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| "paper_id": "C94-1038", |
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| "first": "Naoyuki", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Nomura", |
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| "institution": "Massachusetts Irtstitute of Technology Artificial intelligertce I", |
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| "email": "nomura@ai.mit.edu" |
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| "first": "Douglas", |
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| "last": "Jones", |
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| "institution": "Massachusetts Irtstitute of Technology Artificial intelligertce I", |
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| "first": "Robert", |
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| "last": "Bcrwicl<", |
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| "institution": "Massachusetts Irtstitute of Technology Artificial intelligertce I", |
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| "abstract": "Introduction. ltindi Given the prominence of the lexicon in most current (3) !inguistic theories (I.FG, HPSG, GB), lhe inventory of language particular information left in the lexicon teserves special attention. Constructing large computerized lexicons remains a difficult problem, milding a large array of apparently arbitrary information. I'his papers shows that this arbitrariness can bc mn,;trained more than might have been previously hought. In particular, arbitrariness of argument slructure, Bengali xord sense, and paraphrasability will be shown not only (4) o be constrained, hut also to be integrally rchttcd. Our radical) view is that wu'iation of lexical behavior across anguages is exactly like lexical variation within anguages, specifically, the difference lies in the presence ~r absence of certain morphemes. For cxatnple, the fact hat Japanese has richer possibilities it] certain verbal mtterns is derived solely from its morphological (;reek nventory. ~ Put another way, language parameters (5) ;imply are the presence or absence of lexical material in he morphological componet]t. Observed hmguagc ~ariation patterns reflect morphological systematicity. I'he generative machinery for producing argutnent ;tructure positions is fixed across languages. iAnguistie Motivation. A striking example underscoring universality of trgument structure is the familiar Spray/Load 2 tlternation, shown in example (1). Despite the many m'l'acc differences in these data across htnguages, they ,hare several essential properties. 1) a. John loaded tile hay on the wagon. b. John loaded tile wagon with the hay. '(l[)atlese 2) a. taroo-wa teepu-o boo-ni mait,{i. Taro-NOM tape-ACC stick-DAT wrap-PRF 'Tam wrapped the tape around the stick.' ttlroo-wa boo-o teepu-de Illaita. Tan>NOM stick-ACC tape-WITIl wrap-PRl; 'Tam wrapped the stick with tim tape.' See Miyagawa, Uukui, and Tenny (1985) for at discussion of this 'ffect. Also see Mat'titt (1975, pp 441-.455), tor 56 such morphemes+ ;co below for additiotml discussion o1' these alternations and for an alternative analysis. See, e.g., Levin (1993) and sources cited thcre, for example, ackendoff (1990) and Emends (1991). a. shyam lathi-ko kagaz-sc lape..ta Shyam stick-ACC paper-with wral).PRl ? 'Shyam wrapped the stick with paper.'", |
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| "text": "Introduction. ltindi Given the prominence of the lexicon in most current (3) !inguistic theories (I.FG, HPSG, GB), lhe inventory of language particular information left in the lexicon teserves special attention. Constructing large computerized lexicons remains a difficult problem, milding a large array of apparently arbitrary information. I'his papers shows that this arbitrariness can bc mn,;trained more than might have been previously hought. In particular, arbitrariness of argument slructure, Bengali xord sense, and paraphrasability will be shown not only (4) o be constrained, hut also to be integrally rchttcd. Our radical) view is that wu'iation of lexical behavior across anguages is exactly like lexical variation within anguages, specifically, the difference lies in the presence ~r absence of certain morphemes. For cxatnple, the fact hat Japanese has richer possibilities it] certain verbal mtterns is derived solely from its morphological (;reek nventory. ~ Put another way, language parameters (5) ;imply are the presence or absence of lexical material in he morphological componet]t. Observed hmguagc ~ariation patterns reflect morphological systematicity. I'he generative machinery for producing argutnent ;tructure positions is fixed across languages. iAnguistie Motivation. A striking example underscoring universality of trgument structure is the familiar Spray/Load 2 tlternation, shown in example (1). Despite the many m'l'acc differences in these data across htnguages, they ,hare several essential properties. 1) a. John loaded tile hay on the wagon. b. John loaded tile wagon with the hay. '(l[)atlese 2) a. taroo-wa teepu-o boo-ni mait,{i. Taro-NOM tape-ACC stick-DAT wrap-PRF 'Tam wrapped the tape around the stick.' ttlroo-wa boo-o teepu-de Illaita. Tan>NOM stick-ACC tape-WITIl wrap-PRl; 'Tam wrapped the stick with tim tape.' See Miyagawa, Uukui, and Tenny (1985) for at discussion of this 'ffect. Also see Mat'titt (1975, pp 441-.455), tor 56 such morphemes+ ;co below for additiotml discussion o1' these alternations and for an alternative analysis. See, e.g., Levin (1993) and sources cited thcre, for example, ackendoff (1990) and Emends (1991). a. shyam lathi-ko kagaz-sc lape..ta Shyam stick-ACC paper-with wral).PRl ? 'Shyam wrapped the stick with paper.'", |
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| "text": "o jatfis fortwse to bagoni lllC SallO Janis I)ET load.P,qT the wagon wilh hay 'Janis loaded tile wagon with hay' All of these hmguages have exactly the same alternation type. Why? Let us locus orl tilt role of figure and ground 3 in lhese examples. By \"alternation\", we mean that in each language they}'~,,ure, as expressed as a direct object in the (a) cases, alternates wilh the fi'gure as expressed in an equivalent PP in the (b) cases, l)espite the differences in word order and case marking, all share the properly that the direct object is subject to a so-called l lolistic l~,ffect: 4 Crucially, tim (a) sentences differ from the (b) sentences in exactly the same way in each of these languages. In (lb), where John loads the wagon with hay, the wagon is understood to have a wl_jole load of hay, likewise if John smears the wall with paint, the :~By 'grotll/d', we mean the surface background involved in tile action represented by the verb. By 'figure', we mean the object that is brought into contact with tile ground, l:or example, in (1), the hay is the figure which is brought into contact with the wagon, in tills case, the ground. See Tahny (1978) and Emends (1991) for discussion of figure and ground in this connection. .t Note that this property is not overtly grammatically marked, as, say, the case of the direct (~bject is. See l,evin (1993) and the references there for additional discussion of the Holistic l\",ffect.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1150, |
| "end": 1162, |
| "text": "Tahny (1978)", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| { |
| "start": 1167, |
| "end": 1180, |
| "text": "Emends (1991)", |
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| "text": "wall is understood to have more paint than if John merely smears paint on the w~dl. Thus we may assume throughout that the word sense of the verbs as used in the (a) and (b) cases are essentially identical, s The goal of the remainder of this paper is to analyze and implement this insight in a particular representation given by both linguistic and computational theory, and apply it to MT.", |
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| "text": "We propose to replace idiosyncratic language p,'u'ticular information with a new generative component that links universal abstract lexical structures with the surface that derives words from a small set of primitives) These structures are assumed to be identical across languages.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Basic Building Blocks: The Syntax of Word Formation", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| { |
| "text": "put pp the hook on the shelf John put the book on the shelf.", |
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| "section": "John", |
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| "text": "forms of words for each language. This generative VP machinery is based on work by Hale and Keyser (1993) ///'~ and Pustejovsky (1991a) . The basic architecture is shown / :</\" in Crucially, only a restricted number of argument structures can be generated. The basic idea is that lexical X-bar structures are composed from the lexical categories N, A, V, and P (see fig. 2 ), into trees whose Spec(ifier) and Comp(lement) positions after movement yield the range of possible ,argument structures. The lexical entries are subject to a series of filters, as follows. To give a concrete example of the system, we derive the thematic properties of the denominal verb shelve from compositional machinery operative in the lexicon by composing the noun form shelf with an empty preposition and an empty verb to yield the form shelve.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 83, |
| "end": 105, |
| "text": "Hale and Keyser (1993)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 116, |
| "end": 135, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky (1991a)", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "start": 366, |
| "end": 372, |
| "text": "fig. 2", |
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| "section": "John", |
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| "text": "The structures are as shown in Fig. 2 . In short, argument structure is produced by syntax operative in the lexicon s If an interlingua-based system does not constrain the number of word senses, it faces some serious computational problems as is shown in section 3. Fig. 3 shows the detailed schema for producing lexical entries for verbs. We only note briefly here a few important properties of the system in Fig. 3 . First of all, the main verb V is formed by Head Movement of X, and Y if it exists, to V. The categorial wdue of X and Y are selected from the set {N,A,V,P}. For example, the denominal verb shelve is built as shown above iv One can view the work by Dor. (1993) and, previously, ethel attempts at lexical decomposition ranging hack through Scbank a~ essentially the same in spirit, bt, t without the detailed constrai)m provided by Figure 2 . Wc regard similar proposals regardin~ \"promotion\" and \"demotion\" of arguments as essentially a reflectior of Move-:llpha. The novelty of our proposal is that it is not ad hoe that is, the same constraints independently justified in syntax all appear in lexic:d constructioll. The need for at non-arbitrary, i.e., ar explanatory, account of lexical argument structure should b( apparent. If lexical entries varied arbitrarily, we would Iogicall~ expect at least the following space of lexical possibilities, requMn 1 upwards of a quarter-million diacritics. Let m be the number o semantic/thematic roles, such as Agent, Patient, Theme, Range Duration, and so on, and let n be tbe number of grammatical functions Then, when n=4 and m=50 (a typical number for traditional NLI systems) we have 251,176 differenttypes of lexical entries (Zi=0 t( n m/li!(m-i)! ). While some theories might propose this man distinctions, it seems clear that Ibis imposes a very considerabl learning and engineering burden. Many researchers, includin Makino (1991) and others, have noticed tim drawbacks of encodin thematic rules, but in the absence ofa clear alternative, still requir them for representing lexical intormation. Furthermore, it is commo knowledge that verbs pattern into certain equiwdence classes withi languages (e.g., Levin, 1993) , but arbitrary verb classes woul imply arbitrary variatkm across languages. Figure 2 , by selecting P as X and N as Y. The deadjectival verb redden is built by selecting A as X and selecting nothing as Y. The ditransitive verb give selects V for :)oth X and Y, following Larson (1988) . NP1, if it :xists, is the agent of the action, and NP2, if it exists, is :he affected object of the verb, tollowing Hale and Keyser ~1993).", |
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| "start": 1887, |
| "end": 1900, |
| "text": "Makino (1991)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
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| "start": 2174, |
| "end": 2186, |
| "text": "Levin, 1993)", |
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| "start": 2459, |
| "end": 2472, |
| "text": "Larson (1988)", |
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| "ref_spans": [ |
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| "start": 31, |
| "end": 37, |
| "text": "Fig. 2", |
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| { |
| "start": 266, |
| "end": 272, |
| "text": "Fig. 3", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 410, |
| "end": 416, |
| "text": "Fig. 3", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF2" |
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| { |
| "start": 849, |
| "end": 857, |
| "text": "Figure 2", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "start": 2264, |
| "end": 2272, |
| "text": "Figure 2", |
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| "text": "(vp) From the point of view of lexical representation and MT, the key constraint is that the entry for shelve has .:lements that correspond directly to the verb put and the :)reposition on in its representation. These elements then :~ecome awfilable for interpretation and for lranslation. We show below that this is also part of the difference :)etween English, Japanese, Hindi, mid Greek verbs.", |
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| "text": "(NPI) ((~,'~) XP Q~~X,Y E { N,A,V,P,~ } (NP2) ((.S.))", |
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| "text": "There have been some controversies about the merits md demerits of transfer-based MT and interlingua-based MT. Typical transfer-based MTs prepare completely Jifferent sets of word senses for component languages ~o that mapping among the word senses is completely arbitrary, i.e., the complexity may be calculated as ~ipartitc graph matching. We will assume an interlingua-9ased MT, which supposedly makes all the component angt, ages share common word senses or so-called :oncepts and thus is constrained regarding word senses.", |
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| "section": "Analysis and Applications for the Universal Lexicon Computational Motivation.", |
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| "text": "[towever, interlingua-based MT still has substantial )roblems in making up word senses. The number of 0vorcl senses, their well-definedness, and the p,oblem about linking surface words depend on excellent .exicographers. To give just one example here, the :filingual dictionary Sanseedoo (1990) lists all the {bllowing English translations tbr a Japanese verb kazaru Wecorate) \"h~,~\u00b07~ : kazaru: ornament; decorate; adorn; dress; embellish; exhibit; display; put articles on show; affect; be affected; grace a ;use fair words; write an inflated style; mince; not being plain or flat 21ustering these into well-defined word senses is not an .-asy task; thus, it is hard to answer the word sense .luestion. Suppose we have a symbol to represent the :ore meaning of kazaru, which is shared by the English counterpart decorate. Since kazaru has the syntactic nature of a Spray/Load type alternation, the lexicon of a typical interlingua-based MT essentially provides the information described below. Assuming a self-contained thematic role system and case-marking system, these markings are to be ewtluated on the corresponding example sentences and be decided independent of each other. I Iowever, the two argument structures in the above diagram are actually incolnpatible with each other because the same thematic role THEME is assigned to different referents: grotmd, the patient to be decorated, andfigure, the decoration to be attached to the patient. In effect, the MT system makes serious errors clue to its confusion of thematic roles derived from tim lexicon. In most contexts, the default reading of the inpnt sentence above should be interpreted as 'Taro decorated something with flowers.' This error was caused by the semantic clash in the lexicon. In order to avoid such errors, lexicographers could overwrite some thematic roles disregarding semantic criteria, but thus would spoil the interlingual [oundalion. The remaining possible sohltion t%r this problem is to artificial divided the word sense (WS) into two syinbols: WSwith and WSon, two completely artifical word senses.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 278, |
| "end": 294, |
| "text": "Sanseedoo (1990)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| } |
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| "text": "Those two artil'icial word senses are essentially very similar to each other, if not identical, and will pose difficulties for lexicographers because they will have to put arbitrary links among word senses for similar words in two languages or within the same language. The two word senses put the two different argument structures in complete isolation once the analysis is completed and tim interlingua is fixed; the only thing the generation module of MT can do is accept the given word sense (WSwith or WSon)and generate only one argnment structure.", |
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| "section": "Analysis and Applications for the Universal Lexicon Computational Motivation.", |
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| "text": "This rigidity has a potential to generate sentences that are unacceptably unnatural.", |
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| "section": "Analysis and Applications for the Universal Lexicon Computational Motivation.", |
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| "text": "The result for MT and lexicon construction is that the computational machinery will stay fixed across languages and thus uniformly constrain the complexity of argument structures eliminating most of the related arbitrariness.", |
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| "text": "It is well known that word-for-word translations are not the paradigmatic case. The architecture we propose entails a significant improvement in isomorphic mappings between languages. However, the isomorphism is not at the level of words, but rather, at the level of morphological elements that enter into the lexical syntactic formation of words. Thus it is no accident that 'put the book on the shelf' is a near paraphrase of 'shelve the book', and it is no accident that 'put the book on the shelf' is a closer isomorphic map for the Japanese translations of 'John shelved the book' shown in (1). The entailment is that 'shelve the book' has the same morphological material as 'put the book on the shelf', but the former has an empty preposition and an empty verb that incorporates a noun.", |
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| "section": "Analysis and Applications for the Universal Lexicon Computational Motivation.", |
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| "text": "In particular, we show how to replace thematic roles with the lexical syntax proposed in Hale and Keyser (1993) ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
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| "start": 89, |
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| "text": "Hale and Keyser (1993)", |
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| "text": "This technique yields several potential benefits: (i) robustness of the lexicon, (ii) greater flexibility in selecting more natural renditions of target language structures in translation, as in (7) below. Let us consider each of these in turn with specific examples. if paraphrasability and translation must conform to the lexical syntactic structures in Figures 2 through 4 , we have a natural method for producing a constrained space of possible translations, namely, the only structures that are allowed are those produced by thc mechanism outlined in Fig. 4 . To highlight the relationship between paraphrasability and transhttability, consider the alternation behavior of several verbs within English, shown in (2). Notice in particular that different verbs participate in one or both halves of the alternations, or in neither half. As we will see, the same facts hold across distinct languages.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 356, |
| "end": 375, |
| "text": "Figures 2 through 4", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 556, |
| "end": 562, |
| "text": "Fig. 4", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF7" |
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| "section": "and augmented by work in Pustejovsky (1991 a)]", |
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| "text": "Not all verbs that participate in one half of the Spray/Load alternation participate in the other half, as (8) and (9) and (10) from English, Japanese, and Hindi illustrate. Interestingly, in these cases verbs across VAlong with Emonds (1992), we propose shifting a significant portion of the machinery out of the semantics and into syntax, in the |brm of syntactically enriched lexical entries. languages also pattern alike in terms of nonalternation ~.", |
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| "section": "Nonalternation:", |
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| "text": "This gives additional support for our representation proposal. he correct lexical representation for tim verbs and hence he structures that translate a more direct mapping across anguages. We propose that the key to the solution is hat in the non-alternating cases, prepositions are rworporated into the verb in lexical syntax just as shelve n Fig. 3 . For exmnple, the lexical entries for pout, and 'over contain prepositions as shown in (10). We assume hat the lcxical representation for the prepositions encodes peeifications for figure and ground, represented as F ~nd G in (10). In essence, whatX on Y means is that X afigure on the ground Y. ht fact, this is tim essence ~f what prepositions \"mean\", at an abstract level. Thus he prepositions are the primitives in our system, and oncepts such as figure and ground are deriwttive. This ntaihnent is illustrated by the linking lines in Fig. 5 . cover(X,Y)+with(G,F)", |
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| { |
| "start": 344, |
| "end": 350, |
| "text": "Fig. 3", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF2" |
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| "start": 891, |
| "end": 897, |
| "text": "Fig. 5", |
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| "section": "Nonalternation:", |
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| "text": "The lexical entry for load does not contain a preposition nd hence is free to alternate. Thus the reason why a erb does not participate in part of an alternation ix that : incorporates lexical material which clashes with otential complements. The reason that 'cover the blanket n the baby' is bad is that covet\" already encodes the igure and ground relationship by incorporating with into :s representatoin--that is, the preposition with is frozen \"lto the verb's representation. Adding an overt PP with n creates a clash in figure and ground relations. Adding compatible PP to a verbal structure with an incorporated ' introduces redundancy, but is the structure ix still well-:~rmed.", |
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| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
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| "text": "alternation Mismatches Across Languages.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
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| "text": "So far, then, we have seen only that verbs across iffcrent languages pattern alike. Surely the,e must be 'ifferences or else MT efforts wonld have succeeded :rag ago . Fig. 6 displays all the logically possible ~lationship between verbs across two languages.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| { |
| "start": 168, |
| "end": 174, |
| "text": "Fig. 6", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
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| "text": "Types A, F, and K verbs behave identically in a language pair. For example, the introductory sentences (1)-(5) illustrated Type A correspondences, where L,=English and L2c {Japanese,Hindi,Bengali,Greek}. 9", |
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| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
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| "text": "We have found (B,C,G,E,I,H) --the unshaded cells in the Figure 5 --to be the richest source of cross-linguistic information, namely, the verbs that do not con'espond directly are the most informative regarding the nature of word formation, given the model that we have adopted. Not accidentally, they are precisely the ones that arc not only of particular interest for our framework, they arc polentially very difficult for machine translation, simply because, for some of them, the,'e is no way to take advantage of the surfitce similarity of argument structures. Recall that wc assume that the word sense for these verbs ix fixed across hmguages. Consider, then, the Type C alternation correspondence below, where L,=English and 1,2< { Japanese,Hindi,Bengali } :", |
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| "end": 64, |
| "text": "Figure 5", |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "'~(21carly, type P verbs should constitute most of the verbal w~cabnlary, since most verbs do not participate in the Spray/Load Alternation, or in any given alternation, for that maner. Types (D,II,I,,M,N,O) do not correspond at all---actually, we expect that these verbs do not exist, given the considerations regarding likely candidates across languages. Cross-Linguistic alternation model: 16 logical types for tile Spray-Load \"alternation. Classification of patterns in Fig. 4 for a given verb in languages 1, l and 1,2 into tile following types A-P: (Shaded cells are exact cmsslingtfistic c!?[respondences. ) direct object, and the baby is understood to be wholly covered. Sentence b' has no such effect regarding the baby. m", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 192, |
| "end": 207, |
| "text": "(D,II,I,,M,N,O)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 474, |
| "end": 480, |
| "text": "Fig. 4", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In Hindi, one can replace dhaknaa ('cover') with dakh-denaa ('give cover'). This morphological change turns a type F alternation contrast into a type B, as described in Fig. 6 . Put briefly, our view is that variation of lexical t:~ehavior across languages is exactly like lexical wtriationwithin languages, specifically, the difference lies in the presence or absence of certain morphemes. Ontologically speaking, then, what language parameters are is the presence or absence of lexical material in the morphological component. The observed patterns in language variation is then reflected in morphological systematicity. For example, the fact that Japanese has richer possibilities in certain verbal patterns is derived from its morphological inventory. In specific, the reason that it is impossible for English verbs to behave like certain corresponding Japanese verbs is that English lacks an equivalent of tim Japanese aspectual morphetnes ts'ukusu 'exhaust', kakeru 'trajectory verb', etc) ~ But recall, we find that load, for example does behave precisely like its corresponding verbs in Japanese, llindi, Bengali, and Greek.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 169, |
| "end": 175, |
| "text": "Fig. 6", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "in cases where verbs do m)t appear to behave alike, apparent differences are resolved hy a process of language particula,\" morphological behavior: lor example, the verbal suffixes (and prefixes) of Japanese such as -tsukusu 'exhaust' alter verb argument structure enough to bring them into correspondence with their former English noncounterparts.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Fig. 5 An Explanation For The Spray-Load Alternation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We believe that our approach is applicable universally. Future work to be done is to complete our survey o1' the approximately 150 types of verbal alternations of Levin mlt might be tmderstood pragmatically to entail that perhaps the parents were wo,'ried about covering the baby too much, and wanted to allow the baby to breathe easily by allowing its bead, Ibr example, to remain uncovered. In brief, here it is the compositional belmvior of morphemes that yields different alternation pa!adigms. (1993) , and augment our analysis with further ideas from Hale and Keyser (1993), Pustejovsky (1990 Pustejovsky ( , 1991 , and others, and to extend the coverage to Japanese and other languages. Our highly constrained system should also provide highly desirable circumscription of computational lexicons. Given the universal aspects of our lexical representations, we also expect manageable applications to machine translation, along the lines that we have suggested.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 499, |
| "end": 505, |
| "text": "(1993)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 581, |
| "end": 598, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky (1990", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 599, |
| "end": 619, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky ( , 1991", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "(a) John decorated the wall with posters. (b) * John decorated the posters {over,onto .... } the wall. \"As for this room, let's decorate the wall with flowers,' but with UL techniques might be more fluently translatec as, \"Let's decorate this room by putting flowers on the wall.\" Even more broadly, we would like to suggest promising direction for the development of our system Consider the well-known difficulty of translatin~ Japanese -wa phrases into English. Given the ubiquit) of -wa phrases as compared with the relative rarity o English as-for phrases, we can conclude that renderin t -wa as as-jbr is not the best translation.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "English", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Let us now consider cases in Japanese and Hindi fi which the preposition type element ix visible, and whicl overtly affects the alternation type.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bengali", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "There are additional crosslinguistic differences, whict may be observed in the surface form of the verbal structure In Japanese, one can add the verbal morpheme kake t~ oou. This change, from alternation type F to type H, i shown below. In Japanese, kake acids an aspect of 'trajectory' t, wall\", tile verb sense. More precisely, as the gloss 'over suggests, kake rescues oou from its type clash just a To address one of our main points, cases like the one the preposition with does in English. ltowever, 'corm in Fig. 7 pose special problems for machine translation cannot be so rescued in English simply because there i because the translation of the word sense of English no morphological life raft. Note further that the exampl decorate into its Japanese counterpart kazeru does not in (a) just above also behaves as expected with ,'espec have a similar type clash. Thus the problem is that the to the llolistic effect. In (a) akanboo-o 'haby' is th English verb has a preposition frozen,into its lexical", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 514, |
| "end": 520, |
| "text": "Fig. 7", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Alternation Type Change:", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "bib_entries": { |
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| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF0": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": ")nl lgormation: Generative Mechani.,,m ] ] ~,--[J Rules \u00b0fC\u00b0mp\u00b0siti\u00b0n~tl'asie l~;'i'aingl/" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "Movement Constraint (Baker, 1988) ECP: Empty Category Principle (Chomsky, 1981) FI: Full Interpretation (Chomsky, 1986) UP: Unambiguous Projection (Kayne, 1984) PL: Predication Locality(Williams, 1980)" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "Schema for producing verb lexical entries." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "]NOM(/Y:),[TI IEME]ACC(~), [MATERIAL]WlTH(~) } Verb Alternation Type 2: { [AGENT]NOM(/0::), ITHEME]ACC(~), [ GOAL]DAT/ON/OVEI~. (}E.)} AGF, NT, THEME, GOAL and MATERIAL are thematic roles that are the key elements in the interlingua. NOM, ACC, WITII and DAT/ON/OVER are casemarking functions mapped to the surface case markers ' /Y;', '~r', '-Q:' and '~C'." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF4": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "hana-o kazatta. Taro-NOM flower-ACC decorate-PRF Taro decorated the flower." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF5": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "book-ACe shelf-GEN upper place-AT put-PRI ~ John put the book on the shelf. b.John-wa hon-o tana-ni simatta.(more accurate) John-TOP book-ACC shelf-DAT pt, t.away-PRF John put away / stored the book on the shell'." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF6": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "(g) a. John covered the baby with the blanket. b.*John covered the blanket {over,onto,... } the baby. Japanese (9) a..k;~l~;)l'~/~,13i~g-gli~F3<,\u00a2~o taroo-wa akanboo-o moofu-de oot-ta Taroo-TOP baby-ACC bhmket-WITtt cover-PRF 'Taro covered the baby with the bhmket.' taroo-wa mool'u-o akanboo-ni oot-ta Taro-TOP hhmket-ACC baby-I)AT cover-Pl~,l: 'Taro covered the blanket over the baby.' Hindi ( I 0) a. jOn-ne kaprc-se bacce-ko dlmka Jolm-ERG cloth-WlTI 1 child-ACC cover 'John covered the baby with a cloth' b. * jOn-ne kapre-ko hacce-ke-upar dhaka Jolm-ERG cloth-ACC baby-ON.TOP.OF cover Thus there are fot.tr logical possibilities for alternation and nonalternation, as illustrated in Fig. John poured lhe water into theglass. Verb Class iii. (a) John covered the baby with the blanket. (b) *John covered the blanket onto the baby. Verb Class iv. * (a) *John gurgled lhe glass with water. (b) * John gurgled the water into the glass." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF7": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "The Spray-Load alternation.The nonalteruations arc critical clues to discoverinXSeeLevin (1993) for an extensive survey of such phenomena." |
| }, |
| "FIGREF9": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "Fig. 6. Cross-Linguistic alternation model: 16 logical types for tile Spray-Load \"alternation. Classification of patterns in Fig. 4 for a given verb in languages 1, l and 1,2 into tile following types A-P: (Shaded cells are exact cmsslingtfistic c!?[respondences. )" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF10": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "text": "cloth-WlTtl chihI-ACC cover 'John covered the baby with a cloth' (b) *jOn-ne kapre-ko baccc-ke-upar dhaka John-ERG cloth-ACC baby-ON.TOP.OF cover (a)' jOn-ne kapre-se bacce-ko John-ER(] cloth-WlTll child-ACC 'John covered the baby with a clotlf dhak-di-yaa cover-give-PRF (b)' iOn-he kapre-ko bacce-ke-upar dhak-di-yaa John-ERG cloth-ACC baby-ON.TOP.OF covcr-givePl>,F" |
| }, |
| "TABREF0": { |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>b. shyam</td><td>lathi-par</td><td colspan=\"2\">kagaz</td><td>lape-ta</td></tr><tr><td>Shyam</td><td>stick--on</td><td>paper</td><td/><td>wrap.Pl,H:</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">'Shyam wrapl)ed paper around tile stick'</td></tr><tr><td>a. jodu</td><td colspan=\"3\">lathi-ta kaagajh-dic</td><td>murieche</td></tr><tr><td>Jodu</td><td colspan=\"3\">stick-l)F3\" paper-with</td><td>wrap.PST</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">'Jodu wrapped the stick wilh the paper.'</td></tr><tr><td>13. jodu</td><td colspan=\"4\">lalhi Ic kaagaj Illurieche</td></tr><tr><td>Jodu</td><td colspan=\"4\">stick-on paper wrap.PST</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">'Jodu wrapped the paper around the stick'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">a. o 7tc~vwE ~I~op'tm~r oczvo oxo 1~,{,7ovt</td></tr><tr><td>o janis</td><td colspan=\"2\">fortwse sane</td><td>sto</td><td>bagoni</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">Janis I)I';T load.PST</td><td/><td>hay</td><td>on.the wagon</td></tr><tr><td>'</td><td/><td/><td/></tr></table>", |
| "html": null, |
| "text": "Janis loaded the hay on the wagon' b. o Tt(xvwlg ~()p'ccocre 'to [laTovt bte oavo", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
