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__label__wiki	0.979154	0.979154	Parliamentary Chamber: Majlis Watani ELECTIONS HELD IN 2000 <<< Return to the Historical Archive page of parliamentary election results for IRAQ <<< Majlis Watani Dates of elections / renewal (from/to): Purpose of elections: Elections were held for 220 of the 250 seats in Parliament on the normal expiry of the members' term of office. The remaining 30 deputies were appointed by the government to represent the northern Kurdish areas which ceased to be under Baghdad's central authority after the Gulf war. Background and outcome of elections: The 27 March 2000 parliamentary elections were the second elections since the end of the Gulf War in 1991. Some 522 candidates (25 of them women) were competing for 220 seats in the 250-member National Assembly. All the candidates were either members of the Baath Party or nominal independents loyal to it. The poll was seen as a demonstration of solidarity with President Saddam Hussein in his confrontation with the West over the ongoing embargo. During the campaign, restrictions were imposed on discussion of the UN Security Council sanctions against the country and of the state of the economy. Rallies and election manifestos were banned and candidates had very limited access to the media. Final results showed that the ruling Baath Party had won 165 seats and a further 55 were won by independent candidates. 30 more deputies were appointed by the government to represent the Kurdish areas of Sulay-maniyah, Arbil and Dohuk in the north, where no elections took place. These three Kurdish provinces ceased to be under Baghdad's central authority after the Gulf War. Of the 25 women contestants, 19 became MPs. Uday Hussein, the oldest son of the Iraqi president, who was making his formal political debut, was elected to the new Assembly with the highest number of votes. On 9 April Mr Saadoun Hammadi was unanimously re-elected as speaker of the National Assembly. Round no 1 (27 March 2000): Elections results Number of registered electors 9 200 000 Round no 1: Distribution of votes Political Group % Baath Arab Socialist Party 66.00 Independents n.a. Round no 1: Distribution of seats Political Group Total Baath Arab Socialist Party 165 Independents 55 The 30 parliamentarians for the three Kurdish provinces will be appointed according to a presidential decree. Distribution of seats according to sex: Men: 212 Women: 18 Percent of women: 7.20 Copyright © 2000 Inter-Parliamentary Union	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line0
__label__wiki	0.508995	0.508995	Early Warning Signs of Turkey’s Troubles with Trump The Republican and Democratic parties will be holding their conventions later this month to select Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, respectively, as their presidential nominees. For loyal party members, the choice is very clear: Vote for your party’s candidate. Yet, millions of other voters have a more difficult task in making up their minds. Unhappy with both major parties, some are contemplating voting for an independent candidate, while others are considering sitting out the election altogether. Donald Trump (Photo: Gage Skidmore) Armenian-American voters are also uncertain about their choice. In Clinton’s case, many are highly disappointed at her failure to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide when she was secretary of state, calling it “a matter of historical debate” despite her multiple promises to recognize the genocide as a U.S. senator and presidential candidate eight years ago. Trump is also a puzzle for most Armenian Americans. Those who are willing to ignore his controversial positions and base their vote purely on Armenian issues are not sure whether he is, in his own words, “friend or foe,” since Trump, a businessman, does not have a public record on most political issues, including Armenian ones. It would be ideal to have a face-to-face meeting with the Republican candidate to find out first-hand where he stands on issues of interest to Armenians. However, in the absence of such an opportunity, voters have to rely on a few brief remarks he recently made on Turkey. Last December, Trump criticized Turkey’s support for Islamist terrorists. He told Breitbart News Daily, “Turkey looks like they’re on the side of ISIS, more or less based on the oil.” He went on to say that he had a conflict of interest when talking about Turkey because of the Trump Towers in Istanbul. Although he does not own the building, he lends his name to the Turkish owners of the hotel and receives a lucrative branding fee. He has a similar arrangement with Trump International Hotel & Tower in Baku, Azerbaijan. Not to damage his business relationship, Trump quickly asserted in his interview, “I’ve gotten to know Turkey very well; they’re amazing people, they’re incredible people, they have a strong leader.” Despite Trump’s kind words about Erdogan, the Turkish president attacked him two weeks ago, accusing him of being anti-Muslim and calling for the immediate removal of Trump’s name from the Istanbul Tower! Erdogan told a large group of Turkish businessmen that Trump “has no tolerance for Muslims living in the United States; and on top of that, they used a brand in Istanbul with his name. The ones who put that brand on their building should immediately remove it.” Erdogan also stated that he regretted attending the inauguration of Trump Towers in 2012 when he was prime minister: “I also made a mistake and opened the [Trump Towers].” The Turkish owner of the hotel announced that he was evaluating his business ties with Trump. Bulent Kural, manager of the Trump Shopping Mall in Istanbul, was also critical of Trump: “We regret and condemn Trump’s discriminatory remarks. Such statements bear no value and are products of a mind that does not understand Islam, a peace religion. Our reaction has been directly expressed to the Trump family. We are reviewing the legal dimension of our relation with the Trump brand.” The Republican candidate made another unscripted comment about Turkey during a speech in Denver on July 1. As he was naming several countries that are militarily defended at U.S. expense, someone from the audience shouted, “Turkey!” Trump interrupted his remarks and asked that man if he was a “friend or foe.” The Republican candidate then added: “And Turkey, by the way, should be fighting ISIS. I hope to see Turkey go out and fight ISIS, because ISIS has in a certain sense taken very serious advantages of Turkey. And they could wipe ISIS out by themselves. I would love to see that.” It remains to be seen if Erdogan will escalate his budding feud with Donald Trump by insisting on the removal of the latter’s name from the Istanbul Towers. Not surprisingly, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev has so far ignored Trump’s negative comments on Islam, preferring to protect his own business interests in the Baku Trump Tower! Source: Armenian Weekly Mid-West The Difference Between Supporting Peace with Azerbaijan and Disseminating Azerbaijani Propaganda To Armenian Media Naysayers: Read It and Weep Is there anything “normal” about relations with Turkey? In Paradise Volleyball player Liana Sarkissian soaring to new heights, joins Flyers Հայրենիք Շաբաթաթերթ ԿԸ ՄՏԱԾԵ՞ՆՔ ՊԱՐՏՈՒԹԵՆԷ ԵՒ ՊԱՌԱԿՏՈՒՄՆԵՐԷՆ ԵՏՔԻ ՄԱՍԻՆ ԱՐԵՒԵԼԵԱՆ Ա.Մ․Ն․-Ի ԱՌԱՋՆՈՐԴ ՍՐԲԱԶԱՆԸ ԱՅՑԵԼԵՑ ԻՆՏԻԸՆ ՕՐՉԸՐՏ ԹՈՒՐՔԻՈՅ ՆԿԱՏՄԱՄԲ ԲԱՐԻ ՆՊԱՏԱԿՆԵՐ ՈՒՆԵՆԱԼՈՒ «ԱՆՄԵՂՈՒԹԻՒՆ»-Ը ԸՆԿԵՐՎԱՐԱԿԱՆ ՔՐՈՆԻԿ․- ՉԻԼԷ. ՅԱՂԹԱՆԱԿ ՄԸ, ՈՐ ԸՆԴՄԻՇՏ ՊԻՏԻ ՇՐՋԷ ԲՌՆԱՏԷՐ ՓԻՆՈՉԵԹԻ ԷՋԸ	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line1
__label__wiki	0.558188	0.558188	Alexandra Picture Theatre 10a Camp Road, Leeds, LS6 No one has favorited this theater yet View larger map → Architects: C.C. Chadwick, William Watson Firms: Chadwick, Watson & Company Nearby Theaters Victory Picture Palace Lounge Cinema Cottage Road Cinema Located in the Woodhouse district of Leeds. The Alexandra Picture Theatre was originally planned in the summer of 1912 as the Empire Picture Palace, built for the Universal Cinema Co. Ltd. and designed by Leeds based architects Chadwick & Watson. It opened as the Alexandra Picture Theatre on 30th September 1912 with a 3-reeler “The Sphynx” and “The Passer-By”. It was closed on 9th April 1938 with Otto Kruger in “Counsel For Crime”, and has since been demolished. Contributed by Ken Roe Get Movie Tickets & Showtimes Recent comments (view all 2 comments) geofflev on August 4, 2017 at 10:34 am My father ran the Alexandra Cinema when he returned to Leeds after WW1, until it bankrupted him in 1924! In the Court papers he is described as a picture house proprietor. “lately carrying on business at the Alexandra Picture Theatre, Camp Road, Leeds” Initially he managed it for somebody else and then took it over when the other person decided to get out. We used to have some small cans of film around the house when I was young, in the 1930s. Also in the house was his top hat and silver headed cane which were part of his attire when welcoming customers and enticing others off the street. My mother met him there, as she was a pianist and had the job of playing the mood music for the films. A lot of the music was extemporised, but I remember her saying that William Tell Overture was a favourite for galloping horses. Derum, derum,derum dum-dum. About 25 years ago I managed to talk to an old uncle who had helped out in the ticket office. He told me that, in terms of old pence (d), where 2.4d=1new p, ticket prices were 3d, 4d and 9d. First house might take about £1, second house about £5, but a really full house for a special film could go up to £11. Rent was £7~8 a week. There were a lot of problems with films breaking, generally due to operators cutting sexy stills out of films and not joining them properly. My father blamed some of his problems on the development of the major new cinema chains in the city centre, where comfort and latest equipment made it difficult for the others to compete. rivest266 on October 23, 2021 at 11:12 am Grand opening ad posted. Want to be emailed when a new comment is posted about this theater? Just login to your account and subscribe to this theater.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line15
__label__wiki	0.965734	0.965734	Darrell Wallace Jr. becomes first black to win NASCAR in 50 years Darrell Wallace Jr. took the Kroger 200 on the racing circuit’s Camping World Truck Series this past Saturday making him the first African American to win the NASCAR race in 50 years. The last time an African American won a national NASCAR series race was on December 1, 1963, when Wendell Scott became the first ever to win a race at NASCAR’s top level. “We congratulate Darrell Wallace Jr. on his first national series victory, one that will be remembered as a remarkable moment in our sport’s history,” said NASCAR chairman and CEO Brian France…Scott, a Virginia native who served in the Army during World War II, raced in more than 500 races during his career — finishing in the top five 20 times, though that would be his only victory. Plus, the 20-year-old Wallace isn’t just any driver. He’s a highly touted graduate of the NASCAR Drive for Diversity, having been featured in numerous local and national publications. Read more at CNN Wallace won in his 19th start on the Camping World Truck circuit. He finished top 10 in 10 of his first 18 starts. He is a native of Alabama, but currently lives in North Carolina. Join us in congratulating this young black brother on making history! A fine example of a diversity program paying off. Darrell Wallace Jr., first African american, History, NASCAR, success	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line16
__label__cc	0.667514	0.332486	How much longer will the Earth last? (Beginner) What is the estimated remaining life time for the earth? The upper limit on the lifetime of Earth is about 5 billion years. In about 5 billion years, the Sun will have used up its hydrogen reserves and will expland to become a Red Giant, with a radius of about Earth's orbital distance. The Earth will most likely be swallowed up when this occurs. The Earth will only make it that far, however, if it avoids a collision with an asteroid or comet large enough to blast it apart. The movies Armageddon and Deep Impact seem implausible, but an Earth-destroying collision is possible. For example, a theory for the formation of our moon is that a body the size of Mars collided with the Earth, throwing debris into orbit that collected to become the Moon. A slightly larger body would have destroyed Earth. According to experts, a "civilization-threatening" impact (such as the one that ended the age of the dinosaurs) occurs about once every 200,000 years. The frequency of an Earth-threatening impact is much much larger, but it is still possible that a body large enough to destroy Earth may arrive in the next 5 billion years. However, civilization may have developed technology that could allow us to alter the path of such an asteroid or comet and save the Earth. So, actually, it's hard to say just how much longer Earth will be around. But I'd venture to say a long, long time! This page was last updated on June 27, 2015. Are there any asteroids on a collision course with Earth? (Beginner) Will Comet Elenin (C/2010 X1) affect the Earth on its close approach in Fall 2011? (Intermediate) How dangerous are the asteroids? (Intermediate) How are planets detected around other stars? (Intermediate) Density Infrared Teachers Thermodynamics Dimension Diffraction Escape Velocity Maps Cosmics Rays nomenclature Drake Equation Signals names Azimuth Magnitude Cosmic Microwave Background Refraction Rovers Hubble Constant Galactic Center	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line18
__label__wiki	0.524601	0.524601	Are hedgehogs to blame for superbugs? The threat of antimicrobial resistance (AMR), whereby antibiotics not longer work well on bacterial illness, is a slow-burning pandemic with the potential to eclipse even the worst of the COVID-19 outbreak. In a worst-case scenario, where vital antibiotics are rendered useless, modern medicine could be plunged back into the dark ages when minor infections were life-threatening, and all surgery was high risk. Overuse and misuse of existing antibiotics is widely blamed for accelerating the rate at which resistant bacteria – or superbugs – develop. And with too few new antibiotics in the research pipeline, the situation could become critical in the next decade. While antimicrobial ‘stewardship’ (the sensible use of antibiotics in humans and animals) and new incentives for antibiotic research are essential, researchers at Cambridge University have unearthed a surprising culprit in their search for the origin of MRSA – one of the most common hospital superbugs. Scientists say hedgehogs carry a fungus and a bacterium on their skin which are locked in a battle for survival. The fungi secrete natural antibiotics to kill the bacteria but, in response, the bacteria have evolved resistance. Up to 60% of hedgehogs carry a type of MRSA called mecC-MRSA, which causes 1 in 200 of all MRSA infections in humans. Perhaps most surprising of all is that this natural process is not new: it is likely to go back around 200 years, according to the paper published in Nature and co-authored by experts from the UK and Denmark. ‘Using sequencing technology, we have traced the genes that give mecC-MRSA its antibiotic resistance all the way back to their first appearance, and found they were around in the nineteenth century,’ said Dr Ewan Harrison, a researcher at the Wellcome Sanger Institute and University of Cambridge and a senior author of the study. ‘Our study suggests that it wasn’t the use of penicillin that drove the initial emergence of MRSA, it was a natural biological process. We think MRSA evolved in a battle for survival on the skin of hedgehogs, and subsequently spread to livestock and humans through direct contact.’ Professor Mark Holmes of University of Cambridge’s Department of Veterinary Medicine said the study is a ‘stark warning’ that antibiotics must be used with care. ‘There’s a very big wildlife ‘reservoir’ where antibiotic-resistant bacteria can survive – and from there it’s a short step for them to be picked up by livestock, and then to infect humans.’ The findings are not a reason to fear hedgehogs, say the researchers: humans rarely get infections with mecC-MRSA. ‘It isn’t just hedgehogs that harbour antibiotic-resistant bacteria – all wildlife carries many different types of bacteria, as well as parasites, fungi and viruses,’ said Prof Holmes. ‘Wild animals, livestock and humans are all interconnected: we all share one ecosystem. It isn’t possible to understand the evolution of antibiotic resistance unless you look at the whole system.’ bacteriumCOVIDCOVID-19hedgehogsInfectious Diseasessuperbugs The best wedding caterers in Karachi that you should hire Karan Aujla announces Collaboration with KR$NA	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line19
__label__cc	0.652645	0.347355	Cobana negra Cobana negra is native to eastern Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. It reaches a height of 50 feet, with a trunk 2 feet in diameter, but trees of this size are very rare. The leaves are up to 7 inches long and have up to 12 leaflets, on the backside of which there are many small black glands that smell of onions when rubbed. Flowers are about half an inch wide and are grouped in erect clusters. Fruits are up to 2 inches long and produce a strong sweet aroma. It flowers mostly during spring and the fruits mature mainly during summer. The generic name honors the Puerto Rican physician and botanist Agustín Stahl (1842-1917), who studied and illustrated the local flora. The species name refers to the presence of a single seed in the fruit. The photographed tree is one of seventeen specimens planted behind the Art Museum and Academic Senate Building. There are other mature trees west of the Dispensary, southwest of the Rafael Mangual colisseum, and behind the greenhouses near the Entomology Laboratory. The large trees were planted between 1936 and 1942 by initiative of Carlos Chardón, chancellor of the University of Puerto Rico from 1931 to 1936. The tree near the Entomology Laboratory was planted later by José A. Ramos. Stahlia monosperma (Fabaceae)	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line21
__label__cc	0.576491	0.423509	Family businesses have traditionally been passed from father to son. Particularly before 1950, girls were usually expected to find a good man, get married and raise children. Marianne Schnall, founder of feminist.com, has a different family story. NPR 51% Show # 1131 (03-17-2011) Each March here in the U.S. we highlight the contributions of the extraordinary women throughout history whose accomplishments have been largely undocumented in the history books. Yet rarely do we look to our own personal history for inspiration, to the stories of our mothers, our grandmothers, our great-grandmothers and beyond. It is often within our own stories, in the lives of ordinary women who came before us, that we can get a sense of the ongoing evolution of women’s rights and a woman’s experience in the world. And we gain a better understanding of where we personally fit in. There are amazing stories all around us just waiting to be told. My mother’s story is one of them. Her father, my grandfather, was larger than life, a wise, fun loving, and incredibly generous man, but he also happened to hold very sexist views about women. He was president of a successful family business in a heavily male-dominated industry which had been founded by his father. As an only child, my mother said she always felt like she was a disappointment – her father had wished for a son. She was never once considered to go into the family business. My grandmother had attended an Ivy League university on full scholarship at a time when few women went to college, went to the French Institute, took piano lessons, and was politically active. But she was never encouraged to take a paying job or have a career. After marrying my grandfather, my grandmother became primarily a corporate wife, as my great-grandmother had been before her. Though my mother was obviously very smart and articulate with a range of possibilities, she was never encouraged to follow her dreams, or to even discover what her dreams were. Instead, she was groomed to be a secretary - to get married and start a family. My mother says she was given the message her whole life that she was an average girl who would go on to do average things. After graduating from college as a political science major, my mother was sent to speed-writing school, and then worked through a string of secretarial jobs and administrative jobs with increasing responsibilities, quietly gaining self-confidence and experience. By then, her father was getting older and there began to be talks about the future of the business, none of which included her. It was then that my mother did an incredibly bold act - she asked to meet with her father and made a passionate, thoughtful case for why he should consider training her to run the company. He listened and agreed. My mother worked extremely hard those first years learning all aspects of the business, and ran it successfully for 16 years after my grandfather died. She was one of few female executives in the industry and her entry into the business initially created a lot of whispers and skepticism, but she confounded all her critics and earned enormous respect, eventually serving on various industry committees and boards. Towards the end of his life my grandfather evolved too, acknowledging my mother’s capabilities and telling her how proud he was of her. My mother considers her story a success story, one in which she overcame her own personal odds. It took great courage to create her own reality, to transcend the negative messages, expectations and limits that were placed upon her. Her story is one I have learned from and benefitted from. As a result of her upbringing, she made sure to instill in me the confidence that I could do anything I wanted in my life. She had also married a man, my father, who, in contrast to her father, encouraged and supported her to follow her dreams and achieve her potential, as he has also done for me and my brother. And I am now teaching these same lessons to my daughters. I am aware that I am creating history myself, to be passed on down the line; we all are. My mother’s is a success story. But sometimes I can’t help thinking about my grandmother. I often wonder – was she happy and fulfilled? Did she ever have regrets or any dreams she wished she had pursued, some part of her she felt she had not been able to fully express? Those unanswered questions and her missing story are imprinted on my history too, and are connected to the lineage of all women. Women have always had these same factors to face over the years, the enormous potentialities that exist within each one of us – which require self-knowledge, courage and a belief in ourselves - contrasted against the reality of societal pressures, expectations of others and the obstacles all women confront. The face of this issue changes throughout the years, but the factors which impact a woman’s experience in our world are often the same. And we can gain just as much motivation from a story of possible wasted potential as we can from one in which dreams are realized. A few years ago I attended an intergenerational conference at Omega Institute at Rhinebeck, New York. The conference explored how to build bridges across generations that inspire and empower women to change the world. At the conference, a diverse group of women from different generations came together to share their stories. It was a wonderful event and we all came out of it with greater understanding. We don’t have enough opportunities to do this in our society, to connect with women across the generations. And so we lose out on benefitting from each other’s stories and wisdom, and it also often creates misunderstanding and generational divides. We need to consciously seek out opportunities to interact with women – and people generally - of all ages – we all have a story to tell, a unique perspective, and we all have life lessons to share with each other. So this month while we remember all the women who rightfully belong in the history books, I hope we can remain aware that we are writing our own history, and that looking back and connecting with our own personal stories can help blaze our path as we create the future. Each day is an opportunity to learn, to grow, to leave our own personal mark on the world. This commentary originally aired on 51% Show # 1131 (03-17-2011) on WAMC and NPR. Follow Marianne on Copyright 2010-16 Marianne Schnall. All rights reserved. Website by Mediarology	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line22
__label__cc	0.503613	0.496387	FSU Blog FSU Official Site Recent and Upcoming Actions Parking Bargaining – Faculty, Staff, and Students Protest When: Wednesday, March 14th, 2:00 pm – 2:45 pm Where: Integrated Science Complex (ISC) , 100 Morrissey Blvd., Boston, MA 02125 GIC Public Hearing When: Monday, January 29th, 12:00 pm – 1:30 pm Where: Charles Hurley Building, Minihan Hall, 19 Staniford Street, MA 02114 MTA Emergency Meeting When: Tuesday, January 30th, 5:00 pm Where: Boston Teachers Union Hall, 180 Mount Vernon St., Boston, MA 02125 Brief Remarks on the Recent News of an Isolated Case of Coronavirus at UMass Boston Reality Check: Massachusetts as a failed state, Boston as a failed city? Owning our Past: Learning from the Turbulent History of UMass Boston and Columbia Point 2019/2020 FSU Executive Committee Elections – Candidate Profiles Manu Thakral on UMB Parking Fees for the Handicapped February 24, 2020 / admin / 0 Comments The FSU Executive Committee sent the following remarks to its members on February 7, 2020. We appreciate the clear information released over the past week by members of the administration and recognize the complexities of balancing the need for clear information against the affected student’s privacy rights and the constraints on communication placed on the university by a variety of government organizations. The FSU leadership is doing all it can to make sure the information we get is timely, clear, and accurate. We remind members that the most up to date information can be obtained by calling the hotline set up by the university at 617-287-5400 or checkinghttps://www.umb.edu/healthservices/alerts. More general information on the virus can be found at https://www.mass.gov/guides/information-on-the-outbreak-of-2019-novel-coronavirus-2019-ncov. We also want to remind members that our contractual rights with respect to illness and absence are in no way altered in this moment (see Article 27.3.3 of the contract for more information on sick leave). If you have any questions about these rights, please contact us at 617-287-6295 or fsu@umb.edu. Along with these rights, we also—as educators and librarians—need to make sure that we are combatting the racism that often accompanies the appearance of novel diseases. Chinese people have been the target of disease-related racist hysteria since at least the 1880s, and we must all respond energetically to support any community members who are being targeted or feeling vulnerable in this moment. (See FSU member Paul Watanabe quoted on the issue herehttps://www.bostonglobe.com/2020/01/31/metro/fears-coronavirus-fuel-anti-chinese-racism/ and the good historical overview here https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/02/05/coronavirus-reawakens-old-racist-tropes-against-chinese-people/). We wish you all a healthy start—in all ways—to the spring semester. Jeff Melnick, Communications Director, on behalf of the FSU Executive Committee January 27, 2020 / admin / 0 Comments FSU member and Director of the Labor Resource Center at UMass Boston, Steve Striffler, and historian Aviva Chomsky recently published a piece on the crisis of public goods and services in Massachusetts in DigBoston. You can read the full article here: https://digboston.com/reality-check/ August 22, 2019 / admin / 1 Comment Tim Sieber, Professor of Anthropology and Executive Committee Member, Faculty Staff Union1 Nothing is worse for a collectivity of any kind – and that can include a university – than to lose sight of its own history – to disregard, even deliberately discard its own past, to forget its past struggles – all in the interest of claiming new status, or as a way to rationalize complacency over current conditions, as if they were stable or even normal…instead of contingent, contested, even fragile. We should know better at UMass Boston. The cumulative struggles and sacrifices of so many, and the courageous risk-taking over such a long time that have made us what we are today need to be remembered, and celebrated with sober gratitude, and no little amount of pride. Acknowledging these past struggles, not actually so distant, helps us perceive our embeddedness within a broader social and economic fabric, and can clarify the origins of many of the problems that also continue to impede us. Owning our own history also allows us to recognize our own resilience, and to draw significant purpose, conviction, and energy for today’s ongoing strivings toward a more just and inclusive university, city, and society. It’s easy to forget the troubled past here on Boston’s Columbia Point, where today things seem so calm in this cultural and office park our presence has helped to create, where we now find ourselves with distinguished educational and heritage institutions, and with about 6000 residents in all – between Harbor Point, the Peninsula, our dorms, and Hub 25 near the T, mostly students and middle-class professionals. New plantings are flowering everywhere, and most of the dirt piles are gone. Our past, however, was anything but serene. Despite all our continuing problems and challenges that we experience today, our city when UMass Boston was founded in the 1960s, and then moved its main campus to Columbia Point in the 1970s, was caught up in incredible social conflict and political turbulence. It was evident in what happened on campus and in the neighborhood and city at the time. The university was founded in 1964, and took in its first students in 1965. Located temporarily in downtown Boston in Park Square at Arlington and Stuart Streets, only a block away from the Public Garden, we were an upstart university, created by mostly Irish-American politicians in the legislature, instead of the patricians who founded most other local universities, and we were meant to serve the working class, ethnic minorities, and immigrants. We and our political advocates were ridiculed as pretentious and incompetent, including in media coverage of the university, and still are perhaps. Every local university opposed our creation. So did UMass at Amherst. This was true even though the post-World War II baby boom’s bulge in 18 year olds in the early 1960s had meant there was not enough space at UMass in Amherst to take in all the high school graduates who had actually met the requirements for entry. Thousands were denied opportunity that the rules said they deserved. Another UMass campus, at first called a “branch,” was needed to serve the state’s main population center in eastern Massachusetts. The small Boston State Teachers College was not adequate to the task. It would later be absorbed into UMB in 1982. Robert C. Wood, who was president of the UMass system from 1970 to 1977, said then that Boston had been deeply underserved, and in the 1960s had a lower rate of college attendance among its high school graduates than even the state of Mississippi! Income and wider class inequality had long been a feature of Boston, as it continues to be today. It was thus the 1960s urban crisis, and the popular demand for equity in educational opportunity, that gave us birth, especially in a time of transition to the new, more service- and information-based economy emerging then in Boston. Deindustrialization had set in decades before: textiles had left our region by the 1930s, and shipbuilding and repair, and the port trade, beginning in the late 1940s. These labor force changes, and the need for urban public higher education, were present in other cities all over the country, of course, and many other urban public universities were created during this time for the same reasons. We were even part of a formalized, national network of such new universities, called “The Urban 13.” We were a bare-bones, no-frills university, but with lofty academic goals of offering a quality, mostly critical liberal arts education to those who had never had much access to that kind of education, the type usually reserved for the elite. For almost a decade we were housed in rented space in a former gas company building, a hotel, and an armory located around Park Square. It was a time of ferment in the anti-Vietnam War, civil rights, and later the women’s and gay rights movements. Our campus was in as much ferment as any, with student demonstrations, strikes, sit ins, and activism. We had also opened our doors to military veterans from the American war in Vietnam, gave them a great deal of support, and reputedly had more Vietnam vets than any other university in the nation. These mostly working-class veterans, often troubled at what they had seen in Southeast Asia, had their own trenchant critiques of the American assertions of empire at that time. From 1965, there was an eager search for a permanent home for us. Finally, campus planners found what they thought was just the right place — the area to the west of Copley Square, a zone of underused railyards right in the heart of the city – but… it was decided in the end that the land there was too valuable for us! It would later become Copley Place Mall, and the Marriot and Westin Hotels. Instead we were sent to Columbia Point… and what kind of place was that? Well, it was on the other side of the tracks, literally, of the Old Colony rail line from Boston southward, now the MBTA tracks. The Point – a former pasture for cattle – in the 20th century had been empty, mostly wasteland. There was a field of gas tanks, a pumping station for pushing the waste from Boston’s sewers out into the Harbor, and after the 1930s, an extensive landfill, a dump with a 30-foot-high mound of garbage, the city’s main destination for all its trash. The area was contaminated with a great deal of toxic waste, which with successive campus construction projects over the years, has been surfaced again and again. As little as two years ago in 2017-18, a gigantic pile of excavated soil contaminated with asbestos had to be kept covered and carefully removed from behind the Science Building. Not many people on campus noticed, but trucks carrying out the waste had to have their wheels washed clean of contamination before exiting toward Mount Vernon Street. UMB’s new home: Boston’s garbage dump with Columbia Point housing in the background, photo from mid- to late-1960s (Courtesy of University Archives and Special Collections, UMass Boston). Earlier in the 1930s when Columbia Point was mostly abandoned land, homeless squatters had built and occupied for a while a “Hooverville,” what they called shantytowns during the Great Depression, “on the other side of the tracks” of the Old Colony rail line, along what would be today’s Morrissey Boulevard. In the 1940s, there was a prisoner-of-war camp for Italian soldiers at what is now Bayside. The Point was a polluted place, and one where they put people who were considered inferior – society’s castoffs. All this, of course, explains why Columbia Point Housing was sited here. In 1954, Massachusetts’ largest public housing project was built here, with 1500 units. Neglected by the city, the project deteriorated, and buildings became closed and abandoned, until only 150 families were left. By 1975, a court declared the Boston Housing Authority an unfit landlord, and the Housing Authority was put under federal receivership, also for its policy of racial discrimination in housing assignments for families. The project also became stigmatized on account of the crime that took place there. Some people called it “Sin City” and “Shame City.” UMass Boston had a “field office” on Columbia Point, to give support to the public housing tenants there, and our oldest partnership as a university was the Columbia Point Community Partnership. It was mostly nurtured by the old CPCS. Remnants of it still exist today, thanks to Professor Joan Arches. Of course, in 1983 the Columbia Point project was privatized under Hope VI federal funding into a market-rate rental development, though 400 “affordable” units were preserved for low-income tenants, and still remain today. The Catherine Forbes Clark Convocation and Athletic Center was named for “Kit” Clark (1919-1977), a Savin Hill activist, former President of the Savin Hill Neighborhood Association, and long-term director of senior services at the Dorchester Neighborhood Houses. UMass Boston had its own board of trustees at that time, and Clark was a member of it. During this early period, in a low-income area where few opportunities existed for safe, well-equipped recreational spaces for children and youth, UMass Boston’s first “new” building after the campus’ 1974 opening was the Catherine (“Kit”) Forbes Clark Gymnasium, finished in 1981. Our Athletics program, under the long-term leadership of Vice Chancellor for Athletics and Recreation, Special Projects and Programs Charlie Titus – still the only campus senior administrator we have ever had who grew up in Columbia Point Housing – has been a model of community outreach and service to the neighborhoods around the university. Mr. Titus has served the University for more than four decades, and during the 1981 opening of the Clark Gym made clear how it fit the university’s mission of urban engagement. In his opening remarks at the dedication as quoted by The Boston Globe, he noted: “This facility means a lot to the campus community, and we want to make a strong point that it will be available to youth and adult groups, and individuals from…Dorchester, South Boston, Roxbury, Quincy, or any area where people want to use it. All it will take is a phone call or a letter, and we will work things out.” Vice-Chancellor Charlie Titus, in a recent photo. He and our campus have received national recognition, and numerous awards and distinctions, through his creating a sports program with a distinguished record of consistently engaging student athletes in community service and mentoring of urban youth. Titus also stepped forward to sponsor and fund the campus Urban Mission Coordinating Committee for two years in the early 2000s, during a time when no other senior administrator was willing. I came to UMass Boston in 1974, the year the Harbor campus opened, and during academic year 1974- 75, the admissions office organized a faculty phonathon where we telephoned admitted students at their homes, and spoke with them and their parents in order to reassure them the campus was a safe place to be. On top of its already bad reputation for crime, in October 1973 just three months before the opening of the campus for classes, a 65-year old immigrant named Louis Barba was stabbed and stoned to death, and robbed by a gang of black youth while fishing near the edge of the soon-to-open campus. The resulting publicity over the horrible crime rivalled what appeared over the later “Central Park Five” case in New York City, and even made it onto the national news. Racial fear of inner cities and their residents of color, and especially of “predator youth,” was intense throughout the nation. Our administration worried that the public might be afraid to come to the school. Security was a big concern in those early years, to prove it was safe to be here. Some say that’s why the early campus was built to resemble a fortress surrounded by walls. In the first year or two, the campus was closed tight and heavily guarded at night and on weekends. There was only one checkpoint for entering and exiting campus outside of the regular hours, Monday through Friday, from 6 am to 6 pm. We didn’t have evening classes yet, or any on the weekends. To come in on the off hours, as I often wanted to do so that I could work in my office, it was necessary to walk through a single checkpoint for the entire campus, in the administration building, and to leave your driver’s license or other ID with the police who were supervising. To leave campus, you had to exit through this same checkpoint to receive your ID back. The campus and the surrounding area were considered dangerous and crime-ridden (despite the fact that from the very beginning this campus has always had the lowest crime rate of any college in the City of Boston). There was also the “MBM scandal,” over corruption and use of substandard building materials in constructing our campus, as the new structures began to fall apart almost immediately – the library façade, the building roofs, the parking substructure. There was a huge investigation by a special state-level “Ward Commission,” and new rules developed to control any future state-funded construction. Political and business leaders were sent to prison over the payoffs and other illegalities. It wasn’t ever our fault, but we are still paying for it today. All this is what past Chancellor Keith Motley was referring to when he asserted so many times in his speeches, “We were put here to fail!” — and when in one of his last commencement addresses he paraphrased Maya Angelou’s poem, “And Still I Rise,” to offer a long list of the sacrifices that UMass students make daily to pursue their educations here, and the campus has made in order to prosper under adverse conditions. One only has to remember that in this city of world-famous, well-endowed, wealthy universities, including Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the authorities chose to site Boston’s only public and truly accessible university in a polluted, disreputable place that offered so many obstacles and barriers to success. But of course, we chose not to give up – far from it! We succeeded here despite all the barriers and impediments, and the consistently low expectations from the city’s elites. The struggle for educational opportunity and against racism, and to protect working-class neighborhoods from destruction and displacement, were also major themes during those times in Boston, and our creation and growth were a part of these struggles as well. Brutal urban renewal had destroyed many sections of neighborhoods in Boston in the 1950s and 1960s, involving the West End, Charlestown, Mission Hill, Brighton, Roxbury, Chinatown, East Boston, the South End, Jamaica Plain, and South Boston, as the banks and developers moved to turn Boston into the global city and business service center that we see it has become today. Residents of color also fought displacement, in places like Tent City and Villa Victoria in the South End, winning concessions and building locally-controlled and affordable housing that still exists today a half century later. In the 1960s, newly proposed highways, such as the famous I-695 “Inner Belt” described by Karilyn Crockett in her remarkable book People Before Highways (UMass Press, 2018), threatened to destroy many other neighborhoods inside Boston and the inner suburbs, and generated strong public resistance which proved effective in blocking that project. Cambridge mural celebrating popular, successful resistance to the “Inner Belt” Highway that would have destroyed many inner-city neighborhoods in Boston by the early 1970s, successfully resisted through the collective action of residents, neighborhood associations, faith communities, students, and progressive university-linked planners. This was also a time of blockbusting and massive white flight from Dorchester, Mattapan, and many other neighborhoods nearby to Columbia Point. Between 1968 and 1972, just before we opened our “Harbor Campus,” virtually the entire white population of much of nearby South Dorchester’s Franklin Field and of Mattapan fled their neighborhoods and local businesses over racial and economic fears stoked by real estate industry blockbusters, and the redlining practices that were becoming entrenched in the city under the supervision of banks and insurance companies. Blacks were moving into these newly opened areas as property owners, but under unfavorable financial arrangements that soon resulted in a wave of foreclosures, reminiscent of our more recent foreclosure crisis in the late 2000s, leaving more than 1000 buildings abandoned in neighborhoods just south of UMass Boston’s impending Columbia Point location. DSNI youth from Dorchester and Roxbury active in neighborhood clean-up and reclamation in the late 1980s (Photo: DSNI website www.dsni.org) In other areas near to the campus, to the west beginning as close as Upham’s Corner, and all the way down the Dudley Street corridor into Roxbury, redlining and massive real estate disinvestment and abandonment was occurring, with many buildings – some still occupied by families of color – being torched by arsonists. The landlords’ insurance policies made these unsellable buildings more valuable if reduced to ashes than if left standing intact. Through the 1970s and early 1980s, the burnings had left over 1300 vacant lots scattered around Dudley Street. Grassroots movements like the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative (DSNI) emerged to take action to defend the neighborhood, take control of the abandoned land through eminent domain, and organize residents to clean up and start its reconstruction through creation of a community land trust. Professor of Human Services Joan Arches, originally at the College of Public and Community Service, has spent almost three decades teaching the theory and practice of youth development, and creating support and mentoring programs (such as HICCUP: The Healthy Initiative Collaborative Community-University Partnership) that have brought together UMB students and Columbia Point youth. Committed faculty and staff at UMass Boston – especially at the College of Public and Community Service – were noticing these developments, and assisting. CPCS had hundreds of “agency agreements” with non-profits and governmental entities to train and upgrade the skills and credentials of their employees – who were in the trenches working on the city’s grassroots problems – through the unique “competency-based” programs of study they offered in useful specialties like Community Planning, Human Services, and Legal Advocacy. UMB personnel sometimes had valuable, relevant talent for solving urban problems. In 1988, the dynamic DSNI hired its new, second Executive Director from UMB’s Trotter Institute: he was Gus Newport, Senior Fellow at the Trotter, and former African-American mayor of Berkeley, California. In the 1980s, the Massachusetts Legislature’s Black Caucus, hoping for even more engagement from UMB than our administration seemed to be offering, also successfully earmarked state funding for special policy research institutes at UMB – the Trotter and the Gastón – to address and solve problems plaguing Boston’s communities of color.2 Later in the mid-1990s and the early 2000s, the administration would also to create two different multi-year runs of an “Urban Mission Coordinating Committee” to address UMB’s responsibilities toward the city, the first founded by Chancellor Sherry Penney’s Special Assistant on Urban Affairs, Hubie Jones, one of the city’s most important African-American power brokers, and the second rendition by Chancellor Keith Motley and Vice Chancellor Charlie Titus. Gus Newport, social justice and civil rights leader, mayor of Berkeley, California (1979-86), Senior Fellow at the Trotter Institute, left UMB to become Executive Director at the Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative in the early 1990s. In its early years on Columbia Point, the university was hurt in many ways by the city’s racial tensions. The conflictual racial politics of the Columbia Point area, and the wider city, for example, was on display in the geography of the MBTA public transit network that wove its way through our neighborhood at the time the campus was being built and relocated here. Right at the same time that white flight to the suburbs was accelerating, a convenient new extension to the Red Line was opened in 1971 to carry commuters to and from Quincy and later Braintree. Today’s “JFK/UMass” station was then called “Columbia,” and the station and surrounding area then considered troubled, and coded as black and racially dangerous in public perceptions. When the 1971 South Shore extension began operating, it was decided to connect it to the rest of the Red Line not at Columbia, but instead at Andrew station in mostly white South Boston, where it would go directly to the suburbs in Quincy and beyond, the line skirting Dorchester without making a single stop. For years after the campus opened, this meant that any South Shore commuters going northward to UMass Boston as students and employees (and there were always many) had to take the Red Line inbound to Andrew, get off the train, change platforms, and then take it back again one stop to Columbia. It was not until 1988 that Columbia station was rebuilt into the renamed JFK/UMass, and the Braintree line link was finally moved to that station.3 Only in 2001 was a third section of the station added to accommodate commuter rail links to the South, including the Plymouth/Kingston, Middleborough/Lakeville, and Greenbush lines, making it easier for suburban commuters from other locations to travel to school at UMB, and to Boston for jobs. Hubie Jones was Special Assistant on Urban Affairs to Chancellor Sherry H. Penney in the late 1990s. Earlier, Jones founded the Massachusetts Advocacy Center for Children, was instrumental in seeing Massachusetts pass the nation’s earliest laws for educational inclusion of disabled and bilingual children; was long-term Dean of Boston University’s School of Social Work, a President of Roxbury Community College, and founder of the Boston Children’s Chorus. In all he has been a principal founder and/or leader of over 30 non-profit organizations in the Boston area. In the early 1970s, as construction to build the campus was underway, not surprisingly UMass Boston itself appeared to be just another threatening intruder in the eyes of many locals in the area. Neighborhood residents and leaders here in Dorchester and South Boston were alarmed over the campus’ arrival, and concerned about possible displacement, since town-gown conflicts were already prevalent throughout Greater Boston: in Cambridge because of Harvard’s and MIT’s struggles with neighborhoods there, and in Boston from aggressive BU, BC, and Northeastern expansions. The university, however, presented itself as a good neighbor, set up “field offices” to help project residents at Columbia Point housing and residents of Savin Hill with their problems, and even said it might well develop affordable housing for neighborhood residents in the future (a promise never fulfilled). Campus leaders especially attempted to reassure locals by promising them we would never build dorms here that might turn this area into a student ghetto, as was already quite evident in Allston-Brighton and the Fenway, where transformations had displaced so many low- and moderate-income families from those neighborhoods. After all, leaders in those neighborhoods understood, once the students are asked to leave dorms after one or two years, where would they likely move? Into the neighborhood! Over time, dorms thus usually promoted student invasion of neighborhoods, instead of preventing it. Landlords also like students because, as studies show, rents tend to rise by 15% immediately after they enter a neighborhood housing market. K-12 public education was another arena for racial conflict engulfing our area in the 1960s and 70s during the time of our founding and establishment on Columbia Point. Public schools in Boston had long been segregated, and even Dr. Martin Luther King – who lived in the South End in the early 1950s while a doctoral student at Boston University – returned two years after the March on Washington to address the Massachusetts legislature in April 1965, and to lead a group of 12 community leaders in a meeting with the city’s then mayor, John Collins, about their “bill of particulars” on Boston’s racial discrimination. The next day Dr. King led a “March on Boston,” involving an estimated 25,000 people, from the South End’s Carter Playground to Boston Common in order to highlight racial and economic injustice in Boston. In his speech at the Parkman Bandstand, he spoke about what he called the “focal points of the Freedom Struggle in Boston,” including substandard, segregated housing, poverty, poor educational provision, and the intransigence of the Boston School Committee around desegregation. “Boston must become a testing ground for the ideal of freedom,” he told the crowd in the closing words of his speech. Less than six months later in September of 1965, UMass Boston enrolled its first class of students. Those new students, faculty and staff were breaking class and racial barriers too, as a part of this broader struggle for educational access and opportunity that had been set into motion by the “urban crisis” and the Civil Rights movement. Increased educational “Access” as well as “Excellence” were both key goals of the new university. In the city more widely, decades of protests, marches, petitions, and lawsuits finally culminated in a federal court ruling in 1974 mandating public school desegregation, with busing as the remedy. That September 14, 1974, a week after we began classes at UMass, the federal court’s desegregation order went into effect, and the schools opened with a new, massive bussing program. In our area, most whites boycotted the schools, and many engaged in street protests, and some inflicted violence on people of color – including youth – whom they considered to be out of place. People driving to UMass that day – I was one of them – had to negotiate white mobs stoning busses transporting black children into South Boston through Kosciusko Circle, near the T station. Violence and racial fear would fester all year and beyond. Even as late as the second year after desegregation, street protests and racial tensions over busing continued unabated in Boston. On City Hall Plaza, on April 5, 1976 this Pulitzer Prize winning photo by Stanley Forman of the Boston Herald American shows attorney Ted Landsmark about to be stabbed with an American flag at an anti-busing rally where pro- and anti-desegregation forces fought on the street. Landsmark, who survived, afterward was long-term President of the Boston Architectural College and is now Director of Northeastern University’s Dukakis Center for Urban & Regional Policy. UMass Boston stood on the side of the desegregation order from the beginning. Well into the 1980s, to indicate its support of the desegregation order and the wider project of racial equity in Boston, the university flew the flag of the Covenant of Justice, Equity and Harmony, a broad, ecumenical coalition of faith, educational, and civil rights organizations and leaders from throughout the City. To the left of the Massachusetts and US flags, for years UMB flew the flag of the city-wide Covenant of Justice, Equity and Harmony, indicating its commitment to advancing racial justice in Boston. (Photo: 1981 UMB yearbook. Courtesy of University Archives and Special Collections, UMass Boston) Some of us on the faculty traveled to South Boston High School to meet with and support students of color attending school there, who were participants in after-school programs like MOSAIC celebrating diversity and racial harmony. Of course, it did not feel safe then for anyone black or brown to go to South Boston High, or walk in the neighborhood alone – so, we walked in groups from our cars, whites accompanying, even circling around, any colleague who might be black. During the busing crisis, UMass Boston also first established official partnerships with public schools in Dorchester, resulting in the Dorchester Education Project, which continues as one of the university’s oldest community partnerships. Not long after, racial violence erupted again in our neighborhood in 1977 when large angry crowds of whites faced off against blacks, with long lines of Boston police in between keeping them separate, who were trying to integrate an all-white Carson Beach again near Kosciusko Circle. Because of local racial tensions, South Boston whites had become even more intent on excluding black youth from the beach, despite its proximity to the heavily black Columbia Point Houses. Black youth, as explained by a recent UMB graduate, regularly used to play the game of seeing how far they could go down the beach before stones were thrown at them, and they were chased away. The 1977 beach integration attempt succeeded, but tensions remained for years to come. Our area then and for some time after was located, to put it simply, right on one of the city’s sharpest racial fault lines. Students active in the MOSAIC after-school program at South Boston High School, about 1976 (Courtesy of University Archives and Special Collections, UMass Boston) Even after these struggles, issues of racial equity and justice were far from solved. Between 1986 and 1988, there was even a black-led campaign to give up on Boston for a large swath of the city called “Greater Roxbury” by its supporters, advocating its secession from the city of Boston and the formation of a new separate, mostly black city that would be called Mandela. It was voted on in a 1988 referendum by the 50,000 voters in the affected district, but lost. That district, by the way, included Roxbury, and parts of Dorchester, Mattapan, Jamaica Plain, the Fenway, the South End, and…Columbia Point! Yes, we were envisioned as being part of Mandela: because of the projects and people living next door, our neighborhood was a black one. Black-white face-off on South Boston’s Carson Beach, near T station, with Boston Police separating the two sides (1977). In the background Columbia Point housing and UMass Boston campus are visible Change Requires Updating Our Conception of UMB’s Urban Mission To conclude, we need to ask ourselves: What are today’s struggles here on the Point, and in Boston more widely? As Boston’s only public university, what is the duty of UMB toward the city? This doesn’t seem to be a time for complacency. Do we still have an urban mission? Many of us in our era of neoliberal solutions and privatization, have witnessed a softening of administrative and wider political support for that mission. CPCS has been systematically dismantled and is gone. The institutes, including those oriented to policy issues affecting communities of color, are losing the university’s financial support and are in jeopardy. There has been no urban mission coordinating committee for more than a decade. But with a student body that is majority people of color, heavily immigrant, and mostly people of low- or moderate-income, it would seem that questions of racial and economic justice should still be as important for us as ever. What responsibility do we have as a university to address the continuing and in some ways worsening problems of racial injustice, exploitation of immigrants, and intensifying gentrification, displacement, and economic inequality that engulf our city today, including right here in our own Columbia Point neighborhood? At the Bayside site, should UMB as land-owner and partner in development really create another Kendall Square or Assembly Row Mall there, as some have said is the administration’s goal? Wouldn’t that exacerbate the gentrification and displacement already occurring in Dorchester? Or should UMass Boston try something different, something more inclusive, inspired by a more progressive social policy? The signs are not good. Our university’s recent history of management and planning for its Bayside property has been alarming to our neighbors in the area, and railed over in local newspapers – due to the administration’s persistent secrecy in its development plans. Negotiations our own administration carried out to use that site for an “Athletes’ Village” in an ultimately discredited and abandoned bid to bring the 2024 summer Olympics to Boston, and with Robert Kraft to build a professional soccer stadium there, both took place completely in secret – to the chagrin of local leaders and other landowners and stakeholders on Columbia Point. These ultimately unsuccessful plans were discovered by everyone only when they were leaked to the media. With the university as the landowner at Bayside, what kind of influence is UMB going to exert on the developer to whom it has agreed to lease the site? Will the university make sure there is wide public participation in shaping the design of the new Bayside development, or has it already sold away some of the leverage we might have had? Our current Chancellor has promised the campus and the Faculty Council that there will be wide input from the UMB community and the neighborhood at large. Probably some decisions may ultimately be under the control of the system President’s office and the UMass Board of Trustees, and not simply made at the campus level. As a public entity itself, of course, UMB is not required to submit any of its plans to the same public, more transparent planning process that purely private development projects are mandated to observe, such as Article 80 under Boston Planning and Development Agency regulations for “large project review.” In the past, despite promises to conform voluntarily to those regulations, the university already has a record of not following through. Let’s hope that this time, though, UMB keeps its promises to welcome wide community participation. Do we perhaps need a renewed, more conscious urban mission today, to be discussed and articulated once again across the university? Do we need more stakeholders here on the campus – including faculty, students, and staff – to ask more questions about what is being planned, and what is possible; to demand answers and transparency; and to insist on wide public input into the visioning of the new Bayside? In this effort it also makes sense for all those segments of the university community – students, faculty, and staff – to recognize the common interest we share with local residents of the Point, Savin Hill and wider neighborhoods in Dorchester, Roxbury, and South Boston. It is not only about “them,” however, but also about “us”: many of us here who are part of the “university community” also live in the surrounding neighborhoods, and have an even more direct interest in what happens here on Columbia Point. However we might look at the current challenges of Bayside development efforts, our history as a university argues loudly for our becoming watchful and engaged as part of the community who will be vetting and working to shape upcoming changes on Columbia Point. We have a history of struggle for advancement, for social justice, for our rightful place in this city, and for showing courage and commitment in helping to shape a more just and inclusive city for everyone. We need to seek engagement regardless of whether the administration itself is far-sighted enough, and true enough to its own history, to welcome our participation. We are part of the city and have a right to be heard. After-thoughts: Other Stories That Still Need To Be Remembered and Retold The UMass Boston history remembered here has emphasized the turbulent and conflictual dimensions of our urban setting, especially centered on wider community struggles for racial, economic and social justice occurring all around the university, much of it right here in our own neighborhood. UMB’s own emergence, survival, and growth as a university needs to be seen as one of those struggles for equality and opportunity, for those excluded from educational and economic advancement due to class, race, and culture. This applies mostly to students, of course, but also to faculty and staff who have come to work at UMB. Our embeddedness in these wider transformations has posed clear and persistent challenges for the UMB community from the beginning, and prompted UMass Boston to advance – in its own interest – an “urban mission” of engagement and social intervention. The commitment has always been as much for ourselves, as for others. Today this traditional commitment once again challenges us to rethink and reaffirm our mission in response to changing times. Is UMass Boston facing a downgrading of its status now within the UMass System, and the media, due to its urban standing and a student body with a new majority of students of color? Why are we having significant cuts inflicted on us in a time when the local economy is booming, and state tax coffers are flush with extra, unanticipated revenues? Our new austerity conditions are not recession-driven, as in the past. This glance at our university’s history, of course, has not addressed how our long engagement with the city and its issues of social justice have also penetrated the university and changed us so dramatically from the inside. Inside UMB, we have had our own continual parallel struggles for justice, democracy, and equity, and our own history of racial politics, and struggles for equality, inclusion and representation among those who work and study here. Important moments in our own struggles for internal democracy and justice led to, among other developments, the forging of all of the campus’ labor unions during the 1970 and 80s, including our own FSU. All these decades of transformative internal, institutional history clearly deserve remembering, rethinking, and retelling, too. The following photo from the late 1960s of the university’s faculty is instructive. It was taken a half century ago, when we were new and our only campus was located downtown at Park Square. It’s obvious that we faculty – taken collectively – look very different today. How did we get from then to now? What have been our achievements, and what kinds of struggles were necessary to win them? Have we come far enough? Does the press of history ever let us feel self-satisfied, exempt us from being aware of past struggles, and give us the privilege to stop caring, and to rest? Without understanding and owning our past, how can we defend ourselves in these troubled times? How can we ever chart the future? UMass Boston’s faculty as a group, Park Square campus, about 1968 (Courtesy of University Archives and Special Collections) The FSU Elections are taking place from March 1st through March 8th. You will receive your ballot through whatever email address you gave FSU. Check your spam folder! In addition to candidate statements and an in-person forum (watch here), we have invited candidates to participate in the online forum. VICE PRESIDENT (Vote for One) Caroline Coscia, Senior Lecturer II, Political Science Q1. Why do you want to serve on the Executive Committee? I believe the FSU Executive Committee is in transition from an Executive Committee that was okay with leadership holding the reins to the current Committee composition being full of worker bees – people who want to do and be part of decision making. Changing paradigms is not easy as the transition brings about both short term conflicts and long term opportunities. So how do we make this transition successful? I feel one element is making sure all Executive Committee members and FSU members know why and how decisions are made. This will require codifying all processes so that processes are known to all and available on the FSU website. As a FSU member if you want to serve on a FSU sub-committee, it is important that you know how to do so but more importantly that you are provided the opportunity to do so. I believe that my experience in project management, organizational bylaws and public policy provide me with the skill sets to assist in the FSU Executive Committee transition. Administrative policies are not exciting but are necessary to lay the foundation for the FSU Executive Committee to operate effectively and efficiently. It is essential that all are working from the same practices, which, during times of change, help develop an environment of trust and respect. Q2. Given the local and national threats to unions, like the Janus decision, what would you do to strengthen the FSU? To strengthen the FSU requires providing members with a reason to join and remain a member. Each member must believe that they are getting value for their dues. It is the FSU Executive Committee who needs to lead in making sure members feel that union membership is important and valued. Some activities to make the FSU stronger include: Information sharing is essential and must be done in a timely manner. What information do members want? How often do members want to receive information? In what format do members what to receive union news? The Executive Committee needs to develop better guidelines related to these questions. Asking members what they want needs to be part of the discussion. As we approach bargaining for the 2020-2023 contract, a comprehensive survey needs to be prepared and submitted to members in October 2020. This survey will not only provide information regarding the current contract and changes members would like to see but should provide additional information related to workload and working conditions by constituencies. Once a semester an informal all member gathering should take place so that the FSU Executive Committee can meet with members. In addition to a semester gathering, I am planning to hold office hours to meet with members to learn about concerns and comments regarding our union. The FSU is asked to have members serve on a variety of University committees. This process needs to be open in that when a vacancy occurs on an established committee or a committee is forming, notice needs to be made so that all members have the opportunity to serve. Each one of us is part of the faculty community, our college community, and our department community. More importantly, we are part of the UMB community. We need to make sure that the FSU is an integral part of the UMB community including working with our sister unions in ensuring that UMB is a place we all want to be. Q3. What is your favorite campus memory? The first time I volunteered to work student line-up for Commencement. After getting students from the Clark Center to the Campus Center steps I hung around to watch the main ceremony. At the ceremony’s conclusion I saw a student who was in an intro class with me. He was smiling and with his mother. He introduced me to his mother. She grasped my forearm and thanked me for teaching her son. TENURED (Vote for Two) Jeffrey Melnick, Professor of American Studies Why do you want to serve on the Executive Committee? I want to continue working on the FSU to build on what I have learned and accomplished in the past year. I especially want to develop the robustness of our on- and off-campus messaging. The FSU has lagged behind in developing the proper tools and protocols for being a fast, trustworthy voice for faculty concerns. I happily took on the (newly-developed) role of Communications Director to try to help get over some of these hurdles. But there is a while lot more to do so that we reach our membership, our local, state, and national political representatives, and all forms of media with our pressing concerns. What would you do to strengthen FSU? Post-Janus I see a major concern in the arena of solidarity. The FSU has not, in recent years, done a good job of forging alliances with the other campus unions (CSU, PSU, and GEO) or with other progressive forces in the region and nation. While we all rightly mourned the immediate implications of Janus, we can now see that it has opened up the floodgates to an energized public union movement. From West Virginia, to Oklahoma, to Oakland, and Denver, it is clear that public teachers’ unions are a force to be reckoned with. The FSU leadership has been tentative-and occasionally directly obstructionist–when it comes to building larger alliances. I want to help move us into a future that will never downplay particular faculty concerns but will try to find points of commonality with other unions wherever possible. What is your favorite UMB memory? My favorite UMB memory? That’s not a nice question–there are too many. So I am just going to call teacher’s privilege and say my favorite memory is the meeting of my large enrollment class yesterday. It’s a class on the social history of popular music and we had a guest come–a thirty-something indie rock musician who has worked in and around Boston. He spoke of creative, business, and political aspects of his work and the students–the usual amazing mix of @umb undergrads peppered him with engaged, challenging, and well-researched questions. I got to sit in the audience for all this and just soak up the energy and wisdom. Sylvia Mignon, Professor of Sociology 1) Why do you want to serve on the Executive Committee? My career has been devoted to social justice in a variety of professional and academic contexts. I bring a wealth of experience from different faculty and administrative positions within UMass Boston. I want to ensure that faculty and staff needs are met as they carry out the important work with students and develop their academic careers. For example, in recognition of my history of strong listening skills and commitment to fair treatment of others, I was appointed as a volunteer hearing officer for the Board of Bar Overseers, which handles complaints filed against attorneys in Massachusetts. These skills are critical to bringing executive committee members and all members of the FSU to a place of respectful discourse and charting a path forward that will benefit all members. 2) What would you do to strengthen the FSU? As a team player, I would work closely with all members to establish FSU priorities and then develop and promote strategies to accomplish our work. We cannot afford the recent disunity we have seen over the parking vote. The results of 52% (in favor) to 47% (opposed), with only 52% of members voting, exposed the lack of unity among union members, and alienating a number of people from the FSU. This lack of unity has major consequences because it distracts and prevents us from focusing our energy to confront the major administrative and financial issues faced by UMass Boston. To overcome this we must ensure that all voices are heard and, as much as possible, work to achieve consensus in prioritizing the work the FSU undertakes. 3) What is your favorite campus memory? My favorite memories focus on the hard work of our students, despite the many obstacles to achieving a quality education. I have enormous respect for our students who must juggle family, work, and academic responsibilities. Each spring at graduation time it is very satisfying to see so many hard-working individuals achieve their degrees. It serves as a reminder that in spite of all the challenges faced by faculty and staff, we offer a solid educational experience for students that they genuinely appreciate. One memory that stands out is the graduate graduation in Spring 2017. The event was held at the Blue Hills Pavillion, an outdoor venue with only a roof. It was raining madly, the winds were high, and everyone was wet and cold. We endured through the long ceremony and then some of took the bus back to campus. It was literally the dark and stormy night, stuck in traffic for far too long. As I looked around at my colleagues on the bus, all of us sodden and exhausted, I thought that only at UMass Boston would you get this kind of commitment and support from faculty for their students. Alex Mueller Associate Professor of English 1. Why do you want to serve on the Executive Committee? I first joined a union in 1997 as a high school teacher and have been a supporter of unions ever since. Despite our many victories, I have witnessed steadily increasing attacks on public educators lead to our current privatization crisis, which compels me, and I believe all of us, to seek efficient means of collective action against our eroding working conditions. I want to join the Executive Committee’s efforts to create a more democratic union, one that makes transparent our methods for achieving our goals, including strategies for collective bargaining and responses to budget cuts. To establish a university culture that values labor, it is imperative that we work with our colleagues in the classified and professional staff unions in our efforts. And most importantly, we must pressure administrators and legislators to appropriate state funds to our campus. As an entity that can exert that pressure on behalf of faculty more broadly, the Executive Committee should also seek to find ways to consolidate our efforts with teachers in the MTA to insist that public school faculty – not construction projects – become a funding priority throughout the state. I benefitted enormously from my public education, kindergarten through graduate school, and I want to work to ensure that teachers of all levels continue to receive our utmost support. 2. Given the local and national threats to unions, like the Janus decision, what would you do to strengthen the FSU? The Janus decision is devastating, indeed, but it isn’t fatal. I would encourage us to draw on the lessons of recent union victories over the last year, especially renegotiated contracts that followed teacher protests, which erupted across the country from West Virginia to California. On Valentine’s Day of this year, Denver teachers successfully leveraged a strike to get up to eleven percent raises and built-in cost of living increases. These efforts demonstrate the kinds of gains that labor unions can make if they are willing to act strongly and decisively. I would also try to help our union think beyond past practices and learn from forms of collective action that are happening outside of our union. When the first phase of REAB (Renovations to Existing Academic Buildings) was released in early 2016, without consultation of faculty and staff, I worked with a group of faculty across my college to draft a statement, which was eventually adopted by the CLA Senate and presented to the Provost’s office. I believe this demand for administrative transparency, along with efforts from faculty and staff across the university, has emboldened other forms of resistance, including the Faculty Council’s statement regarding the candidates for Chancellor late last spring. Our union has served us well and I believe our current burden of legacy debt and austerity measures requires decisive action. I am running because I want to learn more about how we have been operating and how I might help us strengthen our position at the negotiating table. 3. What is your favorite campus memory? The English department used to welcome new graduate students by taking them on a short cruise of the Boston harbor in the UMass Boston boat. As a new faculty member, I was eager to join the cruise, but I occasionally suffer from seasickness, so I was nervous that I would end up forsaking collegial conversation and seeking the side rail. As fate would have it, I didn’t experience an ounce of nausea. Instead, I was able to enjoy the stunning view of our campus from sea, a euphoric “city upon a hill” moment for me. Whenever I get discouraged about the state of affairs on our campus and succumb to the fear that things can only get worse, I try to remember that cruise and reassure myself that such risks are worth it. After all, I’m not alone. We are in this boat together, working to stay steady and afloat. (Two additional tenured candidates, Arthur Millman and Jeffrey Melnick, have not yet submitted their materials for the online forum.) (Non-tenure track and pre-tenure candidates have not yet submitted their materials for the online forum.) November 5, 2018 / admin / 1 Comment Testimony by Manu Thakral for Parking Bargaining delivered on October 31, 2018. I am a newly appointed Assistant Professor in the College of Nursing and Health Sciences on Sept. 1, 2018. I am requesting that the accessible parking spots in the Campus Center be exempt from the proposed surcharge for parking on campus and instead be the same cost as off-campus parking. This accommodation can be accomplished within the University’s current parking system by allowing me to purchase a parking pass at the cost of off-campus parking. Why I need this accommodation: My disability requires that I use a manually propelled wheelchair 100% of the time. This circumstance makes it difficult for me to traverse long distances, in particular through snow. My job performance is directly related to the ease of access to campus because being on campus increases my availability to students, potential to build collaborative partnerships with other faculty, and receive mentorship. Currently I drive my car to campus and park under the Campus Center, which provides the best access to my office in the Science Center Building. I don’t use public transportation because the MBTA station at JFK/UMass has a very long ramp with multiple levels that is not possible for me to cross with my wheelchair. I teach a freshman seminar course on Tuesdays and Thursdays and have scheduled meetings on Wednesdays,which require that I commute to campus at least three times a week. Being junior faculty, I also want to engage in professional development activities on campus, especially in teaching. Increasing the parking rate of my preferred accessible parking will decrease my ability to access the campus and negatively affect my job performance. Why the current off-campus parking does not meet my needs: Accessible parking at the off-campus site at Bayside Expo is limited to 20 spots for all faculty, staff and students. The shuttle to and from this site is very crowded and the parking is uncovered. In bad weather conditions, these spots are not accessible. If I were to park at Bayside and there was any accumulation of snow on my car, I wouldn’t be able to clean the snow off my car. If there is snow on the ground, it is a huge burden for me to push my wheelchair. Access from the West Garage is limited because the closest accessible entrance is either the ISC lobby or freight entrance to the Quinn Building across the street and up the ramp. This area is also difficult to traverse in rain or snow using my wheelchair. That leaves the accessible parking spots under the Campus Center as the only covered parking available that provides underground access to all of the main buildings without having to push my wheelchair a far distance or through inclement weather. Because the cost of parking under the Campus Center is proposed to increase above the lower rate offered at the off-campus parking site, and because this is the only reasonable option for me to park given my disability, I am requesting equal opportunity to pay the lower rate for parking as other commuters. At the risk of losing you, I want to say, when people look at me, they think: wow, how can she be a nurse and use a wheelchair? It makes people rethink what nursing is and acknowledge that maybe they aren’t aware of all the possibilities of what a nurse can do. That is what is amazing about diversity. My presence on campus can do that, but I need to be here; people need to see me. The reason that I came to UMass was because of the diversity. The faculty in my department convinced me that they were committed to the mission. It is hard for me to understand how a university that celebrates diversity would take actions to make it harder for me to be here on campus to contribute my diversity. The Role of Public Higher Education and UMass Boston October 26, 2018 / admin / 0 Comments Edited remarks by Marlene Kim from an address given at UMB on October 4, 2018 Public higher education serves the public good: it benefits more than just the college graduate. Because it helps the larger community, we should subsidize higher education more than we do so today. How does it benefit others? Wages increase from college educations: college graduates earn millions more during their lifetime compared to non-college graduates. They pay higher taxes as a result to their state and to the federal government. Crime is reduced because college graduates are more likely to be employed and are less likely to commit crimes. In college, we teach people how to think critically, so we produce informed citizens who can make important decisions at the ballot box. College education increases productivity. It’s no wonder that the post World War II boom was in part due to the GI bill that gave free college educations to war veterans. Thus, public higher education is an economic development model for Boston, which is why federal and state money should fund public higher education. The state and federal government especially should fund UMass Boston. UMass Boston is unique. We are a majority minority campus. We serve English as a Second Language learners, low-income students, and first generation students. We serve the underserved. FSU President Marlene Kim’s remarks to the Board of Trustees, UMass Lowell, 9/19/18 September 21, 2018 / admin / 0 Comments I am the President of the Faculty Staff Union at UMass Boston. I broke my leg this past weekend, so I wasn’t going to address you today. But I decided to appear because I wanted to tell you that UMass Boston is broken. We’ve been appearing at Board of Trustees meetings for over two years to tell you that it is broken, but we have received few resources and little help. Professor Emilio Sauri’s Response to Professor Stacy D. VanDeveer I want to thank Stacy D VanDeveer for his comments on the parking bargaining posted recently on the FSU blog. Professor VanDeveer’s comments provide a useful perspective on how we might approach the issue of parking as a bargaining unit. That said, in the spirit of collegial debate, I’d like to respond to the three points he makes in his post. Opinion from Professor Stacy D. VanDeveer on Parking Bargaining FSU Colleagues, Marlene Kim and a few others have very generously listened to my concerns about our union’s demands that UMass students and programs subsidize faculty to drive their cars to campus. I think this is bad policy on social justice, community impact and environmental grounds. My concerns are threefold: Continue reading Open Letter on Parking Bargaining from FSU Member Bonnie Miller Dear Faculty, I attended the FSU meeting today on parking, and the turnout was pretty light. I get it because my schedule is crazy, too, but this parking issue is too important to let our busy schedules get in the way. So in order to make sure everyone is in the loop, I am going to break it down here for everyone. The proposal on the table from the administration is awful. The biggest problem as I see it (from a faculty perspective) is that they have removed the multi-park passes, which means that you would have to buy semester/annual passes in order to get a pre-tax discount, and many of us don’t come in enough days to make buying a semester or annual pass worth it. This means we would be stuck paying the $15/per day rate. You cannot get the tiered rate unless you purchase the semester/annual passes. This will very quickly eat up that 2% raise we just got. We need to be incentivized to come to campus, not to stay at home! I could go on and on about other issues, especially when you consider our students and their financial situations, but I will leave it at that for now. © 2022 FSU Blog	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line25
__label__wiki	0.603313	0.603313	BBR Home Page > Leagues > 2021-22 NBA > Rookies - Season Stats 2021-22 NBA Rookies 2020-21 Rookies PPG Leader: Kevin Durant (30.0) RPG Leader: Rudy Gobert (15.1) APG Leader: Chris Paul (10.1) WS Leader: Rudy Gobert (7.0) 2021-22 NBA Season Per 100 Possessions Team Ratings Standings by Date Projected Draft Order Preseason Odds More 2021-22 NBA Pages Career BAA/NBA Stats Rookies Table Santi Aldama Oct 27, '21, MEM @ POR 21 1 20 217 29 79 4 33 10 17 21 58 13 2 5 7 22 72 .367 .121 .588 10.9 3.6 2.9 0.7 Jose Alvarado Nov 3, '21, NOP @ SAC 23 1 12 76 5 23 2 11 7 11 2 7 11 6 0 2 8 19 .217 .182 .636 6.3 1.6 0.6 0.9 Joel Ayayi Oct 25, '21, WAS @ BRK 21 1 7 20 1 6 0 1 0 0 1 3 4 0 0 0 0 2 .167 .000 2.9 0.3 0.4 0.6 Dalano Banton Oct 20, '21, TOR vs. WAS 22 1 31 378 48 114 7 25 18 24 19 66 55 12 5 33 41 121 .421 .280 .750 12.2 3.9 2.1 1.8 Cat Barber Dec 25, '21, ATL @ NYK 27 1 3 13 0 4 0 0 0 4 1 3 3 0 0 1 1 0 .000 .000 4.3 0.0 1.0 1.0 Scottie Barnes Oct 20, '21, TOR vs. WAS 20 1 30 1073 180 366 23 68 69 96 86 242 104 32 28 59 88 452 .492 .338 .719 35.8 15.1 8.1 3.5 Paris Bass Jan 2, '22, PHO @ CHO 26 1 2 7 2 6 0 2 2 2 2 4 0 1 0 2 2 6 .333 .000 1.000 3.5 3.0 2.0 0.0 Charles Bassey Oct 20, '21, PHI @ NOP 21 1 16 136 24 35 0 3 8 11 16 51 6 3 13 7 24 56 .686 .000 .727 8.5 3.5 3.2 0.4 Leandro Bolmaro Oct 20, '21, MIN vs. HOU 21 1 23 184 9 32 2 12 8 9 15 35 11 5 0 12 21 28 .281 .167 .889 8.0 1.2 1.5 0.5 Brandon Boston Oct 25, '21, LAC vs. POR 20 1 22 333 51 141 15 51 28 33 6 42 16 15 5 17 16 145 .362 .294 .848 15.1 6.6 1.9 0.7 James Bouknight Oct 22, '21, CHO @ CLE 21 1 18 147 23 67 11 28 8 10 14 27 14 1 0 6 12 65 .343 .393 .800 8.2 3.6 1.5 0.8 Chaundee Brown Dec 17, '21, LAL @ MIN 23 1 5 104 10 32 6 18 5 6 1 16 4 2 0 1 7 31 .313 .333 .833 20.8 6.2 3.2 0.8 Greg Brown Oct 23, '21, POR vs. PHO 20 1 14 72 10 27 0 5 4 11 7 20 5 2 4 5 10 24 .370 .000 .364 5.1 1.7 1.4 0.4 Shaq Buchanan Dec 26, '21, MEM @ SAC 25 1 2 10 1 4 0 2 0 0 1 2 2 1 0 2 1 2 .250 .000 5.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 Jared Butler Oct 20, '21, UTA vs. OKC 21 1 19 82 12 35 7 21 4 7 0 12 10 3 6 8 15 35 .343 .333 .571 4.3 1.8 0.6 0.5 Ahmad Caver Jan 5, '22, IND vs. BRK 25 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1.000 1.0 2.0 0.0 0.0 Justin Champagnie Oct 22, '21, TOR @ BOS 20 1 19 148 23 43 5 13 9 9 19 30 4 3 3 2 18 60 .535 .385 1.000 7.8 3.2 1.6 0.2 Josh Christopher Oct 20, '21, HOU @ MIN 20 1 31 473 74 163 21 62 34 41 18 56 52 24 3 43 35 203 .454 .339 .829 15.3 6.5 1.8 1.7 Sharife Cooper Oct 21, '21, ATL vs. DAL 20 1 8 30 2 12 0 4 0 0 0 3 5 0 0 4 1 4 .167 .000 3.8 0.5 0.4 0.6 Petr Cornelie Oct 25, '21, DEN vs. CLE 26 1 13 38 5 15 1 8 3 4 7 14 3 1 1 4 7 14 .333 .125 .750 2.9 1.1 1.1 0.2 Jarron Cumberland Dec 27, '21, POR vs. DAL 24 1 3 12 1 2 0 1 0 0 1 3 1 0 0 0 2 2 .500 .000 4.0 0.7 1.0 0.3 Cade Cunningham Oct 30, '21, DET vs. ORL 20 1 28 903 161 417 62 195 45 53 26 167 150 37 17 105 79 429 .386 .318 .849 32.3 15.3 6.0 5.4 Javin DeLaurier Jan 1, '22, MIL vs. NOP 23 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 3.0 0.0 1.0 0.0 Ayo Dosunmu Oct 20, '21, CHI @ DET 22 1 31 576 76 144 19 46 17 29 13 65 36 12 11 29 51 188 .528 .413 .586 18.6 6.1 2.1 1.2 Jeff Dowtin Nov 3, '21, GSW vs. CHO 24 1 4 28 3 6 0 1 0 0 1 7 3 0 1 1 2 6 .500 .000 7.0 1.5 1.8 0.8 Chris Duarte Oct 20, '21, IND @ CHO 24 1 33 955 169 388 61 173 37 52 20 132 71 33 4 57 56 436 .436 .353 .712 28.9 13.2 4.0 2.2 David Duke Dec 8, '21, BRK @ HOU 22 1 7 163 17 51 2 16 9 11 19 39 8 7 4 5 18 45 .333 .125 .818 23.3 6.4 5.6 1.1 Jaime Echenique Dec 30, '21, WAS vs. CLE 24 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Kessler Edwards Nov 16, '21, BRK vs. GSW 21 1 5 127 18 40 7 17 0 0 9 25 6 3 3 6 6 43 .450 .412 25.4 8.6 5.0 1.2 Rob Edwards Dec 29, '21, OKC @ PHO 25 1 2 11 1 4 1 4 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 3 .250 .250 5.5 1.5 1.5 0.0 Aleem Ford Dec 17, '21, ORL vs. MIA 24 1 5 74 6 20 2 15 0 0 2 15 2 1 0 4 7 14 .300 .133 14.8 2.8 3.0 0.4 Marcus Garrett Oct 21, '21, MIA vs. MIL 23 1 12 128 5 21 1 4 2 5 9 23 7 5 3 2 16 13 .238 .250 .400 10.7 1.1 1.9 0.6 Usman Garuba Oct 20, '21, HOU @ MIN 19 1 14 100 8 23 2 12 1 2 7 31 8 6 5 3 9 19 .348 .167 .500 7.1 1.4 2.2 0.6 Luka Garza Oct 23, '21, DET @ CHI 23 1 25 310 47 108 12 38 25 38 45 78 15 8 2 15 45 131 .435 .316 .658 12.4 5.2 3.1 0.6 Josh Giddey Oct 20, '21, OKC @ UTA 19 1 32 972 148 375 32 119 28 43 49 242 203 33 17 93 55 356 .395 .269 .651 30.4 11.1 7.6 6.3 Jordan Goodwin Dec 28, '21, WAS @ MIA 23 1 2 6 0 3 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 .000 .000 3.0 0.0 0.5 0.0 Hassani Gravett Dec 17, '21, ORL vs. MIA 25 1 8 171 18 38 11 26 3 4 1 21 20 5 1 9 13 50 .474 .423 .750 21.4 6.3 2.6 2.5 Jalen Green Oct 20, '21, HOU @ MIN 19 1 24 735 124 311 52 160 75 91 7 72 52 15 5 60 38 375 .399 .325 .824 30.6 15.6 3.0 2.2 Quentin Grimes Oct 20, '21, NYK vs. BOS 21 1 21 255 32 84 27 71 5 8 4 26 15 11 2 12 24 96 .381 .380 .625 12.1 4.6 1.2 0.7 Tyler Hall Dec 25, '21, NYK vs. ATL 24 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Sam Hauser Nov 20, '21, BOS vs. OKC 24 1 6 30 3 11 3 11 0 0 1 4 1 1 1 0 1 9 .273 .273 5.0 1.5 0.7 0.2 Aaron Henry Oct 20, '21, PHI @ NOP 22 1 4 12 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 2 1 0 .000 .000 3.0 0.0 0.3 0.0 Malcolm Hill Dec 25, '21, ATL @ NYK 26 1 3 46 5 8 3 5 4 4 2 6 1 4 1 0 7 17 .625 .600 1.000 15.3 5.7 2.0 0.3 Jay Huff Nov 6, '21, LAL @ POR 23 1 4 20 0 3 0 2 0 0 1 4 1 1 1 1 1 0 .000 .000 5.0 0.0 1.0 0.3 Bones Hyland Oct 25, '21, DEN vs. CLE 21 1 26 448 73 201 39 124 28 32 5 54 41 15 6 25 53 213 .363 .315 .875 17.2 8.2 2.1 1.6 Isaiah Jackson Oct 23, '21, IND vs. MIA 20 1 9 49 7 17 0 0 3 6 6 15 0 2 2 1 9 17 .412 .500 5.4 1.9 1.7 0.0 DeJon Jarreau Oct 29, '21, IND @ BRK 24 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 David Johnson Oct 27, '21, TOR vs. IND 20 1 2 2 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 .000 .000 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Jalen Johnson Oct 21, '21, ATL vs. DAL 20 1 10 50 8 17 2 6 4 6 0 13 1 0 0 2 3 22 .471 .333 .667 5.0 2.2 1.3 0.1 Keon Johnson Nov 7, '21, LAC vs. CHO 19 1 13 121 15 44 3 8 16 21 3 18 12 6 1 6 21 49 .341 .375 .762 9.3 3.8 1.4 0.9 Carlik Jones Dec 23, '21, DAL vs. MIL 24 1 5 23 1 9 0 1 2 2 1 3 5 1 0 3 0 4 .111 .000 1.000 4.6 0.8 0.6 1.0 Herbert Jones Oct 20, '21, NOP vs. PHI 23 1 36 1031 118 248 18 53 49 60 47 138 68 53 37 39 108 303 .476 .340 .817 28.6 8.4 3.8 1.9 Kai Jones Oct 22, '21, CHO @ CLE 21 1 12 33 4 6 0 1 1 4 1 6 2 0 0 5 2 9 .667 .000 .250 2.8 0.8 0.5 0.2 Georgios Kalaitzakis Oct 19, '21, MIL vs. BRK 23 1 9 48 5 11 2 4 4 9 4 8 0 1 1 4 8 16 .455 .500 .444 5.3 1.8 0.9 0.0 Corey Kispert Oct 22, '21, WAS vs. IND 22 1 33 558 63 152 25 86 26 31 18 66 25 10 6 15 24 177 .414 .291 .839 16.9 5.4 2.0 0.8 Vit Krejci Oct 20, '21, OKC @ UTA 21 1 3 9 0 2 0 2 2 2 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 2 .000 .000 1.000 3.0 0.7 1.0 0.0 Arnoldas Kulboka Dec 10, '21, CHO vs. SAC 24 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Jonathan Kuminga Oct 30, '21, GSW vs. OKC 19 1 28 271 51 108 9 34 27 45 11 48 8 10 3 19 35 138 .472 .265 .600 9.7 4.9 1.7 0.3 Jock Landale Oct 20, '21, SAS vs. ORL 26 1 20 173 37 63 10 21 14 16 22 38 14 3 6 12 20 98 .587 .476 .875 8.7 4.9 1.9 0.7 Scottie Lewis Dec 13, '21, CHO @ DAL 21 1 2 7 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 .500 3.5 0.5 0.0 0.5 Isaiah Livers Dec 16, '21, DET @ IND 23 1 1 5 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 .000 .000 5.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Sandro Mamukelashvili Oct 19, '21, MIL vs. BRK 22 1 19 223 27 63 13 32 8 11 21 44 10 5 5 8 12 75 .429 .406 .727 11.7 3.9 2.3 0.5 Tre Mann Oct 20, '21, OKC @ UTA 20 1 24 395 65 162 24 65 14 20 10 54 13 11 6 17 38 168 .401 .369 .700 16.5 7.0 2.3 0.5 Miles McBride Oct 22, '21, NYK @ ORL 21 1 14 137 15 50 5 27 3 3 2 13 19 8 1 3 14 38 .300 .185 1.000 9.8 2.7 0.9 1.4 Mac McClung Dec 29, '21, CHI vs. ATL 23 1 1 3 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 2 1.000 3.0 2.0 0.0 0.0 Cameron McGriff Dec 27, '21, POR vs. DAL 24 1 3 46 5 14 2 6 2 2 6 15 3 0 1 0 7 14 .357 .333 1.000 15.3 4.7 5.0 1.0 JaQuori McLaughlin Nov 2, '21, DAL vs. MIA 24 1 4 11 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 .000 .000 2.8 0.0 0.0 0.5 Davion Mitchell Oct 20, '21, SAC @ POR 23 1 34 848 131 329 39 130 20 30 17 76 113 22 7 35 64 321 .398 .300 .667 24.9 9.4 2.2 3.3 Evan Mobley Oct 20, '21, CLE @ MEM 20 1 30 1011 180 359 15 49 69 90 48 245 75 24 53 49 66 444 .501 .306 .767 33.7 14.8 8.2 2.5 Moses Moody Oct 19, '21, GSW @ LAL 19 1 24 168 19 54 4 30 8 11 4 25 7 3 4 4 11 50 .352 .133 .727 7.0 2.1 1.0 0.3 Xavier Moon Dec 27, '21, LAC vs. BRK 27 1 4 67 11 30 1 8 0 0 1 9 6 5 1 2 3 23 .367 .125 16.8 5.8 2.3 1.5 Ade Murkey Dec 22, '21, SAC vs. LAC 24 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Trey Murphy Oct 20, '21, NOP vs. PHI 21 1 34 454 44 131 33 97 13 15 21 72 20 10 4 11 34 134 .336 .340 .867 13.4 3.9 2.1 0.6 RJ Nembhard Oct 22, '21, CLE vs. CHO 22 1 5 40 5 11 0 1 1 2 0 2 10 0 0 1 2 11 .455 .000 .500 8.0 2.2 0.4 2.0 Daishen Nix Nov 29, '21, HOU vs. OKC 19 1 5 46 10 14 3 6 1 2 0 4 6 5 0 7 2 24 .714 .500 .500 9.2 4.8 0.8 1.2 Eugene Omoruyi Oct 29, '21, DAL @ DEN 24 1 4 18 2 5 1 2 2 4 2 7 2 0 0 0 2 7 .400 .500 .500 4.5 1.8 1.8 0.5 Jaysean Paige Jan 1, '22, DET vs. SAS 27 1 1 7 0 3 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 2 0 .000 .000 7.0 0.0 1.0 1.0 Trayvon Palmer Dec 29, '21, DET vs. NYK 27 1 1 17 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 2 0 .000 17.0 0.0 2.0 0.0 Kevin Pangos Oct 22, '21, CLE vs. CHO 29 1 18 157 15 45 6 26 3 4 2 10 30 2 0 7 10 39 .333 .231 .750 8.7 2.2 0.6 1.7 Jamorko Pickett Oct 23, '21, DET @ CHI 24 1 6 47 1 10 1 7 0 0 2 9 1 0 1 3 3 3 .100 .143 7.8 0.5 1.5 0.2 Yves Pons Nov 12, '21, MEM vs. PHO 22 1 6 21 1 3 1 1 0 2 2 5 0 0 0 0 2 3 .333 1.000 .000 3.5 0.5 0.8 0.0 Micah Potter Jan 1, '22, DET vs. SAS 23 1 3 31 5 11 0 2 2 2 4 9 0 1 1 1 4 12 .455 .000 1.000 10.3 4.0 3.0 0.0 Myles Powell Dec 20, '21, PHI @ BOS 24 1 3 14 1 4 1 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 3 3 .250 .500 4.7 1.0 0.3 0.0 Joshua Primo Oct 20, '21, SAS vs. ORL 19 1 14 136 15 37 9 23 5 6 6 22 13 5 6 6 10 44 .405 .391 .833 9.7 3.1 1.6 0.9 Trevelin Queen Dec 18, '21, HOU @ DET 24 1 7 61 12 26 7 19 3 3 5 13 3 5 0 7 5 34 .462 .368 1.000 8.7 4.9 1.9 0.4 Neemias Queta Dec 17, '21, SAC vs. MEM 22 1 2 9 0 4 0 0 0 0 3 5 2 0 1 1 1 0 .000 4.5 0.0 2.5 1.0 Austin Reaves Oct 22, '21, LAL vs. PHO 23 1 20 405 38 77 17 46 18 20 6 49 22 5 2 12 32 111 .494 .370 .900 20.3 5.6 2.5 1.1 Jeremiah Robinson-Earl Oct 20, '21, OKC @ UTA 21 1 33 739 91 215 38 108 26 37 55 187 27 16 10 29 50 246 .423 .352 .703 22.4 7.5 5.7 0.8 Olivier Sarr Dec 28, '21, OKC @ SAC 22 1 2 14 1 3 0 1 2 2 0 5 0 0 2 0 1 4 .333 .000 1.000 7.0 2.0 2.5 0.0 Jordan Schakel Dec 26, '21, WAS vs. PHI 23 1 2 14 0 6 0 3 0 0 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 .000 .000 7.0 0.0 1.5 0.0 Tre Scott Dec 22, '21, CLE @ BOS 25 1 2 11 3 6 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 1 1 0 2 6 .500 .000 5.5 3.0 1.0 0.0 Alperen Şengün Oct 20, '21, HOU @ MIN 19 1 35 644 110 220 12 39 83 118 60 167 92 32 30 68 108 315 .500 .308 .703 18.4 9.0 4.8 2.6 Day'Ron Sharpe Oct 24, '21, BRK vs. CHO 20 1 11 72 16 25 1 3 4 11 15 33 0 2 3 8 12 37 .640 .333 .364 6.5 3.4 3.0 0.0 Marko Simonovic Nov 22, '21, CHI vs. IND 22 1 4 15 0 7 0 3 5 6 2 3 0 0 0 1 0 5 .000 .000 .833 3.8 1.3 0.8 0.0 Jericho Sims Oct 20, '21, NYK vs. BOS 23 1 10 80 6 6 0 0 3 4 7 21 1 2 4 2 5 15 1.000 .750 8.0 1.5 2.1 0.1 Javonte Smart Dec 4, '21, MIL vs. MIA 22 1 12 156 11 42 4 18 5 6 4 18 14 4 2 8 11 31 .262 .222 .833 13.0 2.6 1.5 1.2 Xavier Sneed Dec 31, '21, MEM vs. SAS 24 1 2 8 0 2 0 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 .000 .000 4.0 0.0 1.0 0.0 Jaden Springer Oct 20, '21, PHI @ NOP 19 1 2 6 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 2 1 0 2 1.000 3.0 1.0 1.0 0.0 Jalen Suggs Oct 20, '21, ORL @ SAS 20 1 21 583 87 257 26 102 58 76 16 71 75 24 9 67 58 258 .339 .255 .763 27.8 12.3 3.4 3.6 Craig Sword Dec 28, '21, WAS @ MIA 1 3 19 3 4 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 4 0 1 7 6 .750 .000 6.3 2.0 0.0 0.3 Keifer Sykes Dec 29, '21, IND vs. CHO 28 1 5 134 19 43 8 23 6 7 1 12 18 2 1 6 13 52 .442 .348 .857 26.8 10.4 2.4 3.6 Terry Taylor Jan 5, '22, IND vs. BRK 22 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 0.0 0.0 1.0 Jon Teske Jan 3, '22, MEM @ BRK 24 1 2 4 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 .000 2.0 0.0 0.5 0.5 Cam Thomas Oct 19, '21, BRK @ MIL 20 1 25 374 60 153 13 58 17 21 4 53 30 9 4 12 13 150 .392 .224 .810 15.0 6.0 2.1 1.2 JT Thor Oct 22, '21, CHO @ CLE 19 1 10 109 9 25 3 16 5 8 5 14 6 4 6 4 14 26 .360 .188 .625 10.9 2.6 1.4 0.6 Isaiah Todd Oct 25, '21, WAS @ BRK 20 1 8 32 4 14 4 10 2 4 2 7 1 2 2 1 1 14 .286 .400 .500 4.0 1.8 0.9 0.1 Franz Wagner Oct 20, '21, ORL @ SAS 20 1 39 1261 231 510 52 141 104 124 47 182 103 41 19 61 89 618 .453 .369 .839 32.3 15.8 4.7 2.6 Ish Wainright Nov 19, '21, PHO vs. DAL 27 1 15 100 10 34 4 20 2 4 11 20 8 4 1 6 21 26 .294 .200 .500 6.7 1.7 1.3 0.5 M.J. Walker Dec 31, '21, PHO @ BOS 23 1 2 8 0 4 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 1 0 .000 .000 4.0 0.0 0.5 0.5 Duane Washington Oct 29, '21, IND @ BRK 21 1 8 155 23 67 8 33 8 11 1 14 12 4 1 10 6 62 .343 .242 .727 19.4 7.8 1.8 1.5 Trendon Watford Nov 14, '21, POR @ DEN 21 1 11 62 9 19 0 0 4 8 4 13 5 2 5 3 6 22 .474 .500 5.6 2.0 1.2 0.5 Joe Wieskamp Nov 10, '21, SAS vs. SAC 22 1 8 39 8 14 4 9 1 2 2 2 3 2 2 0 2 21 .571 .444 .500 4.9 2.6 0.3 0.4 Aaron Wiggins Nov 14, '21, OKC vs. BRK 23 1 19 397 50 97 15 46 19 28 9 55 18 11 4 15 37 134 .515 .326 .679 20.9 7.1 2.9 0.9 Brandon Williams Dec 27, '21, POR vs. DAL 22 1 2 12 2 3 0 0 4 7 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 8 .667 .571 6.0 4.0 1.0 1.0 Ziaire Williams Oct 20, '21, MEM vs. CLE 20 1 21 378 44 114 20 72 6 8 5 28 12 10 6 12 34 114 .386 .278 .750 18.0 5.4 1.3 0.6 McKinley Wright Oct 20, '21, MIN vs. HOU 23 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 3 1.000 1.000 4.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 Moses Wright Dec 22, '21, LAC @ SAC 23 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 0.0 0.0 1.0 Omer Yurtseven Oct 21, '21, MIA vs. MIL 23 1 30 425 71 148 1 7 23 37 53 181 22 13 16 26 49 166 .480 .143 .622 14.2 5.5 6.0 0.7 You are here: BBR Home Page > Leagues > 2021-22 NBA > Rookies - Season Stats	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line28
__label__cc	0.620486	0.379514	The Next Financial Crisis: Student Loans In today’s job market, mass default? Sep 3 2011 86%. That’s the percentage of college graduates who in a Pew Research poll said that college was a good investment. And, indeed, other surveys find that college grads earn around $20,000 more a year than those with only high school diplomas. And the unemployment rate is far lower. But two-thirds graduated with college debt — an average of $24,000 last year — whereas less than half did in 1993. College debt, only $200 billion as recently as 2000, now exceeds $1 trillion — it’s now more than credit card debt. The question is, in this high unemployment economy, which is likely to last a decade, what if those collegians can’t find a job? Or a job that pays well enough to cover their college debt payments? Much as the buying of homes with no money down and no proof of income led to the subprime mortgage crash, are we about to see hundreds of thousands of our newly-minted adults trapped by debt and unable to pay the government or the banks? you can’t discharge a student loan Because trapped they are. Even if you declare personal bankruptcy, you cannot shed a college loan owed to the government. Barmak Nassirian of the American Association of College Registrars and Admissions Officers, quoted in this Atlantic Monthly article, said, "You will be hounded for life. They will garnish your wages. They will intercept your tax refunds", and social security payments will be docked when you retire. That’s not all. Professional licenses can be revoked and you become ineligible for federal employment. Unable to pay, a key element of our society — our college-educated youths — will find themselves swamped by late fees and interest piling up insurmountably. The reason for these vengeful measures is that the student has been handed taxpayer money and the government is obligated to get it back. But the government loan limit is Compounding the problem is the growing and reprehensible practice of U.S. businesses granting internships for which the student is paid nothing — students pressured by the competition for jobs after graduation to add these embellishments to their résumés, yet denied by these avaricious companies an opportunity to make some money to help pay their loans. $31,000 and students also take out private loans. Lobbied and bought off by the banks, Congress, in an unforgivable act, made private loans irrevocable as well in the 2005 revision of the bankruptcy laws. There is absolutely no justification for the banks to have this special protection. the root of the problem Lured by the money to be had from student loans, a number of private colleges have arisen to take advantage of government largesse. The likes of the University of Phoenix, Kaplan University, Education Management Corp. (EDMC) — they are accused of being money machines, accepting under-qualified students in order to pocket the money from government loans that students take out to pay the college fees. Commissioned recruiters entice teenagers with “high pressure sales techniques and inflated claims about career placement” according to a New York Times article. Another unconscionable act by the 2005 Congress was to allow 18-year-olds to take out loans without parental knowledge or permission, an age when youths have next to no realization of what they are getting into. The private colleges of this sort are also accused of delivering underwhelming educations, with questionable interest in preparing their students for jobs. That shows up in the statistics. Private colleges have grown to account for 10%-12% of all enrolled in higher education, soak up a quarter ($155 billion) of the student aid budget, yet go on to account for 50% of defaults on loans. The college “industry” may have thought clear sailing lay ahead when Phoenix was fined $78 million by the Justice Department for its recruiting practices — a light touch given the money that rolls in — but then, after declining to pursue a dozen whistle-blower suits, the Justice Department has just followed up on a 2007 complaint by two former employees with a breathtaking suit against EDMC. The charge is that its multiple colleges — they go by the names Art Institute, Argosy University, Brown Mackie College and South University — were not not eligible for and must return $11 billion in federal and state aid that EDMC received between July 2003 and June 2011. The allegation is that they violated federal law by paying recruiters based on the number of students they enrolled rather than the required criteria such as whether students were qualified. EDMC is 41% owned by Goldman Sachs. Its board chairman is Jock McKernan, a former governor of Maine, married to Republican Senator Olympia Snowe. Her financial disclosure form shows EDMC options worth $2-$10 million. where does that leave the students? Persuaded to over-extend themselves — many encouraged to borrow directly from the schools and at higher rates than federal aid — nearly a quarter of the students of for-profit colleges owed $40,000 or more on leaving, compared with only 6% of graduates from public colleges. If they cannot find jobs in an economy which is expected to remain at low ebb for a decade, these young graduates can expect to be burdened for years. They could find themselves still be paying off their college debt when it’s time to send their own kids to college.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line29
__label__cc	0.513078	0.486922	Cormier’s suspension should start a discussion about changing hockey’s culture Patrice Cormier, as a member of Canada's world junior team in action with a Swedish player. The Quebec Major Junior Hockey League has suspended forward Patrice Cormierof the Rouyn-Noranda Huskies for the rest of the regular season and the playoffs. Of course they did. Really, it’s the only option the league’s disciplinarian had after the former captain of Canada’s World Junior tournament team laid Mikael Tamof the Quebec Remparts out with a vicious elbow. But there are still lots of questions, the biggest and broadest of which is: where do we go from here? Not just Tam and Cormier, but the game itself. By all accounts, Tam has already begun to recover. He hasn’t shown any signs of a concussion and he’s been released from the hospital. All good news, to be sure. But no one is sure if he’ll be able to re-join his teammates, or when. Sad when you consider that the 18-year-old defenceman was having a career season with 10 goals and 12 assists. Cormier, of course, will be spending most of his time training on his own. Lou Lamoriello, the GM of the New Jersey Devils who drafted Cormier 54th overall in the 2008 draft, has already stated that the team will not place him in the American Hockey League or on any other teams affiliated with the Devils. "We will honour the league's suspension, have not considered, and will not explore other avenues for his return this season," Lamoriello said in a press release. This won’t be the end of Cormier’s career though. He's still a top-flight prospect who might be able to bounce back from this incident. Certainly, if he keeps his head down, his nose clean and continues to develop as a player, the Devils will have to consider calling him up to the NHL in the next few seasons. Cormier has issued his own public statement, saying, in part, “I deeply regret the circumstances surrounding this event and wish Mikael Tam a speedy and full recovery." No apology to Tam, just some best wishes. As so often happens in incidents like this, the injured party has to deal with the consequences of the play, while the offender is able to, eventually, resume their career. I wouldn’t want Cormier on my team, but the world of hockey has found roomin its heart to forgive a lot of players after similarly vicious incidents. Todd Bertuzzi is the first name that comes to mind. And that brings us to the real problem: violence in hockey. After all, everyone abhors Cormier’s cheap shot, but no one knows how to remove dirty hits from the game. I know that I enjoy watching a good hockey fight, as I think most people do, and there’s nothing like a good, solid hit. Hockey is an intrinsically violent game. But there is a semi-permanent, translucent line in hockey that a player can cross where finishing their check somehow becomes a late hit. Standards seem to change case by case. This line needs to be better defined, with clearer consequences outlined. How else can hockey separate good violence from, for lack of a better term, bad violence? I’m not sure. Hockey and hockey culture will always be physical, and tough players will always be admired. It would require an incredible sea-change to adjust the attitudes of players, coaches, officials and fans. Suspending Cormier is certainly a good step. He’s a very visible junior hockey player, and as I mentioned in an article last week, he’s a repeat offender. It sends a strong message to the hockey community, and was the natural conclusion to a nasty chapter in QMJHL history. Forcing Cormier, and other offenders at all levels of hockey, to engage in public awareness campaigns might be productive as well. However, the most effective solution would be to force the offending player’s team to forfeit the game. Had Quebec lost that game (the Remparts rallied to win 3-2 in the shootout), I feel that the QMJHL should have ruled the game as a forfeit for Rouyn-Noranda. If this became standard practice in junior and professional hockey leagues, I think it would create a sense of peer pressure that a cheap or dirty hit hurts the team in the standings, and players and coaches would do a better job of policing themselves. After all, no one wants to be directly responsible for costing their team a game, in addition to be suspended and fined. It will take a huge, systemic change to eliminate dirty hits from hockey, but I think it’s time that better minds than mine began to apply themselves to this problem. Tagged as: hockey, Lou Lamoriello, Mikael Tam, New Jersey Devils, Patrice Cormier, Patrick Roy, Quebec Major Junior Hockey League, Quebec Remparts, Rouyn-Noranda Huskies, suspension, Todd Bertuzzi 1 Comment	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line32
__label__wiki	0.923286	0.923286	Hong Kong activist returned from Chinese prison found guilty in national security case Economy5 hours ago (Aug 19, 2021 01:12AM ET) © Reuters. Armed police stand guard as a prison van carrying Andy Li, one of the 12 activists intercepted by mainland authorities in August 2020 on a boat allegedly en route to Taiwan, arrives at the high court, in Hong Kong, China August 19, 2021. REUTERS/Tyrone Si By Jessie Pang and Aiden Waters (NYSE:) HONG KONG (Reuters) -A Hong Kong pro-democracy activist, who had been detained in mainland China after trying to flee the city by boat, was found guilty on Thursday of conspiracy to commit collusion with a foreign country in a national security case. Andy Li was among a group of 12 people intercepted by mainland authorities in August 2020 on a boat believed to be en route to Taiwan, in a case which drew international attention and concern over their treatment in China. The court heard Li, 31, was instructed by media tycoon and prominent China critic Jimmy Lai, who is in prison for illegal assembly charges and faces his own national security trial, to help lobby for sanctions against Hong Kong and China. High Court Judge Alex Lee convicted Li, who will remain in custody, for conspiracy to commit subversion. The case is adjourned for Jan. 3, 2022. It is unclear when Li will be sentenced. “I agree and I want to say sorry,” Li told the court. Li, who had not spoken publicly about his detention in China and was detained upon his return to Hong Kong, had pleaded guilty to the charges. Li’s lawyers Alain Sham and Trevor Chan left the court without commenting. His previous lawyer Lawrence Law has not commented publicly on the case and did not respond to a Reuters email seeking comment. Chan Tsz-wah, a 29-year-old paralegal facing similar conspiracy charges in the same case, who was not among the 12 on the boat, also pleaded guilty and was convicted on Thursday and due to return to court in January. In China, the 12 were sentenced to between seven months and three years for illegally crossing the border, or organising the crossing. Two minors were released in December, while eight others, including Li, were released in March, but they were all detained in Hong Kong when they returned for charges related to their role in pro-democracy protests that swept the city in 2019. Two more remain in a Chinese prison, serving sentences of two and three years. One of the minors, Hoang Lam Phuc, was ordered detention in a training centre for under-20-year-olds last month after pleading guilty to attempted arson and possessing dangerous objects. The other cases are ongoing. Mainland authorities had insisted that officially appointed lawyers represented the 12 for their investigation and trial in China and denied their families access to them, provoking criticism from rights groups. Two mainland-based human rights lawyers who tried to help with the case saw their licenses revoked. Diplomats and journalists were barred from attending their trial in China. Beatrice Li, his sister, who has been advocating for more transparency on the case on the “Andy is missing” Facebook (NASDAQ:) page and Twitter handle, told Reuters just before the hearing she still did not know “what exactly has happened” with her brother in China and Hong Kong. “We should look at Andy’s case as one that has significant resemblance to how a case is handled under the Chinese legal system, instead of one going through the usual Hong Kong legal system we are familiar with,” she said. Hong Kong’s mini-constitution says the city’s judiciary is independent. In China, courts are controlled by the Communist Party and their conviction rate is close to 100%. China’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, which comes under the State Council, or cabinet, did not respond to a request for comment. Chinese authorities had said their case was handled “in accordance with the law”. A spokesman for the Hong Kong government’s Security Bureau declined comment on the particulars of Li’s case, citing ongoing judicial proceedings, but said “endangering national security is a very serious crime”. Hong Kong “will not interfere with the law enforcement, judicial actions and penalty system of other jurisdictions,” the spokesman said in an email, referring to Li’s prosecution and trial in China. Previous articleEmmanuel Acho reacts to LaMelo Ball’s comments on not regretting skipping college I SPEAK FOR YOURSELF Next articleJapan warns of ‘serious’ impact after S.Korean forced labour verdict Bloomberg Wealth: Investment Ideas for an Inflationary Era Need help? Contact us We've detected unusual activity from your computer network To continue, please click the box below to let us know you're not a robot. Why did this happen? Please make sure your browser supports JavaScript and cookies and that you are not blocking them from loading. For more information you can review… Redfin to Present at 1st Annual Needham Consumer Tech / E-Commerce Virtual Conference November 09, 2021 SEATTLE, Nov. 9, 2021 /PRNewswire/ -- Redfin Corporation (NASDAQ: RDFN) today announced that Chief Financial Officer Chris Nielsen will present the following virtual event: 1st Annual Needham Consumer Tech / E-Commerce Virtual ConferenceMonday, November 22, 2021 About Redfin Redfin (www.redfin.com) is a technology-powered real estate company. We help people find a place to… Redfin to Attend 2021 Berenberg US CEO Conference November 09, 2021 SEATTLE, Nov. 9, 2021 /PRNewswire/ -- Redfin Corporation (NASDAQ: RDFN) today announced that Chief Financial Officer Chris Nielsen will attend the following virtual event: 2021 Berenberg US CEO ConferenceTuesday, November 9, 2021 About Redfin Redfin (www.redfin.com) is a technology-powered real estate company. We help people find a place to live with brokerage, instant…	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line38
__label__wiki	0.84744	0.84744	You are here: Home / Arts & Entertainment / ‘Delano Manongs’ elevates Filipino Americans as civil rights heroes ‘Delano Manongs’ elevates Filipino Americans as civil rights heroes November 21, 2014 By James Tabafunda By James Tabafunda Larry Itliong, Filipino labor leader Filipino American producer and director Marissa Aroy has a timely message.<!–more–> Her documentary, “The Delano Manongs: Forgotten Heroes of the United Farm Workers,” adds an important, but missing, story about Filipino Americans who stood with Mexican American civil rights icon Cesar Chavez as dedicated members of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee. It features “manongs,” the Filipino word for “older brothers” or “older Filipino gentlemen,” who traveled to the United States in the 1920s and 1930s with the shared vision of earning money in white-collar as well as blue-collar jobs. Mural commemorating the Delano Malongs by Eliseo Art Silva Once they arrived, most of them realized that they could only find menial jobs, migrating from one labor camp to another. And since most of them were bachelors, they were subject to California’s anti-miscegenation law (1850 to 1948), which banned interracial marriage. “The Delano Manongs” tells the story of Larry Itliong and about 1,500 Filipino American farm workers in California who walked off their jobs in order to demand fair wages and better working conditions during the Delano Grape Strike of 1965. Other “manongs” include Philip Vera Cruz and Peter Velasco. Itliong’s Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee merged with Chavez and the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), which later became the United Farm Workers. The Filipino American and Mexican American solidarity changed the strike in rural Delano, Calif. into a national movement. Itliong became second-in-command under Chavez. His son, Johnny Itliong, provides such insights as, “He would stand up to anybody.” In addition to being a cigar-smoking, articulate, union veteran, Larry Itliong raised seven children and spoke seven languages. In the documentary, he said, “I’m not scared of nobody. And I’m a son of a (expletive) in terms of fighting for the rights of Filipinos in this country.” Itliong’s philosophy (“If you’re going to punch me, I’m going to punch you back”) was not the same as Chavez’s. Aroy also said about Itliong, “And so, that’s not really good PR for the union, and it’s very opposite of what Cesar Chavez was after, which was non-violence.” “A lot of the Filipinos, because that’s how they had grown up, under these really tough union and striking practices, they had to learn what this anti-violence movement, this peaceful movement was about. So that would be another reason why Larry Itliong didn’t become the leader.” “The Delano Manongs” is a 30-minute documentary. It enlightens all of us that historical accounts of the civil rights movement in the 1960s need to be more inclusive. Filipino American activists deserve the same recognition given to Mexican American activists for organizing farm workers in California. Aroy has said her main goal is to get the story of these Filipino American farm workers taught in universities and high schools. Some educators and community leaders have agreed with her and have organized community screenings of the film. She pointed out, “The post-1965 generation, they don’t know this history at all.” Recent interviews with Dolores Huertas, NFWA co-founder with Chavez, and interviews with grape growers provide the documentary with fairness and balance. Sound recordings of Larry Itliong’s voice used in the film are supplemented with English subtitles to ensure his words (spoken with a slight Filipino accent) are easily understandable. Most of the original Filipino American farm workers have died. The few survivors left are shown living in Delano’s Paulo Agbayani Retirement Village, a facility created specifically to honor these elderly and displaced Filipino Americans. “The Delano Manongs” will be broadcast on PBS stations in 2015. (end) For more information about “The Delano Manongs: Forgotten Heroes of the United Farm Workers,” go to www.delanomanongs.com. James Tabafunda can be reached at info@nwasianweekly.com. Filed Under: Arts & Entertainment, Features, Profiles Tagged With: 2014, 2015, Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee, Cesar Chavez, Delano Grape Strike, Dolores Huertas, Filipino Americans, James Tabafunda, Johnny Itliong, Larry Itliong, Marissa Aroy, Mexican American, NFWA, Paulo Agbayani Retirement Village, Peter Velasco, United Farm Workers Organizing Committee, United States, Vol 33 No 48 \| November 22 - November 28 Leopoldo Roy Barrit says Just want to let you know. I was in a group of Filipino teenagers, who worked in a farm picking grapes in Delano in the summer of 1965–and, the strike came about late in the summer, got kicked out of the farm housing and slept in our cars parked around the Filipino Community Center. We finally went back home to Mar Vista in Los Angeles (Zone 90066). We were fresh out of high school and attended Santa Monica City College. There were six of us boys–and, we all ended up joining the service in the following spring of 1966. Tony Alagao, Jr. had relations in Delano who got us work then in the farm. Tony joined in the Army, as well as Mariano Tolentino–and, they both served in Germany. Leoncio Agustin and I joined in the Army too and we both served in Germany and Vietnam–although, Leoncio got sick afterward and passed. Rene Soriano joined in the Air Force and served in Japan. Abraham Pagtama joined in the Navy and also in the Army. The Delano Manongs led these six young Filipino boys from L.A. through an unforgettable Summer of ’65, although unknowingly. We served that purpose then for the Filipino Community–and, we went on… Thought I’d write to get on the roll call.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line39
__label__wiki	0.710406	0.710406	Foo Fighters Play Last Show for a Long While at New York’s Global Citizen Festival Theo Wargo, Getty Images It was a bittersweet moment Saturday night in New York’s Park as the Foo Fighters played an electrifying set at the Global Citizen Festival, but also made the announcement during the show that it will be their last performance for an indefinite period of time. Singer Dave Grohl told the audience, “We’re not making a big deal out of this, but this is it. We don’t have any more shows after this. This is it. We don’t have any ones after this. This is the show where we play as many songs as we can in a short period of time because honestly, I don’t know when we’re gonna do it again, but this is the perfect place to do it right now tonight.” The Foo Fighters did make the most of their set time, rocking through nine songs and keeping the energy high throughout. The performance opened with Grohl alone onstage with his guitar, relying on the audience for backup during the opening verses of ‘Times Like These’ before the rest of his band joined midway through to provide the frantic closing to the song. An impressive display of hard-rocking power followed, with ‘All My Life,’ ‘My Hero,’ and ‘Arlandria’ leading the way. The band did work in a few of their mid-tempo favorites like ‘Learn to Fly,’ ‘These Days,’ and ‘Walk’ before rounding out their performance with ‘Best of You’ and ‘Everlong.’ Grohl admitted being torn during the performance, stating, “I wish we could play all night … but I wanna see Neil Young .” He followed that with his announcement about it being the band’s final show for some time. For those worried about the future, it should be noted that Grohl made a similar statement to fans in the U.K. at the end of their overseas tour and then after commentary on the Internet hit a certain point buzzing that a hiatus was coming, Grohl posted his own response downplaying the hiatus talk . What this likely suggests is that the Foo Fighters have come to the end of their ‘Wasting Light’ touring cycle, and will take however much time is needed to re-energize before approaching their next disc. Grohl would later return to the stage, as he and the Black Keys ‘ Dan Auerbach would join headliners Neil Young for the all-star finale of ‘Rockin’ in the Free World.’ In addition to the two musicians, members of Foo Fighters, Band of Horses , and opening act K’Naan all grabbed every available microphone to provide backing vocals on the track. [button href=”http://loudwire.com/foo-fighters-bizarre-tour-rider-requests/” title=”Next: Foo Fighters: Bizarre Tour Rider Requests” align=”center”] Watch Foo Fighters Perform ‘Everlong’ at the Global Citizen Festival Watch Foo Fighters Perform ‘Times Like These’ at the Global Citizen Festival Foo Fighters’ Global Citizen Festival Set ‘Times Like These’ ‘All My Life’ ‘My Hero’ ‘Learn to Fly’ ‘Arlandria’ ‘These Days’ ‘Walk’ ‘Best of You’ ‘Everlong’ Posted in News Tags: a-certain-point, band, concerts, festival, fighters, free, global-citizen, grohl, internet, likely-suggests, the black keys « Scars on Broadway Launch Rare Tour at California’s Epicenter Festival James Lomenzo + Mark ‘Abba’ Abbattista Share How Metal Aided Their ‘Amazing Race’ Journey »	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line40
__label__cc	0.612019	0.387981	Where history comes alive MintaroHistoricalSociety HomeMintaro The History RoomDonate Mintaro Historical Society was established in 1999 by Martin Smith, Derick & Corrine Bolton, Ron Gardner and the late Eric Jacka. The society was later certified as an incorporation in 2000. At this time, Martin Smith had just finished running the hotel, Magpie & Stump in Mintaro. With the change of pace, he noticed the local community was always changing and those with the history knowledge were fading. As a keen historian, Martin began to discuss with Derick, Corrine, Ron and Eric how to avoid the history disappearing along with the buildings of the town. The group began by researching into Mintaro’s fallen; the soldiers who signed up to fight for their country, went to war but unfortunately did not return. Initially the society was based in the Teapot Inn, displaying family artefacts, donated photos and memorabilia with volunteers on site to answer any queries. From this, the society and the history room has expanded to cover all aspects of the town and its people. A new building was built especially, situated on the land behind the Magpie & Stump pub to become the new, dedicated history room. Since the beginning of the society, many people have come to them seeking information about their past relatives. It is one of the most rewarding and successful parts of the society, to give answers to those with personal connections with the town. The society remains active and want to continue to improve and update the room and their knowledge. They are currently undertaking field trips to GPS, map and photograph how the town and the original dwellings of Mintaro farming area has been laid out in the past. Mintaro Historical Society was officially certified on 2nd August 2000 as an incorporated body. The beautiful town of Mintaro, situated on the far eastern edge of Clare Valley, is considered one of the jewels of South Australia. This little state heritage town is rich with history and the Mintaro Historical Society Incorporated is dedicated to capture and savour it.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line41
__label__wiki	0.798117	0.798117	POST TRIAL – STRANGEWAYS After the verdict Mr Ferguson QC told Thomas that the gun in Strangeways had “all the hallmarks of Superintendent Murray”. Murray was the officer in charge of the murder investigation but had retired by the time of the trial. Ferguson represented a businessman called Kevin Taylor a short time prior to Thomas’s trial. This involved a case in which a friendship between Mr Taylor and John Stalker became the subject of an official investigation. DCI Richardson and Chief Superintendent Murray were part of the team set up to discredit John Stalker. Ferguson was therefore well aware of Murray’s character and capabilities. Ferguson also told us that we would need a new forensic report as our report turned up a day after the trial had started and he told us that it was too late to use it. However, he said that it did not matter as he could speak more “eloquently” than the forensic scientist. As advised by Mr Ferguson, after the trial we made it our mission to find out the truth behind the smuggled gun in Strangeways. Over the years we have written hundreds of letters to the Prison Authority, to MPs, the CPS and various other organisations. In the 15 years since this conviction new evidence has come to light which clearly demonstrates both how and why justice miscarried in this case. In particular the spotlight now falls upon Paul Cook, a customs officer who was actively seeking a Royal Pardon for two major Liverpool drug barons, John Haase and Paul Bennett. These men were on remand in Strangeways Prison in 1994 where Thomas was also on remand while being tried at Manchester Crown Court. Haase and Bennett were tried in Southwark Crown Court in 2008 and convicted on 19th November 2008 of conspiracy to pervert the course of public justice in relation to the planting of the gun in HMP Manchester in 1994 and several other gun plants. They received sentences of 22 and 20 years respectively. The sentences were so lengthy because their trial judge, Justice Cook, gave them back the 13 years that they would have served had they not been granted a Royal Pardon for their bogus information in 1996. The Royal Pardon resulted in them being controversially released from prison in 1996 having served only 18 months of an 18 year sentence. At the request of Justice Cook, Haase and Bennett’s Customs handler, Paul Cook, is currently under investigation by the IPCC for his part in this conspiracy. Recent articles on the BBC website have mentioned the particular case of Thomas Bourke. The following link details how Haase and Bennett interfered with his trial. How a home secretary was hoodwinked The main reason Haase and Bennett were granted the Royal Pardon in 1996 was for averting a hostage situation in prison. They achieved this by arranging to have a gun planted in HMP Manchester in November 1994. They were told by their Customs handler, Paul Cook, that the authorities were suspicious that the guns and drugs they were informing on were actually their own. They needed a 'body'. Sadly this 'body' was Thomas Bourke. With the help of their legal team and,incredibly,the prosecuting team,they entered into a deal with HM Customs.We now have documentary evidence of how this relationship developed including HM Customs’ arguments before a judge to persuade him that these two criminals had “prevented a hostage-taking situation at Strangeways Prison”. Although we knew for many years from underworld sources in Liverpool that these men were behind the gun plant, we were unable to prove it. It was only in 2005 when Peter Kilfoyle MP had gathered enough evidence that an investigation by the Metropolitan Police into the early release of these drug barons took place. This investigation has resulted in several people, including both Haase and Bennett being charged with perverting the course of justice. It is now known that these men merely used their drugs fortune to buy up dozens of illegal guns and explosives – and then tip off the authorities. In effect they were spending their ill-gotten gains to buy credit with the judicial establishment. And by deploying precisely the same modus, they planted the gun in Strangeways Prison and via their ever-helpful Customs handler Paul Cook falsely tipped off the court that Thomas Bourke was responsible. Paul Cook, and Haase and Bennett’s solicitor, Tony Nelson, were both aware on 30th November 1994, that the gun was in HMP Manchester. They did not alert the authorities until Thursday 1st December 1994 at a crucial time in Thomas Bourke’s trial. This was the day of the final speeches. They withheld the information until such time as it would do the most damage. We now know that the counsel for the prosecution at Thomas’s trial, Mr Peter Openshaw QC (now Sir Peter Openshaw), had a secret meeting with Justice Sachs , before the Summing Up - possibly even before the Final Speeches. What he told him is now accepted to be a falsehood, i.e. that the gun was for Thomas. We have no way of knowing what else he discussed with the judge and there were no safeguards in place to protect Thomas’s rights to a fair trial. This meeting does not appear in the Court Log. Neither man acted to halt the prejudicial effect on the fairness of Thomas’s trial and nor did either of them, presumably by agreement, inform the defence counsel. Indeed their failure to act, in effect, showed a total disregard to the inevitable prejudicial effect raised security and Press speculation would have on the jury and their deliberations. We only found out about it in 2006 when Sir Peter Openshaw stated that a secret meeting did in fact take place. It was formally acknowledged and accepted at the leave to appeal hearing that this gun was nothing whatsoever to do with Thomas. Lord Justice Moses stated: “The material advanced as a result of the researches of counsel, solicitors and the family seems to show that the gun was brought into the prison by a man called Haase and another man called Bennett at least with the knowledge, if not the connivance, of an Officer of Customs and Excise”. Sir Peter Openshaw did not appear at the Appeal Hearing and has not come forward to comment about his role in respect of the Strangeways gun incident. There can be no doubt now that the linked acts of official misinformation and misreporting – and the media storm it seeded - corroded justice and led to Thomas Bourke’s conviction. Even so, because the evidence was so weak, it was only by the slimmest of margins 10:2 – two jurors seeing through the fog of lies, false witness and prejudice. The question remains, was Thomas a convenient fall guy whom the drug barons had met on the same wing in Strangeways? Or were they directed to his door because it served the interests of others keen to secure his conviction – and by implication mask their own guilt? Towards the end of 2007, a document was obtained in which Haase and Bennett’s Custom’s handler, Paul Cook, actually names the man believed to be responsible for the MOT murders. This man is NOT Thomas Bourke – but a well-known figure from Manchester’s gangland. It has long been known that this man and his gang are associates of the two drug barons. In fact it was this same man who organised for the gun to be smuggled into Strangeways. It is also well known in Manchester’s criminal underworld that this man is closely linked to all three prime prosecution witnesses in the trial against Thomas Bourke. To conclude - the motive for these murders remains unknown. But we now have a clear indication of who carried out this brutal double murder. It was not Thomas Bourke.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line44
__label__cc	0.73753	0.26247	kcgoldct@gmail.com 50 MARKET SQUARE #5 NEWINGTON, CT, 06111 Items We Buy & Sell Sports Memorabilia & Collectibles History of Silver Since Ancient times, silver has been used for jewelry and for eating and drinking vessels. People have been mining silver since at least 3,000 BC. Silver was also used for coins. From about 400 BC silver coins were used in Greece. Both the Aztecs and the Incas made jewelry from silver – until they were conquered by the Spanish in the 16th century. The Spanish looted the New World of precious metals. During the 16th century 7.4 million kilograms of silver were shipped to Spain. Silver was found in Nevada, USA in 1858. As a result there was a silver rush. In 1859 Henry Comstock discovered silver in California. Today silver is often used in photography and in dentistry. Silver is also used in batteries. Silver is the state metal of Nevada. The chemical symbol for silver is Ag from the Latin word for silver, argentum. Argentina also gets it’s name from silver. Characteristics of Sterling Silver The whitest of all of the precious metals, sterling silver has been heralded for centuries for its highly lustrous finish and versatile applications. Although harder than gold, sterling silver is still considered one of the more pliable and supple metals. Its malleability makes silver easy to hammer and mold into various forms and shapes. Silver melts at a slightly lower temperature than gold (1760 degrees F as opposed to 1960 degrees F). The United States mined 90% silver coinage until 1964. Naming & History of Sterling Silver Dating back to the time of primitive man, silver has been referred to by many different naming conventions. The story of how the word “sterling” was incorporated into the name is rooted in 12th-century lore. As payment for English cattle, an association of eastern Germans compensated the British with silver coins dubbed “Easterlings.” Eventually, the Easterling was widely accepted as a standard of English currency. The name was ultimately abbreviated to “Sterling,” which is now used to refer to the highest grade of silver metal. The official designation of “sterling” to a piece of silver indicates that it contains at least 92.5% of pure silver. The remaining 7.5% can be comprised of any other metal alloy, most commonly copper. Although it may seem that an even higher silver content would be desirable, that’s not actually the case. Metal alloys with a silver content of more than 92.5% are too pliable to be used without suffering from dents and dings. The second alloy is required to ensure the metal’s stability and resilience. Other Types of Silver In addition to sterling silver, which contains 92.5% silver and 7.5% copper alloy, there are many different varieties and grades of silver in production throughout the world: Fine silver: This type of silver has a silver content of 99.9% or higher. Fine silver is much too soft to be used in everyday applications, such as jewelry, dining accents, or tableware. This premium class of silver is used to make bullion bars and coins for international commerce. Britannia silver: A higher grade than sterling silver, Britannia has a silver content of at least 95.84%. Originating as a standard in Britain as far back as 1697, Britannia silver is denoted by a hallmark stamp of “958” to indicate its silver content, sometimes accompanied by the symbol of Britannia. Mexican silver: Another premium silver, Mexican silver consists of at least 95% pure silver and 5% copper. This elite form of the metal is not currently in wide circulation in Mexico; most of the silver jewelry and accents sold in Mexican marketplaces is forged from 92.5% sterling. Coin silver: Comprised of 90% silver and 10% copper, coin silver is made from melting down standard silver coins. Lower in silver content than sterling, this metal was widely used as silver tableware in the United States between 1820 and 1868, and as common currency until 1964. German silver: This term is usually used to refer to 800-standard silver, which consists of 80% silver and is commonly used for silverware, silver tableware, and decorative silver accents. 900-standard silver is another higher-grade version of German silver, and has a 90% silver content. Copyright 2022 © KC's Gold & Collectibles	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line46
__label__cc	0.746017	0.253983	On the Eve of the Great Patriotic War September 1, 1939 – June 22, 1941 Document's list The Wehrmacht’s Invasion of Poland and the Beginning of World War II. September – November 1939 Soviet ‘Security Zones’ on Stalin’s Maps. August 1939 Reunification of Western Ukraine with the Ukrainian SSR and Western Belorussia with the Belorussian SSR. September – November 1939 Beginning of the ‘Phoney War’ in the West. September – October 1939 Soviet-German Talks. 21–28 September, 1939 Soviet-Turkish Talks about a Mutual Assistance Treaty. September – October 1939 Relations between the USSR and the Baltic Countries. September 1939 – May 1940 Soviet-Finnish Talks. October – November 1939 The ‘Winter War’ with Finland and Its Outcome. November 1939 – May 1940 Franco-British Plans of Attacking the USSR. November 1939 – May 1940 Commercial and Economic Activities of the USSR During the War in Europe. October 1939 – June 1941 The Soviet Military-Industrial Complex and Its Developmental Problems. December 1939 – June 1941 The End of the ‘Phoney War’ and the Defeat of France. March – June 1940 Incorporation of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania into the USSR. June – August 1940 Incorporation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina into the USSR. June – August 1940 Berlin Pact of 1940. September – December 1940 Official Visit of Soviet People’s Commissar of Foreign Affairs V. Molotov to Berlin. November 1940 – January 1941 German Preparations for War against the USSR. July 1940 – April 1941 Preparations of the Red Army for Repulsing Aggression. May 1940 – April 1941 Soviet Intelligence Information about German Plans of Aggression. December 1940 – April 1941 German Aggression in the Balkans. March – May 1941 Signature of the Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact on April 13, 1941. April 1941 On the Eve of Germany’s Attack against the USSR. May – 21 June, 1941 ‘On 22 June at 4 a.m. …’ Invasion of the USSR by Germany and Its Satellites Proskurov Ivan Internal report from Chief of the 5th Red Army Directorate I. Proskurov to Soviet People’s Commissar of Defence K. Voroshilov with attached materials about anti-Soviet activities in the Baltic countries and the recruitment of Estonian volunteers for fighting in Finland Russian State Military Archive Coll. 33987, ser. 3а, fold. 1306, ff. 50–58. Report – original, attachment – certified copy Summary of the 5th Red Army Directorate № 15 about events in the West: construction of planes by Italian aircraft factories for Great Britain, plans of operations by Franco-British troops against Soviet Transcaucasia, the military and economic situation in Finland, etc. Coll. 33988, ser. 4а, fold. 35, ff. 65–70. J. Stalin’s speech at a meeting of senior Red Army commanders discussing the results the ‘Winter War’ Russian State Archive of Social and Political History Coll. 558, ser. 11, fold. 1124, ff. 8–43. Deciphered shorthand transcript Special report of the 5th Red Army Directorate ‘Stance of the USA on the war in Europe and on the USSR’ Coll. 37977, ser. 1, fold. 693, ff. 38–39 Summary of the 5th Red Army Directorate № 77 about events in the West: Anglo-German peace talks in Spain, mobilisation in Hungary, the attitude of Germany and Italy to the incorporation of Bessarabia into the Soviet Union, etc. Special report of the 5th Red Army Directorate about the attitude of the USA towards Soviet activities in Bessarabia and the striving of the US establishment to improve relations with Japan and the Soviet Union Coll. 37977, ser. 5, fold. 535, ff. 288–289. Cipher telegram from Berlin to the 5th Red Army Directorate about the attitude of foreign military attachés to the transfer of German troops from West to East, the interest of Germans in Eastern Europe, and their possible actions against the USSR and Great Britain (with an attached note from the 5th Red Army Directorate) coll. 37977, ser. 1, fold. 693, ff. 85–93. Cipher telegram – certified copy, note – original © Federal Archival Agency, 2021. While publishing, mentioning or citing the website materials a link to the website with the Internet address is required. The publication of images of archival documents is allowed only with the permission of the archives which they are stored in. Technical support: support@archives.ru	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line58
__label__wiki	0.955892	0.955892	Wolf Pack baseball team predicted to finish third in WAC; Fresno slated to win RENO - Nevada Wolf Pack baseball coach Gary Powers has no problem with Fresno State being named the team to beat in the Western Athletic Conference. "Fresno is loaded," Powers said. "They have everybody back." The Bulldogs, who won the WAC regular season title last year at 38-25 overall and 16-8 in league play, were picked to win the conference this year in a recent vote by the league's seven head coaches. The Wolf Pack, which received one first place vote (coaches couldn't vote for their own team), was picked to finish third behind Fresno and Hawaii and ahead of, in order, San Jose State, New Mexico State, Louisiana Tech and Sacramento State. "We should be picked somewhere in the middle," said Powers, whose Wolf Pack tied for second in the WAC at 14-9-1 (36-22-1 overall) with New Mexico State last year. "Our conference is going to be loaded with experience this year." Fresno State also dominated the pre-season All-WAC team, also voted on by the coaches. The Bulldogs placed seven players on the 16-player team. Hawaii junior second baseman Kolten Wong was named the pre-season Player of the Year and San Jose State junior Blake McFarland was named the pre-season Pitcher of the Year. The Wolf Pack had two players honored on the pre-season All-WAC Team: utility player Brock Stassi and outfielder Brian Barnett. Stassi, the 2010 WAC Pitcher of the Year, was 7-4 on the mound with a 3.43 earned run average in 2010 and also hit .364 with nine homers and 42 RBI. Barnett led the Pack with 18 homers and 71 RBI and also hit .348. Among the Wolf Pack players not honored were outfielder Nick Melino and starting pitcher Tom Jameson. Melino led the WAC in hitting last year at .388 (tied with New Mexico State's Leo Aguirre) and also hit seven homers with 35 RBI. Jameson, who allowed just one hit in eight innings in a 3-1 victory over Louisiana Tech in the WAC Tournament, was 6-1 with a 3.84 ERA a year ago. Fresno's Jordan Ribera, last year's WAC Player of the Year after hitting 27 homers and driving in 69 runs and hitting .343, was named at first base. Wong hit .365 last year with seven homers and 40 RBI and is the pre-season All-WAC second baseman. At shortstop is Fresno's Garrett Weber (.387, 38 RBI last year) and at third is Fresno's Danny Muno (.329, seven homers, 33 RBI). Fresno State's Trent Garrison was named at catcher after hitting .339 with five homers, 46 RBI in 2010. Joining Barnett in the outfield are Fresno's Brennan Gowens (.359, four homers, 35 RBI) and Dusty Robinson (.308, 16, 60) and New Mexico State's Chace Perkins. Perkins, a North Valleys High graduate, was one of the WAC's top hitters a year ago (.363, 17 homers, 70 RBI). Hawaii's Jeff Van Doornum was named at designated hitter after hitting .342 with 12 homers and 36 RBI. McFarland (7-4, 3.62) was joined in the starting rotation by Fresno's Greg Gonzalez (8-2, 6.54) and Hawaii's Matt Sisto (5-5, 5.57). The relievers are San Jose State's Zack Jones, last year's WAC Freshman of the Year (5-1, 3.73 ERA and five saves in 20 games), and Hawaii's Lenny Linsky (3-0, 1.59, 12 saves in 27 games). The Wolf Pack will open its season Feb. 18 at UC Irvine. The home opener at Peccole Park is March 1 against San Francisco State.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line60
__label__wiki	0.941175	0.941175	$522 fine paid in Pinenut fatal MINDEN - One of the drivers involved in a fatal collision last June on Pinenut Road pleaded guilty Wednesday to minor consuming and paid a $522 fine, but did not appear in court. Ryan Moglich, 18, signed a waiver of appearance in East Fork Justice Court, and entered the plea and paid the fine through his attorney, Tod Young. He was charged with minor in possession, consuming or being under the influence of an alcoholic beverage, a misdemeanor. The charge arose from a June 5 collision on Pinenut Road that claimed the life of Michael Lombardo, IV, 24. The victim was a passenger in a car driven by Daniel Delgadillo, 22, of Gardnerville. Delgadillo was charged with vehicular manslaughter and is to appear in court on March 2. He also was charged with driving under the influence of alcohol and reckless driving on Dec. 12. According to a report by the Nevada Highway Patrol Major Accident Investigation Team, Delgadillo's vehicle was traveling west on Pinenut Road between 86-88 mph when it collided with a truck driven by Moglich. The collision occurred at 12:50 p.m. June 5 when Moglich's pickup pulled out from a church parking lot turning east on Pinenut into the path of Delgadillo's westbound Mitsubishi sedan. According to the NHP report, the speed of the Delgadillo's vehicle was the "proximate cause" of the accident. Cited as contributing factors were the presence of alcohol in Delgadillo and Moglich. The charge against Moglich was based on the fact he had alcohol in his system one hour and 40 minutes after the accident, and the discovery of 1.75 liter bottle of Jack Daniels in the back of the passenger seat in his truck. According to investigators, the seal was broken on the bottle and it was seven-eighths full. Following the accident, Moglich reportedly told investigators he had been at a Douglas High School graduation party the night before and consumed six 12-ounce beers and four shots of whiskey. He said he stopped drinking at 3 a.m. A blood test determined his alcohol content to be .045, below the legal limit of .08 for driving. Delgadillo said he drank until 3 or 4 a.m. His blood alcohol content was .028. He also had traces of alprazolam, an anti-anxiety drug, in his system. No one in the Delgadillo vehicle was wearing a seat belt, also cited as a contributing factor. Moglich and his passengers were wearing seat belts and escaped injury. Failing to yield to traffic from a private drive was not considered based on the speed of Delgadillo's vehicle, the NHP said. Moglich was to appear March 21, but his attorney requested the date be moved up to Wednesday, according to court files. The victim's father, Michael Lombardo, said Thursday he was disappointed he didn't know about the date change, or that Moglich didn't have to appear. "It's almost like he (Moglich) is hiding out in the background so he doesn't have to come forward and face the consequences. I am very disillusioned about the whole thing. I don't think the court system should allow him to skate through it. It's like, 'A death was involved. So what?' It's like my son's life was worth $522," Lombardo said. According to the court file, both sides recommended that no other charges be filed against Moglich, and that there be no jail time. He faced up to six months in jail and a $1,000 fine. Lombardo said he has heard nothing from the Moglich family. "If it was me, I would have my son down there on their doorstep begging for forgiveness," he said.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line61
__label__wiki	0.858549	0.858549	Angelina Jolie reveals she could copy Trump and run for political office Thread: Angelina Jolie reveals she could copy Trump and run for political office ANGELINA Jolie could enter politics and run for office, she revealed today. The Hollywood megastar suggested she could end up becoming a politician in an echo of Donald Trump's career transformation. She vowed to "do whatever is needed to make change" and joked she's so well-known that nobody would be able to dig up dirt on her. Ms Jolie even refused to rule out running for US President as she guest-edited the BBC's Today programme. Presenter Justin Webb pointed to her history of activism over issues such as refugees, saying: "Are you moving in a direction of politics?" Angie replied: "Honestly if you'd asked me 20 years ago I would have laughed - I really don't know. "I always say I'll go where I'm needed - I don't know if I'm fit for politics, but then I've also joked that I don't have a skeleton left in my closet so I'm pretty open and out there. "I can take a lot on the chin, so that's good." The actress added: "I honestly will do whatever I think can really make change and right now I am able to work with a UN agency to do a lot of work directly with people in need. "I sit in a very interesting place of being able to get a lot done without a title and without it being about myself and my policies. "So for now I'll sit quiet." When Mr Webb said she'd put her on the list of potential Democratic challengers to Mr Trump in 2020, Ms Jolie responded "Thank you." The Oscar-winning star is a special envoy for the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. She worked closely with William Hague when he was Foreign Secretary to end sexual violence as a weapon of war. have, open	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line62
__label__wiki	0.759245	0.759245	PIOs & FAAs RTI Act RTI Rules Other Acts & Rules Chapter II:Right to Information and Obligations of Public Authorities 3. Subject to the provisions of this Act, all citizens shall have the right to information. 4. (1) Every public authority shall Maintain all its records duly catalogued and indexed in a manner and the form which facilitates the right to information under this Act and ensure that all records that are appropriate to be computerized are, within a reasonable time and subject to availability of resources, computerized and connected through a network all over the country on different systems so that access to such records is facilitated; (b) Publish within one hundred and twenty days from the enactment of this Act, (i) The particulars of its organization, functions and duties; (ii) The powers and duties of its officers and employees; (iii) The procedure followed in the decision making process, including channels of supervision and accountability; (iv) The norms set by it for the discharge of its functions; (v) The rules, regulations, instructions, manuals and records, held by it or under its control or used by its employees for discharging its functions; (vi) A statement of the categories of documents that are held by it or under its control; (vii) The particulars of any arrangement that exists for consultation with, or representation by, the members of the public in relation to the formulation of its policy or implementation thereof; (viii) A statement of the boards, councils, committees and other bodies consisting of two or more persons constituted as its part or for the purpose of its advice, and as to whether meetings of those boards, councils, committees and other bodies are open to the public, or the minutes of such meetings are accessible for public; (ix) A directory of its officers and employees; (x) The monthly remuneration received by each of its officers and employees, including the system of compensation as provided in its regulations; (xi) The budget allocated to each of its agency, indicating the particulars of all plans, proposed expenditures and reports on disbursements made; (xii) The manner of execution of subsidy programmes, including the amounts allocated and the details of beneficiaries of such programmes; (xiii) Particulars of recipients of concessions, permits or authorizations granted by it; (xiv) Details in respect of the information, available to or held by it, reduced in an electronic form; (xv) The particulars of facilities available to citizens for obtaining information, including the working hours of a library or reading room, if maintained for public use; (xvi) The names, designations and other particulars of the Public Information Officers; (xvii) Such other information as may be prescribed and thereafter update these publications every year; (c) Publish all relevant facts while formulating important policies or announcing the decisions which affect public; (d) Provide reasons for its administrative or quasi-judicial decisions to affected persons. It shall be a constant endeavor of every public authority to take steps in accordance with the requirements of clause (b) of sub-section (1) to provide as much information suo moto to the public at regular intervals through various means of communications, including internet, so that the public have minimum resort to the use of this Act to obtain information. (3) For the purposes of sub-section (1), every information shall be disseminated widely and in such form and manner which is easily accessible to the public. All materials shall be disseminated taking into consideration the cost effectiveness, local language and the most effective method of communication in that local area and the information should be easily accessible, to the extent possible in electronic format with the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, available free or at such cost of the medium or the print cost price as may be prescribed. Explanation.—For the purposes of sub-sections (3) and (4), "disseminated" means making known or communicated the information to the public through notice boards, newspapers, public announcements, media broadcasts, the internet or any other means, including inspection of offices of any public authority 5. (1) Every public authority shall, within one hundred days of the enactment of this Act, designate as many officers as the Central Public Information Officers or State Public Information Officers, as the case may be, in all administrative units or offices under it as may be necessary to provide information to persons requesting for the information under this Act. Without prejudice to the provisions of sub-section (1), every public authority shall designate an officer, within one hundred days of the enactment of this Act, at each sub-divisional level or other sub-district level as a Central Assistant Public Information Officer or a State Assistant Public Information Officer, as the case may be, to receive the applications for information or appeals under this Act for forwarding the same forthwith to the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or senior officer specified under sub-section (1) of section 19 or the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission, as the case may be: Provided that where an application for information or appeal is given to a Central Assistant Public Information Officer or a State Assistant Public Information Officer, as the case may be, a period of five days shall be added in computing the period for response specified under sub-section (1) of section 7. Every Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall deal with requests from persons seeking information and render reasonable assistance to the persons seeking such information. (4) The Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, may seek the assistance of any other officer as he or she considers it necessary for the proper discharge of his or her duties. Any officer, whose assistance has been sought under sub-section (4), shall render all assistance to the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, seeking his or her assistance and for the purposes of any contravention of the provisions of this Act, such other officer shall be treated as a Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be. A person, who desires to obtain any information under this Act, shall make a request in writing or through electronic means in English or Hindi or in the official language of the area in which the application is being made, accompanying such fee as may be prescribed, to (a) The Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, of the concerned public authority; (b) The Central Assistant Public Information Officer or State Assistant Public Information Officer, as the case may be, specifying the particulars of the information sought by him or her: Provided that where such request cannot be made in writing, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall render all reasonable assistance to the person making the request orally to reduce the same in writing. An applicant making request for information shall not be required to give any reason for requesting the information or any other personal details except those that may be necessary for contacting him. (3) Where an application is made to a public authority requesting for an information, (i) Which is held by another public authority; or (ii) The subject matter of which is more closely connected with the functions of another public authority, The public authority, to which such application is made, shall transfer the application or such part of it as may be appropriate to that other public authority and inform the applicant immediately about such transfer: Provided that the transfer of an application pursuant to this sub-section shall be made as soon as practicable but in no case later than five days from the date of receipt of the application. Subject to the proviso to sub-section (2) of section 5 or the proviso to sub-section (3) of section 6, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, on receipt of a request under section 6 shall, as expeditiously as possible, and in any case within thirty days of the receipt of the request, either provide the information on payment of such fee as may be prescribed or reject the request for any of the reasons specified in sections 8 and 9: Provided that where the information sought for concerns the life or liberty of a person, the same shall be provided within forty-eight hours of the receipt of the request. If the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, fails to give decision on the request for information within the period specified under sub-section (1), the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall be deemed to have refused the request. Where a decision is taken to provide the information on payment of any further fee representing the cost of providing the information, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall send an intimation to the person making the request, giving— The details of further fees representing the cost of providing the information as determined by him, together with the calculations made to arrive at the amount in accordance with fee prescribed under sub-section (1), requesting him to deposit that fees, and the period intervening between the dispatch of the said intimation and payment of fees shall be excluded for the purpose of calculating the period of thirty days referred to in that sub-section; information concerning his or her right with respect to review the decision as to the amount of fees charged or the form of access provided, including the particulars of the appellate authority, time limit, process and any other forms. Where access to the record or a part thereof is required to be provided under this Act and the person to whom access is to be provided is sensorily disabled, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall provide assistance to enable access to the information, including providing such assistance as may be appropriate for the inspection. Where access to information is to be provided in the printed or in any electronic format, the applicant shall, subject to the provisions of sub-section (6), pay such fee as may be prescribed: Provided that the fee prescribed under sub-section (1) of section 6 and sub-sections (1) and (5) of section 7 shall be reasonable and no such fee shall be charged from the persons who are of below poverty line as may be determined by the appropriate Government. Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (5), the person making request for the information shall be provided the information free of charge where a public authority fails to comply with the time limits specified in sub-section (1). Before taking any decision under sub-section (1), the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall take into consideration the representation made by a third party under section 11. Where a request has been rejected under sub-section (1), the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall communicate to the person making the request, (i) The reasons for such rejection; (ii) The period within which an appeal against such rejection may be preferred; and (iii) The particulars of the appellate authority. Information shall ordinarily be provided in the form in which it is sought unless it would disproportionately divert the resources of the public authority or would be detrimental to the safety or preservation of the record in question. 8. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, there shall be no obligation to give any citizen, (a) Information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence; (b) Information which has been expressly forbidden to be published by any court of law or tribunal or the disclosure of which may constitute contempt of court; (c) Information, the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or the State Legislature; (d) Information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, unless the competent authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information; (e) Information available to a person in his fiduciary relationship, unless the competent authority is satisfied that the larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information; (f) Information received in confidence from foreign Government (g) Information, the disclosure of which would endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source of information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes; (h) Information which would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders; (i) Cabinet papers including records of deliberations of the Council of Ministers, Secretaries and other officers: Provided that the decisions of Council of Ministers, the reasons thereof, and the material on the basis of which the decisions were taken shall be made public after the decision has been taken, and the matter is complete, or over: Provided further that those matters which come under the exemptions specified in this section shall not be disclosed; Information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or the appellate authority, as the case may be, is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information: (i) Provided that the information which cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature shall not be denied to any person. Notwithstanding anything in the Official Secrets Act, 1923 nor any of the exemptions permissible in accordance with sub-section (1), a public authority may allow access to information, if public interest in disclosure outweighs the harm to the protected interests. Subject to the provisions of clauses (a), (c) and (i) of sub-section (1), any information relating to any occurrence, event or matter which has taken place, occurred or happened twenty years before the date on which any request is made under section 6 shall be provided to any person making a request under that section: Provided that where any question arises as to the date from which the said period of twenty years has to be computed, the decision of the Central Government shall be final, subject to the usual appeals provided for in this Act. Without prejudice to the provisions of section 8, a Central Public Information Officer or a State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, may reject a request for information where such a request for providing access would involve an infringement of copyright subsisting in a person other than the State. 10. (1) Where a request for access to information is rejected on the ground that it is in relation to information which is exempt from disclosure, then, notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, access may be provided to that part of the record which does not contain any information which is exempt from disclosure under this Act and which can reasonably be severed from any part that contains exempt information. Where access is granted to a part of the record under sub-section (1), the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall give a notice to the applicant, informing (a) That only part of the record requested, after severance of the record containing information which is exempt from disclosure, is being provided; (b) The reasons for the decision, including any findings on any material question of fact, referring to the material on which those findings were based; (c) The name and designation of the person giving the decision; (d) The details of the fees calculated by him or her and the amount of fee which the applicant is required to deposit; and (e) His or her rights with respect to review of the decision regarding non-disclosure of part of the information, the amount of fee charged or the form of access provided, including the particulars of the senior officer specified under sub-section (1) of section 19 or the Central Information Commission or the State Information Commission, as the case may be, time limit, process and any other form of access. Where a Central Public Information Officer or a State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, intends to disclose any information or record, or part thereof on a request made under this Act, which relates to or has been supplied by a third party and has been treated as confidential by that third party, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall, within five days from the receipt of the request, give a written notice to such third party of the request and of the fact that the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, intends to disclose the information or record, or part thereof, and invite the third party to make a submission in writing or orally, regarding whether the information should be disclosed, and such submission of the third party shall be kept in view while taking a decision about disclosure of information: Provided that except in the case of trade or commercial secrets protected by law, disclosure may be allowed if the public interest in disclosure outweighs in importance any possible harm or injury to the interests of such third party. Where a notice is served by the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, under sub-section (1) to a third party in respect of any information or record or part thereof, the third party shall, within ten days from the date of receipt of such notice, be given the opportunity to make representation against the proposed disclosure. Notwithstanding anything contained in section 7, the Central Public Information Officer or State Public Information Officer, as the case may be, shall, within forty days after receipt of the request under section 6, if the third party has been given an opportunity to make representation under sub-section (2), make a decision as to whether or not to disclose the information or record or part thereof and give in writing the notice of his decision to the third party. A notice given under sub-section (3) shall include a statement that the third party to whom the notice is given is entitled to prefer an appeal under section 19 against the decision. Chapter I : Preliminary Chapter II : Right to Information and Obligations of Public Authorities Chapter III : The Central Information Commission Chapter IV : The State Information Commission Chapter V : Powers and Functions of the Information Commissions, Appeal and Penalties Chapter VI : Miscellaneous The First Schedule The Second Schedule	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line66
__label__wiki	0.878508	0.878508	Dawn Steele Person Less to get instant updates about 'Dawn Steele' on your MyPage. Meet other similar minded people. Its Free! Dawn Anne Steele (born 11 December 1975 in Glasgow) is a Scottish actress best known for her roles in the TV series Monarch of the Glen, Sea of Souls & Wild at Heart. Dawn Steele was born in Glasgow, moved to Milton of Campsie in 1982, attended Kilsyth Academy from around 1987-1993 and studied at the Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama in Glasgow from 1994–1998, supporting her early career as a waitress in the Rogano Restaurant. She graduated with First Class Honours in July 1998, and was the winner of the Silver Medal at the RSAMD in 1998. She is perhaps best known as Alexandra "Lexie" MacDonald from the hit BBC drama Monarch of the Glen, a part which she played for series 1 - 6 of the show, 1999-2004 . In January 2005, she appeared as new character Justine McManus in the second series of the BBC's paranormal drama show Sea of Souls with Iain Robertson and Bill Paterson. Before she teamed up with Iain Robertson to work on Sea of Souls they had previously worked together on The Slab Boys and The Debt Collector. Shortly after, she appeared as a student on the BBC reality show Fame Academy in a second all-celebrity series in aid of the charity Comic Relief does Fame Academy. In January 2006, Steele returned in the third series of Sea of Souls . In April 2007 she played Shazza in Simon Farquhar's powerful Aberdonian drama Rainbow Kiss...	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line67
__label__wiki	0.558049	0.558049	Austria's Controversial Museum The instructions are clear: After having sex, the man is to stay in bed while the woman should get up and run in a circle around the room three times and complete 10 deep knee bends after each lap. It apparently does not matter if the woman runs clockwise or counterclockwise, but running swiftly in a circle and breaking to do knee bends was, as late as 1928, prescribed as a form of birth control. So was Coca-Cola. Rumored to be a spermicide as well as a refreshing beverage, it seems to have been frequently used as some sort of post-coital cleanser. So there's the deep-knee bends and the Coke trick as contraceptive folly. Add to that some anti-baby lipstick, pumps, sprays, clamps, one-quarter-inch thick condoms made from fish bladders, and a dizzying number of spiral intrauterine devices (that look oddly beautiful, fragile, and delicate, laid out in uniformed rows), which together create an amalgam of sexual factoids and implements — contraceptive information and misinformation — on display at the Vienna Museum of Contraception and Abortion. Austria is a Catholic nation. Roadside shrines to Jesus and Mary dot the countryside, crucifixes top cafe doorways, town halls keep records of every Catholic so the Church can fetch an annual tax, and if the newborn baby's name doesn't fit with the Bible, the priest may come calling. And so the presence of a pro-choice abortion museum settled on a street named for the Mother Mary in the capital city is as unexpected as a lederhosened farmhand waltzing at the Opera Ball. The country may have been baptized Catholic, but it seeks salvation in sex. The pope and his prayers, versus Freud and the penis. Austria has bred about as many sexologists as the Church has saints, and while the Church is a deep cultural tradition here, spirituality is found between the sheets. Austria has, more than any other nation, turned the issue of sex away from the Church, and toward science and humanity. Besides Freud's Oedipal Complex and Penis Envy, nobleman Baron Richard von Krafft-Ebing, the world's first sexologist, spent a good deal of the 1800s fastidiously studying the sexual habits of his countrymen, from homosexuality to fetishes to masochism (he actually coined the word). Austrian sex psychiatrist Wilhelm Reich was so sure that orgasms were a cure for neuroses and a guarantee of a healthy life that he went so far (too far, his peers said) as to invent an "orgone simulator," under which patients sat to improve their health and vitality. And Austrians are right smack at the top of the list when it comes to the sexually satisfied, according to a recent world survey by a condom company; they are also more likely to have one-night stands, and tend to start having sex at a younger age than their Western counterparts — all apparently without a whole lot of guilt and shame. In its Germanic pragmatism, this country has made sex about life, not about God, and in so doing, has rendered the Vatican impotent in controlling this little land. This is why a village priest can keep an open secret about living with his girlfriend and kids; why prostitution is legal; why contraception is aggressively employed; and why the Austrian school system, which requires mandatory religion class, will also include a stop at the Museum of Contraception and Abortion during each school's annual Vienna field trip. The religious stigma around contraception has been neutralized because Austrians have made it clear that the Church is not to intervene in their sexual behavior. But the social taboo regarding abortion still exists. The motive behind the museum is to erase a moral issue by utilizing the same Germanic sensibility used to defuse the Church's authority in the bedroom: To present abortion as a solution to a problem, not the problem itself; to turn the issue away from God and toward science and education. The museum, across the hall from an abortion clinic (the doctor founded the museum), is comprised of two rooms. The first is the contraception room, the giggly one, where items such as packages of foot-long condoms are on display alongside the Coke story and other debunked "How-To's." This exhibit lays out the facts about the myths of contraception, displaying articles on inane practices and equipment that lay bare how alarmingly little anyone knew, until the late 20th century, about how to stop a baby from being made. The second room is the abortion room, the somber one, where newspaper clippings on botched abortions and murders of pregnant women are showcased. But the museum may soon become a time capsule rather than the wake-up call it is meant to be. Science here has trumped both myth and religious devotion when it comes to preventing conception. And with the emergency morning-after pill more often at the ready, no unwanted pregnancy need ever occur. Often confused with the abortion pill RU-486, which can be taken after pregnancy is confirmed, the morning-after pill is simply an "oops" pill — the cure for a broken condom or the one-night stands that Austrians are apparently known for. Its use is becoming more and more prevalent, and Austrians are lobbying loudly for it to be available over the counter. But in the meantime, a solitary protester lumbers back and forth in front of the entrance to the museum, tepid in his approach toward visitors, edging toward indifference. He's paid 5€ an hour by a pro-life group, and this is his full-time job. Occasionally he's joined by others, usually American pro-lifers who have flown in from New York, since Austrians don't seem to protest against a power they’ve worked so hard to gain. Last summer a grad student, a sex educator, who was interning at the Museum of Contraception and Abortion needed help putting together a cabinet. She walked out onto the street and had a little chat with the professional protester. After a brief exchange, he set his plastic embryo down on the sidewalk, laid his rosary atop it, and followed her back inside to the museum, where she handed him a drill.	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line69
__label__cc	0.632669	0.367331	PODCAST EP. 055: Creating Your Own Industry On this episode of “Making Elephants Fly,” Terry sits down with Katrina Stone. Katrina a native of Colorado is now right in the middle of Hollywood. She's a singer, producer, songwriter, and a successful entrepreneur. Every day from her studio and music venue in... PODCAST EP. 054: The Habit of Creativity On this episode of “Making Elephants Fly,” Terry sits down with Mike Brennan. Mike is a New Jersey-based designer and illustrator. His artistic journey began as a boy in New York, where he would construct heartwarming greeting cards which lit up the faces of his... The asterisk is everywhere. The asterisk is everywhere. This week's news cycle has been fascinating. The group of people screaming the loudest for tolerance are mad that Ellen Degeneres was invited as a guest of Jerry Jones in his box at At&t stadium. It seems simple, be kind to... PODCAST EP. 053: Delivering Success like Amazon On this episode of “Making Elephants Fly,” Terry sits down with Steve Anderson, author of the Wall Street Journal and USA Today bestselling book, "The Bezos Letters: 14 Principles to Grow Your Business Like Amazon." Steve is a trusted authority on Risk, Technology, Productivity, and... PODCAST EP. 052: The Bottom of the Pool On this episode of “Making Elephants Fly,” Terry sits down with Andy Andrews, the author of the New York Times bestseller "The Traveler's Gift." Andy is back for the second time to talk about his latest book, "The Bottom of the Pool: Thinking Beyond Your... PODCAST EP. 051: Shipping Hope On this episode of Making Elephants Fly, Terry sits down for a conversation with himself. Yes, you read that right. No guest or interview on this episode. Be careful because you're going to be hearing Terry's inner dialogue. On this episode, Terry wrestles with...	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line72
__label__cc	0.612119	0.387881	District Court Procedings Busy with Sheriff’s Office Arrests September 7, 2021 Mike Unger On Tuesday in Stanton County District Court a 27 year old Council Bluffs, IA woman was sentenced to two years in prison following her conviction for Possession of Methamphetamine and Criminal Possession of Financial Transaction Device(s). Courtney Greening will begin serving her prison sentence immediately. She was arrested last January along with a co-defendant on Hwy 275 near Pilger by the Stanton County Sheriff’s office. During their arrest methamphetamine and a large number of blank checks, credit cards, and social security cards were discovered along with a skimming device. Her co-defendant Nicholas Walker, 26, of Omaha has failed to appear for his sentencing and an arrest warrant has been issued for his arrest. Also sentenced today were Angelo Ricard, 29, of Norfolk to 18 months of Probation and ninety days in jail following his conviction for Possession of Ecstasy. He was arrested last year by the Sheriff’s office near Stanton. Also sentenced to 18 months of Probation and ninety days in jail for Possession of Methamphetamine was Faith Brayerton, 44, of Norfolk. She was arrested by the Sheriff’s office earlier this year and found in possession of methamphetamine and marijuana. She received a fine for the marijuana possession. Entering a guilty plea to a weapons charge was Derek Pederson, 30, of Laurel. Pederson entered a guilty plea to being a Felon in Possession of a Firearm. Pederson was arrested last March by the Sheriff’s office following a disturbance involving the firearm at a Stanton apartment. Pleading guilty to a drug charge, was Richard Coates, 57, of Stanton. Coates and a co-defendant were arrested in a field west of Stanton by the Sheriff’s office earlier this year, where methamphetamine was located in their possession. Also entering guilty pleas were Curtis Hill, 63, of Stanton. Hill pled guilty to Driving While Intoxicated-3rd offense after his arrest by the Sheriff’s office earlier this year near Stanton. Also pleading guilty to 3rd offense DWI was Catina Hins, 33, of Norfolk. Hins also pled guilty to transporting a juvenile while driving intoxicated. She was arrested back in June by the Sheriff’s office east of Norfolk on Hwy 275. All five will be sentenced in November. Brayerton ← Bellevue Man Arrested on NO Bond Warrants Following Traffic Stop Stanton Man Arrested For Theft-Previous Convictions Make it a Felony →	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line77
__label__cc	0.737322	0.262678	Advisory Board Securities Settlement Home Case Documents Contact Us File Claim WELCOME TO THE ADVISORY BOARD SECURITIES SETTLEMENT Pursuant to the Court’s Order, dated April 22, 2020, the hearing on the fairness of Settlement and related matters, which is scheduled for May 6, 2020, at 2:30 p.m., will be conducted by telephone. Any individuals who wish to participate in the hearing may do so by dialing (888) 557-8511 and entering the following access code: 8107866#. Please dial in to the number provided above at least 10 minutes prior to the start of the hearing (i.e., 2:20 p.m. EST). This website has been established to provide general information related to the proposed settlement of the lawsuit referred to as Plymouth County Retirement Association v. Advisory Board Company, et al., No. 1:17-CV-01940-RC (the “Litigation”), and is pending before the Honorable Rudolph Contreras in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia (the “Court”). The capitalized terms used on this website, and not otherwise defined, shall have the same meanings ascribed to them in the Stipulation of Settlement (the "Stipulation") dated December 6, 2019, which can be found and downloaded by clicking on the Case Documents tab above. The law firm of Robbins Geller Rudman & Dowd LLP represents you and other Class Members. You will not be charged for these lawyers. They will be paid from the Settlement Fund to the extent the Court approves their application for fees and expenses. If you want to be represented by your own lawyer, you may hire one at your own expense. WHAT IS THIS LAWSUIT ABOUT? This is a securities class action brought against Advisory Board Company ("Advisory Board" or "Company") and certain of its officers and directors (collectively, "Defendants") for alleged violations of Sections 10(b) and 20(a) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 on behalf of all purchasers of Advisory Board common stock during the period between May 6, 2015 and February 23, 2016, inclusive. More specifically, the Lead Plaintiffs City of Atlanta Firefighters' Pension Fund and City of Atlanta Police Officers' Pension Fund allege Defendants made alleged material misstatements and omissions regarding Advisory Board's integration with its acquisition of Royall & Company and its year-end guidance. If you purchased or otherwise acquired Advisory Board common stock from May 6, 2015 through and including February 23, 2016, you are a Class Member. As set forth in the Stipulation, excluded from the Class are: Defendants and their immediate families, the officers and directors and affiliates of Advisory Board during the Settlement Class Period, and the legal representatives, heirs, successors or assigns of any of the foregoing, as well as any entity in which Defendants have or had a controlling interest. Also excluded from the Class is any Person who would otherwise be a Member of the Class but who validly and timely requests exclusion in accordance with the requirements set by the Court. WHAT DOES THE SETTLEMENT PROVIDE? The proposed Settlement will create a cash settlement fund of $7,500,000 (the “Settlement Fund”), plus any interest that may accrue thereon less certain deductions. The Settlement Fund, subject to deduction for, among other things, costs of class notice and administration and certain taxes and tax-related expenses, as well as attorneys’ fees and expenses, and the amount to Lead Plaintiffs in connection with their representation of the Class, as approved by the Court, will be available for distribution to Class Members. Your recovery from this fund will depend on a number of variables, including how many shares of Advisory Board common stock you purchased or acquired, the timing of your purchases, acquisitions, and any sales, and how many other Class Members make claims. Although the information on this website is intended to assist you, it does not replace the information contained in the Notice and the Stipulation. YOUR LEGAL RIGHTS AND OPTIONS IN THIS SETTLEMENT SUBMIT A PROOF OF CLAIM The only way to be eligible to receive a payment from the Settlement. Proof of Claim forms must be postmarked or submitted online on or before May 26, 2020. EXCLUDE YOURSELF Get no payment. This is the only option that potentially allows you to ever be part of any other lawsuit against the Defendants or any other Released Persons about the legal claims being resolved by this Settlement. Should you elect to exclude yourself from the Class you should understand that Defendants and the other Released Defendant Parties will have the right to assert any and all defenses they may have to any claims that you may seek to assert, including, without limitation, the defense that such claims are untimely under applicable statutes of limitations and statutes of repose. Exclusions must be postmarked on or before April 15, 2020. Write to the Court about why you do not like the Settlement, the Plan of Allocation, and/or the request for attorneys’ fees and expenses. You will still be a Member of the Class. Objections must be received by the Court and counsel on or before April 15, 2020. If you submit a written objection, you may (but do not have to) attend the hearing. GO TO THE HEARING ON MAY 6, 2020 Ask to speak in Court about the fairness of the Settlement. Requests to speak must be received by the Court and counsel on or before April 15, 2020. Receive no payment. You will, however, still be a Member of the Class, which means that you give up your right to ever be part of any other lawsuit against the Defendants or any other Released Defendant Parties about the legal claims being resolved by this Settlement and you will be bound by any judgments or orders entered by the Court in the Litigation. Submit Proof of Claim Request Exclusion Submit Written Objection Submit Notice of Intention to Appear Settlement Hearing May 6, 2020, at 2:30 p.m. EST Gilardi & Co. LLC. Copyright © 2022 Privacy Policy	cc/2022-05/en_head_0025.json.gz/line79

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