakings which have been evidenced in the history of the church. Paul was never anti-Semitic, but he was anti-Judaism (having theological disagreement with Judaism). Rather then creating a heresy out of Judaism, as Maccoby suggests, it is quite evident that Paul would never have regarded himself as having ceased to be a Jew or as having left Judaism for a new religion. He believed that his new faith was the fulfilment of the promises to the patriarchs and he accordingly would have thought of himself as believing in what properly understood was the culmination of Judaism. This, however, is an argument for Jews to contend with, and not Muslims. They would do better to compare the material found in the Gospels with the writings of Paul, rather then race around trying to borrow polemical data from an arena which has little to concern them, and which they really don't understand. So it is to that area which we will now go. D: Jesus v. Paul Muslims believe that the Gospels are diametrically opposed to the material found in the letters of Paul. To support their assertions they point to many supposed "contradictions" between that which Jesus taught and what Paul wrote, maintaining that these prove the message of Jesus, a true Jewish Pharisee, was not the same as that of Paul's. These are indeed claims which are difficult to take seriously, yet, they demand an answer, nonetheless. For without the authority and authorship of Jesus, Christianity simply would fall apart. If one could show that Jesus brought a different message then Paul, then indeed there would be room for concern. Upon closer scrutiny of the scriptures, however, we find that Jesus and Paul are not at all in contradiction with one another, and that most of what Paul claims has already been stated before by Jesus and the other disciples, though in a different way. Indeed, what is clear is that Paul was not the founder of Christianity, but its greatest expounder. D1: Paul was not the first So where did he get his teaching from? Paul answers that question clearly in Galatians 1:11-12, where he states, "the gospel I preach is not something that man made up. I did not receive it from man, nor was I taught it; rather, I received it by revelation from Jesus Christ". In 1 Corinthians 15:3-4 he speaks of receiving from the Lord that which he passes on to them, the Gospel (see also 1 Corinthians 11:23). He carefully points out that these are not things which he invented. Did Paul begin Christianity in a void? If so, his beliefs couldn't have been there beforehand. Yet, in the book of Acts, Peter, one of Jesus's closest disciples for three years, addresses the gospel, speaking and witnessing the fact of Jesus, his death and resurrection in Acts 2. He continues this witness in Acts 3 and 4, long before Paul even comes onto the scene. In fact, Paul doesn't enter into the picture until Acts 7, where he witnesses the stoning of Stephen, and then becomes the persecutor of those who were establishing the church. He admits to putting many saints in prison, and casting the vote for their death (Acts 26:9-11); and even tried to destroy the church (Galatians 1). How can someone become the persecutor of a religion which he is the founder of? If he founded a religion, it couldn't have been there beforehand. D2: Seeming Contradictions Between Jesus and Paul D2i: God's Word (Logos) What about Paul's teachings? Is it contradictory to that of Jesus? Muslims think so. Take the case of God's word. Muslims try to show that Paul preached a religion based on faith in Jesus Christ, whereas Jesus contradicted this by preaching a religion based on following the law of Moses. "The word made flesh and dwelt among us," the idea of Jesus being divine, being God's word himself, and becoming flesh, according to Muslims, could not have come from Jesus, but was invented by Paul. Proof of this, they say, is found in John 12 where Jesus was told what to speak by God, so it could not have been God's word. But it was John, a disciple of Jesus for three years, who heard everything that Jesus said and did, who derived this concept of Logos. The idea is not even mentioned in any of Paul's writings! How could he have invented it? D2ii: Two Covenants Let's take another accusation levelled against Paul. In Matthew 5:17-18 Jesus says, "Think not that I have come to abolish the law and the prophets". Later, Paul says that Jesus had come to abolish the Law and Prophets (Colossians 2:14). Muslims say Paul is contradicting Jesus here. But is he? According to the Christian scriptures there were two covenants: a) the law of Moses (made up of legal or moral laws as well as ceremonial or ritual laws), and b) the new covenant, which came through Jesus Christ. What Paul is referring to when he says the old law is abolished, are the ceremonial and ritualistic laws which were for the Jews alone (Colossians 2:13- 15). No Syrian or Arab or any other gentile was commanded to keep these laws. Only the Jews were, as it made them distinct from all other people, as the chosen of God. What was abolished were the ceremonial laws which excluded the gentiles from being the people of God. The moral law still holds. Yet, one can be forgiven, if they repent. Paul and Jesus are not contradicting one another. Jesus was establishing the Moral law in Matthew 5:17. One needs to continue reading from verse 21 and following to see that He then goes on to delineate what those moral laws are. D2iii: Atonement? The Prodigal Son The real issue here is whether salvation is attained by keeping the law or by the justification by faith in Jesus Christ alone. As an example, Muslims erroneously point to Jesus's teaching on the Prodigal Son, who was forgiven because of his repentance. They correctly maintain that there is no teaching of atonement here. Paul, however, says that all have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God, and are justified by a gift. This view of the atonement, they feel, contradicts the teaching of Jesus. But does it? Consider: all believers are children, and God is their father. No other religion in the world depicts God as father. Islam has 99 names for God, but the name of Father is not one of them. In Islam, believers can only come to God as servants ("att"), which parallels Old Testament teaching. It is Jesus who introduces God as our father. If God is our father, someone has to be a child. This is the thrust of the Prodigal Son story. The son was not a servant but the man's son. He had status. The reason why the father accepted him was not out of kindness, but because the man was his father. In Galatians 4:4-6, God sent his son, born under the law so that we might receive the full rights of sons. Since we are sons, we can now call him Abba, Father. Where, if not in the story of the Prodigal son, did the belief of the atonement originate? Consider the story of the last supper found in Matthew 26, Mark 14 and Luke 22, all independent of Paul (Mark's source was Peter). Jesus said the bread was his body, and the wine his blood. How much more plain can you get? That is atonement. Forgiveness comes, thus, through the shedding of his blood. Yet, all Jesus was doing was to confirm something which was there from the beginning, from the story of Cain and Abel, where one sacrifice was accepted and the other rejected. Cain's sacrifice was from his own work, that which he had grown, but Abel offered the blood of the lamb as the hope of his salvation. "Without the shedding of blood there is no forgiveness of sin." This principle is found right through the Old Testament. No Jew ever believed that he could attain the forgiveness of sin just by asking for it (see Exodus and Leviticus to see the many sacrifices ordered by God for this very purpose). Thus, Jesus was now saying that forgiveness could only come through his own blood. Matthew 20:28, John 6:51; and John 10:11 all reveal Jesus speaking of the need for a blood sacrifice, specifically, his blood sacrificed. This is a point completely lost to Muslims, even though they continue the tradition of sacrificing a goat during the time of Id, though the meaning has been changed to that of remembrance for what Abraham had done earlier. It always puzzles me why Muslims never question the significance for Abraham's sacrifice. Is it no wonder then why they find the idea of atonement so objectionable. In Ephesians 2:8-10, Paul speaks of salvation by faith, but follows it up with the need to do good works. There is no denial here of good works. Jesus also speaks of salvation by faith in John 3:14-15. Salvation, thus, comes through faith in Jesus Christ, so that we can receive the spirit of Christ, which then leads us to do good works. Most people want to separate the two ideas, and make them sound contradictory. Yet Paul and Jesus taught both. D2iv: Inclusive v. Exclusive Gospel There are other areas of contention between Jesus and Paul which the Muslims like to point to. Jesus, they maintain, says that the gospel must only go to the Jews, while Paul says that the gospel must go to all people. Yet, the last thing Jesus said before he left the earth was, "to go into the whole world and preach the gospel, making disciples of all nations" (Matthew 28:19). The issue here comes back to the old and new covenant again. Under the old covenant only the Jews were considered. That old covenant came to an end the night Jesus broke the bread and offered the wine. Ironically, it was Peter and not Paul who took the gospel to the gentiles first, to Cornelius, before Paul (Acts 10). D3: Why didn't Jesus call Himself a Christian? Muslims ask that if Jesus was the founder of Christianity, then where does he refer to himself as a Christian? The point is entirely missed here. Jesus is the Lord of the Christians, not a Christian himself. He is the Christ, acknowledged in Islam as "al-Massihu Issa" (Christ of the Messiah, Issa). The word Christian was not even around during the time of Jesus. In fact the early Christians didn't use this term. They called themselves the Followers of the "Way." It was the followers of Jesus who were called Christians for the first time at Antioch, in Acts. D4: Later changes made by Paul One of the finest proofs that Jesus founded Christianity comes from these similarities found between the Gospels and Paul's writings which we have just referred to. Christianity basically has two trends or sources from which it derives: the first are the writings of the disciples, and the second is Paul's writings. The disciples are independent of Paul's writings. They use different expressions, yet they all teach the same ideas about Christ. Where, then, did the disciples get their ideas? They couldn't have borrowed it from Paul, as they preceded him. Obviously it came from Jesus himself. Could, as Muslims claim, Paul have misled all of Jesus's disciples later on? Could he have taken their writings and changed them, so that they coincided with his own? Outside the fact that we have no evidence for earlier writings which may have differed from what is in our possession today, it is incredulous to believe that Paul would want or even dare to conspire against all the other disciples, and change that which they had given their lives to uphold. Furthermore, John outlived Paul, and Peter lived another 30 years after Jesus. They were there during all of Paul's teaching. If Paul were the founder of Christianity, how did he influence all of Jesus's disciples, without either Peter or John or the other disciples who had been with Jesus knowing about it, or objecting to it? In Galatians 2, we read that the disciples were suspicious of Paul because he had persecuted them. But when they heard his gospel, they told him to go and preach the same gospel to the gentiles. Why would they welcome him as one of them if he was preaching something contrary to what they were preaching? E: Conclusion One can always ask, "Who founded Christianity, Jesus or Paul", or who founded Islam, "Muhammad or Umar", or who founded Judaism, "Moses or Joshua", or who founded Buddhism, "Buddha or Siddharta?" Yet, why is it always Christianity which is labelled with this question? It seems so grossly unlikely that a religion which is focused so uniquely on Jesus, could or should be founded by someone else. All adherents would contend that their religion was founded by God. Perhaps it would be more correct to assert that it was Moses who introduced Judaism, and Muhammad who introduced Islam, Confucius who introduced Confucianism, and Jesus who introduced Christianity. What so many Muslims miss is the sheer depth of theology in Paul's writings, much of which couldn't have been made up or simply borrowed. For instance, the scriptures speak of the unity of God. Thus, we are monotheists, and we have a complex view of God's monotheism. We believe that God is a triune God; the very word tri-une implies unity. Perhaps Muslims find the doctrine hard to understand; so do most Christians. One would not expect God's essence to be easily explained. But nonetheless it is true, as we see it written all over the pages of scripture. We need to consider, however, that if Paul was the founder of Christianity, then certainly he should have diverted from this doctrine. Yet, he doesn't, but continues to say the same thing. "A mediator" he writes in Galatians 3:20 "does not represent just one, but God is one." We find this also in Romans 3, and every Christian believes it. Indeed, Jesus is the founder of Christianity. If the objectionable material (the personal claims of Jesus) are rejected, the teaching of Jesus that remains in the Gospels, not to mention his deeds, become exceedingly difficult to account for and nearly impossible to understand. All that Jesus founded, Paul and Peter and the others merely expounded. Jesus and Paul both taught about: the atonement, the trinity, the church, salvation by faith, the forgiveness of sins through the shedding of his blood, that Jesus was the bread of life which we had to depend on for salvation, and that Jesus was the good shepherd who laid down his life for us. Jesus, the founder, laid down his life that you might live. Paul, the expounder, laid down his life that you might hear. Are we willing to lay down our lives that others can hear and live as well?	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line32
__label__wiki	0.55087	0.55087	jciorio.info ← Family-Like Environment Better for Troubled Children and Teens Have Your Children Had Their Anti-Smoking Shots? → Early Intervention Can Improve Low-Income Children’s Cognitive Skills and Academic Achievement National Head Start program conceptualized while psychologists were beginning to study preventive intervention for young children living in poverty. As a group, children who live in poverty tend to perform worse in school than do children from more privileged backgrounds. For the first half of the 20th century, researchers attributed this difference to inherent cognitive deficits. At the time, the prevailing belief was that the course of child development was dictated by biology and maturation. By the early 1960s, this position gave way to the notion popularized by psychologists such as J. McVicker Hunt and Benjamin Bloom that intelligence could rather easily be shaped by the environment. There was very little research at the time to support these speculations but a few psychologists had begun to study whether environmental manipulation could prevent poor cognitive outcomes. Results of studies by psychologists Susan Gray and Rupert Klaus (1965), Martin Deutsch (1965) and Bettye Caldwell and former U.S. Surgeon General Julius Richmond (1968) supported the notion that early attention to physical and psychological development could improve cognitive ability. These preliminary results caught the attention of Sargent Shriver, President Lyndon Johnson’s chief strategist in implementing an arsenal of antipoverty programs as part of the War on Poverty. His idea for a school readiness program for children of the poor focused on breaking the cycle of poverty. Shriver reasoned that if poor children could begin school on an equal footing with wealthier classmates, they would have a better of chance of succeeding in school and avoiding poverty in adulthood. He appointed a planning committee of 13 professionals in physical and mental health, early education, social work, and developmental psychology. Their work helped shape what is now known as the federal Head Start program. The three developmental psychologists in the group were Urie Bronfenbrenner, Mamie Clark, and Edward Zigler. Bronfenbrenner convinced the other members that intervention would be most effective if it involved not just the child but the family and community that comprise the child-rearing environment. Parent involvement in school operations and administration were unheard of at the time, but it became a cornerstone of Head Start and proved to be a major contributor to its success. Zigler had been trained as a scientist and was distressed that the new program was not going to be field-tested before its nationwide launch. Arguing that it was not wise to base such a massive, innovative program on good ideas and concepts but little empirical evidence, he insisted that research and evaluation be part of Head Start. When he later became the federal official responsible for administering the program, Zigler (often referred to as the “father of Head Start”) worked to cast Head Start as a national laboratory for the design of effective early childhood services. Although it is difficult to summarize the hundreds of empirical studies of Head Start outcomes, Head Start does seem to produce a variety of benefits for most children who participate. Although some studies have suggested that the intellectual advantages gained from participation in Head Start gradually disappear as children progress through elementary school, some of these same studies have shown more lasting benefits in the areas of school achievement and adjustment. Practical Application Head Start began as a great experiment that over the years has yielded prolific results. Some 20 million children and families have participated in Head Start since the summer of 1965; current enrollment approaches one million annually, including those in the new Early Head Start that serves families with children from birth to age 3. Psychological research on early intervention has proliferated, creating an expansive literature and sound knowledge base. Many research ideas designed and tested in the Head Start laboratory have been adapted in a variety of service delivery programs. These include family support services, home visiting, a credentialing process for early childhood workers, and education for parenthood. Head Start’s efforts in preschool education spotlighted the value of school readiness and helped spur today’s movement toward universal preschool. This entry was posted in Uncategorized and tagged developmental, education, program, psychology. Bookmark the permalink. Increasing Student Success Through Instruction in Self-Determination How to Build a Better Educational System: Jigsaw Classrooms Have Your Children Had Their Anti-Smoking Shots? Family-Like Environment Better for Troubled Children and Teens Select Month July 2021 May 2021 April 2021 March 2021 February 2021 January 2021 Copyright © 2022 jciorio.info - All rights reserved	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line33
__label__wiki	0.754097	0.754097	Masterlist Heroine Map Indra Devi – Mother of Western Yoga by Sarah Pusteblume \| Apr 4, 2018 \| Asia, Contemporary (1914 - today), Europe, India, Latvia \| 0 comments Once again this week’s heroine is a more recent one as she only died fifteen years ago, but as she did die at age 102 I felt like including her wasn’t breaking the “historical” criteria: Meet Indra Devi, who played a big role in bringing yoga to the Western world. Born as Eugenie Peterson in Riga, Latvia in 1899 to a Swedish banker and a Russian actress and noblewoman, she was sent to study theater in Moscow once she had finished school. There, at age 15, she discovered India’s poetic philosophical texts and first encountered yoga. This left her so impressed, she promised herself to go to India one day. When the family had to flee from the Bolsheviks around 1920, Eugenie ended up in Germany, where she joined a theater group with which she toured all over Europe. This took her to a congress in the Netherlands where she heard ancient Sanskrit chants for the first time, leaving her in awe once more. The chance to travel to India should come, when in 1927, banker Hermann Bolm proposed to her. Fearing that she would never fulfill her dream once she married, she accepted only if he agreed to pay her journey to India before the wedding. And he agreed. When she returned three months later, she gave Hermann back his ring, sold all her valuables and returned to the country of her heart. There she continued her career as an actress, adopting the stage name of Indra Devi. And in 1930 she was to meet (and marry) the man of her heart, Czech diplomat in Bombay Jan Strakaty. The pair became popular in social circles quickly, being invited to all the important events. Indra defied the social norms, making friends throughout the castes and even befriended Mahatma Gandhi. It was through her husband that she met the Maharaja of Mysore, whose palace included a yoga school where Sri Tirumalai Krishnamacharya taught. She approached the famous yogi but was refused for being a Westerner and on top of that a woman. With the intervention of the Maharaja, he relented and she was accepted …reluctantly. This made her the first female yoga pupil ever and the first foreigner Krishnamacharya taught, the first Western woman in an Indian ashram. Determined to exceed expectations, Indra met every challenge with resilience. Long hours of practice, dietary restrictions, denying herself a source of warmth – she conquered them all. Finally her efforts were rewarded and Krishnamacharya took her on as a private student. He was impressed. In 1939 her husband was transferred to China, which meant Indra had to leave her country. Encouraged by Krishnamacharya, she opened her own yoga school in Shanghai, the first one in China. It attracted students from all over the world who began calling her Mataji, Hindi for “mother.” After World War II was over, the couple returned to India where Indra wrote her first book: “Yoga, the Art of Reaching Health and Happiness.” It is believed to be the first book about yoga written by a Westerner that was published in India (she also was the first Westerner to teach yoga in India.) After her husband died in 1947, she decided to go to California and opened a yoga school in Hollywood one year later. Determined to spread the knowledge of yoga, she persuaded many famous people of her time to attend her lessons (on the right she’s pictured with movie star Eva Gabor in 1960) and wrote two more books which were translated into ten different languages to be sold in 26 countries. She herself was fluent in five languages: English, Spanish, Russian, French and German. With her second marriage to Dr. Sigfrid Knauer, she became an American citizen and officially changed her name to Indra Devi. She went on to travel to Moscow in 1960, holding a speech before the Kremlin, convincing them to allow the practice of yoga in the Soviet Union. She started a new studio in Tecate, Mexico in 1963 but closed it after her husband died in 1977. And again she relocated, this time to Sri Lanka. But she couldn’t keep still for long and began travelling the world to teach and lecture. When she arrived in Argentina in 1983, she fell in love with a country again and finally decided to settle. Her style of Sai Yoga (named after guru Sathya Sai Baba, whose teachings she followed) was immensely popular in Buenos Aires and fellow Sai Baba devotees invited her to stay and teach – which she did. In 1988 the Fundacion Indra Devi was founded in her honor and one year later she celebrated her 100th birthday with more than 3000 guests. Despite her old age, she never stopped travelling, albeit not as frantically as before. After a stroke in 2002 however, her health deteriorated and she died peacefully on April 25. Her ashes were scattered into the Río de la Plata. Today, the Fundacion Indra Devi has seen some 25,000 students pass through the doors of their six studios in Buenos Aires. She was a woman who kept following her dream and made it come true, leading a fulfilling life and being an inspiration to others. image credits: Fundación Indra Devi Masterlist of Posts Afro-American Businesswomen Christian Crowdfunding Disability Espionage Friendship Historians Inupiat LGBT+ Lovers Medicine Mental Health Mothers Muses Musicians Muslim Native American Outlaws Painters Philosophers Photographers Pirates Politicians Polyamory Regents Revolutionaries Slavery Social Justice Suffragettes Survivors Teachers Travellers Warriors Writers Yoga	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line37
__label__cc	0.641198	0.358802	The Greentown Preservation Association (GPA), a nonprofit 501(c)(3) volunteer organization, was formed to preserve the cultural and historical integrity and conserve the archaeological and geological significance of the Delaware Indian village of Greentown, located in Section 18, Green Township, Ashland County, Ohio. Delaware Indians, along with a small group of Mingos, Mohawks and Mohegens, settled the present Greentown site, as early as 1782. Observers noted that the village included more than 150 dwellings by 1812. After Gen. William Hull’s surrender to the British at Detroit on Aug. 16, 1812, residents were removed from Greentown on Sept. 2, 1812. and the village was burned. The GPA has purchased the site and will provide an opportunity and place to reflect on and celebrate the lives and culture of the Delaware Indians’ resourcefulness, spirituality and impact on regional history. Education programs, on and off site, are planned, along with some reconstruction of traditional Delaware structures from the period as a setting for living history events. PEOPLE OF GREENTOWN In our research on Greentown, we have found many interesting references to the individuals who lived there, as well as the settlers who were their neighbors. While local history books, mostly written in the 1860-1910 period, often were not sympathetic to Indians, they did record firsthand experiences of white settlers and remembered details about Indians sometimes found nowhere else. Because by this time, the Indian tribes of Ohio were under the jurisdiction of the federal government, individual members seldom appear in local records, could not buy or sell property, were not recorded in censuses and usually, unless they associated themselves with white religions, were buried in unmarked graves. Most of the tools genealogists use to trace their ancestors are not available to researchers looking for American Indian individuals and relationships. So, we are gathering what is available to produce pictures of real people who lived in Greentown. The sources of information will be cited, so you can decide for yourself its level of authenticity. We welcome the input of anyone who has additional information or wants to do additional research. We’ll begin with the man for whom Greentown was named: TOM GREEN. We have added CHIEF THOMAS ARMSTRONG OR PAMOXET, tribe elder TOM LYON and THE WILLIAMS FAMILY — ABRAHAM, SALLY AND GEORGE. Others to be profiled soon: Solomon Journeycake/Johnnycake, Buck Wheat, Youdorast , Thomas Jelloway, Jim Jirk, Jim Ming or Hoomaurou, Captain Pipe Jr. or Tahunqeecoppi , Eli Pipe, Billy Dowdee. Montgomery Montour. Black Raccoon or Teorow, Billy Montour or Hawdorowwatistie, Captain Wolf, Ayenucere There will be NO public gathering at the Greentown site this September. If you are a re-enactor, please contact us by email for further information. PLANTING OF THE CEDAR TREES On Nov. 19, 2012, five cedar trees were planted on the Greentown site. CLICK HERE for a photo and the meaning of cedar trees in the Delaware culture. On Sept. 15, 2012, we were honored to host Michael Pace and his wife, Ella, at the on-site bicentennial commemoration of the burning of Greentown. He represented the Delaware Tribe of Oklahoma. CLICK HERE for more information and photos of the event. The Greentown site is located 3.5 miles north of Perrysville, Ohio, off Ohio 39. GPA may be contacted by email or by writing to P.O. Box 3, Perrysville, OH 44864 (c) 2012 GREENTOWN PRESERVATION ASSOCIATION INFO@GREENTOWNPRESERVATION.ORG	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line38
__label__wiki	0.976054	0.976054	Bacon's World / Francis Bacon in Dublin London: Thames & Hudson in assoc. with Dublin City Gallery The Hugh Lane ISBN/ISSN: 0500282544 Lord Grey Gowrie, 'Documentaries of Stress', pp. 13-20 Louis le Brocquy, 'The Mystery of Fact', pp. 21-23 Anthony Cronin, 'An Irish Fear of Death?', pp. 24-26 Paul Durcan, 'The King of Snails (incl. Poem 'Putney Garage')', pp. 27-32 Margarita Cappock, David Sylvester, Catalogue of Works, pp. 34-118 Number of artworks illustrated 33-01 Crucifixion, 1933; p. 44; ill. No. 1, p. 46 35-01 Figures in a Garden, 1935; p. 38; ill. No. 2, p. 40 (dated 1936) 44-01 Three Studies for Figures at the Base of a Crucifixion, 1944; pp. 18, 27, 38, 108 44-02 'Fury', 1944; p. 38; ill. No. 3, p. 41 (titled 'Untitled') 45-05 Figure in a Landscape, 1945; p. 27 46-01 Figure Study I, 1945 - 1946; pp. 18-19, 39; ill. No. 4, p. 42 46-02 Figure Study II, 1945 - 1946; pp. 18-19, 39; ill. No. 5, p. 43 48-01 Head I, 1948; p. 44; ill. No. 6, p. 47 49-01 Head II, 1949; p. 44; ill. No. 7, p. 48 49-07 Head VI, 1949; p. 52; ill. No. 8, p. 54 49-09 Study for a Portrait, 1949; pp. 45, 58; ill. No. 9, p. 49 50-01 Man at Curtain, 1950; p. 58; ill. No. 13, p. 60 50-02 Fragment of a Crucifixion, 1950; pp. 38, 45, 58; ill. No. 10, p. 50 50-04 Study after Velázquez, 1950; pp. 53, 74; ill. No. 12, p. 57 50-05 'Study after Velázquez', 1950; pp. 53, 58; ill. No. 11, p. 50 (titled 'Untitled (Pope)') 51-08 'Crouching Nude', 1951; pp. 58, 59; ill. No. 15, p. 62 51-09 'Figure', 1951; pp. 53, 58; ill. No. 14, p. 61 (titled 'Untitled (Figure)') 52-03 Dog, 1952; pp. 27, 38, 68; ill. No. 18, p. 70 (titled 'Study of a Dog') 52-05 Study of a Head, 1952; p. 52; ill. No. 17, p. 55 (titled 'Study for the Head of a Screaming Pope') 52-14 Elephant Fording a River, 1952; p. 8 52-15D Rhinoceros, 1952; p. 68 52-16 Dog, 1952; p. 68 52-24 'Crouching Nude', 1952; pp. 58-59, 97; ill. No. 16, p. 63 (titled 'Untitled (Crouching Nude on Rail)') 53-01 Study of a Nude, 1952 - 1953; pp. 59, 65; ill. No. 19, p. 64 53-23 Three Studies of the Human Head, 1953; p. 82; ill. No. 20, pp. 84-86 54-05 Man in Blue I, 1954; p. 65; ill. No. 21, p. 66 55-16 Sketch for a Portrait of Lisa, 1955; p. 74; ill. No. 22, p. 75 55-17 'Lisa Sainsbury' (?), 1955; p. 74 56-01 Self-Portrait, 1956; p. 65; ill. No. 23, p. 67 56-03 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh I, 1956; p. 68 56-04 Portrait of Lisa, 1956; p. 74 57-10 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh II, 1957; p. 68 57-11 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh III, 1957; p. 68 57-12 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh IV, 1957; pp. 27 (dated '1961'), 68 57-13 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh V, 1957; p. 68 57-14 Study for Portrait of Van Gogh VI, 1957; pp. 68, 69; ill. No. 24, p. 71 57-15 Van Gogh in a Landscape, 1957; p. 68 57-23 'Landscape after Van Gogh', 1957; p. 69; ill. No. 25, p. 72 60-01 Head of Woman, 1960; p. 74; ill. No. 26, p. 76 61-02 Reclining Woman, 1961; p. 79; ill. No. 27, p. 80 61-08 Study for a Pope I, 1961; p. 79 61-09 Study for a Pope II, 1961; p. 79 61-10 Study for a Pope III, 1961; p. 79, ill. No. 28, p. 81 61-11 Study for a Pope IV, 1961; p. 79 61-12 Study for a Pope V, 1961; p. 79 61-13 Study for a Pope VI, 1961; p. 79 62-04 Three Studies for a Crucifixion, 1962; p. 98 63-01 Lying Figure with Hypodermic Syringe, 1963; pp. 97-98 63-06 Landscape near Malabata, Tangier, 1963; pp. 15, 68, 69; ill. No. 29, p. 73 63-10 Portrait of Man with Glasses III, 1963; p. 74; ill. No. 30, p. 77 65-02 After Muybridge - Woman Emptying a Bowl of Water and Paralytic Child on All Fours, 1965; p. 97; ill. No. 32, p. 99 65-04 Three Studies for Portrait of Isabel Rawsthorne, 1965; p. 82; ill. No. 31, pp. 87-89 66-08 Three Studies for Portraits: Isabel Rawsthorne, Lucian Freud and J.H., 1966; p. 83; ill. No. 33, pp. 90-92 66-10 Portrait of Isabel Rawsthorne, 1966; p. 27 67-13 Portrait of George Dyer Staring into a Mirror, 1967; p. 97 67-16 Triptych, 1967; p. 98; ill. No. 34, pp. 102-104 68-04 Version No. 2 of Lying Figure with Hypodermic Syringe, 1968; p. 97 68-05 Portrait of George Dyer in a Mirror, 1968; p. 97; ill. No. 35, p. 100 68-07 Two Studies for a Portrait of George Dyer, 1968; p. 97 69-02 Portrait of Henrietta Moraes, 1969; p. 83; ill. No. 36, p. 96 69-03 Lying Figure, 1969; pp. 16-17, 97; ill. No. 38, p. 101 69-06 Three Studies of Henrietta Moraes, 1969; pp. 82, 83; ill. No. 37, pp. 93-95 70-04 Triptych - Studies from the Human Body, 1970; p. 98; ill. No. 39, pp. 105-107 73-03 Triptych May-June, 1973; pp. 97, 108; ill. No. 40, pp. 110-112 75-07 Three Figures and Portrait, 1975; p. 109; ill. No. 41, p. 116 76-02 Figure In Movement, 1976; p. 109; ill. No. 42, p. 117 77-05 Triptych 1974-1977, 1974 - 1977; p. 19 81-03 Triptych Inspired by the Oresteia of Aeschylus, 1981; p. 20 81-04 Sand Dune, 1981; p. 15 87-01 Triptych 1986 - 7, 1986 - 1987; p. 19 87-03 Study of the Human Body, 1987; p. 118; ill. No. 43, p. 119 88-05 Second Version of Triptych 1944, 1988; p. 108; ill. No. 45, pp. 113-115 88-06 Portrait of John Edwards, 1988; pp. 16, 118; ill. Front cover (detail), No. 44, p. 120 'Francis Bacon in Dublin ', Hugh Lane Municipal Gallery of Modern Art, Dublin, 01 June 2000 - 31 August 2000	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line40
__label__cc	0.599396	0.400604	Professionalization at work: The case of Italian management consultants Lara Maestripieri 16-2maestripieri.pdf professionalization knowledge workers professional identity Professionalization is one of the most ancient and popular issues in the sociology of the professions. Starting from the seminal article of Harold Wilensky (1964), scholars have extensively debated on which are the criteria to identify professionals, usually focusing on liberal professions. However, in recent years, post-industrial trends have transformed the character of the labour force dramatically and new groups have raised demands for professionalism going beyond this model. Such a dilemma raises a new interest on the topic: the paper, instead of applying the liberal professional model assumed to be an a-historical standard, will face the problem by analysing the challenges facing knowledge workers’ seeking to legitimize their professional status. In this paper, I address this issue through an in-depth analysis of Arianna’s account, a female management consultant, using the technique of positioning. The interview with Arianna reveals the strategies and argumentative referents of a freelance management consultant who chooses to stress her professionalism. It presents the role of personal networks, on-the-job training, and market success as evidence to classify who is professional and who is not, but also to explain how she uses her competencies and market experience as the basis of her claim to professionalism. Using Arianna’s interview as an emblematic example, this paper argues that management consultants are trying to establish professional status based on a process of professionalization, albeit an innovative one that does not pursue public regulation nor the mediation of intermediate bodies. Professionalization is the term used to describe how an occupational group achieves professional status. Scholars belonging to the traditions of functionalism and neo-Weberianism have previously theorised and established a standard model by which a profession achieves this status; the model would involve prescribed steps in accordance with a specific time frame (Neal and Morgan, 2000). Thus, these theories have effectively described and explained the process by which those working in traditionally professional roles obtained public acknowledgment and recognition in the past (Malatesta, 2006). However, in recent years, post-industrial trends have transformed the character of the labour force dramatically; notably, the upskilling of workers in a variety of jobs has been constant since the beginning of the 1980s, and was increasing noteworthy during the financial crisis of 2008 (Gallie, 2013). New expertise demands the application of technology to working activity, and expert workers are now required both inside and outside organisations, transgressing the traditional boundaries that denoted professional status (Evetts, 2011; Noordegraaf, 2011). Meanwhile, the success of neoliberal policies in western economies has resulted in strong opposition to labour market regulation, thereby questioning the privileged position of those working in roles where they are designated professionals (Neal and Morgan, 2000). The theoretical reactions of scholars have been somewhat misleading; instead of analysing the alternative strategies of professionalization promoted by knowledge workers, the sociological debate has primarily concentrated on a ‘pro-professionalism’/’non-professionalism’ distinction. This divide assessed advanced business professionals by applying the liberal professional model, assumed to be an a-historical standard (Neal and Morgan, 2000; Alvesson and Johansson, 2002; Groß and Kieser, 2006; McKenna, 2008; Butler et al., 2012). This paper addresses the challenges facing knowledge workers’ seeking to legitimize their professional status, by looking at the discursive strategies of management consultants (henceforth MCs) (Meriläinen et al., 2004; Muzio et al., 2008; Donnelly, 2009; Bologna, 2011). MCs have increased in number, and are now one of the main occupational groups in the management domain (Kipping and Engwall, 2001). The role of market success in the social acknowledgement of the professions is increasing among knowledge workers, while intermediary bodies are reducing in importance (Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014), thus diverting the standard followed by liberal professionals substantially (Wilensky, 1964). The current reality is that MCs continue to lack formal recognition for their activities, especially in countries such as Italy, where the system of professions incorporates a strong cleavage between protected professionals and other groups of expert workers (Ranci, 2012). For many reasons, those professionals are not able to accomplish the standard stages, as identified in the literature on professionalization. Even if they identify with a corpus of knowledge, the constant drive towards innovation and transformation complicates the possibility of setting a standard level for each professional, while the dualism between individual professionals or SMEs and big international corporations in Italy is fragmenting the market, impeding the formation of a single interest group (Crucini, 1999; McKenna, 2008; Maestripieri, 2013). Consequently, Italian consultants are unlikely to achieve classical professionalization status, and the associated recognition (Groß and Kieser, 2006; McKenna, 2008). Despite the barriers MCs face, this paper argues that they are trying to establish professional status based on a process of professionalization, albeit an innovative one that does not pursue public regulation nor the mediation of intermediate bodies. Their strong relationship with organisations, and their ideological aversion to any form of protection from the market is pushing them to search, not for the institutionalisation of their profession, but to gain a reputation in the market, as equal to and in competition with other experts in the management field (Maestripieri, 2013). This paper presents a narrative revolving around the professional legitimisation strategy of a freelance management consultant named Arianna; finding the alternative strategies implemented by her explicit in her arguments. In combination with other scholars (Essers, 2009), the arguments put forward here emphasise the consistency of a narrative approach, highlighting Arianna’s efforts justifying her status as a professional by employing a positioning technique (Bamberg, 1997). The interview with Arianna reveals the strategies and argumentative referents of a freelance MC who chooses to stress her professionalism, based on her own internal discourse and anecdotes taken from her daily life. It is anticipated that this will represent a small step forward in furthering understanding of the professionalism of MCs as an occupational group (McKenna, 2008). This investigation attempts to go beyond the traditional model of professionalization’s analysis, based on the archetype of the liberal professional, to jointly analyse credentialism, autonomy, and professionalism. It presents the role of personal networks, on-the-job training, and market success as evidence to classify which MCs are professional and which are not, but also to explain how MCs use their competencies and market experience as the basis of their claim to professionalism. At present, a lack of public acknowledgement forces MCs to search for recognition in their everyday interactions, bypassing the role of lobbies and formal associations (Maestripieri, 2013). In view of this, debate is fundamental, as interaction is the main social space in which legitimation might occur (Berger and Luckmann, 1966; Garfinkel, 1967; Goffman, 1969). As deliberation is on going, it is logical to analyse the argumentative strategies by which MCs justify themselves as professionals, to understand how they are seeking to gain legitimacy. In particular, their claims cite the expertise and experience they have amassed within the field; they might also reference their survival in the current labour market. The story of Arianna adds to the contemporary debate about professionalization through a timely analysis of the discursive strategy of a management consultant, highlighting the arguments used in practice by a management consultant actively claiming professionalism. The paper is structured as follows. First, the framework used to address professionalization is presented. It draws on theoretical perspectives about the concept of professionalization, as first defined by functionalist sociologists (Wilensky, 1964). The literature review also covers the stances of contemporary scholars who have revised the concept, following criticism of a narrow view based on public acknowledgement. Then the paper proceeds to outline the precise role of MCs in Italy, to explain why the Italian context constitutes an interesting case study for studying the dynamics of professionalization. After a brief presentation of the author’s field research and a description of the methodological approach applied (involving an exemplary narration collected during an interview), the context is illustrated and analysed using the aforementioned case study about Arianna, a freelance MC. Conclusions will finally be presented, highlighting the theoretical assumptions of Arianna’s case, as they emerged from analysis of the interview. Studying professionalizing occupations Harold Wilensky wrote an article in 1964, now considered a milestone in terms of disputing the issue of professionalization. Although his approach was deeply informed by functionalist theory, his article focused for the first time on the dynamics by which an occupation develops expertise, and the features that might integrate it within a group of acknowledged professions. For him, professionalization follows a standardised path, involving a number of steps that progressively institutionalise their members as professionals. These are: the development of identification with a body of knowledge, the creation of a group of practitioners to discuss common problems, the creation of schools and a university to provide specific oriented training to practitioners, institutionalisation by public regulation, and lastly the establishment of a formal code of ethics. These steps, as identified by Wilensky (1964), all apply to those professions with a high level of social recognition (Butler et al., 2012), i.e. lawyers, doctors, etc. (Abbott, 1988; Malatesta, 2006). However, in many cases scholars have interpreted this trajectory not as a historical and contextual solution to the problem of legitimation (Brint, 1994; Middlehurst and Kennie, 1997; Neal and Morgan, 2000; McKenna, 2008), but as a process of inevitable and unproblematic acknowledgement of a professional activity (Butler et al., 2012). Thus, it is evident that sociologists examining professionalization have considered this issue over many decades (Neal and Morgan, 2000); certainly professionalization, as an enforced by law designation, has been one of the main differences dividing the continental and Anglo-Saxon system of professions (Sciulli, 2005). Starting from the pioneering work of Harold Wilensky, the debate has involved several scholars working from different theoretical perspectives. For neo-Weberian scholars, the importance of professionalization centred on the attainment of a form of legal regulation and protection, permitting members to perform strategies such as market closure and to create boundaries within different groups (Sacks, 2012). Abbott (1988) defines the professionalization process as the development of professional activities based on attaining a jurisdiction over a particular specialisation of knowledge, which can then be regulated and protected. This typically follows a common pattern for all professions, although there may be differences relating to timing. Similarly, Freidson (2001) states that professionalism is recognised when an organised group of workers obtains the power to determine who can access the profession, impedes others from performing similar activities, and controls the criteria by which good work is judged. Credentialism is the basic mechanism sustaining a monopoly on the jurisdiction and access to the professional market (Larson, 1977; Brint, 1994; Freidson, 2001; Malatesta, 2006). However, formal knowledge and formal education should not be overestimated. Even among well-established professions, many acquire qualifications within the field during on-the-job learning, contradicting the role assigned to credentialism by previous literature (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). In the cases of both functionalist and neo-Weberian scholars, attention is limited to well-established professions that have already achieved strong social recognition, and which have acquired full jurisdiction over certain bodies of knowledge (Abbott, 1988). For this reason, they deem only institutionalised professions as worthy of inclusion as objects of study, since the main objective of neo-Weberians is to assess closure strategies; by contrast, functionalists are more interested in defining the criteria by which an occupation can be considered a profession. Interestingly, although contemporary post-industrial economies emphasise professionalization, an increasing number of occupations fail to comply with the traditional process of professionalization. This is despite their expert nature, and despite the fact that organisations increasingly need competent workers able to utilise their knowledge (Brint, 2001). Professionals working in advanced business services have not developed a strong identification with prescribed bodies of expert knowledge, as these quite often overlap with similar occupations (Butler et al., 2012). Moreover, the success of neoliberal discourse has raised doubts about the pathway to professionalization: market-driven approaches, a stronger deregulation in public regulation of professional activities, and the increasing promotion of individual values that are not easily attributable to market closure strategies or to integration into intermediate bodies (Neal and Morgan, 2000; Adams, 2012). Thus far, the inability to professionalize oneself following traditional steps set out by legitimate professionals has not impeded the growth of knowledge occupations. Over the last decade, advanced business services have been among the fastest growing branches of the economy. In recognition of recent changes in practice, there is a growing interest in professions on the margins (Butler et al., 2012). A growing proportion of knowledge workers do not abide by a traditional notion of professionalism, and scholars have begun to focus on their neglected position in the sociology of professions. Extending the field beyond the perspectives of functionalist and neo-Weberian authors, scholars have increasingly criticised the institutionalised conceptualisation of the professions since the 1970s. Authors including Becker (1970) and Hughes (1984) confirm that nominal professional status only functions to sustain an individual’s claim to be recognised as an elite worker (Hughes, 1984); this leads them to criticise the supposed neutrality of the concept (also in De Saint Martin, Bourdieu and Boltanski, 1973 and Chapoulie, 1973). These scholars argue that it is misleading to suggest that professionalism is a scientific term, offering evidence that professionalism has been used largely as a tool to sustain a claim to a privileged social position (Schinkel and Noordegraaf, 2011). Professionalism, in this sense, conveys a pervasive and taken-for-granted superiority: it is built into discourse and pursues arguments to justify the special status of workers based on the possession of specific expertise that extends beyond formal credentialism (Hanlon, 1998; Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). For as long as a group is permitted to claim professionalism for its own activities, this recognition might be a basis for ascending mobility (Hughes, 1984). In view of the ongoing granting of a professionalism status to some groups, scholars have raised the unsolved theoretical issue of the professional legitimation of knowledge workers, since they do not typically share the standard form of credentialism evidenced among the well-established professions. Legitimation usually implies external validation, and an interlocutor must perceive and accept such claims as proper and appropriate in reference to a wider system of shared norms and values (Suchman, 1995; Sillince and Brown, 2009; Maclean et al., 2012). As already stated by Goffman (1969), the legitimation process is based on a moral judgement by others based on everyday interaction; i.e. when an individual chooses to position himself or herself as a professional, she or he is claiming a moral right to be treated as a legitimate professional. Individuals use argumentative justifications to define their own behaviours and claims as reasonable: the content of social norms are then expressed via those justifications (Goffman, 1969). The legitimation process is complete when an entity becomes embedded in the taken-for-granted assumptions of actors (Suchman, 1995; Suddaby and Greenwood, 2005). The question of how subjective meanings become objective taken-for-granted assumptions has been widely debated since Berger and Luckmann’s theorisation (1966), but remains unanswered, as professionalization processes extend beyond the path of the classical professions, such as lawyers or doctors. Self-legitimation strategies are the key to determination, as over the previous decade, scholars addressed this issue by lending credence to legitimating accounts by individual actors, especially in the organisational domain (Suddaby and Greenwood, 2005; Vaara and Tienari, 2008; Maclean et al., 2012). The analysis of the arguments presented in this paper demonstrate in practice how a freelance professional in the management consultancy field uses different argumentative resources to justify her position as a professional, in particular how she bases her claims for professionalism on her own expertise. This case is particularly interesting since the uneven integration of MCs into the Italian system of professions forces its members to press their arguments forcefully. Management consultants and the problems of recognition in Italy The post-industrial society (Bell, 1973) has been defined by a shift from an economy based on the production of goods to one focused on scientific and technical knowledge. This transformation is apparent in the steady growth of service producers and professionals (Bell, 1973; Drucker, 1993; Maione, 2001). In this context, knowledge gains importance at the expense of capital and manual labour as the labour force becomes progressively professionalized (Collins, 1997). Labour in the new society is based on advanced business services incorporating features like expertise, autonomy, discretion, reputation, prestige and professional standards; workers perform professional activities beyond traditional forms of institutionalization, operating mostly within in conjunction with organisations. Some scholars have used the label ‘knowledge workers’ to identify this group (Brint, 2001; Darr and Warhurst, 2008); among these MCs are considered prototypical (Meriläinen et al., 2004; Donnelly, 2009; Bologna, 2011). In Italy the contemporary difficulties facing those in diverse employment arise from an imbalance in public regulations. These divide workers into those in the protected professions and the remainder of the unregulated market (MCs included), who are excluded from public intervention and related credentialism (Ranci, 2012), creating a huge gap between professionals. Italian public regulation has been slow to respond to the transformation of the labour markets, following the shift to a post-industrial pattern of economic development. In the Italian system, a strong corporatist approach, in which public institutions protect the professionalism of certain activities, is followed (Salomone, 2010). These bodies (named Orders and Registers in Italy) aim to not only protect professionals’ activities and their knowledge, but also serve as a guarantee for the client. As a consequence, only those professions considered of social relevance have been included in the group of protected professions, for example, doctors, lawyers, engineers and architects. Unlike the bottom-up evolution that characterises the professionalization process in Anglo-Saxon countries (Sciulli, 2005), the establishment of professions in Italy has followed the continental model, relying on the state to structure a system of professionalization (Neal and Morgan, 2000; Malatesta, 2006). As knowledge workers grow in importance within the economy, an increasing number of professionals are excluded by this model, in which the state has institutionalised its systems of public regulation (Collins, 1997). Although the services provided vary, knowledge workers are generally not integrated into the classic system of professionals, and are not easily recognisable in terms of standard definitions, because of the absence of public acknowledgment for their activities, as well as the precarious formalisation of training and the missing standardisation of competencies (Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). The most important consequence of workers being outside of the traditional system of professions is that they cannot participate in standardised credentials schemes. The professional/client relationship is based on trust, and clients buy expertise that they do not have and which they are often unable to assess (Alvesson, 2001). The professionalization process should resolve this dilemma by offering a series of guarantees: ensuring a minimum level of competencies for certified professionals, as well as protecting the members of a community against peers who have not met the standards required to engage in the professional activity (Groß and Kieser, 2006; McKenna, 2008). This is why the Italian state previously created a system of orders and registers accessible only by acquiring formal credentials, such as a specific university degree for each profession, a state exam to certify competency, and inclusion in a register of professionals (Malatesta, 2006). At present, this system is in crisis: instead of acting as a guarantee of a minimal standard of quality, it has become the most important instrument of social closure (Collins, 1990), as played out by professional groups in order to maintain privileges. Professionals are increasingly forced to address new forms of credentialism that extend beyond this model to include informal social networks, reputational mechanisms and organisational brands (Greenwood and Epson 2003; Brock 2006; Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). For MCs, much like other groups of knowledge workers characterised by the recent process of professionalization, there is no public regulation; meaning there is now no formal requirement to meet in order to perform the job. Perceived public ‘indifference’ has resulted in a situation in which there is no recognised community of experts, whose formal membership can guarantee expertise (Alvesson, 2001). This means MCs struggle for recognition, activating individualised strategies to state their credentials, building long-term relationships with clients, relying on reputation mechanisms mostly based on word of mouth, and the tactical use of organisations to denote quality (Alvesson, 2001; Alvesson and Johansson, 2002; Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). The market structure makes it difficult to operate a synthesis between the different interests of MCs organisations through the institution of a professional association. In Italy, there are only two associations for MCs: one is devoted solely to enterprise (ASSOCONSULT) and the other (APCO) to SMEs and freelancers (Crucini, 1999; Maestripieri, 2013); thus far, neither has become the main referent for professionalization claims by MCs. Nevertheless, even where MCs claim professional identity based on the possession of expert knowledge and a specific competence, their social recognition as professionals is fragile, and their integration into the system of professions is unstable at best. Some scholars have described their position in the labour market as precarious, even vulnerable, in the sense that they are open to exploitation (Kitay and Wright, 2007). MCs are embroiled in a struggle for legitimation (Demazière, 2009), and as scholars have already underlined, since this is a matter related to power, they still do not have enough to sustain their position as professionals (Vaara and Tienari, 2008). Meanwhile, legitimation is not a process that happens immediately, as long as its function is to make objectively available and subjectively plausible a fixed set of institutionalised knowledge (Berger and Luckmann, 1966). The next section describes MCs’ strategies for professionalism, by illustrating the case of an MC seeking to position herself as a professional. The in-depth analysis of her argument reveals her strategies to claim legitimation at a micro level, and contribute to knowledge of how the process of professionalization functions for knowledge workers in the absence of public acknowledgement. MCs argumentative claims for identity as professionals are much stronger than for many other professional groups, who have already achieved strong social recognition. It is essential for MCs to state these arguments when they present themselves as professionals, and Arianna’s words show some of the stock of arguments MCs use to justify their position. This paper is derived from a larger body of research conducted in 2007-2010 as part of the author’s PhD thesis project, the general aim of which was to study the professional identity of MCs in Italy (Maestripieri, 2013). For the original thesis, 22 biographical interviews and 33 semi-structured interviews were conducted with MCs in Italy; 23 of whom were freelance professionals. The following discussion section revolves around a single narration by Arianna, chosen from the authors’ PhD corpus of interviews because it clearly shows the argumentative strategies utilised by the speaker in order to legitimise her position as professional (Davies and Harré, 1990; Bamberg, 1997; Sveningsson and Alvesson, 2003; Kohler-Riessman, 2008; Watson, 2009). The account of Arianna, a freelance professional, active in the management consultancy market for the last three decades, questions the issue of social recognition, discusses the absence of a role played by intermediate bodies, and the strategies put in practice by professionals to legitimize themselves. Scholars have already presented discursive accounts of the professions in order to highlight issues of professionalization, especially when examining how it can function to create organisational and occupational meaning (Vaara, 2002; Adams, 2012). Interviews are the discursive vehicle by which individuals reaffirm their subjectivity and identity (Maclean et al., 2012; Jansen, 2015). Using narrative methods makes it possible to investigate how workers use rhetorical strategies to justify their claims: first, by focusing on the temporal dimension of biographies (Bichi, 2000) and, secondly, by respecting the subjective dimensions that interviewees place on their accounts (Kohler-Riessman, 2008; Jansen, 2015). Therefore, the subsequent section of this analysis will revolve around a narrative approach, using the positioning method to highlight Arianna’s argumentative strategy (Clandinin and Connelly, 2000; Poggio, 2004; Kohler-Riessman, 2008). The narrative analysis in the following section problematizes the existing framework of professionalization theory. Arianna’s arguments challenge its standard approach and encourage the need for critical reflection upon it, given the challenges set by the post-industrial transformation in professional activities, and rethinking conventional wisdom about the professionalization process (Alvesson and Kärreman, 2007). The positioning technique of analysis can highlight the critical dimensions, by focusing on how an individual constructs his/her public image making himself/herself intelligible to others. In particular, it emphasises the flux in thoughts about oneself, and examines how feelings shift according to the situations (Jansen, 2015). When using this technique, the researcher’s aim is twofold: first, to analyse Arianna’s account by considering her an individual creative agent of narrations, and by investigating her use of agency to define her professional self; second, to reveal how her identity is rendered social in reference to a common set of commonly acknowledged narratives, shared by members of her professional group (Tirado and Galvez, 2007). The interview method is ideal to interrogate such issues; as part of the biographical pact (Bichi, 2000), the interviewer guarantees the interviewee that their narratives are not subject to criticism or evaluation. Therefore, instead of focusing on their validity, this type of analysis is ideal when highlighting how professional identities are presented in the context of the interview, and when explaining why interviewees choose to present themselves as they do (Jansen, 2015). Of course, a single interview cannot be representative of all Italian MCs, but the interview with Arianna is of particular interest because she puts considerable effort into justifying her position as a professional. It is possible to deal with the majority of the issues raised during the full set of interviews the author conducted by presenting Arianna’s case. Her account is an emblematic example of the struggles lived by Italian MCs when seeking social recognition for their professional activities (Maestripieri, 2013). Findings and discussion Arianna is a 55-year-old female worker, who lives in a suburb of Milan. She has a degree in psychology and has worked as a freelance MC since the beginning of the 1990s. In 1997 she started her own small consultancy firm together with two partners. After some years of good results and strong engagement in the labour market as a small entrepreneur, in 2008 she decided to close her business after separating from her husband. Now, she is again performing her job as a solo freelance consultant. Her job has played a very important role in her life, and she has always been the ‘breadwinner’ in her family. She has a strong emotional and practical attachment to the consultancy market: I love my job, I have experienced difficult times when I had few projects on, but I’ve always been a positive person, I’ve always thought that things will get better in the future. For me, being a self-employed professional has never been a concern, I will work, I will earn, and projects will come because I’ve a network of colleagues, right? You need to cultivate your relationships. You must prove to be a likeable person; if people see a value in what you’re doing, then clients and colleagues will call on you for projects. Her main point here is that she has expertise and experience gained throughout her lengthy career as professional consultant, an argument already highlighted in previous analyses reported by other scholars (Hanlon, 1998; Hodgson, 2008). In her words, the success she has gained in the market and the recognition from her colleagues demonstrates her competence. Arianna’s relationships are the basic element that sustains her career as self-employed professional, but her success in the marketplace enables her to define herself as a competent worker. Intermediate bodies do not mediate between clients and professionals in this case and only her reputation and personal relationships denote her professionalism, guaranteeing her competence. However, Arianna still feels insecure as to regards the societal recognition of her profession. Her insecurity derives from the lack of a formal credentialism. In fact, firstly, she has not followed a standardised course to become a consultant as long as she trained herself on-the-job. Secondly, she belongs to a professional association (the association of psychologists) that does not recognise her specific competence. Not unsurprisingly, the main reason why she is a member of the professional psychologists’ association is the practical advantage in terms of the social protection offered by Orders (Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). Notwithstanding, in terms of social recognition and jurisdiction, her job has no relationship to the standards required of therapeutic psychologists in Italy: as a consequence, her specialisation in organisational psychology and her activity as a management consultant is not recognised by her peers. Her argument continues then with affirmation of management consultants’ solitude (she speaks about a club) and the substantial incapacity of people to recognise her professionalism. Sometimes I’ve the impression that we’re few… we’re kind of a club, we recognise each other, but I don’t know how much… you know how that is! It is that the word consultancy fills up the mouth? I’m a member of a sports association, since I separated from my husband; I have been hiking with these people, and then you talk and someone asks me – ‘but what’s your job?’ ‘I’m a management consultant, working in the empowerment of human resources’ ‘and what does that mean?’ [Arianna laughs] That is, somebody doesn’t even dare to imagine it. In my opinion it is not really that people don’t know, but it’s barely defined, because the word consultancy has many meanings. Now my neighbour who sells Avon products calls herself a consultant [she laughs again]. They call themselves beauty consultants – them?! You understand me… what kind of a word is this? And so I’ve some remarks on this issue to share with you… but we should ask - those who look at us… what do they see in us? Her main argument, in the first part of the extract, relates to the meaning of the word consultancy, which is insufficiently defined to legitimise her as a professional. People who do not participate in advanced business sectors do not understand her activity and role in the labour market; nor do they know what the job of consultancy means in practice. This is also a consequence of the fact that consultancy is not integrated into the language of common-sense reality, as long as, Arianna points out, people in general are unfamiliar with what consultants’ professional activities involves. Although people understand that consultancy is somehow related to expertise, as long as it requires high specialization to be performed, it is difficult for her to understand how others perceive her (‘those who look at us… what do they see in us?’). This inability to self-describe and be understood also relates to the fact that the word ‘consultancy’ not only refers to management activities, but also is frequently used by other workers aiming to participate in a discourse of professionalism (Fournier, 1999; Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). For Arianna, however, there are boundaries between her and them; these relate to the expertise she claims to have to perform her own job. In her opinion, the other consultants that she references (such as beauty consultants) are not professionals. She judges them on the basis of their human capital and she justifies her supposed superiority by basing her arguments on her experience as a real professional worker. Otherness is a quality that is very important when creating barriers between professionals and occupations, as long as references to the other define the legitimate limits of expert labour and non-expert labour are drawn (Adams, 2012; Ashcraft et al., 2012). This is argued on the basis of marginalisation and difference from others (Adams, 2012), something that Arianna references when mentioning Avon sellers. Indeed, the idea that people misuse the word ‘consultancy’ to connote professionalism is discussed in her interview; she states that it is a word used only to ‘fill up the mouth’. In fact, Arianna positions herself against other professionals in terms of competencies and expertise. Her attitude is not neutral, and relies on the fact that professionalism in itself was associated in the past with the dimensions of prestige and status, as professionals belonged to the intellectual establishment. Arianna’s discourse about professionalism is instrumental; it lets her claim an identity tout-court professional, it also serves to make a good impression. It enables her to present herself as holding a prestigious and stable position in a system of professionals. Professionalism is something that a series of actors, from her viewpoint, do not want to assign to consultants. MCs are people who borrow your watch to tell you what time it is, and after that they’ll leave with it [Arianna laughs], that’s it, this is Robert Townsend. I believe that this idea is spread across a lot of firms… that the consultant arrives and he hasn’t got anything special to say, he is just able to tell you something you already knew, but maybe you needed someone to do it, to legitimise you – OK? This is just a doubt I have, but moreover I’ve seen it in how people look at us, and the fact that there are a lot of braggarts in this world! They have discredited our profession as consultants – who is a consultant? You understand… everybody! That is, you see just graduated teenagers, who because they’ve taken a little course in counselling can become counselling consultants, and they go flaunting it right and left. And then they do things that make you say bah! What is a consultant? These extract evidences another struggle lived by consultants when claiming professionalism. In fact, even theoretically, the concepts ‘pro-consultancy’ and ‘non-professionalism’ divide theorists. Scholars separate self-promoting manuals and critical academic analysis; designations largely based on theoretical assumptions rather than empirical analysis. Thus, the consolidated image of consultancy in theoretical debate is characterised by ambiguity, while at the same time being appealing and provocative (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). If enthusiastic supporters highlight the capacity of MC professionals to promote organisational change, academic detractors can reject their expert status, because the criteria of liberal professions are not accessible to liberal professionals (Groß and Kieser, 2006; McKenna, 2008). MCs certainly struggle with this ambiguity in their everyday interactions, explaining Arianna’s need to justify herself relative to Townsend’s critique. At least in Italy, this situation is not only a matter of theoretical debate, but a direct consequence of the public regulation regime, which characterizes the Italian professions system. Protected professions have the right to take legal steps when someone abuses their professional title (as it is stated by Law 348 of the Penal Code); however, there is no protection extended when using consultants and other unregulated professions’ titles (Salomone, 2010). One of the reason why MCs are not subject to protection lies in the structural dualism that characterises their market: the tension between the interests of professional services firms and the professional aspirations of individuals impedes the collective effort to achieve full professionalization, following the traditional steps taken by other professionals (McKenna, 2008). Consequently, the lack of a generalised system of formal credentialism determines the presence in the market of a large number of suppliers because of weak closure mechanisms. Even where there is an individualised claim of professionalism, based on the possession of specific expertise, there is still no social space identified from Arianna’s point of view to determine which group might direct legitimation. Furthermore, the word ‘consultant’ has not yet acquired common sense meaning in everyday life: along with MCs, this word is used instrumentally as a ‘status symbol’ by a series of other subjects (more or less expert in their field), thereby putting into question the recognition of MCs’ professional status. The practical consequences of the lack of formal recognition for freelance professionals include the difficulty in marginalising malpractice and problematic acknowledgement of others. Building a solid reputation and maintaining this throughout one’s entire career is fundamental to successfully competing in the market; this is also the foundation upon which to build legitimacy as a professional. In fact, especially for freelance MCs, word of mouth is the main mechanism by which to acquire customers, since they cannot prove their credentials other than informally (Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). Since they are unable to exercise closure against those who do not respect a minimum standard of quality, self-legitimation is one of the few strategies they might employ to gain trust from the client, aside from referencing branding and organisations (McKenna, 2008; Maestripieri, 2013; Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014), as Arianna clearly explained in her interview. The situation in which MCs live and work often results in mockery and accusations, and a common allegation that consultants simply sell ‘hot air’. In fact, as Arianna also confirms, the popular image of consultancy is extremely negative; with MCs characterised as legalised fraudsters. Italian management consultancy professionals are aware of this negative reputation (Maestripieri, 2013); they affirm that their clients believe consultancy is somewhat redundant, and MCs are just good at selling themselves and convincing clients of the usefulness of their projects. Clients often hire consultants instrumentally, as Arianna points out, in order to legitimise a managers’ power within an organisation and to share the responsibility for decision-making, or to spread blame if something is wrong (Alvesson, 2001; Sturdy et al., 2009; Maestripieri, 2013). This situation of general mistrust and diffidence is not simply a linguistic concern, but also one that has a direct impact on MCs relationships with clients, as long as it effects the consolidation of trust between professionals and clients (Hughes, 1984; Clark, 1995). In conclusion, there were two rhetorical goals expressed during Arianna’s interview, both based on her expertise and experience as a mature member of the field. Firstly, she sought to convince the interviewer of her legitimate position as a professional, despite the fact that a series of key actors do not acknowledge it (as common people or state); secondly, she defines and presents her identity as a professional in contrast to other ‘non-professional’ actors. Nevertheless, she cannot be wholly successful in her claim; the Italian system of professions and its corporatist approach in public regulation excludes from formal acknowledgement all those professional activities that do not participate in the system of Orders. Thus, Arianna cannot make reference to an institutionalised set of common knowledge associated with the concept of management consultancy, because her idea of professionalism is embodied in a discourse of justification based on individual expertise and ability to survive in the marketplace. Starting from a theoretical position that considers acknowledgement in reference to public regulation as one possible outcome of professionalization, the discussion herein relied upon the account of Arianna, a freelance MC since the beginning of the 1990s, working in Italy. The Italian case is particularly relevant, as it is characterised by a stronger corporatist approach than other European cases, thus increasing the divide between liberal professionals and knowledge workers in terms of social recognition, credentialism and social protection (Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). Italian MCs, since their status is unstable and marginal in reference to the system of professions, highlight a new approach to professionalism more widely in their narrations, which make studying their cases interesting. In the analysis of Arianna’s account, it was possible to highlight how market mechanisms, rather than formal credentialism, were important in helping her claim professional status (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). These assumptions contradict the classical notion of professionalism, in which standards and quality are assessed by peers through the mediation of intermediate bodies; instead Arianna relies on reputational mechanism, market success and personal relationships (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002; Maestripieri, 2013; Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). Her professional claims are more likely to emerge in circumstances where she compares her professional standing against that of other relevant figures within society, such as among professionals or common people, rather than relying on positive affirmation from consultants as members of a recognised group. The main elements raised when discussing Arianna’s discursive strategies are that she uses her argument for professionalism to support her status and her legitimation as a competent worker. Such claims are commonly based on the possession of certain social characteristics, establishing aspects such as expertise and competence, and not formal regulation and acknowledgement. The attachment to the market and her expertise becomes the main component of her justifications. These trends have already been reported previously (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002): the demand for MCs knowledge from the market, and the rewards associated with professional activity imbue MCs with professionalism, even if they do not participate in the standard requirements set out for professionalization (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). In the extracts presented, Arianna sustains the same point: she feels professional, because she can prove that over her longstanding career as a freelancer her professional activities have been approved by her clients and colleagues, and she has gained a specific professional profile due to her experience within the field. To all intents and purposes, Arianna’s rhetorical strategies show how she justifies her claims of professionalization through individual agency, bypassing the need for credentials given by an intermediate body. However, even if Arianna might share a set of values and identities with her peers, she lacks the foundation of an institutionalised social space (Wilesnky, 1964). At present, MCs cannot rely on a strong lobby to sustain the institutionalisation of their common knowledge. However, following the same path toward public institutionalisation that has characterised protected professions in the past is a false solution for MCs (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002; Groß and Kieser, 2006). First, the neoliberal approach is now mainstream in Europe, requiring national states to deregulate and weaken mechanisms of market closure in already existing Orders and Bars (Neal and Morgan, 2000). Moreover, management consultancy is composed of several components, which rely on heterogeneity and diversity as characteristics of their expertise. This means the practical content of MCs’ professionalism is too complex to reduce to a standard set of competencies (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). Last but not least, the Italian market is at present characterised by a strong dualism between big multinational corporations and PMEs or freelance professionals, who are serving the small firms that now typify the Italian economy (Crucini, 1999; McKenna, 2008), thus hindering the institutionalization of a unique professional association. In addition, we argue here that formal professionalization would be more of a constraint than a powerful resource for MCs (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002), since it would promote conformism over innovation, not necessarily resulting in greater efficiency and effectiveness (Di Maggio and Powell, 1991). MCs would surely benefit from increased professionalism, but only if the formalisation of their knowledge base and the definition of a minimum standard allows them to protect clients and themselves from malpractice. Therefore, any professionalization must occur in a manner that upholds the peculiarities of their professional activities, supporting the plurality of their approach (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002). The model of liberal professions’ professionalization does not align with these requirements, but capacity to underwrite innovation in public regulation might still come. In conclusion, there is a theoretical problem regarding the professionalization of MCs. They have solved their lack of credentialism by drawing on alternative resources, such as reputational mechanisms and corporate credentialism, measuring their value as professionals in terms of their market success (Alvesson and Johansson, 2002; Maestripieri, 2013; Cucca and Maestripieri, 2014). However, in order to understand their peculiarity, scholars should go beyond the classical definition of professionalization when analysing knowledge workers. 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(2002) ‘On the discursive construction of success/failure in narratives of post-merger integration’, Organization Studies, 23(2): 211-248. Vaara, E. and J. Tienari (2008) ‘A discursive perspective on legitimation strategies in multinational corporations’, Academy of Management Review, 33(4): 985-993. Watson, T.J. (2009) ‘Narrative, life story and manager identity: A case study in autobiographical identity work’, Human Relations, 62(3): 425-452. Wilensky, H.L. (1964) ‘The professionalization of everyone?’, American journal of Sociology, 70(2): 137-158. Lara Maestripieri has a PhD in Sociology and Social Research. She has worked as a postdoc fellow in 7thFP projects FLOWS and WILCO (2011-2014), and she was an invited scholar at Sciences Po, Paris (2012) and Université de Genève (2010). She is now employed as postdoc fellow in 7thFP project CRESSI (2014-2018), at the department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Pavia. As adjunct lecturer, she teaches ‘Introduction to Sociology’ at Sciences Po-Paris, collége de Menton. Her main interests of research are: knowledge workers and professional identity; gender and social vulnerability; young workers and precariousness; narrative and biographical methods for social research. Email: lara.maestripieri AT gmail.com Point of difference: The lost premise of creativity in ‘creative work’ Alexia Cameron	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line42
__label__wiki	0.731281	0.731281	Matthew Puckett Songwriter & Composer Film / TV Scores Songs / Features Songwriter and Composer Matthew Puckett is an award winning songwriter and film composer based in Los Angeles, California. Originally from New York City, Matthew has worked with bands and artists such as: Rogue Wave, The Mowgli’s, Jillea, Marsha Ambrosius, Jeremy Jordan, Shawn Hook, Kris Allen, The 3AM, Clementine and The Galaxy, Royal Tongues, Glenn Philips, Beginners, Valen and Garrison Starr. Matthew won a Peabody Award for his songs and score for the seven-part documentary ABC Series HOPKINS and was the recipient of an ASCAP Film/TV Award for his song ʻSkylineʻ, the theme to the critically acclaimed ABC series NY Med. Matthew’s new musical REBEL GENIUS was a finalist for the 2017 Jonathan Larson Grant presented by The American Theater Wing. In Winter 2019 REBEL GENIUS was produced by UCLA, Directed by Brian Kite. The musical was chosen for the 2019 Lied Center/ASCAP workshop and will be presented in the fall. Matthew’s unique film scores include: Guidance (Dreamworks/AwesomenessTV), Caught (Anna Camp), Best Friends Forever (Brea Grant, Selection SLAMDANCE), Dial A Prayer (Brittany Snow, William H. Macy) and Some Boys Don’t Leave (Jesse Eisenberg, Winner TriBeCa Film Fest) and TV scores for Gravity (STARZ) and Still Single (Showtime) . Other film and television music credits include: RIVERDALE (The CW), The Enemy Within (NBC), Katy Keene (The CW), Chance (HULU), Southpaw (dir. Antoine Fuqua / Weinstein Company) Eye Candy (MTV), NCIS: LA (CBS), Being Human (SyFy), Hooking Up (ABC), Held Up starring The Sklar Brothers (Feature/Sony), ‘Never Again’ (Focus Features), and Make It Or Break It (Disney), Finding Carter (MTV). Matthew co-wrote and produced the song “Cold Blood” by Valen featured in the videogame The Sims from Electronic Arts. Matthew is a member of the Dramatist’s Guild and is represented as a songwriter by Kobalt Music. Composer reel and audio available on request. For commercial work please visit: modmusicshop.com Photo by davidgabe photography © Matthew Puckett \| All Rights Reserved \| Websites by TahoeT \| Admin	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line48
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__label__wiki	0.917309	0.917309	Events, Film, Interviews \| by Loose Lips — October 16, 2016 Tags: 60th BFI London Film Festival, 60th London Film Festival, BFI LFF, BFI London Film Festival, Brent Corrigan, I am Michael, James Franco, Justin Kelly, King Cobra, LFF, London Film Festival, Welcome the Stranger http://www.loose-lips.com/audio/interviews/JustinKelly.mp3Director Justin Kelly discusses his films I Am Michael and King Cobra by Joanna Orland Screenwriter and director Justin Kelly first garnered industry attention when his debut feature I Am Michael premiered at Sundance Film Festival in 2015. His second film King Cobra continues the tradition set by I Am Michael, by being based on a true story. “I read about it online while researching my first film, I Am Michael,” Justin says about discovering the true events behind his latest film. “The more I read, the more fascinated I became by the stories, by the characters, and just thought it would make for a cool, wild movie.” When adapting a true story, a director inevitably must use some artistic license to add drama and shape the narrative. Justin explains, “it would be in the little things, you know, like Joe and Harlow’s company wasn’t called Viper Boys, it was called something else. But then Cobra versus Viper, and the obsession with the Viper car which was true, to me that was really interesting. But the kind of bigger story points that some people almost assume was added, like for example Harlow’s molestation past to give a bit of a reason for the murder – that was all true.” The character of Stephen, played by Christian Slater, is a complex one that could easily be portrayed as one-dimensional. “The goal with that character was not to vilify him – it would have been super easy to make him a total sleazy creep. And he has his sleazy moments, because he did like to entertain with much younger men, and he did make porn. But I thought it was fair to really make him sympathetic and at times likable,” says Justin. “It’s more than a film just about gay porn and the murder, I’m trying to weave in little other things that make it an interesting film.” As the film is based on a true story, it’s inevitable that not all real life counterparts would be pleased about the outcome – least of all Brent Corrigan. “I was taken aback because for someone who wants to be in the spotlight – he still makes gay porn and he wanted to be an actor at one point – I thought he’d be like elated at this,” says Justin. “And it’s funny that he’s not and that Michael Glatze in my first film – he loves [I Am Michael]. It’s shocking because, a movie about a gay activist who becomes an anti-gay pastor – that story told by a gay director – of course I was very very balanced with that story, but I definitely don’t agree with everything he says.” The real life Joe and Harlow on the other hand sent a close friend of theirs to the film’s Tribeca screening. “It was pretty exciting to hear a close friend of theirs say that the film felt very accurate and that the characters were very much like so Joe and Harlow,” says Justin. “There are people who, you know, gimme a little bit of shit for those characters being a bit over the top and silly but… basically that’s what they did – they loved to go out and tan and wash their cars and have sex.” When asked to give one word to summarize himself, Justin Kelly exclaims, “I’m bad at questions like this. Terrible. I guess seeing as I’m in London and showing this, I guess I would say, ‘grateful’.” Our review of King Cobra This entry was posted on Sunday, October 16th, 2016 at 6:20 pm and is filed under Events, Film, Interviews.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line55
__label__wiki	0.686668	0.686668	Muzyka klasyczna Muzyka popularna Popular or Classical? Część I This comparative study is set to point out the differences between classical and popular music and to provide the understanding of how the two industries based on the same product of culture can be so distinctly different. The outcome of the research is hopefully going to make the reader familiar with the values of the two mentioned environments. After summarising those two ways of artistic self-development, examples of cross-environmental artists are going to be brought and discussed. Thereof, a set of questions emerges: are the values of each group as noticeable in reality as they are in theory? Is it possible for the musicians to actually cross-over? Will artists associated with a certain genre of music ever have a chance to be valued in the eyes of the audiences of both environments? CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Human is the only creature on Earth that is capable of abstract reasoning. A highly developed brain enables people to communicate with each other by language. Although there are nations speaking incomprehensive dialects there is a universal language that speaks the same in every place of human activity – the culture. Without a doubt, music is one of the most powerful figments of culture. In order to produce merely the least advanced piece of melody oneself and for the own use, no tools are necessary but the human body. Instinctive reaction behaviour of clapping hands, snapping one’s fingers and finally singing prove that music at its rudimentary level has been following in the wake of civilisation from the very start. Although this language seems universal, it divides into two main “dialects”: classical and popular. Both are based on their own set of values and produce a distinctively different musical material. They have been analysed by the academics and amateurs in order to be once and for all classified. But is it possible for artists to be valued and to oscillate between the two? Or is each sphere metaphorically closed to outsiders? This comparative study of the matter is set to answer the questions in due course of the research. The choice of the topic was partly determined by the author's passion for classical music and based on the experiences in a musical field. In the course of popular music studies in England it became clear that the classical training means hardly anything in the commercialised industry. The author - once confident and aspiring to success, found out that her knowledge gained through the years of musical education will not guarantee her a successful position in the popular music world. As it was previously stated, this study is set to point out the differences that distinguish two musical environments: classical and popular as well as to support and illustrate examples of the theories stated by Theodor Adorno or Matthew Arnold – the mass of mankind will never have any ardent zeal for seeing things as they are; very inadequate ideas will always satisfy them[1]. This dissertation is organised in the following way: the very first chapter will deal with all of the information acquired by the author in a literature field. Methodology chapter, in which research methods that were used and their outcome will be reviewed, will follow the section. Last but one chapter of the essay will enable author’s reflection on the knowledge gained through all forms of research and theories of the scholars will be confronted with its outcome. Finally in the last section, possible conclusions drawn out of this study will be presented. CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW As aforementioned, the key aim of this study is to define the boundaries of the classical and popular music on various levels. In order to confront the written word with reality of the music business, it is essential to enumerate some key concepts that build the topic itself. To begin with, several authors emphasise the differences between these two categories of music in their work. 1.1 Music: two spheres Foundations for the comparison were laid by a German-born musicologist Theodor Adorno, who introduced the concept of two spheres of music: serious[2] and popular. According to his theory, both of the environments should be analysed not from the historical perspective of their development, but a clear judgement between the relation of serious music to popular music can be arrived at only by strict attention to the fundamental characteristic of popular music: standardisation[3], which extends from the most general features to the most specific ones[3]. Different to the common academic belief, Adorno stated that the difference between the spheres cannot be adequately expressed in terms of complexity and simplicity[4] and should be illustrated by analysing the details of particular pieces of music. 1.2 Serious Music In serious music, each musical element is itself[5] and every detail derives its musical sense from the concrete totality of the piece, which, in turn, consists of the life relationship of the details and never of a mere enforcement of a musical scheme[6]. Moreover, in good serious music the detail virtually contains the whole and leads to the exposition of the whole, while, at the same time, it is produced out of the conception of the whole[7]. Musicologist emphasises that this phenomenon can create thematic dualism and tremendous tension[7] by the level of its composers’ expression. However, the desired effect only through the whole (...) acquire its particular lyrical and expressive quality[6]. On the other hand, Green stated that classical environment immanently ratifies and maintains the dominance of an elite musical institution that (...) is made to seem superior: and it does so by propagating the appearance that there is a musical mass that, along with its profane products, is not very musical[8]. According to him, this environment functions in contrast to popular industry. 1.3. Details of popular music As far as mass productive and receptive[8] music is concerned, Adorno stated that a scheme of its compositions is fortuitous[7]. Separated details have no impact on a whole, which appears as one densely composed piece that cannot be splitted into details. Accordingly, popular music becomes a caricature of its own potentialities[7]. In such pieces, the details are standardised no less than the form and (...) the most primitive harmonic facts[4]. Because of this simplicity, the attention here is not paid to the musical and lyrical content itself, which appears as pre-given and pre-accepted, even before the actual experience of the music starts: therefore, it is not likely to influence, to any great extent, the reaction to the details, except to give them varying degrees of emphasis[4]. What is more, the author remarks that once a musical or lyrical pattern has proved successful, it is exploited to commercial exhaustion[9]. In this way, popular music will always bring its fans the same feelings which unlike classical would not necessarily cause emotional movement. Adorno emphasises that operations of creating standardised pieces are likely to have a better chance for recognition and favourable reception[4], which would explain the name of sphere itself – popular. 1.4. The nature of listening Moreover, the musicologist established a theory of a right way of listening to music. According to him, there is not only good music and bad music, there are good and bad modes of listening to music[10]. Another of Adorno’s statements is that popular music listeners listen regressively, indulging oneself in a distracted fetishisation of particulars[10] in opposition to classical concentrated and engaged listening[10]. Contrary, pop keeps the customers in line by doing that listening for them as it were (...), by making them forget what they listen to is already listened to for them, or „pre-digested“[11]. However, not everyone shares Adorno’s statement that classical music remains the only serious and real form of musical culture. Norris in his Music and the Politics of Culture emphasises that classical is neither the sonic form of natural forces, nor a universal language, nor the epitome of human creativity, nor the music to which all cultures aspire[12]. Together with the development of consumer culture, more and more constraints regarding works on classical music can be observed. In reverse though, Martin is happy about the growing academic concerns towards popular music, which branded as long overdue[12]. 1.5. Popular music and universality Universality of popular music is explained by Storey, who analysed its superiority over classical using a political concept of hegemony. The term, established by Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci, refers to a condition process in which a dominant class (...) does not merely rule a society but leads it through the exercise of moral and intellectual leadership, (...) in which subordinate groups (...) appear to support and subscribe to values, ideals (...) and cultural meanings which bind them to (...) the prevailing structures of power[13]. The author based his opinion on industry observation and drawn a conclusion that this early political concept is equivalent to growing popularity of commercialised music. Storey defined the industry as one in which the interests of one powerful section of society have been universalised, as the interests of the society as a whole[13]. Moreover, the author indicated that the process of popular music’s constant growth is an outcome of its consumers‘ endeavour and classified popular culture as a result of what men and women make from their active consumption of the texts and practices of the culture industries[14]. By mixing Gramsci‘s political thoughts with his research on popular music industry, observed that the commercially provided culture is redefined, reshaped and redirected to strategic acts of selective consumption[15]. By bringing an example of Bob Marley’s works (articulating beliefs and values of his ethnic group), Storey justified his thoughts of music being articulated in the economic interests of capitalism[15]. To summarise, his theory of popular music’s success leans on its message previously aimed directly at the listener. 1.6. Determinants of taste To stay within the concept of music trends being a reflection of preferences of the majority, there seems to be consensus on popular sphere being the one in which individuals‘ use of goods conforms to the purposes which have been dreamed up by the advertisers[16]. Featherstone developed the concept of hegemony with a statement that various groups, classes and class fractions struggle and compete to impose their own particular tastes as the tastes[17]. Does it mean that there are groups listening to popular music only and that is why it has dominated over classical industry? Answer to this question lies within the analysis of concepts of Bourdieu, who stated that both culture in the high sense and in the anthropological sense are (...) inscribed on the same social space[18]. By exploring both cultures and their participants towards their lifestyles, Bourdieu noticed that each one represents a different habitus, hence the set of differences, the source of the distinctions and vulgarity of taste[19], which determines their choices of cultural activity. If compared to statistics illustrating a level of education and particular groups’ sources of income, his theory gains a credible tone. With only Great Britain dominated by middle and working class (with combined percentage of 80%), thoughts mentioned by Featherstone would explain a lack of interest in serious music. According to Silverstone who shared a very similar concept in his work, this situation remains natural, as in this sense an enquiry into the audience should be an enquiry, not into a set of preconstituted individuals (...), but into a set of daily practices and discourses within which the complex act (...) is placed alongside others, and through which that complex act is itself constituted[20]. Joint meaning of these opinions brings their explorers to a conclusion provided by Shepherd in Martin: the significance of a piece of music lies in the ways its internal structure both reflects and creatively articulates the structure of the group or society in which it was conceived[21]. 1.7. Music: a lifestyle’s reflection Studies of Bordieu and Silverstone show that the concept of difference between the two spheres of music can be analysed from a sociological point of view. According to Martin, composers, performers and listeners are all (...) socialised in certain cultural concepts[22], which allow them to think and work in ways recognisable to social environments they belong to. Yet again, it is essential to mention Adorno who identified socio-psychological function of popular music as a provider of psychical adjustment to the mechanisms of present-day life[23]. Unlike him, many believe that this impact distinguishes both musical environments and brings benefits to popular expressly. According to Whannel and Hall, only unsophisticated music mirrors attitudes and sentiments which are already there, and at the same time provides an expressive filed and a set of symbols through which these attitudes can be projected[24]. It has the ability to establish social identity amongst youth and invoke the need to experience life directly and (...) dramatise authentic feelings[24]. In simplest words, popular music becomes valuable because it speaks of the people who create it and of the social environment from which it comes. As mentioned by Whannel, it expresses contemporary attitudes by enabling everyone to express themselves and create a trend of emotional realism[24]. 1.8. Arousal potential Remaining within the socio-psychological approach, Berlyne proposed a theory based on links between psychological and aesthetic attitudes to music. The psychology professor classified music as a stimulus which impact on the human mind is determined by its level of arousal potential[25]. Accordingly, the music’s significance is directly proportional to its stimulating values which Berlyne divided into three: psychophysical (volume and tempo), ecological (`meaningfulness`) and collative (complexity)[25]. During his study it emerged that everything that stimulates a person is a reflection of those experienced in the past. The definition above indicates that music with an intermediate degree of arousal potential is liked the most, and this degree of liking gradually decreases towards the extremes of arousal potential[25]. This theory can be in a comprehensive way illustrated by an inverted-U curve and connected with Wundt curve, expressing the relationship between musical familiarity and liking. Berlyne’s view was also researched by Thomas Eerola in an unpublished study, mentioned in Hargreaves and North. Eerola pictured the 1971 concept by calculating the arousal potential of The Beatles discography and measuring the public‘s response to individual albums. Overall complexity of LPs compared to the charts position worked as clear evidence that pop listeners do not search for music rich in value. Although the concept of this relationship stays to be considered as an individual matter, discrepancies between the two key factors vary depending on the industries. Initially mentioned sets of values characterising classical and popular environments would create different levels of stimuli if presented to the public. In words of Rosselson in Gardner, auditions passively consume what is given to them[26]. 1.9. Two spheres of music: economical differences The last section of this chapter is going to demonstrate how the two spheres of music are nowadays unequal when it comes to economical approach. To quote Rosselson, more than any other performing arts, the world of song is dominated by the money men[26]. Accordingly, the industry creates the illusion that a song is a freely available commodity (...). The reality is that a song is the private property of business organisation[26]. Although in the case of classical against pop, the comparison is always to show the banality of pop[27], its profitable value remains beyond dispute. What is going to be proved in a next chapter of this study, priorities of classical industry are the reason why its artists abandon their native environment in search for the financial development in the popular sphere. The sad example of shrinking power of the classical industry sets out to show how different ways of financing and organising cultural production have traceable consequences for the range of discourses and representations in the public domain and for audiences‘ access to them[28]. While commercialised industry invest in promotion and in finding new way of making music accessible, serious sphere seems to be based on one fixed factor – musical education. Hallam and Prince mentioned in Hargreaves and North conducted a study which outcome was that musical ability is (...) something that is learned or developed. Less encouragingly though, the amount of practice required means that the road to musical glory is long and steep[29]. 1.10. The environmental autonomy Although musical education creates possibilities of self-development, it is also considered as a cause of classical industry’s autonomy. Studies of Hargreaves show that people with high levels of training seem to prefer more complex music than do people with low levels[29] and should need to be exposed to a greater degree of musically-evoked arousal than would others in order to achieve a moderate level of arousal[29]. Moreover, his research evaluated that listeners prefer the song that sounds most like the music he or she is usually exposed to[29]). If connected to the practices of musical education, it is acceptable to state that classical musicians and pop listeners would hardly switch their sides when it comes to enjoyment of particular genre of sound. Those clear differences lead to the situation described by Frith and acknowledged in Hargreaves and North, where that sociocultural mores extend to the performers‘ behaviour and vary over time[29]. To bring an example brought by Hargreaves et al. in Social and Applied Psychology of Music, pop music artists communicate with their audience and encourage them to become a part of their show. In case of classical music, such behaviour would be classified as rude and inappropriate. As Chapter Two illustrated, Adorian concept of the two spheres of music appears to act as a base for any other further comparative study. Thereof, a set of questions relying on the concepts mentioned earlier in this essay emerges: are the values of each group as noticeable in reality as they are in theory? Is it possible for the musicians to cross-over? Will artists associated with a certain genre of music ever have a chance to be valued in the eyes of the audiences of both environments? c. d. w części II [1] Arnold, M. The function of criticism at the present time (1865) cited in Storey (2009) p. 4. [2] Adorno, T. On Popular Music (1941) cited in Frith (1990) p. 301. [8] Green, I. How popular musicians learn: a way ahead for music education (1988) cited in Martin (1995) p. 33. [9] Adorno, T. On Popular Music (1941) cited in Frith (1983) p. 197-8. [10] Witkin, R. Adorno on Music (2000) p. 181. [11] Adorno, T. On Popular Music (1941) cited in Frith (1983) p. 201. [12] Norris, D. Sound and society: themes in the sociology of music (1989) cited in Martin (1995) p. 9. [13] Storey, J. (2003) Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture p. 124. [14] Storey, J. (2003) Cultural Studies and the Study of Popular Culture p. 126). [16] Featherstone, M. (2007) Consumer Culture and Postmodernism p. 86. [18] Bourdieu, 1984, cited in Featherstone, 2007, p. 88. [20] Silverstone, 1994, cited in Storey, 2003, p. 70. [21] Shepherd, 1987, cited in Martin, 1995, p. 79. [22] Martin, 1995, p. 113. [23] Adorno, T. On Popular Music (1941) cited in Frith (1988), p. 206-7. [24] Whannel et al. 2008, cited in Storey, 2008, p. 63. [25] Berlyne, 1971, cited in Hargreaves et al. 2008, p. 77. [26] Rosselson, 1979, cited in Gardner, p. 41. [28] Golding et al. 1991, cited in Gurevitch et al., p. 15. [29] Hargreaves, D. and North, A. (2008) The Social and Applied Psychology of Music p. 55. Angela na półfinał Dawid Runtz [Strefa kibica] Interview with Professor Richard Taruskin Kto zasiał Frument? „MBTM”, trzeci półfinał Video wykład. Czego badacze rocka nie wiedzą o rapie "Piosenki Polskie" według Kasi Rodowicz	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line56
__label__wiki	0.687065	0.687065	Yogi Berra Meets Yogi Bear The loss last week of baseball’s Yogi Berra deprived us of a legendary athlete and a remarkable human being. His inspired mangling of the American language in itself will ensure that he never be forgotten. As he himself put it, “I never said most of the things I said." Still, you’ve got to love someone who’s at least capable of coining such phrases as “The future ain't what it used to be,” as well as “Half the lies they tell about me aren't true” and the evergreen “Nobody goes there anymore. It's too crowded.” There’s a kind of rough wisdom in Yogi Berra-isms, like “In theory there is no difference between theory and practice. In practice there is.” Beyond this, Yogi Berra inspired one of Hollywood’s most beloved characters. Yes, I’m talking about Yogi Bear. He was created by the Hanna-Barbera animation team in 1958, as a supporting player on the Huckleberry Hound TV cartoon series, but became so popular that he got his own show three years later. On his decidedly family-friendly series, Yogi hangs out in Jellystone Park with his young sidekick, Boo Boo, stealing picnic baskets, tussling with Park Ranger Smith, and frequently proclaiming himself “smarter than the av-er-age bear!" Over the years he’s appeared in scores of TV shows, animated features, and made-for-TV movies. As recently as 2010, he was featured in a 3-D film, and also starred in a Nintendo video game. To my surprise Yogi Berra, the Yankee legend, was not thrilled by the introduction of Yogi Bear. If Wikipedia is to be trusted, Berra actually sued Hanna-Barbera for defamation, but lost the case when the other side somehow convinced the judge that the similarity of the two names was pure coincidence. Hey, who wouldn’t want to be the inspiration for a lovable cartoon character? Personally, I suspect I’d be flattered. But of course, as Yogi Berra himself (maybe) said, “There are some people who, if they don't already know, you can't tell 'em.” At the time Yogi Bear first appeared, Hanna-Barbera was a new company, founded in 1957 by two former MGM animation directors who had once created Tom and Jerry. Yogi’s success soon led to a raft of other Hanna-Barbera TV shows. The ones I remember are from the Sixties. The Flintstones, which surfaced in 1960 as a primetime series, was a sitcom with a difference: its transformation of suburban family life into pre-historic days was so cleverly realized that it amused kids and parents alike. And then, having conquered the caveman era, Hanna-Barbera took a similar nuclear family into the future with The Jetsons, another show made with real wit (but certainly not the kind of snarkiness we expect in TV animation today). As an entertainment journalist I visited Hanna-Barbera only once, while writing an article on voice actors. It was my pleasure to watch a recording session (for something called The New Shmoo Show) during which talented adults played a fascinating game of let’s pretend. Here’s what I wrote in Performing Arts magazine about the much-admired Frank Welker, who starred as Al Capp’s lovable Shmoo character: “Like many voice people, Welker immerses himself in a character so totally that he punctuates his lines with emphatic body language. While he chortles, squeaks, and makes remarkable ‘greeble’ sounds, his hands saw the air and his face contorts into truly Shmoo’ish expressions.” Watching Frank Welker perform was a delight. And I would have been delighted to meet Yogi Berra too. I’ll sign off with one final all-too-apt Berra-ism: “You should always go to other people's funerals; otherwise, they won't come to yours.” Labels: Hanna-Barbera, Yogi Bear, Yogi Berra Craig Edwards October 14, 2015 at 6:35 AM I really enjoyed both Yogis - loving the cartoon as a kid. (I actually side with Hanna Barbera - yes, the name is obviously a play on Mr. Berra's - but Yogi Bear is nothing like Yogi Berra - neither physically or vocally - including no Berra-isms.) I am not a sports guy at all - but I do enjoy reading the books from the old school athletes and wrestlers - so I enjoyed reading Yogi Berra's autobiography. I'd write more about the Berra and the Bear - but I have to go dig into a pic-a-nic basket... Beverly October 14, 2015 at 8:20 PM Sounds good to me. You're certainly smarter than the av-er-age blogger, Mr. C! Halloween Horror Story Maureen O’Hara: When Irish Eyes Were Flashing USC’s Steve Sarkisian: How Not to Go Hollywood Broadway Musicals Go Hollywood, and Vice Versa Keeping the Hills Alive with “The Sound of Music” "Up in Arms": A Peach of a Pair at the Movies Kevin Corcoran and Catherine Coulson: Two We Lost ... “The Martian” and Randii Wessen – Not Lost in Space	cc/2022-05/en_head_0006.json.gz/line59

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