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"paper_id": "C92-1017",
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"abstract": "This paper presents Trace & Unification Grammar (TUG), a declarative and reversible grammar formalism that brings together Unification Grammar (UG) and ideas of Government & Binding Theory (on)~ The main part of the paper consists in a description of many free word order phenomena of German syntax. It will be shown that the use of traces allows for an easier and more elegant way of description than competing approaches like ID/LP-format rules as used e.g. in GPSG and HPSG. Grammkrs written in the TUG-formallsm can be compiled to a very efficient parser. The occurrence of head movement, wh-movement and scrambling in one sentence does not lead to any decrease in parsing efficiency. 3 For a Jlightly mor~ dctMled d~*eription of the bmdc features of TU(I refer to ([Blo91]).",
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{
"text": "This paper presents Trace & Unification Grammar (TUG), a declarative and reversible grammar formalism that brings together Unification Grammar (UG) and ideas of Government & Binding Theory (on)~ The main part of the paper consists in a description of many free word order phenomena of German syntax. It will be shown that the use of traces allows for an easier and more elegant way of description than competing approaches like ID/LP-format rules as used e.g. in GPSG and HPSG. Grammkrs written in the TUG-formallsm can be compiled to a very efficient parser. The occurrence of head movement, wh-movement and scrambling in one sentence does not lead to any decrease in parsing efficiency. 3 For a Jlightly mor~ dctMled d~*eription of the bmdc features of TU(I refer to ([Blo91]).",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Abstract",
"sec_num": null
}
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{
"text": "The basic motivation in creating TUG formalism was to capture the empiric knowledge that represents the outcome of at least 15 years' linguistic discussion of German word order, while maintaining the efficiency that is required from a grammar formalism of today's standard. With reference to the basic work of [Len77] on marked and unmarked word order linguists in the generative tradition such as [Thi82] , [dB84] , [Fau87] and [Cze87] revealed an impreesive list of descriptive phenomena that can be appropriately handled by the assumption of s conflgurational, i.e. VP containing description of German word order. Among these phenomena count asymetries in the serialization behaviour of nominatively marked NPs in passive and the so called \"psych\" constructio*m*, the account for scrambling phenomena in Acl/ECM Constructions 2 and the observations of [Cze87] wrt. to the voices of double accusative verbs in German. What all these works intend is to pronounce the danger a description of German is likely to run iuto, that \"draws immediate conclusions as to the surface position of argumet, t NPH on the basis of their surface cases\" ([dB84]:59).",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 398,
"end": 405,
"text": "[Thi82]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF15"
},
{
"start": 408,
"end": 414,
"text": "[dB84]",
"ref_id": null
},
{
"start": 417,
"end": 424,
"text": "[Fau87]",
"ref_id": null
},
{
"start": 429,
"end": 436,
"text": "[Cze87]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF3"
},
{
"start": 855,
"end": 862,
"text": "[Cze87]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF3"
}
],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Introduction",
"sec_num": "1"
},
{
"text": "t [L~n77] 0howl that v~rlm like w~ndcrn, ge.falle., #din#ca, etc. with non &gentive subjects pat*era with the paaalvized formu of \"agentive\" verb~ in prefering the unmarked word order indlr\u00a2ct object -subject. [dB84] extends thit ob~scrvation on copular corm*ruction with NP governin~ a4jectivee ~t~e also [dB84] for a thor* outline of tltis problematic ittstte The two main differences to PATR II in the basic framwork are that first, TUG i~ less flexible in that it has a \"hard\" contextfree backbone, whereas in PArR lI categories of the context frcc part are placeholders for feature structures, their names beeing taken as the value of the cat feature in the structure. Second, TUG has a strict typing. For a feature path to be well defined, each of its attributes has to be declared in tile type definition.",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 2,
"end": 9,
"text": "[L~n77]",
"ref_id": null
},
{
"start": 210,
"end": 216,
"text": "[dB84]",
"ref_id": null
},
{
"start": 306,
"end": 312,
"text": "[dB84]",
"ref_id": null
}
],
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"section": "Introduction",
"sec_num": "1"
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{
"text": "Further to these more standard UG-features, TUG provides special rule formats for the description of discontinuous dependencies, so called \"movement rules\". Two main types of movement are distinguished: argument movement and head movement. The format and processing of argument movement rules is greatly inspired by [CLW88] and [Che90], the processing of head movement is based on GPSG like slash features.",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 316,
"end": 323,
"text": "[CLW88]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF2"
}
],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Movement rules",
"sec_num": "2.2"
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"text": "A head movement rule defines a relation between two positions in a parse tree, one is the landing site, the other the trace position. Itead movement is constrained by the condition that the trace is the head of a specified sister (the root node) of the landing site 4. Trace and antecedent are identical with the exception that the landing site contains overt material, the trace does'nt.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Head Movement",
"sec_num": "2.2.1"
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"text": "To formulate head movement in TUG the following format is used. First, a head definition defines which category is the head of which other, e.g. for the Vprojection line of the above grammar: D,] Di is the head ell(if either Di is_head_of M is defined or Di has the same category as M and eitt*er D~ is_head_of X or X is_head_of Di is defined for any category X.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Head Movement",
"sec_num": "2.2.1"
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{
"text": "v is_head_of vp. vp is_head of s.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
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"section": "Head Movement",
"sec_num": "2.2.1"
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{
"text": "Argument movenmnt rules describe a relation between a landing site and a trace. The trace is always e-commanded by the landing site, its antecedent. Two different traces are distinguished, anaphoric traces and variable traces. Anaphoric traces must find their antecedent within the same bounding node, variable trace binding is constrained by sut~jaceney, c.a. the binding of tim trace to its antecedent must not cross two bounding nodes. Anaphoric traces are found for example in English passive constructions [s [np Tim book of this author]i was read t~] wbereas variable traces are usually found in whconstructions and topicalization. Similar to the proposal in [CLW88] , argument movement is coded in TUG by a rule that describes tim landing site, as for example in 4}Iere, \"head of\" is a transitive relation ~.t. if x is head of y and y is head of z then x is head of z.",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 665,
"end": 672,
"text": "[CLW88]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF2"
}
],
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"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Argument Movement",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "s2 ---> np:ante<trace(var,np:trace), sl I ante:fx = traee:fx, This rule states that rip:ante 5 is tile antecedent of an np-trace that is dominated by sl.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Argument Movement",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "The first argument in the trace-term indicates whether the landing site is for a variable (vat) or for an anaphoric (aaa) trace. Other than head movement, where trace and antecedent are by definition identical, the feature sharing of argument traces with their antecedents has to be defined in the grammar by feature equations (ante : fx = trace : fx, . . .). Furthermore, it is not necessary that the antecedent and the trace have the same syntactic category.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Argument Movement",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "The current version of the formalisms requires that the grammar contains a declaration on which categories are possible traces. In such a declaration it is possible to assign features to a trace, for example marking it as empty: trace(np) I rip:empty = yee.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Argument Movement",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "Bounding nodes have to be declared as such in the grammar by statements of the form bounding_node (rip).",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Argument Movement",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "As in the second case, bounding nodes may be defined in terms of category symbols and features.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "bounding_node(s) ~ s:tense = yes.",
"sec_num": null
},
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"text": "The main difference of argument movement to other approaches for the description of discontinuities like extraposition grammars ( [Per81] ) is that argument movement is not restricted to nested rule application. This makes the approach especially atractive for a scrambling analysis of the relative free word order in the German Mi~telfeld as explained in more detail below.",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 130,
"end": 137,
"text": "[Per81]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF11"
}
],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "bounding_node(s) ~ s:tense = yes.",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "Some facts on German syntax",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "3",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "In the following we will sketch tile basic structures of German syntax. According to the position of the finite verb, we distinguish sentences with the verb in the second (a), the first(b) and the last position (c). 6",
"cite_spans": [],
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"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Basic assumptions",
"sec_num": "3.1"
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{
"text": "(1) ... that Karl to Hamburg goes 5The notation Ca*~ : Index is used to distinguish two or more occurrences of the same category in the same rule in tile equation part. : antQ arid : t race are arbitrary names used as index to refer to the two different nps.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Basic assumptions",
"sec_num": "3.1"
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{
"text": "eEnglish literal translations are given in typewriter font.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Basic assumptions",
"sec_num": "3.1"
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{
"text": "We call the sentence types V2-S (a), V1-S (b) and Ve-S (c) respectively. In V1-S and V2-S, compound verbforms build a so called Satzklammer between the finite and the nonfinite parts.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Basic assumptions",
"sec_num": "3.1"
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{
"text": "(2)",
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"section": "Basic assumptions",
"sec_num": "3.1"
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{
"text": "Karl has with the train to Haatburg gefahren.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "golle \"Karl has gone to Hamburg by train.\"",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
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"text": "Traditionally, according to the position of the verbal elements, we call the position in front of the finite verb the Vorfeld and the positions within the Satzk. laminar the Millelfeld,",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
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"text": "In accordance with the mentioned eonfigurational analysis of the german sentence, we suppose an unmarked \"underlying\" structure, that is similar to the order in tim german subordinate clause. This structure contains four different positions for verb arguments, as exemplified by the following sentences.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "(3)",
"cite_spans": [],
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"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "~'.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "[ that the man the book into the bookshelf put has \"that the man has put the book into the bookshelf'",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "A sentence always contains the v-projection line VK, V t, VP, S, even if the sentence contains less than three arguments. Free word order in \u00a31xe Miltclfchl is described by \"moving\" an argument to a chomsky-adjoined position on the V-projection. llere it obeys the same conditions a.s an adverbial and leaves a trace in the original argument position. So, where TUG supposes a fixed unmarked word order, from which marked orders are derived by movement rules (scrambling), GPSG and ItPSG suppose unordered ID rules and express constraints on order explicitly by LP Statements. The same holds for the position of the finite verb in the different german sentence types. As for movement to the Vorfeld the GPSG/HPSG approach using the slash feature and the TUG approach are rather similar, as in fact movement is implemented in TUG by structure sharing.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Karl ist ,nit dam tug nach Hamburg",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "Some more facts on German syntax",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "3.3",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "In the following paragraph we will outline a few descriptive phenomena where we think the use of traces ?But ace [Reag9] for an alternative approach using LPitatementa that do\u00a24 not have to Msume a fiat etructure. as in TUG allows for more elegant formulations of the facts.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "3.3",
"sec_num": null
},
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"text": "In many German dialects, prepositional proforrrm like damd or dsoegsn and question forms like vaornit or wofefen can be used discontinuously. Both the slash analysis and the movement to the Vorfeld are able to describe appropriately sentences like (14b.), where the pronoun part of a prepositional preform is detached from its preposition. Even though it might be possible to describe these restrictions by a set of LP statements, our impression is that this kind of analysis obscurs the rather simple pronoun word order. Furthermore, we cannot see how LP rules could allow for (a) and (e) while excluding (f)a. Ihn may preceed the nominativ NP, but only if there is no dativ pronoun following the latter, s",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "3.3,1 Preposition stranding",
"sec_num": null
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"text": "In our analysis, personal pronouns have a fixed position in the sentence either between S 1 and S or between S und VP. ",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "3.3,1 Preposition stranding",
"sec_num": null
},
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"text": "In ACI-coustructious however a personal pronoun may very well follow a non-nominativ NP. Compare (17e.) and (19). s (f) seems to be somehow acceptable in some dialects but completely agrammatical in others.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "\u00b0As far as we understand it, also a solution by sequence union [Rea89] could not account for these facts.",
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{
"start": 63,
"end": 70,
"text": "[Rea89]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF13"
}
],
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "(19) a. Gestern hat Karl den Jungen ihr helfen la88en. \u00a5sstsrday has Karl the boy her[dat] help let \"Yesterday Karl has made the boy help her\" b. Gestern hat Karl den Jungen [ve ihr helfen] lassen.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "To save an LP analysis as indicated above we would have to say that ihr helfen is part of another constituent as den Jungen, therefore the LP statements do not hold between den Jangen and ihr. The structure of the sentence (19a) might then be sketched as in (19b) .",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 258,
"end": 263,
"text": "(19b)",
"ref_id": null
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "But now consider the following sentence: Another aspect of the configurational differentiation between external and internal arguments can be made use of in analysing the thematic structure of a sentence. So e.g. the thematic differentiation between wide and narrow scope of a verbal argument depends on its appearing in marked or unmarked position. Compare the readings of (22) and (23) vs. (26), where boldface marks the posodically prominent syllable:",
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
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"text": "10A description like the one in [Rea89] marks its nominative externally, therefore the dative NP follows the nominative NP in the umnarked word order as shown in (22). If scrambling applies as in (23) this correlates with a change in the thematic and prosodic structure. In the TUG framework this would be achieved in combining the scrambling mechanism with a feature structure that indicates the desired thematic interpretation of the sentence: ",
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{
"start": 32,
"end": 39,
"text": "[Rea89]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF13"
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],
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "vp ---> np, v~.",
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"section": "ACI-constructions",
"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "np: scope=vp : scope.",
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"text": "A straightforward implementation of this observation in the ID/LP format however would come to a halt in the case of (26):",
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"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "(26)",
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"text": "Ich glaube dab dem Vorstand die LSsung eingefallen ist.",
"cite_spans": [],
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"text": "I think that the board the solution come_to_mind has \"I think that the solution has come to mind to the board.\"",
"cite_spans": [],
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"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "Although the nominative follows the dative in (26) the sentence has wide scope interpretation and unmarked prosodic structure 11 , (26) again is a likely answer to the general question Was ist gestern passiert?",
"cite_spans": [],
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"sec_num": "3.4"
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"text": "This clearly contradicts (22)-(23) if only the surface case marking of the arguments can be referred to in the generalization. On the other hand this result is exactly what would be expected by a TUG analysis: Since einfallen marks its nominative internally, no scrambling is involved in (26) vs. (23).",
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"text": "11 John Pheby in [HFM81] poatulates the distinction between maxked and unmarked prosodic structure in Gennaaa. [vSU86] combine this with a configurational syntax. See also [Uhm91] for a reformulation of the relevant obeservations in the framework of [Pie80] .",
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{
"start": 111,
"end": 118,
"text": "[vSU86]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF19"
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{
"start": 250,
"end": 257,
"text": "[Pie80]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF12"
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},
{
"text": "Parsing with TUG TUG can be processed by a parser and a generator. Before parsing and generation, the grammar is coatpiled to a more efficient form. The first compilation step that is common to generation and parsing transforms the attribute-value-pair structure to (PRO-LOG) term structure. This transformation makes use of the type definitions. For parsing, TUG is processed by a Tomita parser [Tom86] . For usage in that parser the result of the transformation to PROLOG further undergoes several transformations (expansion of head nlovement rules, transformation of argument movement rules, elimination of empty productions, conversion to LR.(K) format and computation of LR tables). This compilation leads to a considerable increase in processing speed that makes it possible to use TUG for the syntactic description in real-timesystems. Especially the seperatc compilation of head movement aml argument movement leads to run time grammars that do not show the usual decrease in efficicncy due to empty productions (traces). In fact, a compiled TUG does not contain empty productions any longer. Parsing time for simple sentences of about 10 words using a grammar of German with rather broad coverage is between 1 and 2 sees. on the average on a SUN SPARC I workstation running Quintus Prolog, even if the sentence contains verb fronting, argument movement to the Vorfeld and scrambling in tile Mittelfeld,",
"cite_spans": [
{
"start": 396,
"end": 403,
"text": "[Tom86]",
"ref_id": "BIBREF16"
}
],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "4",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "We have presented Trace & Unification Grammar, a grammar formalism that tries to bridge the gap between UG and GB theory with the aim of adopting many of the linguistic descriptions of German found in the linguistics literature. Besides German, the presented grammar formalism has also been used successfully to describe a smaller subset of Chinese. We have compared TUG descriptions of some phenomena in german syntax to approaches that do not make use of movement rules but use [D/LP rules instead and shown that in all these cases TUG provides a simple and elegant description whereas the ID/LP approach in most cases even fails to describe the data at all. Furthermore we have briefly mentioned tile way TUG can be compiled to an efficient parser. Empirical tests have shown that using movement rules and traces does not lead to a considerable decrease in parsing speed.",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Conclusion",
"sec_num": "5"
},
{
"text": "AcqT/s Dh\" C()LING-92, NArqrFS, 23-28 AO~Zf 1992",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "PRec. el: COLING-92, NANTES, AUG. 23-28, 1992",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "Acr[~s DF, COLING 92, NANrJiS, 23-28 ao(rr 1992",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "",
"sec_num": null
},
{
"text": "PRec. OF CO[,ING-92, NAN'H~S, AUd. 23-28, 1992",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "",
"sec_num": null
}
],
"back_matter": [
{
"text": "We would like to thank Ping Peng, Manfred Gehrke, l~udi Iiunze and Ludwig Schmid for many discussions Oil tile TUG-formalism. ",
"cite_spans": [],
"ref_spans": [],
"eq_spans": [],
"section": "Acknowledgements",
"sec_num": null
}
],
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"ref_entries": {
"FIGREF0": {
"num": null,
"uris": null,
"text": "Second, the landing site is defined by a rule like s' ---> v+s I ... where landing site and root node are linked by a +. To inclnde recursive rules in the head path, heads are defined by the following head definitions. In a structure [~[ D1 ...",
"type_str": "figure"
},
"FIGREF1": {
"num": null,
"uris": null,
"text": "[v. a6 t,]]]]]l copies Peter the pictures \"Does Peter copy the pictures\"This can be formulated ia a rather compact way in TUG by definition of the head relation and rules for the introduction of the landing site of the linite verb.",
"type_str": "figure"
},
"FIGREF2": {
"num": null,
"uris": null,
"text": "are formed by occupying the Vorfeld, i.e. the position immediately dominated by S 2 with either a verb argument by argument movement (a), by an adverbial (b) or by a Vorfeld-es (c). (9) a. [S'~ Pete,', [S' malt, [s ti [Vl' [V' die Bilder [w, ab tAll]l] Peter copies the pictures b [: Heet~ [ ....... ~t, b' ~ete; re,, re, die ~ila~ [v. ab t,]]]]]] Today copies Pete~: the pictures c. [s~ Es [s' ,,,alt~ [s ,\u00b0ete,'[v,~ [v' die raider Iv.,,\" ,,b td]]]]] It copies Peter the picture~ \"Peter copies tire pictures\" This facts can be described by tim following rules: (10) s2 ---> es, sl s2 ---> pp, sl s2 ---> advp, st s2 ---> rip<trace(vat,rip), sl trace(vat,rip).",
"type_str": "figure"
},
"FIGREF3": {
"num": null,
"uris": null,
"text": "Karl eine L~sung sinfallen l~sen. Yesterday has Karl himself a solution come_to~ind let This sentence, although it repreeents a regular ACIconstruction and consequently must have an embedded VP constituent, shows the same serialization wrt. the pronoun as (17), where all NPs belonged to the same constituent. ID and LP rules therefore lead to a contradiction in handling (19) and (20) t\u00b0. A TUG description on the other hand can make use of a scrambling analysis in (20). The pronoun sich leaves a trace in the pronoun position of the embedded construction and appears in the appropriate pronoun position of the matrix constituent, thereby maintaining the relevant serialization conditions in both constituents. And a further restriction may be implemented when configurational relations are available: the scrambling of a dative pronoun out of an ACI-coustruction as shown in (20) is sensitive as to whether the accusative of the ACI-verb replaces an external or internal nominative of the embedded verb. Finite cinfallen marks its nominative internally, finite half ca marks it externally. Only internal nominative-accusatives allow being scrambled over, cf. (20) with (21). (21) *Gestern hat ihr Karl den Jungen helfen lassen. *Yesterday has hsr[dat] Karl the boy help let 3.4.1 Scrambling and Thematic Structure",
"type_str": "figure"
},
"FIGREF4": {
"num": null,
"uris": null,
"text": "-> np<tracs(ana,np:trace), vp:h h : S C ope=narro~;,",
"type_str": "figure"
},
"TABREF0": {
"type_str": "table",
"num": null,
"content": "<table/>",
"text": "2 The TUG formalismThe basis of TUG is formed by a context free grammar that is augmented by PATK ll-styie feature equations. Besides this basis, the main features of TUG are feature typing, mixing of attribute-value-pair and (PROLOG-) ternr unilication, flexible macros, unre~ stricted disjunction attd special rule type~ for argument and head movement,2.1 Basic rule typesAs a very simple example we will look at the TUG version of the example grammar in {Shi84] z.",
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"TABREF3": {
"type_str": "table",
"num": null,
"content": "<table><tr><td/><td/><td>(~)</td><td>a. [s~ [s, daf [s h~,,te (s [m. d~,\" Mann]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>[w' re' [w\u00a2 ta,m]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>M.n,,] [v' [v. get, orion wi,q]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>c. [v J; get.,,~t ~i,4]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>(6)</td><td>a, [ss [s, daft [s Peter [VP [V 1 die 13ilder</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>[w .b,,,.u]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>that Peter the pictures copies</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>\"that Peter copies the pictures\"</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>b. [s. [s, ,,,,,tt~ [s P~te; [vp [v, di~ ~il&r</td></tr><tr><td>(4)</td><td>a.</td><td>[s= [s' daft [s [~'v der Man,]</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">[vv re, [vK t.n*t]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>that the ~an[nom] dance9</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">b. [s s [s'* daft [s [v.\" [Nv dam Mann]</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">re* [VK gehol[e, wild]Jill]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>that the aan[dat] helped is</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>\"that the nian is helped\"</td></tr><tr><td/><td>c.</td><td>[s~ b' daft [s [vp Iv' ['~v das ~ud,]</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">iv. gel~,~n ~i~d]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>that the book[send read is</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>\"that the book is read\"</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">d. [s= [s, daf[s [vv [v, [vie geta,,zt wird]]]]]]</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>that danced is</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>\"that there is dancing\"</td></tr></table>",
"text": "As is shown in (4a.) vs. (4c.) the nominative may be assigned to a VP-external or a VP-internal position.Adverbials are ehomksy-adjoind to S, VP, V t and VK. An adjunction is only possible, if the right daughter is binarily brandfing. Cs~ Is, da~ [s [vP [~, h~ut~ iv, [~ des Un~a] Iv. ~l ..... i,~I]]11] d. [s~[s' daft [s [vP [v' [vK heute For a word order that differs from the underlying structure the movement rules of TUG are used. V1-S are formed by head-movement of the finite verb to the position of the complementizer.",
"html": null
},
"TABREF4": {
"type_str": "table",
"num": null,
"content": "<table><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">a ---> np<trace(a~a,np), s</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">vp ---> up<trace(ann,up)0 vp</td></tr><tr><td>3.2</td><td>Alternative</td><td>approaches</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">Whereas meet concurrent theories adopt the view</td></tr></table>",
"text": "the uoaan[dat] the book[anal the aan[noa] given has ~that the man has given the woman the book\" So, for scrambling, we basically need the following rules:",
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"TABREF5": {
"type_str": "table",
"num": null,
"content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"2\">3.3.2 The position of pronouns</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">The word order of personal pronouns in the German</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">sentence is rather restricted as exemplified by the fol-</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">lowing sentences.</td><td/></tr><tr><td>(17)</td><td>a. dai] der Chef ihn ihr vorstellt</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>that ths boss him[ace] hsr[dat]</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>presents</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>\"that the boss presents her to him\"</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>b. daft der Chefihr den neuen Mitarbeiter</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>vorstellt</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>that the boss hsr[dat] the nsu</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>collsgue presants</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>\"that the boss presents the new col-legue to her\" c. *dab der Chef den neuen Mitarbeiter</td><td>(14)</td><td>a. Damit kann er diese Theorie wider-legen.</td></tr><tr><td/><td>ihr vorstellt *that the boss the new colle~le[ace] her[dat] presents d. *daft der Chef ihr ihn vorstellt *that the boss hor[dat] him[ace] presents e. daft ihn ihr der Chef vorstellt</td><td/><td>Therewith can he thin theory de~ea~ b. Da kann er dices Theorie mit wide~ legen. There can he this theory with defeat \"With th~ he ean de~at the theory\"</td></tr><tr><td/><td>that him[ace] her[dat] the boss presents</td><td colspan=\"2\">Whereas the preceding data give strong evidence</td></tr><tr><td/><td>\u00a3 *7daft ihnder Chef ihr vorstellt</td><td colspan=\"2\">for movement into the Vet.reid, preposition stranding</td></tr><tr><td/><td>*that his[ace] the boss her[dat] presents g. *daft ihn ihr er vorstellt</td><td colspan=\"2\">in German is not restricted to that position. The da of a discontinuous preform can also occur in the Miftelfeld.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>(15)</td><td>a. Er kann diese Theorie damit wider-</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>legen.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>He can thin theory therewith</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>defeat.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>b. Er kann da dieseTheoriemit wider</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>legen.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>He can there this theory with</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>defeat.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">Furthermore, it kazan be combined in one sentence</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">with another discontinuity, e. g. discontinuous was</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>//r.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>(16)</td><td>a. Was kann er da fiir sine Theorie mit</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>widerlegen.</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>What can he there for a theory</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>with defeat</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>\"What a theory can he defeat with</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>this\"</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>b. Was~ kann erda/ t/ fdr eine Theorie</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>t/mit widerlegen.</td></tr><tr><td/><td>AcrEs DE COLING-92. NANTES. 23-28 AOUT 1992</td><td>9 0</td><td>PROC. ON COLING-92. NANTES. AUo. 23-28. 1992</td></tr></table>",
"text": "Evidently, a formalism who~ slash feature allows only for one discontinuous constituent has to describe da ... mit by LP rules. Therefore, da and mit would have to be of the same constituent as diese Theorie. But in 14 (a) damit obviously forms one constituent.It is unclear how in a flat structure the obligatoriness of da can be expressed, an effect that naturally falls out of the trace approach.",
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