| { |
| "paper_id": "P01-1024", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T09:30:01.248959Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "Topological Dependency Trees: A Constraint-Based Account of Linear Precedence", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Denys", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Duchier", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "Programming Systems Lab Universit\u00e4t des Saarlandes", |
| "institution": "", |
| "location": { |
| "addrLine": "Geb. 45 Postfach 15 11 50", |
| "postCode": "66041", |
| "settlement": "Saarbr\u00fccken", |
| "country": "Germany" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "duchier@ps.uni-sb.de" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Ralph", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Debusmann", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": {}, |
| "email": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "We describe a new framework for dependency grammar, with a modular decomposition of immediate dependency and linear precedence. Our approach distinguishes two orthogonal yet mutually constraining structures: a syntactic dependency tree and a topological dependency tree. The syntax tree is nonprojective and even non-ordered, while the topological tree is projective and partially ordered.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "P01-1024", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "We describe a new framework for dependency grammar, with a modular decomposition of immediate dependency and linear precedence. Our approach distinguishes two orthogonal yet mutually constraining structures: a syntactic dependency tree and a topological dependency tree. The syntax tree is nonprojective and even non-ordered, while the topological tree is projective and partially ordered.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Linear precedence in so-called free word order languages remains challenging for modern grammar formalisms. To address this issue, we propose a new framework for dependency grammar which supports the modular decomposition of immediate dependency and linear precedence. Duchier (1999) formulated a constraint-based axiomatization of dependency parsing which characterized well-formed syntax trees but ignored issues of word order. In this article, we develop a complementary approach dedicated to the treatment of linear precedence.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 269, |
| "end": 283, |
| "text": "Duchier (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Our framework distinguishes two orthogonal, yet mutually constraining structures: a syntactic dependency tree (ID tree) and a topological dependency tree (LP tree). While edges of the ID tree are labeled by syntactic roles, those of the LP tree are labeled by topological fields (Bech, 1955) . The shape of the LP tree is a flattening of the ID tree's obtained by allowing nodes to 'climb up' to land in an appropriate field at a host node where that field is available. Our theory of ID/LP trees is formulated in terms of (a) lexicalized constraints and (b) principles governing e.g. climbing conditions.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 279, |
| "end": 291, |
| "text": "(Bech, 1955)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In Section 2 we discuss the difficulties presented by discontinuous constructions in free word order languages, and briefly touch on the limitations of Reape's (1994) popular theory of 'word order domains'. In Section 3 we introduce the concept of topological dependency tree. In Section 4 we outline the formal framework for our theory of ID/LP trees. Finally, in Section 5 we illustrate our approach with an account of the word-order phenomena in the verbal complex of German verb final sentences.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 152, |
| "end": 166, |
| "text": "Reape's (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In free word order languages, discontinuous constructions occur frequently. German, for example, is subject to scrambling and partial extraposition. In typical phrase structure based analyses, such phenomena lead to e.g. discontinuous VPs:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) ( whose natural syntax tree exhibits crossing edges:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 4, |
| "end": 5, |
| "text": "(", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "S NP V VP NP V DET N (dass) einen Mann Maria zu lieben versucht", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Since this is classically disallowed, discontinuous constituents must often be handled indirectly through grammar extensions such as traces. Reape (1994) proposed the theory of word order domains which became quite popular in the HPSG community and inspired others such as M\u00fcller (1999) and Kathol (2000) . Reape distinguished two orthogonal tree structures: (a) the unordered syntax tree, (b) the totally ordered tree of word order domains. The latter is obtained from the syntax tree by flattening using the operation of domain union to produce arbitrary interleavings. The boolean feature [\u222a\u00b1] of each node controls whether it must be flattened out or not. Infinitives in canonical position are assigned [\u222a+] :", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 141, |
| "end": 153, |
| "text": "Reape (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 273, |
| "end": 286, |
| "text": "M\u00fcller (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 291, |
| "end": 304, |
| "text": "Kathol (2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 592, |
| "end": 596, |
| "text": "[\u222a\u00b1]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 707, |
| "end": 711, |
| "text": "[\u222a+]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) S NP Maria VP[\u222a+] NP[\u222a\u2212] DET einen N Mann V zu lieben V versucht", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Thus, the above licenses the following tree of word order domains:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) S NP DET einen N Mann NP Maria V zu lieben V versucht Extraposed infinitives are assigned [\u222a\u2212]: (dass) S NP Maria V versucht VP[\u222a\u2212] NP DET einen N Mann V zu lieben", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As a consequence, Reape's theory correctly predicts scrambling (2,3) and full extraposition (4), but cannot handle the partial extraposition in (5):", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(2) (dass) Maria einen Mann zu lieben versucht", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(3) (dass) einen Mann Maria zu lieben versucht (4) (dass) Maria versucht, einen Mann zu lieben (5) (dass) Maria einen Mann versucht, zu lieben", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Discontinuous Constructions", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Our approach is based on dependency grammar. We also propose to distinguish two structures: (a) a tree of syntactic dependencies, (b) a tree of topological dependencies. The syntax tree (ID tree) is unordered and non-projective (i.e. it admits crossing edges). For display purposes, we pick an arbitrary linear arrangement: The topological tree (LP tree) is partially ordered and projective:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann zu lieben versucht n d n v v d f m f mf v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Its edge labels are called (external) fields and are totally ordered: df \u227a mf \u227a vc. This induces a linear precedence among the daughters of a node in the LP tree. This precedence is partial because daughters with the same label may be freely permuted.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In order to obtain a linearization of a LP tree, it is also necessary to position each node with respect to its daughters. For this reason, each node is also assigned an internal field (d, n, or v) shown above on the vertical pseudo-edges. The set of internal and external fields is totally ordered:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "d \u227a df \u227a n \u227a mf \u227a vc \u227a v", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Like Reape, our LP tree is a flattened version of the ID tree (Reape, 1994; Uszkoreit, 1987) , but the flattening doesn't happen by 'unioning up'; rather, we allow each individual daughter to climb up to find an appropriate landing place. This idea is reminiscent of GB, but, as we shall see, proceeds rather differently.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 62, |
| "end": 75, |
| "text": "(Reape, 1994;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 76, |
| "end": 92, |
| "text": "Uszkoreit, 1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Topological Dependency Trees", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The framework underlying both ID and LP trees is the configuration of labeled trees under valency (and other) constraints. Consider a finite set L of edge labels, a finite set V of nodes, and E \u2286 V \u00d7 V \u00d7 L a finite set of directed labeled edges, such that (V, E) forms a tree. We write w\u2212 \u2212 \u2192 w for an edge labeled from w to w . We define the -daughters (w) of w \u2208 V as follows:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(w) = {w \u2208 V | w\u2212 \u2212 \u2192 w \u2208 E}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We write L for the set of valency specifications defined by the following abstract syntax:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "::= | ? | * ( \u2208 L)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A valency is a subset of L. The tree (V, E) satisfies the valency assignment valency : V \u2192 2 L if for all w \u2208 V and all \u2208 L:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2208 valency(w) \u21d2 | (w)| = 1 ? \u2208 valency(w) \u21d2 | (w)| \u2264 1 * \u2208 valency(w) \u21d2 | (w)| \u2265 0 otherwise \u21d2 | (w)| = 0 4.1 ID Trees An ID tree (V, E ID , lex, cat, valency ID ) consists of a tree (V, E ID ) with E ID \u2286 V \u00d7 V \u00d7 R,", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "where the set R of edge labels ( Figure 1 ) represents syntactic roles such as subject or vinf (bare infinitive argument). lex : V \u2192 Lexicon assigns a lexical entry to each node. An illustrative Lexicon is displayed in Figure 1 where the 2 features cats and valency ID of concern to ID trees are grouped under table heading \"Syntax\". Finally, cat and valency ID assign a category and an R valency to each node w \u2208 V and must satisfy: ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 33, |
| "end": 41, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 219, |
| "end": 227, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "cat(w) \u2208 lex(w).cats valency ID (w) = lex(w).valency ID (V, E ID ) must", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "valency ID (versucht) = {subject, zuvinf}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Furthermore, (V, E ID ) must also satisfy the edge constraints stipulated by the grammar (see Figure 1 ). For example, for an edge w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 det w to be licensed, w must be assigned category det and both w and w must be assigned the same agreement. 1", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 94, |
| "end": 102, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Formal Framework", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "An LP tree (V, E LP , lex, valency LP , field ext , field int ) consists of a tree (V, E LP ) with E LP \u2286 V \u00d7 V \u00d7 F ext ,", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "where the set F ext of edge labels represents topological fields (Bech, 1955) : df the determiner field, mf the 'Mittelfeld', vc the verbal complement field, xf the extraposition field. Features of lexical entries relevant to LP trees are grouped under table heading \"Topology\" in Figure 1 . valency LP assigns a F ext valency to each node and is subject to the lexicalized constraint:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 65, |
| "end": 77, |
| "text": "(Bech, 1955)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 281, |
| "end": 289, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "valency LP (w) = lex(w).valency LP (V, E LP ) must satisfy the valency LP assignment as described earlier. For example, the lexical entry for zu lieben 2 specifies:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "valency LP (zu lieben 2 ) = {mf * , xf?}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "which permits 0 or more mf edges and at most one xf edge; we say that it offers fields mf and xf. Unlike the ID tree, the LP tree must be projective.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The grammar stipulates a total order on F ext , thus inducing a partial linear precedence on each node's daughters. This order is partial because all daughters in the same field may be freely permuted: our account of scrambling rests on free permutations within the mf field. In order to obtain a linearization of the LP tree, it is necessary to specify the position of a node with respect to its daughters. For this reason each node is assigned an internal field in F int . The set F ext \u222a F int is totally ordered:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "d \u227a df \u227a n \u227a mf \u227a vc \u227a v \u227a xf", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In what (external) field a node may land and what internal field it may be assigned is determined by assignments field ext : V \u2192 F ext and field int : V \u2192 F int which are subject to the lexicalized constraints:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "field ext (w) \u2208 lex(w).field ext field int (w) \u2208 lex(w).field int", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "For example, zu lieben 1 may only land in field vc (canonical position), and zu lieben 2 only in xf (extraposed position). The LP tree must satisfy:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "w\u2212 \u2212 \u2192 w \u2208 E LP \u21d2 = field ext (w )", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Thus, whether an edge w\u2212 \u2212 \u2192 w is licensed depends both on valency LP (w) and on field ext (w ). In other words: w must offer field and w must accept it.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "For an edge w\u2212 \u2212 \u2192 w in the ID tree, we say that w is the head of w . For a similar edge in the LP Figure 1 : Grammar Fragment tree, we say that w is the host of w or that w lands on w. The shape of the LP tree is a flattened version of the ID tree which is obtained by allowing nodes to climb up subject to the following principles:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 99, |
| "end": 107, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "LP Trees", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "C = {det, n, vfin, vinf , vpast, zuvinf } (Categories) R = {det, subject, object, vinf, vpast, zuvinf} (Syntactic Roles) F ext = {df, mf, vc, xf} (External Topological Fields) F int = {d, n, v} (Internal Topological Fields) d \u227a df \u227a n \u227a mf \u227a vc \u227a v \u227a xf (Topological Ordering) Edge Constraints w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 det w \u21d2 cat(w ) = det \u2227 agr(w) = agr(w ) w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 subject w \u21d2 cat(w ) = n \u2227 agr(w) = agr(w ) \u2208 NOM w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 object w \u21d2 cat(w ) = n \u2227 agr(w ) \u2208 ACC w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 vinf w \u21d2 cat(w ) = vinf w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 vpast w \u21d2 cat(w ) = vpast w\u2212 \u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212 \u2192 zuvinf w \u21d2 cat(w ) =", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Grammar Symbols", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Principle 1 a node must land on a transitive head 2", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Grammar Symbols", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We will not elaborate the notion of barrier which is beyond the scope of this article, but, for example, a noun will prevent a determiner from climbing through it, and finite verbs are typically general barriers.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Principle 3 a node must land on, or climb higher than, its head Subject to these principles, a node w may climb up to any host w which offers a field licensed by field ext (w ).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Definition.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "An ID/ LP analysis is a tuple (V, E ID , E LP , lex, cat, valency ID , valency LP , field ext , field int ) such that (V, E ID , lex, cat, valency ID )", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "is an ID tree and (V, E LP , lex, valency LP , field ext , field int ) is an LP tree and all principles are satisfied.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Our approach has points of similarity with (Br\u00f6ker, 1999) but eschews modal logic in favor of a simpler and arguably more perspicuous constraint-based formulation. It is also related to the lifting rules of (Kahane et al., 1998), but where they choose to stipulate rules that license liftings, we opt instead for placing constraints on otherwise unrestricted climbing.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 43, |
| "end": 57, |
| "text": "(Br\u00f6ker, 1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Principle 2 it may not climb through a barrier", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We now illustrate our theory by applying it to the treatment of word order phenomena in the verbal complex of German verb final sentences. We assume the grammar and lexicon shown in Figure 1 . These are intended purely for didactic purposes and we extend for them no claim of linguistic adequacy.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 182, |
| "end": 190, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "German Verbal Phenomena", |
| "sec_num": "5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Control verbs like versuchen or versprechen allow their zu-infinitival complement to be optionally extraposed. This phenomenon is also known as optional coherence. Optional extraposition is handled by having two lexical entries for zu lieben. One requires it to land in canonical position: field ext (zu lieben 1 ) = {vc} the other requires it to be extraposed:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "field ext (zu lieben 2 ) = {xf}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In the canonical case, zu lieben 1 does not offer field mf and einen Mann must climb to the finite verb:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann zu lieben versucht n d n v v d f m f mf v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In the extraposed case, zu lieben 2 itself offers field mf: The ID tree for (9) is: The lexical entry for the bare infinitive lieben requires it to land in a vc field:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "field ext (lieben) = {vc} therefore only the following LP tree is licensed: 3 (dass) Maria einen Mann lieben wird", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "n d n v v m f d f m f v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "where mf \u227a vc \u227a v, and subject and object, both in field mf, remain mutually unordered. Thus we correctly license (9) and reject (10).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "VP Extraposition", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In an auxiliary flip construction (Hinrichs and Nakazawa, 1994) , the verbal complement of an auxiliary verb, such as haben or werden, follows rather than precedes its head. Only a certain class of bare infinitive verbs can land in extraposed position. As we illustrated above, main verbs do not belong to this class; however, modals such as k\u00f6nnen do, and may land in either canonical (11) or in extraposed (12) position. This behavior is called 'optional auxiliary flip'. Our grammar fragment describes optional auxiliary flip constructions in two steps:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 34, |
| "end": 63, |
| "text": "(Hinrichs and Nakazawa, 1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2022 wird offers both vc and xf fields:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "valency ID (wird) = {mf * , vc?, xf?}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2022 k\u00f6nnen has two lexical entries, one canonical and one extraposed:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "field ext (k\u00f6nnen 1 ) = {vc} field ext (k\u00f6nnen 2 ) = {xf}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Thus we correctly account for examples (11) and (12) with the following LP trees:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen wird", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "n d n v v v mf d f m f v c v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann wird lieben k\u00f6nnen", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "n d n v v v m f d f m f v c x f", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The astute reader will have noticed that other LP trees are licensed for the earlier ID tree: they are considered in the section below.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Optional Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This phenomenon related to auxiliary flip describes the case where non-verbal material is interspersed in the verb cluster: The ID tree remains as before. The NP einen Mann must land in a mf field. lieben is in canonical position and thus does not offer mf, but both extraposed k\u00f6nnen 2 and finite verb wird do. Whereas in (12), the NP climbed up to wird, in (13) it climbs only up to k\u00f6nnen.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "V-Projection Raising", |
| "sec_num": "5.5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria wird einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "V-Projection Raising", |
| "sec_num": "5.5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "n v d n v v m f d f m f v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "V-Projection Raising", |
| "sec_num": "5.5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "xf (14) is ruled out because k\u00f6nnen must be in the vc of wird, therefore lieben must be in the vc of k\u00f6nnen, and einen Mann must be in the mf of wird. Therefore, einen Mann must precede both lieben and k\u00f6nnen. Similarly for (15).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "V-Projection Raising", |
| "sec_num": "5.5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The Zwischenstellung construction describes cases where the auxiliary has been flipped but its verbal argument remains in the Mittelfeld. These are the remaining linearizations predicted by our theory for the running example started above: where lieben has climbed up to the finite verb.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Intermediate Placement", |
| "sec_num": "5.6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Substitute infinitives (Ersatzinfinitiv) are further examples of extraposed verbal forms. A substitute infinitive exhibits bare infinitival inflection, yet acts as a complement of the perfectizer haben, which syntactically requires a past participle. Only modals, AcI-verbs such as sehen and lassen, and the verb helfen can appear in substitute infinitival inflection. A substitute infinitive cannot land in canonical position; it must be extraposed: an auxiliary flip involving a substitute infinitive is called an 'obligatory auxiliary flip'. This is satisfied by k\u00f6nnen 2 which insists on being extraposed, thus ruling (20) out:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "field ext (k\u00f6nnen 2 ) = {xf}", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Example (18) has LP tree:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann hat lieben k\u00f6nnen", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "n d n v v v m f d f m f x f v c", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In (18) einen Mann climbs up to hat, while in (19) it only climbs up to k\u00f6nnen.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Obligatory Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Double auxiliary flip constructions occur when an auxiliary is an argument of another auxiliary. Each extraposed verb form offers both vc and mf: thus there are more opportunities for verbal and nominal arguments to climb to. Obligatory coherence may be enforced with the following constraint principle: if w is an obligatory coherence verb and w is its verbal argument, then w must land in w's vc field. Like barriers, the expression of this principle in our grammatical formalism falls outside the scope of the present article and remains the subject of active research. 4", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Double Auxiliary Flip", |
| "sec_num": "5.8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this article, we described a treatment of linear precedence that extends the constraint-based framework for dependency grammar proposed by Duchier (1999) . We distinguished two orthogonal, yet mutually constraining tree structures: unordered, non-projective ID trees which capture purely syntactic dependencies, and ordered, projective LP trees which capture topological dependencies. Our theory is formulated in terms of (a) lexicalized constraints and (b) principles which govern 'climbing' conditions.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 142, |
| "end": 156, |
| "text": "Duchier (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusions", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We illustrated this theory with an application to the treatment of word order phenomena in the verbal complex of German verb final sentences, and demonstrated that these traditionally challenging phenomena emerge naturally from our simple and elegant account.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusions", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Although we provided here an account specific to German, our framework intentionally permits the definition of arbitrary language-specific topologies. Whether this proves linguistically adequate in practice needs to be substantiated in future research.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusions", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Characteristic of our approach is that the formal presentation defines valid analyses as the solutions of a constraint satisfaction problem which is amenable to efficient processing through constraint propagation. A prototype was implemented in Mozart/Oz and supports a parsing 4 we also thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out that our grammar fragment does not permit intraposition mode as well as a mode generating all licensed linearizations for a given input. It was used to prepare all examples in this article.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 278, |
| "end": 279, |
| "text": "4", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusions", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "While the preliminary results presented here are encouraging and demonstrate the potential of our approach to linear precedence, much work remains to be done to extend its coverage and to arrive at a cohesive and comprehensive grammar formalism.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusions", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Issues of agreement will not be further considered in this paper.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This is Br\u00f6cker's terminology and means a node in the transitive closure of the head relation.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "It is important to notice that there is no spurious ambiguity concerning the topological placement of Mann: lieben in canonical position does not offer field mf; therefore Mann must climb to the finite verb.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [], |
| "bib_entries": { |
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| "title": "Domain union and word order variation in German", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Mike", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Reape", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1994, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "151--197", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Mike Reape. 1994. Domain union and word order variation in German. In Nerbonne et al. (Nerbonne et al., 1994), pages 151-197.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF10": { |
| "ref_id": "b10", |
| "title": "Word Order and Constituent Structure in German", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Hans", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Uszkoreit", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1987, |
| "venue": "CSLI", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Hans Uszkoreit. 1987. Word Order and Constituent Structure in German. CSLI, Stanford/CA.", |
| "links": null |
| } |
| }, |
| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "satisfy the valency ID assignment as described earlier. For example the lexical entry for versucht specifies(Figure 1):", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "(dass) Maria einen Mann zu lieben versucht (7) (dass) Maria versucht, einen Mann zu lieben Both examples share the following ID tree: (dass) Maria einen Mann zu lieben versucht", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "the zu-infinitive zu lieben is extraposed to the right of its governing verb versucht, but its nominal complement einen Mann remains in the Mittelfeld: (8) (dass) Maria einen Mann versucht, zu liebenIn our account, Mann is restricted to land in an mf field which both extraposed zu lieben 2 and finite verb versucht offer. In example (8) the nominal complement simply climbed up to the finite verb:(dass) Maria einen Mann versucht zu lieben * (dass) Maria einen Mann wird lieben", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF5": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Maria will be able to love a man (12) (dass) Maria einen Mann wird lieben k\u00f6nnen Both examples share the following ID tree: (dass) Maria einen Mann wird lieben k\u00f6nnen", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF6": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "13) (dass) Maria wird einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen (14) * (dass) Maria lieben einen Mann k\u00f6nnen wird (15) * (dass) Maria lieben k\u00f6nnen einen Mann wird", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF7": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "16) (dass) Maria einen Mann lieben wird k\u00f6nnen (17) (dass) einen Mann Maria lieben wird k\u00f6nnen", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF8": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Maria was able to love a man (19) (dass) Maria hat einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen (20) * (dass) Maria einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen hat These examples share the ID tree: (dass) Maria einen Mann hat lieben k\u00f6nnen hat subcategorizes for a verb in past participle inflection because: valency ID (hat) = {subject, vpast} and the edge constraint for w\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2212\u2192 vpast w requires: cat(w ) = vpast", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF9": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "21) (dass) Maria wird haben einen Mann lieben k\u00f6nnen (that) Maria will have been able to love a man (22) (dass) Maria einen Mann wird haben lieben k\u00f6nnen (23) (dass) Maria wird einen Mann lieben haben k\u00f6nnen (24) (dass) Maria einen Mann wird lieben haben k\u00f6nnen (25) (dass) Maria einen Mann lieben wird haben k\u00f6nnen These examples have ID tree: Maria einen Mann wird haben lieben k\u00f6nnen Maria seems to love a man (27) * (dass) Maria einen Mann scheint, zu lieben", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
