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{
 "paper_id": "P85-1011",
 "header": {
 "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0",
 "date_generated": "2023-01-19T09:39:41.160106Z"
 },
 "title": "",
 "authors": [
 {
 "first": "K",
 "middle": [],
 "last": "Vijay-Shank~",
 "suffix": "",
 "affiliation": {
 "laboratory": "",
 "institution": "University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia~ PA 191Ct",
 "location": {}
 },
 "email": ""
 },
 {
 "first": "Aravind",
 "middle": [
 "K"
 ],
 "last": "Jouhi",
 "suffix": "",
 "affiliation": {
 "laboratory": "",
 "institution": "University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia~ PA 191Ct",
 "location": {}
 },
 "email": ""
 }
 ],
 "year": "",
 "venue": null,
 "identifiers": {},
 "abstract": "Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG) is u formalism for natural language grammars. Some of the basic notions of TAG's were introduced in [Jo~hi,Levy, mad Takakashi I~'Sl and by [Jo~hi, l~l. A detailed investigation of the linguistic relevance of TAG's has been carried out in IKroch and Joshi,1985~. In this paper, we will describe some new results for TAG's, espe\u00a2ially in the following areas: (I) parsing complexity of TAG's, (2) some closure results for TAG's, and (3) the relationship to Head grammars. IGr~nm~u Ol tad G2 mm w*aJtly equivuJ*a* if the forint ItaCU*ll* of GI, I~Gi} m tim J~in\u00a2 lua\u00a2un4pD ot G~ ~G2b GI tad G:I *.,,* ,troo\u00a2ly *quivuJeot they m mmkl7 eq~,ivuJeIt tad for etch w UI E,(GI) ~e L(G2), both Gi tad G2 the strne itI~l~urld delleriptioll to v. A ~mr G is ~ly uleqoa~ for t IPtriD|l llMl~ql~ ~* if UGI am L G ~1 Itt'OO\u00a2~ I~deql]otdl for b if L(G) m h tad for elg'b w is I~ G *~iglm am \u00b0*ppmpdm e ,ttuctural description to m. The 8oti~a 0(ItrOu\u00a2 *dequtcT ~ undoobtodlY not pmciN becsmn it deport ,4* ol the notion 0~ zpp~pfiato *tntttu~ de~.*riptioml",
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 "text": "Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG) is u formalism for natural language grammars. Some of the basic notions of TAG's were introduced in [Jo~hi,Levy, mad Takakashi I~'Sl and by [Jo~hi, l~l. A detailed investigation of the linguistic relevance of TAG's has been carried out in IKroch and Joshi,1985~. In this paper, we will describe some new results for TAG's, espe\u00a2ially in the following areas: (I) parsing complexity of TAG's, (2) some closure results for TAG's, and (3) the relationship to Head grammars. IGr~nm~u Ol tad G2 mm w*aJtly equivuJ*a* if the forint ItaCU*ll* of GI, I~Gi} m tim J~in\u00a2 lua\u00a2un4pD ot G~ ~G2b GI tad G:I *.,,* ,troo\u00a2ly *quivuJeot they m mmkl7 eq~,ivuJeIt tad for etch w UI E,(GI) ~e L(G2), both Gi tad G2 the strne itI~l~urld delleriptioll to v. A ~mr G is ~ly uleqoa~ for t IPtriD|l llMl~ql~ ~* if UGI am L G ~1 Itt'OO\u00a2~ I~deql]otdl for b if L(G) m h tad for elg'b w is I~ G *~iglm am \u00b0*ppmpdm e ,ttuctural description to m. The 8oti~a 0(ItrOu\u00a2 *dequtcT ~ undoobtodlY not pmciN becsmn it deport ,4* ol the notion 0~ zpp~pfiato *tntttu~ de~.*riptioml",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "Abstract",
 "sec_num": null
 }
 ],
 "body_text": [
 {
 "text": "lnvestigatiou of constrained grammatical system from the point of view of their linguistic &leqnary and their computational tractability has been a mnjor concern of computational linguists for the last several years.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "INTRODUCTION",
 "sec_num": "1."
 },
 {
 "text": "Generalized Phrase Structure grammars (GPSG), Lexical Functional grunmmm (LFG), Phrm~ Linking grammars (PLG), and Tree Adjoining grammars (TAG) are some key examples of grammatical systems that have been and still continue to be investignted along theme lines.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "INTRODUCTION",
 "sec_num": "1."
 },
 {
 "text": "Some of the bask notions of TAG's were introduced in [Joahi, Levy, and Takahashi,1975] and [Jo~hi, 198, 3 I . Some pretiminav/ investigations of the linguistic relevance and some computational properties were also carried out in [Jo~hi, l~S3 I. More recently, a detailed iuvestigution of the linguistic relevance of TAG's were carried out by [Kro~h and Joshi, 19851. In this paper, we will des\u00a2ribe some new results for TAG's, especially in the following areas: (I) parsing complexity of TAG's, (2) some closure results for TAG's, and (3) the relationship to Head grammar*. These topics will be covered in Sections 3, 4 , and $ respectively. In section 2, we will give an introduction to TAG's. In section 6, we will state some properties not discussed here. A detailed exposition of these results is given in [Vijay-Sbuh~ and Joahi,1985[. * This work wu ptrtisJ~ su.~ported by NSP Gr~u~* Mk'TS-4~IOII6.~'~R, MCS42-07.~94. We wtat to thank Clr| Pol!ard. Kelly Rozeh, David Se~ tad David Weu'. We have beDeflt~l enormously I:y v*/uablo di~*eo~iotc with them.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 53,
 "end": 86,
 "text": "[Joahi, Levy, and Takahashi,1975]",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 91,
 "end": 98,
 "text": "[Jo~hi,",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 99,
 "end": 103,
 "text": "198,",
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 "start": 104,
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 "text": "3 I",
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 {
 "start": 342,
 "end": 366,
 "text": "[Kro~h and Joshi, 19851.",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 495,
 "end": 498,
 "text": "(2)",
 "ref_id": "BIBREF10"
 },
 {
 "start": 606,
 "end": 617,
 "text": "Sections 3,",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 618,
 "end": 619,
 "text": "4",
 "ref_id": "BIBREF12"
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 {
 "start": 810,
 "end": 841,
 "text": "[Vijay-Sbuh~ and Joahi,1985[. *",
 "ref_id": null
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 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "INTRODUCTION",
 "sec_num": "1."
 },
 {
 "text": "We now introduce tree adjoining grammars (TAG's). TAG's are more powerful than CFG's, botb weakly and strongly, l TAG's were first introduced in [Joshi, Levy, and Takahashi,1975J and [Joehi,1983 I. We include their description in this ~*ction to make the paper ~lf-contalned.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 145,
 "end": 162,
 "text": "[Joshi, Levy, and",
 "ref_id": "BIBREF12"
 },
 {
 "start": 163,
 "end": 182,
 "text": "Takahashi,1975J and",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 183,
 "end": 197,
 "text": "[Joehi,1983 I.",
 "ref_id": null
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 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "TREE ADJOINING GRAMMARS--TAG's",
 "sec_num": "2."
 },
 {
 "text": "We can define a tree adjoining grammar as follows. A tree adjoining grammar G is a paw (i,A) where i is a set of initial trees, and A is a set of auxiliary trees.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "TREE ADJOINING GRAMMARS--TAG's",
 "sec_num": "2."
 },
 {
 "text": "A tree a ls an initial tree if it is of the form ",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "TREE ADJOINING GRAMMARS--TAG's",
 "sec_num": "2."
 },
 {
 "text": "That is, the root node of ~ is labelled with a :on-terminal X and the frontier nodes are all labelled with terminals symbols except one which is labelled X. The node labelled by X on the frontier will be c~dl~l the foot node of ~. The frontiers of initial trees belong to r-*, whereas the frontiers of the auxiliary trees belong to ~ N ~ U ~'+ N '-'*.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "V ! V~",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "~/e will now define a compoeition operation called adjoining, (or adlunetion) which compo6es an auxiliary tree ~ with a tree 3'. Let 3' be a tree with a node n labelled X and let ~ be an auxiliary tree with the root labelled with the same symbol X. (Note that mnst have, by definition, a node (and only one) labelled X on the frontier.)",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "V ! V~",
 "sec_num": null
 },
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 "text": "Adjoining can now be defined as follows. If # is adjoined to at the node n then the resulting tree \"Tt' is as shown in Fig The tree t dominnted by X in 3' is excised, ~ is inserted at the node n in \"7 and the tree t is attached to the foot node (lab*lled X) of ~, i.e., ~ is inserted or adjoined to the node n in 3' pushing t downwards, Note that ~ljoinmg is not a suJmtitutioa operation.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 119,
 "end": 122,
 "text": "Fig",
 "ref_id": null
 }
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 "section": "V ! V~",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "We will now define T(G): The set of alJ trees derived in G starting from initial trees in I. This set will be called the tree set of G.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "V ! V~",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "The set of all terminal strinp which uppe'mr in the frontier of the trees in TIG). This set will be called the string language (~r langtiage) of G. If L is the string language of s TAG G then we say that L is a Tree-Adjoinin~ I.angllage (TAL). The relationship between TAG's , context-free grammmm, and the corresponding string languages can be summarised as follows ([Joehi, Levy, and Takahashi, 1975] , [Joshi, 19831) . Theorem 2.1: For every context-free grammar, G', there is so equivalent TAG, G, both weakly and strongly. Theorem 2.2: For every TAG, G, we have the following sitoatious:",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 367,
 "end": 402,
 "text": "([Joehi, Levy, and Takahashi, 1975]",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 405,
 "end": 419,
 "text": "[Joshi, 19831)",
 "ref_id": null
 }
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 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "L(G):",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "a. LeG) is context-free 3nd there is a context-free grammar G' that is strongly (cud therefore weakly) equivalent to G.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "L(G):",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "C.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "b.",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "L(G) is context-free and there is 4o coutext~free gramma~ G' that is equivalent to G. Of course, there must be n context-free grmmmar that is weakly equivalent to G.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "b.",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "L(G) is strictly context-sensitive. Obviously in this cue, there is no context-freo grammar that is weakly equivalent to G.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "b.",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Part8 Ca) ~d (e) of Theorem 2.2 appear in ([Jushi, Levy, and Tskahacbi, 19T5] ). Pact (b) is implicit im that paper, but it is impor*ut to state it explicitly as we have done here because of it8 linguistic significance. ~mmple 2.1 illustrates part Ca). We will now illustrate p,1~ (b) and (e). ",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 20,
 "end": 50,
 "text": "Theorem 2.2 appear in ([Jushi,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 51,
 "end": 56,
 "text": "Levy,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 57,
 "end": 71,
 "text": "and Tskahacbi,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 72,
 "end": 77,
 "text": "19T5]",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "b.",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "which is a context-free language. Thus, there must exist a contexttree grammar, G', which is at least we~tkly equivalent to G. [t cam be shown however that there is no context.flee grammar G' which is strongly equivalent to G, i.e., T(G) I-T(G'). This follows from the fat that the set T(G) (the tree ~et of G) is non-r~o,~nizable. *.e., there is an finite st~e bottom-up tree automaton that can recognize precisely T(G). Thus s TAG ma~\" ~ _z context-free language, ~ign structural de~riptious to the strinAs that cannot be usi~ned by ~ context-free ~rammnr. ",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "L--{,.eb. / Q>o }",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "The precise definition of L(G) is as follows:",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "L(G) =-L t =.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "{w \u2022 ca / n > o, w is a string of a's and b's such that",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "(1) the number o( u's I=, the number o( b's --n, and",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "(2) for any initial subetriag of w, the number of a's > the number o( b's. } L I is a strictly context-sensitive language (i.e., s context,, sensitive language that i, not context-free). This can be shown as follows. Intersecting L with the regular language a* b* \u2022 c* results in the language 1~== { a abnec a/ n>>_o} =-L t Na'b'ec\" i~ i~ well-known strictly context-sensitive language. The result of intersecting a context-free language with a regular language is always a context-free language; hence, L t is not a context-free language. It is thus a strictly context-feusitive language. Example 2.3 thus illustrates part (e) of Theorem 2.2.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "TAG's have more power than CFG's. However, the extra power is quite limited. The language L t bag equal number of a's, b's a~d c's; however, the s's and b's are mixed in a certain way. The Itmguage I~ is similar to Lt, except that a's come before all b's. TAG's as defined so far are not powerful enough to generate L t. This can be seen as follows. Clearly, for any TAG for I.~, each initial tree must contain equal number of a's, b's and c's (including sero), sod each auxiliary tree must also contain equal number of a's, b's and c's. Further in each cue the a's must precede the b's. Then it i~ easy to see from the grammar of Example 2.3, that it will not be po~ible to avoid getting the a's and b's mixed. However, L t can be generated by a TAG with local constraints (see Section 2.1} The socalled copy language.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "8,3",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "also cannot be generated by s TAG, however, again, with local constraints. It is thus clear that TAG's can generate more than context-free languages. It can be shown that TAG's cannot generate all context,-sensitive languages [Jmhi ,lg84J.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "t.-{wewlw,{~b}\" }",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Although TAG's are more powerful than CFG's, this extra power is highly constrained and apparently it is just the right kind for characterizing certain structural descriptions. TAG's share almost all the formal properties of CFG's (more precisely, the corresponding classes of language,). ~. we shalJ see in Netin* 4 of this paper and [Vijay-Shankar and Joehi,1985J. In addition,the string languages of TAG's can also be parsed in polynomial time, in partkular is O(nS}. The parsing algorithm is described is detail in section 3.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "t.-{wewlw,{~b}\" }",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "The adjoining operation as def'med in Seetion 2.1 is \"contextfree'. Au auxiliary tree, say, X /\\ I \\ I \\ ---X--is adjoinable to s tree t at a node, say, n, if the label of that node is X. Adjoining does not depend on thn context (tree context) around the node n. In this sense, adjoining is context-free.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "In [Jmhi ,19831 , I~al constraints on adjoining similar to those investigated by [Joshi and Levy ,1977] were considered.These are a generalization of the context-sensitive constraints studied by [Peters and Ritchie , 1~9] . It was soon recognized, however, that the full power of these constraints was never fully utilized, both in the linguistic context as well as in the \"formal languages' of TAG's. The so-called proper analysis contexts and domination contexts (as defined in [Jmhi and Levy , 197T] ) as used in [Joshi ,1983J always turned out to be such that the context elements were always in a specific elementary tree i.e., they were further localized by being in the same elementary tree.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 3,
 "end": 15,
 "text": "[Jmhi ,19831",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 81,
 "end": 103,
 "text": "[Joshi and Levy ,1977]",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 195,
 "end": 216,
 "text": "[Peters and Ritchie ,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 217,
 "end": 221,
 "text": "1~9]",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 480,
 "end": 496,
 "text": "[Jmhi and Levy ,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 497,
 "end": 502,
 "text": "197T]",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 516,
 "end": 536,
 "text": "[Joshi ,1983J always",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Based on this observation and a suggestion in [Jaehi, Levy and Takahashi ,1975] , we will deseribe a new way of introducing local constraints. This approach not only captures the insight stated above, but it is truly in the spirit of TAG's. The earlier approach was not so, although it was certainly adequate for the investigation in [Jmhi ,1983J. A precise characterization of that approach still remains an open problem.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 46,
 "end": 79,
 "text": "[Jaehi, Levy and Takahashi ,1975]",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 334,
 "end": 347,
 "text": "[Jmhi ,1983J.",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "G --(I,A) be a TAG with local constraints if for each elementary tree t E l t.J A, and for each node, n, in t, we specify the set ~ of auxiliary trees that nan be adjoined at the node n. Note that if there is no constraint then all auxiliary trees are adjoinable at n (of course, only those whose root has the same label as the label of th* node s). Thus, in general, ~ is a subset o( the set of all the auxiliary trees adjoiuable at n.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "We will adopt the following conventions.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "1. Since. by definition, no auxiliary trees are adjoinable to a node labelled by a terminal symbol, no constraint has to be stated for node labelled by a terminal.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "2. If there is no constraint, i.e., all auxiliary trees (with the appropriate root label} are adioinable at a node, say, u, then we will not state this explicitly.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "3. if no auxiliary trees are adjoinable at a node n, then we will write the constraint as ($~, where $ denotes the null set.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "We will alE.~ allow for the possibility that for a node at least one adjoining is obligatory, of course, from the set of all ixxmible auxiliary trees adjoiuable at that node.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Hence, a TAG with Meal constraints is defined as follows. G = (I, A) is a TAG with local constraints dr for each node, n. in each tree t, be speeify one (and only one) of the following constraints.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "1. S, Ioetive Adjoinin~ ~.qA:) Only u specified subset of the set of all auxiliary trees are adjoinable at u. SA is w-linen aa (C), where C is u subset of the set of all auxiliary trees adjoisable at n.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "If C equals the set of all auxiliary trm adjoinable at n, then we do not explkitly state this at the node n.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "2. Null Adjoining; (NA:) No auxiliary tree ia adjoinable at the ,,ode N. NA will be written u (~).",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "3. Obli~atin~ Adjoining; {OA:) At least one (out of all the auxiliary trees adjoissble at a) must be adjoined at n. OA is written as (OA). or as O(C) where C is a subeet of the set of all suxifiacy trees adjoisable at u. I~--~amp~ 2.4: Let G == (I~.) be u TAG with I~ constraints where",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "I: a It S C~) /\\ ~t s S (B2) I I a b s (~t) s (~=) I\\ I\\ I \\ I \\ a S (\u00a2~) (\u00a2~) S h",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
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 "text": "In a t no anxiliary trees can be adjoined to the root node. Only ~t is adjoinable to the left S node at depth 1 and only ~= is adjoinable to the right S node at depth 1. In ~t only BI is adjoinuhie at the root node and uo auxiliary trees ate adjoinable at the ~.~,~' node. Similarly for ~2.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "We must now modify our definition of adjoining to take care o( the local constraints, given a tree \"7 with a node, say, is, labelled A and given an auxiliary tree, say,/J, with the root node labelled A, we define adjoining as follows. ~ is adjoinable to \"y at the node n if B E ~, where ~ is the constraint associated with the node u in \"7. The result of adjoining d to ~ will be as defined in earlier, except that the constraint C ~.~sociated with u will be replaced by C', the constraint \u2022ssociated with the root node orb and by C', the constraint associated with the foot node of ~. Thus, given",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "\"T: ~= S / \\ node n I k (C) I/\\ I/ \\\\ II \\\\",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "The resultant tree \"7' is",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "k (C') /\\ / \\ / \\ / \\ / \\ (C') q,' I S /\\ / \\ / \\ / k CC') / /\\ \\ ---/ \\--- / \\ / A (C') / /\\ \\ --./ \\--- / \\",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "We abo adopt the convention that any derived tree with a node which has an OA constraint associated with it will not be included in the tree set associated with a TAG, G. The string language L of G is then defined as the get of all terminal strings at all trees derived in G (starting with initial tre~) whkh have on OA constraints left-in them.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Example 2.5: Let G == (I,A) be a TAG with local constraints where",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": ": Of -- A: 8= S (~) /I /I a S /1\\ /1\\ h I \u00a2 S (\u00a2~)",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "There are no constraints in a t. In ~ no auxiliasT trees are adjoinabie at the root node and the foot node and for the center S node there are an constraints.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Starting with a t and adjoining ~ to a t at the root node we obtain",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "? = S (~) II II a S II\\ II\\ b I c S (\u00a2) I S",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Adjoining ~ to the ceuter S node (the only node at which adjunction can be made) we have \"I' :am",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "S (~) II II ,~ ..~j\" (~,) ,'/I \" t a S ~ ~ / It\\ ; /1\\ / b I \u00a2 / t '----?'1~ -- /1\\ h I e S (\u00a2~) I l",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "It ia easy to ~.e that G generates the string language",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "L = { a\u00b0b'ec'lu>O}",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "Other languages such as L'=={a al In ~_~1}, L\" == {a a= I n ~__ 1} aim cannot be generated by TAG's. This is because the strings of a TAL grow linearly (for a detailed definite of the property called \"contact growth\" property, see [Jmhi ,1983 I. For those familiar with [Joehi, 19&3] , it is worth pointing out that the SA constraint is only abbreviating, i.e., it does not affect the power of TAG's. The NA and OA constraints however do affect the power of TAG's. This way of looking at local constraints has only greatly simplified their statement, but it has also Mlowed us to capture the insight that the 'locality' of the constraint in statable in terms of the elemental/ trees themselves!",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 231,
 "end": 245,
 "text": "[Jmhi ,1983 I.",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 270,
 "end": 277,
 "text": "[Joehi,",
 "ref_id": null
 },
 {
 "start": 278,
 "end": 283,
 "text": "19&3]",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "|.1. TAG's with Lanai Constraints on Ad, Jolnln|",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "We now give a couple of Unguistie examples. Readers may refer ~o [Krocb and Joshi, 1985] for detads. I, Starting with ~fl ~m at which is an initial tree and then adjoining ~1 (with appropriate lexieaJ insertions) at the indicated node in at, we obtain \"~:~. Note that the initial tree cz 2 is not a matrix sentence. In order for it to become a matrix sentence, it must undergo am adjuuction at its root node, for example, by the auxiliary tree ~2 as shown above. Thus. for a 2 we will specify a local constraint O(~2) for the root node, indicating that a 2 requires for it to undergo am adjuuction at the mot node by an auxiliary tree 02. In a fuller grammar there will be, of course, some alternatives in the scope of O().",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 65,
 "end": 88,
 "text": "[Krocb and Joshi, 1985]",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "S.2. Simple Llngulntle Exmmphm",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "\"~t = Ot = S /\\ ~. VP /\\ l\\ DET ~1 V",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "S.2. Simple Llngulntle Exmmphm",
 "sec_num": null
 },
 {
 "text": "a.l. l)eflnltlonm",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "PARSING TREE-ADJOINING LANGUAGES",
 "sec_num": "3."
 },
 {
 "text": "We will give a few additional definitioM. These sre not necessaW for defining derivations in a TAG as defined in section 2. However, they are introduced to help explain the parsing algorithm and the proofs for some of the closure properties of TAL's. DEFINITION 3.1 Let 3',3\" be two tre~.We say \"r [--\" 3\" if in 3' we adjoin an auxiliary tree to obtain 3\". I'-* is the reflexive,transitive closure of ]---. DEFINITION 3.2 3\" is called a derived tree if 7 I--* 3\" for some elementary tree % ' We then say \"~' E D('I).",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "PARSING TREE-ADJOINING LANGUAGES",
 "sec_num": "3."
 },
 {
 "text": "The frontier of any derived tree 3' belongs to either ~ ~ ~ U N ~ if 7E D(,~) for some auxiliary tree 0. or to ~ if 3' E Dqcr) for some initial tree a. Note if \";, E D(a) for some initial tree ~, then 3' is aim a sententtal tree.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "PARSING TREE-ADJOINING LANGUAGES",
 "sec_num": "3."
 },
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 "text": "If 0 is an auxiliary tre~, \"7 E D(0) and the frontier of 3' is w I X w 2 {X is a nooterminsJ.wl.w 2 E ~ r~') then the le~ node having this non-terminal symbol X at the frontier is called the foot of 3'. Sometimes we will be loosely using the phrase \"adjoining with a derived tree\" \"7 E D(~) for some auxiliary tree 0. What we mean is that suppose we sdjoin d at some nc~le and then sLdjoin within t~ and so on, we can derive the desired derived tree E D(0) which uses the same adjoining sequence and use this resulting tree to \"adioin\" at the original node.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "PARSING TREE-ADJOINING LANGUAGES",
 "sec_num": "3."
 },
 {
 "text": "The ~igorithm, we present here to parse Tree-Adjoining Languages {TAL~), is s modification of the CTK algorithm (which is described in detail iu [Abe and UIIman,1073 D, which uses ,, dynamic programming technique to parse CFL's. For the sake of making our description of the parsing algorithm simpler, we shall present the algorithm for parsing without considering local constraints. We will later show how to handle local constraints.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "The Psrsi.s Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.3."
 },
 {
 "text": "We shall s.~ume that any node in the elementary trees in the grammar has atmos\u00a2 two children. Thm assumption c~m be made without any loss of generality, because it can be easily shown that for any TAG G there m an equivalent TAG G I such that amy node in amy elementary tree in G t has atmmt two children. A similar assumption is made in CYK algorithm. We use the terms ancestor rand descend~at, throughout the paper ms & transitive and reflexive relation, for example, the foot node may be called the ancestor of the foot ands.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The Psrsi.s Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.3."
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 "text": "The ~lgoritbm works am follows. Let st... % be the input to be posed. We use a fom~limeoaioaal array A; each element of the srrny cont4uiu a subset of the nodes o( derived trm. We say a node X of a derived tree 3\" belongs to A(i,j.k,lJ iJr X dominates a sub-tree o( 3' whose frontier m given by either =q+a...aq Y ak+i... ~ (where the foot node of 3' ~ labelled by Y) or ~q+t--.~ (i.e., j ,,-k. ~;-corresponds to the case when T is a sentential tree). The indices (i,j,k,I) refer to the positions between the input symbols and range over 0 through u. If i == 5 say. the,, it refers to the gap between a s and a s.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The Psrsi.s Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.3."
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 "text": "Initially, we fill Ali,i+l,t+l,i+l ] with those nodes in the frontier of the elementary trees whose label is the same as the input ai+ t for 0 < i < n-l. The foot nodes of auxiliary trees will belong to MI A(i,i,j,jl, such that i _< j.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The Psrsi.s Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.3."
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 "text": "We are now in a position to fill in 311 the elements of the array A. There are five c~mes to be considered. Case 1. We know that if a node X in a derived tree is the ancestor of the foot node, and node Y is its right sibling, such that X E A[i,j,k,II and Y E A[l,m.m,nJ, then their parent, say. Z should belong to A(i,j,k,n[, see Fig 3. 1a.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 238,
 "end": 337,
 "text": "E A[i,j,k,II and Y E A[l,m.m,nJ, then their parent, say. Z should belong to A(i,j,k,n[, see Fig 3.",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF3"
 }
 ],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "The Psrsi.s Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.3."
 },
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 "text": "Case 2. If the right sibling Y is the ancestor of the foot node such that it belongs to All,m,n,pJ and its left sibling X belongs to A i.j.j.lJ, then we know that the parent Z of X and Y belongs to A i,m,n.p, see Fig 3. 1b Ca~e 5. If 3 node X E AIi.j,k,ll, and the root Y of a derived tree \"7 having the same label as that of X, belongs to A[m,i,l.u I, then adjoining \"t at X makes the resulting node to be in AIm,Lk,nl, see Fig 3. 1c.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 213,
 "end": 219,
 "text": "Fig 3.",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF3"
 },
 {
 "start": 425,
 "end": 432,
 "text": "Fig 3.",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF3"
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 ],
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 "sec_num": "3.3."
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 {
 "text": "X\"",
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 "section": "(,)",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "I\\ I \\ I \\ I \\ I Z' \\ / /\\ \\ I / \\ \\ I I \\ \\ \u2022 / V' Y' \\ / /\\ /\\ \\ / / \\ / \\ \\ I I \\I \\ \\ I ! I I I I t j k 1 \u2022 \u2022 (b) x' I\\ I \\ I \\ I \\ I Z' \\ / /\\ \\ / / \\ \\ / / \\ \\ / V' Y' \\ / /\\ I\\ \\ / / \\ / \\ \\ I / \\I \\ \\ ................. X ' ........",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "(,)",
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 "text": "i J 1 an p (c) Y /% / \\ / \\ / \\ / \\ / \\ / \\ / \\ .......... X ........ /\\ I / \\ I n / \\ \u2022 / \\ / \\ I I I I i J k I Pill\u2022re 3._~I",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "I I I I I J",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Although we have stated that the elements of the array contain 3 subset of the nodes of derived trees, what really goes in there ape the addresses of nodes in the elementary trees. Thus the the size of any set is bounded by a constant, determined by the grammar. It is hoped that the presentation of the sdgorithm below will make it clear why we do so.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "I I I I I J",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step I For i=O to n-I step I do",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Step 2 put all node\u2022 in the frontier of elemnntsry tr~ whoso l~bel 18 ~*t In A[i.i\u00f7l.i*l.i*l].",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
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 "text": "Step 3 For i:O to n-I stop t do",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Step 4 for J:l to n-I stop 1 do",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Step 8 put foot nodes of all auxiliary trees in Xtt.:.J.J]",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 6 For 1:0 to n step I do",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 7",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "For i:l to 0 step -I do",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 8 For J=i to 1 step I do",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 9 For k=l to J step -1 do",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step I0 do Cue 1",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step It do Cue 2",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 12 do C~O 3",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 13 do Cue 5",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 {
 "text": "Step 14 do Cue 4",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "The complete algorithm is given below",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Step 2 corresponds to the case where the right sibliog is the ancestor ,~f the foot node. If the left sibling is in A[i,m.m.pl and the .ght sibling is in A(p,j,k.I I, i --m < p and p ~ j, then we put their parent in A[i,j,k, ",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 5,
 "end": 227,
 "text": "2 corresponds to the case where the right sibliog is the ancestor ,~f the foot node. If the left sibling is in A[i,m.m.pl and the .ght sibling is in A(p,j,k.I I, i --m < p and p ~ j, then we put their parent in A[i,j,k,",
 "ref_id": null
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 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "It is obvious that steps I0 through 15 (cases a-e) are completed in 0(\u2022-*), beta\u2022an the different cases have at most two nested for loop statements, the iterating variables taking values in the range 0 thro\u2022gh u. They are repeated utmost 0(\u2022 4) times, because o( the four loop statements i\u2022 steps 6 through 9. The initialization phase (steps 1 through 5) has a time complexity of 0(",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Complexity of the Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "\u2022 + \u2022:) == 0(\u20222).",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Complexity of the Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "Step 15 is completed in O(\u2022). Therefore, the time complexity of the parsing algorithm is O(\u2022S).",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Complexity of the Alsorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.4."
 },
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 "text": "The main issue in proving the algorithm correct, is to show that while computing the contents of an element of the array A, we must have already determined the contents of other elements of the array needed to correctly complete this entry. We can show this inductively by considering each cue individually.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cot,~.etnem of tha Allorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.5."
 },
 {
 "text": "We give an ;.uformal argument below.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "Cot,~.etnem of tha Allorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.5."
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 "text": "Case h We need to know the co\u2022tents of A [i,j,k.m[, A[m,p,p,I] where m < I, i < m. when we are trying to compute the co\u2022tents or Aii.j,k,l [. Since I is the y&riable itererated i\u2022 the outermost loop (step 6), we can assume (by indnctio\u2022 hypothesis) that for all m < I and for all p,q,r, the coate\u2022ts of A [p,q,r,mJ ",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 41,
 "end": 62,
 "text": "[i,j,k.m[, A[m,p,p,I]",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 305,
 "end": 314,
 "text": "[p,q,r,mJ",
 "ref_id": null
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 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "Cot,~.etnem of tha Allorlthm",
 "sec_num": "3.5."
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 {
 "text": "So far,we have a~,samed that the give\u2022 grammar has \u2022o local constraints, If the grammar has local constraints, it is easy to modify the above algorithm to take care of them. Note that in Ca~e 5, if an adjunctio\u2022 occurs at a \u2022ode X, we add X again to the element of the array we are computing. This seems to be in co\u2022trust with our definition of how to associate local constraints with the \u2022odes in a se\u2022te\u2022tial tree. We should have added the root of the auxiliary tree instead to the element of the array being computed, since so far u the local constraints are concerned,this \u2022ode decides the local constraints at this node in the derived tree. However, this scheme cannot be adopted in oar algorithm for obvious reasons. We let pairs of the form (g,C) belong to elements of the array, where g is -before and C represents the local constraints to be associated with this \u2022ode.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "3.S. Pmmlug with Loead Const~mlnt4",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "We then alter the algorithm as follows. If (X,CI) refers to a uode at which we attempt to adjoin with an auxiliary tree (whose root is denoted by (Y,Cs)). the\u2022 adi\u2022nctio\u2022 would determined by C I. If adjunctio\u2022 is allowed, then we can add (X,Cs) in the corresponding element of the array. In cases I through 4, we do not attempt to add a new element if any one of the children has an obligatory constraint.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "3.S. Pmmlug with Loead Const~mlnt4",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "Once it has bee\u2022 determined that the given string belongs to the language, we ca\u2022 find the parse i\u2022 a way similar to the scheme adopted i\u2022 CYK algorithm.To make this process simpler and more efficient, we can use pointers from the new clement added to the elements which caused it to be put there. For example, consider Case i of the algorithm (step 10 ). If we add a node Z to A(i.i,k,I I, because of the pr~nce of its children X and \u00a5 i\u2022 A[ij,k,m i and A(m,p,p.q respectively, then we add pointers from this node Z i\u2022 A[i,j,k,l] to the nodes X, Y i\u2022 A{i,j,k,mj and A[m,p,p,l[. Once this has been done, the parse c,m be found by traversing the tree formed by these pointers.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "3.S. Pmmlug with Loead Const~mlnt4",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "A paner based o\u2022 the techniques described above is currently being implemented mad wiU be reported at time of presentation.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "text": "\u2022, we present some closure resoits for TALe. We now informally sketch the proofs for the closure properties. interested readers may refer to [Vijay-Shaakas mad Jo6hi,1985] for the eL, replete proofs.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 141,
 "end": 171,
 "text": "[Vijay-Shaakas mad Jo6hi,1985]",
 "ref_id": null
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 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "CLOSURE PROPERTIES OF TAG's I\u2022 this 6ectio",
 "sec_num": "4."
 },
 {
 "text": "Let G t and G. z be two TAGs generating L I and l.~ respectively. We c~\u2022 eonstrnct '~ TAG G snch that L(G)m'L t U L-a-Le* G I =-{ 11, At, NI, S ), and G 2 = ( I~, A=, N~., S )",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Closure undem Union",
 "sec_num": "4.1."
 },
 {
 "text": "Without Io~ of senerality, we may assume that the N I N N:e =\" h. Let G --( I l U 12 , At LJ A=, N t U N=, S ). We claim that L(G) :~ L l Let x ELt U L-z. Then x ELI or x E I~. If x ELI, then it must be possible to generate the string x in G , since 11 , A t are in G. Hence x E L(G). Similarly if x E [q , we can show that x E L(G). Hence L t U L~ C L(G). If x E L(G), then x is derived using either only Ij, A t or only l~,A:tsince N I I\"1 N,j =,, ~. Hence, x ELt or X E t~ Thus, L(G} '--Lt U I~ Therefore, L(G) =-Lt U L~ At, N~, St), G, , , , ([~.~=, N~, S~) be two TAGs generating Lt, I~ respectively, such that N I I'1 N= =-~. We cam construct \u2022 TAG G =-(I, A, N, S) such that L(G)=,, L! . !~. We choo~ S such that S is not in Ns t,J N=. We let N --N t IJ N, U {S}, A ,m A t U An. For all t t E !1, t~ E I,, we add tl:~ to I, as shown in Fig 4.2.1 . Therefore, ! =-( tl= / t! E It, t~ ~ l~), where the nodes in the subtrees t t and t~ of the tree t~= have the same coustra~atm mmocinted with them us in the original grammars G ! and G=. it is easy to show that L(G) ,m L I . L~, once we note that there are no Nxifia~ trees in G rooted with the symbol S, and that N I f3 N, ,m d).",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 524,
 "end": 527,
 "text": "At,",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 528,
 "end": 531,
 "text": "N~,",
 "ref_id": null
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 "start": 532,
 "end": 536,
 "text": "St),",
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 {
 "start": 537,
 "end": 539,
 "text": "G,",
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 "start": 540,
 "end": 541,
 "text": ",",
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 "start": 542,
 "end": 543,
 "text": ",",
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 {
 "start": 544,
 "end": 545,
 "text": ",",
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 "start": 546,
 "end": 553,
 "text": "([~.~=,",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 554,
 "end": 557,
 "text": "N~,",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 558,
 "end": 561,
 "text": "S~)",
 "ref_id": null
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 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 843,
 "end": 852,
 "text": "Fig 4.2.1",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF4"
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 ],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Closure undem Union",
 "sec_num": "4.1."
 },
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 "text": "st= I \\ t~= I \\ I \\ I \\ I \\ I \\ f\"t2 : S /\\ / \\ / \\ / \\ s, s~ I X I X / *,t \\ / ~s \\ Fib, urn 4 2. t",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "s~ s~",
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 "text": "Let G t =, (iI,At,NI,S1) be a TAG generating L t. We can show that we can construct a TAG G such that L(G) -. Lt*. Let S be a symbol not in N t, and let N m N I U {S}. We let the set [ of initial trees of G be (re} . where t e is the tree shown in The tree tlA is u shown in Fig 4. 3b, with the coustraintm on the root of each tlA being the null adjoining constraint, an constraint~ on the foot, and the constraints on the nodes of the snbtreee t t of the tre~ ttA being the same sm thee for the corresponding nodes in the inithd tree t t of G I.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 275,
 "end": 281,
 "text": "Fig 4.",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF4"
 }
 ],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeuru under Kle~ne gt.m~",
 "sec_num": "4.3."
 },
 {
 "text": "To see why L(G) ,m Lt*, consider x ~ L(G). Obviously, the tree derived (whose frontier is given by x ) must be of the form ~howu in Fig 4.3\u00a2 , where each t t' is a sententinJ tree in GI~UCh t I' E D(ti), for zn initial tree t i in G t. Thus, L(G) C LI*.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 132,
 "end": 140,
 "text": "Fig 4.3\u00a2",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF3"
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 ],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeuru under Kle~ne gt.m~",
 "sec_num": "4.3."
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 {
 "text": "On the other hand, if x E Ls*, then x =-Wl...wu, w i ~ L t for 1 _< i < n. Let e,u'h w| then be the frontier of t~Je sententiai tree t i' of G t such that t i' ~ D(t;), t I ~ I t. Obviously, we ca8 derive the tree T, using the initial tree t,, and have \u2022 sequence of adjoining operations using the auxiliary trees tl, ~ for I _< i _ n. From T we c,-, obviously obtain the tree T' the same am given by Fig 4. 3\u00a2, using only the mtxifimry tre~ in A t. The fruntiee of T' is obviously wl...w =. Henee, x I~G). Therefore, LI* E L(G). Thus L(G) =~ Us*. ",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [
 {
 "start": 401,
 "end": 407,
 "text": "Fig 4.",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF4"
 }
 ],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeuru under Kle~ne gt.m~",
 "sec_num": "4.3."
 },
 {
 "text": "Let L T be a TAL and L R be a regular language. Let G be \u2022 TAG generating L T and M = (Q , ~ , 6 , q0 , QV) be a finite state automaton recognizing Lit. We can construct a 8ramma: G and will show that L(GI) u L T N L R.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeulm under Intemm~tlon with R elgul~ur ImaKuNlem",
 "sec_num": "4.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "Let a be an elementary tree in G. We shall associate with each node a quadruple (qt,q2,%,q4) where qt,q2,q.l,qi E Q Let (qt,%,q.~,q4) be mare)tinted with a node X in (~. Let us assume that a is an auxiliary tree, and that X is an ancestor of the foot node of a. and hence, the ancestor of the foot node of any derived tree \"r in D(a). Let Y be the label of the root and foot nodes of (~. If the frontier of 7 ('T in D(o)) is w t w 2 Y w s w 4, and the frontier of the snbtree of rooted at Z, which corresponds to the node X in a is w= Y w~. The idea of amso~iating (qt,q~,q3,q~) with X is that it must be the case that 6\u00b0(qz, w~) =-q~, and ~(q~, w=) =, qs. When ~ becomes a part of the seutenti ~I tree ~\" whose frontier is given by u w I w 2 v w s w4 w, then it must be the case that 6*(q~, v) == cut. Following this remmoing, we must make q= == q~, if Z is not the ancestor of the foot node of % or if \"~ is in D(o) for some initial tree (~ in G.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeulm under Intemm~tlon with R elgul~ur ImaKuNlem",
 "sec_num": "4.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "We have assumed here, as in the case of the parting algorithm presenf~ed earlier, that =ny node in ~y elementary tree has ~tmost two children.",
 "cite_spans": [],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeulm under Intemm~tlon with R elgul~ur ImaKuNlem",
 "sec_num": "4.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "From G we cam obtain GI u follows. For each initial tree a, mmociate with the root the quadruple (q0, q, q, qr) where qe is the initial state of the ~qni~ state automaton M, and ~ E QF. For each auxiliary tree # of G, associate with the root the quadruple (ql,q~,qa,q4) , where q,ql,q=,ch,q4 a~e some variables which will later be given values from Q. Let X be some node in some elementary tree cL Let (ql,q=,o.s,q4) be ~umociaU~l with X. Then, we have to consider the fol~)'~iag cues Cans I\" X hi-two chUdreu Y and Z. The left child y is the ancestor of the foot node of a. Then zuoeiste with V the quadruple ( p, q~, o..I, q ), and ( q, r, r, s ) with Z, and ~ssociate with X: the constraint that only throe trees whoue root has the quadruple ( qt, P, s, q4 ), among Shone which were allowed in the orism~ grmmmus, may be adjoined at this node. If qt pd p, or q4 ~,i s , then the constraint associated with X must be made obligatory. Lf in the origin.l gruamar X had an obligatory constraint associated with it then we retmm the obligatory constraint regarcllelm of the relationship between qt and p, mud q4 and s. if the constraint amsccinted with X is a null adjoining constraint, we seaociate ( qt, qt, CL,, q ), and ( q, r, r, q4 ) with Y and Z resp~tively, and aamcinte the nuU adjoining enustramt with X. If the label o( Z is a. where s E ~, then we cboous s ~ q such that 6 ( q, a ) I s. In the nu II adjoining constr~nt c~ule, q is cheeeu such that 6 ( q, a ) == q4.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 256,
 "end": 269,
 "text": "(ql,q~,qa,q4)",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "Cloeulm under Intemm~tlon with R elgul~ur ImaKuNlem",
 "sec_num": "4.4."
 },
 {
 "text": "This corresponds to the case where \u2022 node X hu two childlt~ Y and Z, with (qt,q~,ql0qt) asm\u00a2inted at X. [st Z ( the right child ) be the aucestor of the the foot node the tree a. Then we shall smucinte (p,q,q,r) , (r,qs,qa,s) with Y and Z. The am\u2022slated cottstraiat with X shaft be that only those trees amour those which were allowed in the nepal f~nmlmar may be adjoined provided their root has the quadruple (ql,p,s,q4) aaso\u00a2inted with it. If qt ~ P or q4 ~ r then we make the constraint obligatory. If the original grammar had obfiptory constraint we wifl retm the obfiptory constraint. NaB constraint in the original grammar will force us to use null constraint ud not consider the cases where it is not the case that qt I p and q4 m s. If the label of Y is \u2022 terminal 'a' then we chouse r such that 6*(p,a) m r. If the constraint at X is s nuU adjoining constraint, then",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 202,
 "end": 211,
 "text": "(p,q,q,r)",
 "ref_id": null
 }
 ],
 "ref_spans": [],
 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "CaN 2:",
 "sec_num": null
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 "text": "\u2022 \u00a2(qt,a) -r.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "CaN 2:",
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 {
 "text": "Case 3: This corresponds to the cue where \u2022either the left child V nor the right child Z of the node X is the ancestor of the foot node of a or if a is a initial tree. Then qs ~ q8 I q. We will ammeiate with Y and 7. the quadruples (p,r,r,q) and (q,u,t) reap. The constraints are assigned as before , in this cuse it is dictated by the quadruple (ql,P,t,qt) . [f it is not the cue that ql \" P and q4 um t, then it becomes an OA constraint. The OA and NA constraints at X are treated similar to the previous eMes, and so is the cue if either Y o1' Z is labelled by a terminal symbol.",
 "cite_spans": [
 {
 "start": 232,
 "end": 241,
 "text": "(p,r,r,q)",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 246,
 "end": 253,
 "text": "(q,u,t)",
 "ref_id": null
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 {
 "start": 346,
 "end": 357,
 "text": "(ql,P,t,qt)",
 "ref_id": null
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 "ref_spans": [],
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 "section": "CaN 2:",
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 "text": "Cuss 4: If (ql,qt,q~bqt) is assort\u2022ted with a node X, which hun only one child Y, then we can de~ with the various cusee as follows. We will annotate with Y the q\u2022adruple (p,qs,qa~t) and the constraint that root of the t~,e which can be adjoined at X should have the quadruple (qt,P~,qt) amucinted with it amen8 the trees which were aflowed in the original grammar, if it is to be adjoined st X. The cm where the original grammar bad null or obligatory constraint amocinted with this node or Y is labelled with a terminsi symbol, are treated similar to how we dealt with them in the previous cuses.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "CaN 2:",
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 "text": "Once this has been done, let ql,---,qm be the independent variables for this elementary tree o, then we produce as many co~ of a so that ql,..-,qm take ad possible value8 from Q. The only diHerenee \u2022meal the varions copies of cs so produced will be eonsteaint8 u~ with the nodes in the trees. Repeat the prose\u2022 for aft the elementary trees in G a. Once this has been dome and each tree |lynn ~ unique name we can write the constraints in terms of them names. We will now show why L~G1) m U T ~ L R.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "section": "CaN 2:",
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 {
 "text": "Let w E I~GI). Then there is a sequence of adjoining operations starting with uu inithd tree a to derive w. Obviowdy, w E L.F, also since corresponding to ensh tree used in deriving w, there is n corresponding tree in G, which diffem only in the constraints asm\u00a2inted with its nodes. Note, however, that the coutraints aloeinted with the nodes in tre~ in G z are just a reatriction of the corresponding om in G, or an obligatory constraint where there wu noes in G. Now, if we can amume ( by induction hypothesis ) that if after n adjoining operation we cam derive \"/' E D(a'). the\u2022 there is a corresponding tree ~, E D(a) in G, which bus the same tree structure as 7' but differm| only in the constraints aasociated with the corl~sponding nodes, then if we adjoin at some ..ode in \"7' to obtain ~t'. we can adjoin in \"T to obtain \"ft (corresponding to \"it'). Therefore, if w can be derived in Gt, then it eu definitely be derived inG.",
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 "text": "If we can abe 8bow that l,(Gt) ~ 14, then we ean conclude that L(GI) ~ L T /'1 Lm. We can use induction to prove this. The induction hypothesis is that if all derived trees obtained after k <_ n adjeininlg operations have the prepethy P then so will the derived after n + 1 adjoininp where P is defined as, Property P: If any node X in a derived tree -f bus the foot-node of the tree 0 to which X belongs labeDed Y as \u2022 descendant sucb that w z Y w= is the fro\u2022tier of the s\u2022btree of ~ rooted at X, then if (ql,q~,q.l,q4) had bee\u2022 as\u2022oct\u2022ted with X, 6*(qt,wl) m q= and 6\"(q3,ws) m q4, and if w is the fro\u2022tier of the subtree under the foot node of 0 i\u2022 \"/is then 6*(q~,w) ~ q8-if X is not the ancestor of the foot \u2022ode of 0 then the subtree of 0 below is of the form wtw s. Suppme X has aso~inted with it (ql,q,q,q2) the\u2022 6*(qt,wl) --q, 5*(q,w,) = q,.",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "text": "Actually what we mean by an adjoining operation is not \u2022eeessarily just one adjoining operation but the minimum number so that no obligatory constraints are am\u2022tinted with any nodes in the derived trees.",
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 "text": "Similarly, the base ease need not consider only elementary trees, but the smalleat (in terms of the number of adjoining operations) tree starting with elementary trees which h,m no obligatory constraint annotated with any o( its nodes. The base cue can be see\u2022 easily considering the why the grammar wse built (it can be shown far\u2022ally by induction on the height of the tree) The inductive step is obvious. Note that the derived tree we are gong to use for adjoining will have the property P, and so will the tree st which we adjoin; the former because of the way we dreig\u2022ed the grammar and amiped coaatraints, and the latter because of induction hypothesis. Thus so will the new derived tree. Once we have proved this, all we have to do to show that L(GI) C_ L R is to consider those derived trees which axe soots\u2022tint trees and observe that the roots of these trees obey property P. Now, if n string x E LT f3 Lit, we can show that x E L(G). To do that, we make use of the following claim. let ~ be sn anxilinry tree in G with root labelled Y and let \"r E D(B). We claim that the~ is a B' in Gt with the same structure u 0, such 'that there is n ~,' in D(beta~))') where q' hu the same structure as % such that there is no OA constraint in ~'. let X be a node in ~t which wu used in deriving ~,. The\u2022 there is n node X' in ~' such that X' belo\u2022p to the anxilliary tree 0f (with the same structure as 01-There are several rMes to consider -Case 1: X is the ancestor of the foot node of 01, such that the fro\u2022tier of the subtree of 0t rooted at X is wsYw 4 and the fro\u2022tier of the subtree or 7 rooted at X is W|WlZW~W t. Let 6~(qt,w|) an q, 6*(q,wt) --q,, 6*(qa,w2) n r, and 6*(r,wt) --q4. Then X' will have (ql,q,r,qt) aseocinted with it, and there will be no OA constraint in Case 2: X is the ancestor of the foot node o( Of and the frontier of the subtree of 0t rooted at X is wsYw 4. let the frontier of the subtree of \"I rooted at X is WsWlW=W t. Then we claim that X' in 7' will have amucinted with it the q\u2022adl~tple (qt,q,r,qt), if 6*(ql,wl) m q, 6*(q,wl) me p, 60(p,w2) me r, and 6*(r,wt) u q4-Case 3: let '.he frontier of the subtree of 0t {and aJeo ~) rooted at X is WlW =. Let 6*(q,wl) a p, ~(p,ws) I r. Then X' will have associated with it the quadruple (q,p,p,r).",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 "text": "We shall prove o\u2022r claim by induction o\u2022 the number of ucljoi\u2022ins operations used to derive \"T. The buse case (where -~ == 0} is obvious from the way the Irammar (i t wu built. We shall now amume that for all derived trees % which have bee\u2022 derived from 0 using k or less adjolnins operatiou, have the property u required ia o\u2022r claim, let \"f be a derived tree in 0 after k adjuuctious. By our inductive hypothesis we may ass\u2022me the existence of the corresponding derived tree \"T' (E D(0') derived in G t. Let X be n node in -y as show\u2022 in Fig. 4 .4.1. The\u2022 the \u2022ode X' in 7' corresponding to X will have associated with it the q\u2022adruple (ql',cht',qs',qt\"). Note we are nan\u2022inn here that the left child Y' of X' is the ancestor of the",
 "cite_spans": [],
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 {
 "start": 540,
 "end": 546,
 "text": "Fig. 4",
 "ref_id": "FIGREF4"
 }
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 "sec_num": null
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 "back_matter": [
 {
 "text": "foot node of ~', The quadruples (qt',ql',q~',P) and (P,Pl,Pl,q4\") will be asao\u00a2inted with \u00a5' and Z' (by the induction hypothesis). Let \"h be derived from ~ by adjoining ~1 at X as in Fig. 4.4.2. We have to chew the existence of ~t' in G 1 such that the root of this auxiliar7 tree hu saso\u00a2iatod with it the quadruple (q,qt',q4\",r) . The exmtence el the tree follows from induction hypothesis (k =ffi 0). We have also got to show that there exists \"/t' with the same structure us \"f but one that allows ~1' to be adjoined at the required node. But this should be 8o, since from the way we obtained the tree, in G1, there will exist ~t\" such that X I' has the quadruple (q,q~',qa',r) and the constraint* at X l' are dictated by the quadruple (q,qt',q4e,r) , bat such that the two children.of X t' will have the same quadruple as in 7'. We can now adjoin ~I' in ~I\" to obtain \"h'. It can be shown that ~t' has the required property to establish our clam.Flatly, any node below the foot of Dr' in 74' will satisfy our requieement~ as they are the same as the corresponding nodes in 71 *. Since BI' satisfies the requirement, it is simple to obasrve that the nodes in ~1' will, even after the adjunctiou of ~1' in \"at'. However, because the quadruple associated with X I' are different, the quadruples of the nodes above X t\" must reflect this cbuge. It is easy to check the existence of an anxKinr? tree such that the nodes above X t' satisfy the requirements as sta~l above. It can alan be argued am the basis of the design of gramme GI, that there exisu trees which ailow this new auxiliary tree to be adjoined ~t the appropriate place. This then allows us to conclude that there exmt a derived tree for etch derived tree beiongin to D(~) as in our claim. The next step is to extend our claim to take into --count all derived trees (i.e., including the sentential trees). This can be done in a manner similar to our treatment of derived trees belonging to D(~) for some ~dlinry tree ~ as above. Of course, we have to consider only the cue where the finite state automaton start8 from the ini\u00a2i~d sta~ q0, and rez~bes some final state qr ou the input which is the frontier o( some esnten*ial tree in G. This, then allowu us to conclude that L~ rl 'L R C L(G1). Hence, L(Gt) --L T ~l Lit.",
 "cite_spans": [
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 "start": 183,
 "end": 194,
 "text": "Fig. 4.4.2.",
 "ref_id": null
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 "start": 317,
 "end": 330,
 "text": "(q,qt',q4\",r)",
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 "start": 668,
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 "text": "(q,q~',qa',r)",
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 "text": "In this section, we attempt to show that Head Grmmmmm (HG) are remarkably similar to Tree Adjoining Grammars. It appesn that the basic intuition behind the two systems is more or less the same. Head Grammars were introduced in (Pollard,1084], but we follow the notations used in [Roach,10841. It has been observed that TAG's and HG's share a lot of common formal properties such as almost identical closure results, similar pummping lemma.Consider the basic operation in Head Grammarsthe Head Wrapping operation. A derivation from n non-terminal produces a pair (i,a1...ai...a~) (a more convenient representation for this pan is al...~ilLl+l...a~ ). The arrow denotes the head of the string, which in turn determines where the string is split up when wrapping operation takes place. For example, consider X->LL~(A,B), and let A=*whlx and B=~*uglv.Then we say, X=*whuglvx.We shall define some functions used in the HG formalism, which we need here. If A derives in 0 or more steps the headed string whx and B derives ugv, then q, q, l) if X -> LLI(A.B) L8 a rule ~u the gTtmmmx ~hen X dsrlveu vhugvx2) L! X -> LL~(A.B) ts * ruln \u00a3n ~he grammar ~hnu X derlves vhugvx 4. 3) if X -> LCt(A.B) Ls a rulo In the grammar then X dertvnu vhxugv 4) if X -> LC~(A.B) in a rule [n the granm~r then X durlvee vhxtt~r 4 b Nov consider hoe u dertv.tlon Ln TAGs proceeds -Let ~ be an auxilliary tree and let ~ be n sentential tree as in Fig 5. 1. Adjoining ~ at the root of the sub-tree ~ gives us the senteutiaJ tree in Fig 5. 1. We eros, now see how the string whx has \u2022 wrapped around* the sub-tree i.e,the string ugv. This seems to suggest that there is something similiar m the role played by the foot in an auxilliary tree and the head in a Head Grammar how the adjoining operations and head-wrapping operations operate on strings. We could say that if X is the root of ~ auxilliary tree t~ and al...x i X a~+t...a ~ is the frontier o( a derived tree ~ E D(~}, then the derivation of 7 would correspond to a derivation from a non-terminal X to the string al...a 4 1ai\u00f7t...a~ in HG and the use of 7 in some senteutial tree would correspond to how the strings al... a 5 and ~\u00f7t...a~ are used in deriving, string in HL.Based on this observation, we attempt \u00a24) show the close relationship of TAL'o and HL's. It is more convin/ent for us to think of the headed string (i,at...sl) as the string \u2022t.--~ with tbe head pointing in between the symbok I 4 and 14+t rather than at the symbol 14. The defmition of the dehvation \u2022per\u2022tom can be extended hi ~ stra/ghtforward manner t4) take this into account. However, we c'~\" \u2022cheers the S2rne effect by considering the dermitions of the Slimier\u2022 LLJ~C,ete. Pollard suggests tha* cases such as IJ~,~) be IcR u\"dermed. We shrift - It is ea~ \u00a24) show that these constra/nts are enough, and that selective adjoinhig can be expressed in terms of these and additiomd non-terminals. We know give \u2022 protednrzi deseriptioe of obtaining an equivalent Head Crammat from \u2022 Tree*Adjoining Grammar. The procedure works u follows.It k a reeumve procedure (Couvert_to_HG) which takes in two patametsrs, the first representing the node oe which it k being \u2022pplied and the ~e~ood the label appearing on the left-hand side of the HG productions for this node. ff X is a ~onterminal, for each auxiliary tree ~ whose root hu the label X, we obtain \u2022 sequence of production-such that the rmst one has X on the left-hand side. Using these productions, we can defoe the string Wl~W ~ where n derived tree in D(~) has \u2022 frontier wiYw ~. ff Y is \u2022Ysode with with IsJ)ei X in some tree where adjoining is allowed, we introduce the productions T' -> L~(x.r) {so then. s derived t.ree with root lnbel X nny wrl~ 8~'ovad the 8t.rin4| derived from the nbt.reo below \u2022.hie node~ r -> L~t(A 1 ..... Aj) {anmu*4q that there exo J children of this node and the Ink child t\u2022 the ancestor of the foot node. By cedllng t.he procedure recurstvely for ill the J chLldren of T with At.k r~nlrlng frox I throuKh J, ve cns derive from I1' the front.\u00a3er of the subtreo belo~ Y} T' -> I' { thin iu t~ handle t*hn cue where no adJuc~on ~d~ns place \u2022t T)If G is s TAG then we do the following -Repeat for every In\u00a3t182 tree Convert to RG(root,S') (S\" will be the 8t4u-t symbol of the nov Heed (;re=,--,'}. Grammars. We have shown how a HG G' (using our extended definitions) can be obtained in a systematic fashion from a TAG G. It is our belief that the extension of the definition may not necessar/. Yet, this conversion process should help us understand the similarities between the two formalisms. ",
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 "start": 1420,
 "end": 1426,
 "text": "Fig 5.",
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 {
 "start": 1504,
 "end": 1510,
 "text": "Fig 5.",
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 "eq_spans": [],
 "section": "HEAD G~S AND TAG's",
 "sec_num": "5."
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 "BIBREF0": {
 "ref_id": "b0",
 "title": "where Ccarez~ ~o HG(n~te.nwso) In dettnsd -.. follmm L! undo 18 an index.aLl node tJmn cnsn I I! tJm ~mstr~tnt n~ ~hn node t8 A& add product, ions $~I->LLu",
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 "raw_text": "where Ccarez~ ~o HG(n~te.nwso) In dettnsd -.. follmm L! undo 18 an index.aLl node tJmn cnsn I I! tJm ~mstr~tnt n~ ~hn node t8 A& add product, ions $~I->LLu(node syubol.I').",
 "links": null
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 "BIBREF1": {
 "ref_id": "b1",
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 "authors": [
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 "first": "|'->lc T",
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 "raw_text": "|'->LC t (At', .... At', .... Aj')",
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 "ref_id": "b2",
 "title": "A| ')",
 "authors": [
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 "first": "'",
 "middle": [
 ". ."
 ],
 "last": "S]m->lct (at",
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 {
 "first": "'",
 "middle": [],
 "last": "At",
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 {
 "first": ".",
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 "."
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 "year": null,
 "venue": "",
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 "num": null,
 "urls": [],
 "raw_text": "S]m->LCt (At '. .... At', .... A| ')",
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 "BIBREF3": {
 "ref_id": "b3",
 "title": "A| correspond t.o the J chlldren ot the node sad l=l If foot, node is not* \u2022 descund..mt* of node else =1 \u2022uch t*h&t* the 1 ~ child of \u2022ode is ancan~r of foot* node,J=uQber of chiZdreu of \u2022ode for Im-I co J sup I do Convert",
 "authors": [
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 "first": "~",
 "middle": [
 "' . ."
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 "last": "\u2022 Here Ii'.A T '",
 "suffix": ""
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 {
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 "last": "A|' Are",
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 "year": null,
 "venue": "",
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 "raw_text": "\u2022 here II'.A t ',~'....A|' are ,,mr \u2022ou-tenLtna~ synbole,A ! ..... A| correspond t.o the J chlldren ot the node sad l=l If foot, node is not* \u2022 descund..mt* of node else =1 \u2022uch t*h&t* the 1 ~ child of \u2022ode is ancan~r of foot* node,J=uQber of chiZdreu of \u2022ode for Im-I co J sup I do Convert, to HG(k ~ child of \u2022ode.At').",
 "links": null
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 "BIBREF4": {
 "ref_id": "b4",
 "title": "Cue 2 The conet.r~tnt* \u2022t* ~bn node Ls JUt",
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 "year": null,
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 "volume": "",
 "issue": "",
 "pages": "",
 "other_ids": {},
 "num": null,
 "urls": [],
 "raw_text": "Cue 2 The conet.r~tnt* \u2022t* ~bn node Ls JUt. Sue u Cue 1 except don't* add the product*lone S~m->LL t (node 8~mbol.r).",
 "links": null
 },
 "BIBREF6": {
 "ref_id": "b6",
 "title": "Cue 3 The constrnint st, the node l\u2022 0A. Stse an Cue I except, that* we don't",
 "authors": [],
 "year": null,
 "venue": "",
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 "other_ids": {},
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 "raw_text": "Cue 3 The constrnint st, the node l\u2022 0A. Stse an Cue I except, that* we don't, a4d",
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 "BIBREF7": {
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 }
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 },
 "BIBREF8": {
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 "ref_entries": {
 "FIGREF1": {
 "text": "adjoined at S am indicated in \"f0. adjoined at T as indicated in ~..",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
 },
 "FIGREF2": {
 "text": "",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
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 "FIGREF3": {
 "text": "If neither X nor its right sibling Y are the ancestors of the foot node ( or there is no foot node) then if X E A[i,J,j,ll and Y E A[I.m.m,nJ then their parent Z belongs to A[ioj,j,n[.",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
 },
 "FIGREF4": {
 "text": "If \u2022 node Z has only one child X, and if X E A[i,j,k,l], then obviously Z E A{i,j,k,ll.",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
 },
 "FIGREF5": {
 "text": "Case I corresponds to situation where the left sibling is the ancestor of the foot node. The parent is put in A[i,j.k.l I if the left sibling is in A[i,j.k.m I and the right sibling is in A|m.p,p,l|, where k ~_ m < I, m _~ p, p ~_ I. Therefore Came I m written as For ask to 1-I ~top I do for p= a to I step I do if there is \u2022 left sibling in A[t.J.k.n] and the right sibling in A[n.p.p.1] satisfying appropriate restrictionn then put their parent in A[i,j,k.i]. (b) Case",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
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 "FIGREF6": {
 "text": "are already computed. Hence, the contents of A[i,j,k,mJ are known. Similarly, for all m > i, and for all p,q, and r <_. l, A[m,p,q,rJ would have been computed. Thus, A[m,p,p,i I would also have bee\u2022 computed. Case 2: By s similar ream\u2022lag, the co\u2022tents of A(i,m,m,pJ and A[p,j,k,l I are known since p < I and p > i. Case 3: Woe\u2022 we are trying to camp\u2022re the contents of some Aii,j,j,lJ, we need to know the nodes in A(i,j~i,pJ and A[p,q,q,l[. ,Note j > i or j < I. tlence, we know that the co\u2022tents of A[i,j.i,pj and A(p,q,q,l] would have bee\u2022 compared already. Came 5: The co\u2022tents of A[i,m,p,iJ and A(m,j,k,pJ must be k\u2022own i\u2022 order to compote A(i,j,k,l[, where ( i _< m ~ p < I or i < m < p_<l)aad(m_<j_< k < porto <j_< k_<p). Since either m > i or p < I, contents of Alm,j,k,pl will be know\u2022. Similarly, since either m < j or k < p, the co\u2022re\u2022re of A(i,m,p,l I would have been comp\u2022tcd.",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
 },
 "FIGREF7": {
 "text": "3~. The set o( auxiliary tree, A is defined u A = {t~A / t t \u00a2 It} UAt.",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
 },
 "FIGREF8": {
 "text": "FIgure 4.3",
 "type_str": "figure",
 "uris": null,
 "num": null
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 "TABREF0": {
 "type_str": "table",
 "text": "That m, the root node of a is labelled S and the frontier nodes are all terminal symbob. The internal nodes are ~11 non-terminals. A tree ~ is an acxiliar? tree if it is of the form",
 "content": "<table><tr><td>GI I</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>S</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>I\\</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>I</td><td>\\</td><td/><td>eE. r~</td></tr><tr><td>l</td><td>\\</td><td/></tr><tr><td>I</td><td>\\</td><td/></tr><tr><td>~=</td><td>X</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>I</td><td>\\</td></tr><tr><td/><td>I</td><td>\\</td></tr><tr><td>I</td><td/><td>\\</td><td>wle= E</td></tr><tr><td>I</td><td/><td>\\</td></tr></table>",
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 "TABREF2": {
 "type_str": "table",
 "text": "Case 3 corresponds to the cane where \u2022either children ate ancestors of the foot \u2022ode. If the left sibling E A[i,j,j,ml and the right sibling E A(m,p,p01[ then we can pat the parent in A[i,j,j,lJ if it is the c~,.that(i<",
 "content": "<table><tr><td>(c) j _&lt; mori~</td><td colspan=\"2\">j &lt; m) and(m &lt; p ~ lot m _&lt; p &lt;</td></tr><tr><td>|),This may be written ae</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">fo~ s : J t,o l-t st,up I do</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">for p : J to 1 \u2022~*p t do</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">f\u2022r .11 left, sLblLnKg in A[i.J,J,n] and</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">right, siblings i\u2022 A(n,p,p,1] \u2022at1\u2022fy1.nlg t, he appropriate</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">rant,rXcCio\u2022\u2022 pot their pgwuat, Xa A(/.J.J.I].</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">(e) Came 5 correspo\u2022ds to adjoining. If X is n node in A[m,j,k,pJ and</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">Y is the root of a a\u2022xiliary tree with same symbol as that of X, such</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">that Y is in A[i,m,p,I] ((i &lt;_ m _&lt; p &lt;iori</td><td>&lt; m_&lt; p &lt;_lJand(m</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">&lt; j &lt; k ~ porto ~j ~_k &lt; p)J. This may be writte\u2022 as</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">for \u2022 = \u00a3 co J 8t*p t do</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">for p = u ~o I stop t do</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">tf t node X E A[a.J.k.p] and t, he root, of</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">tuxllXary tree ~.\u2022 In k[t,a.p,l] t, heu put, X Xn A(i.J,k,l]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">Case 4 corresponds to the case where s \u2022ode Y has only one child X</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">If X E A~i,j,k,ll then put Y in A[i,j,k,l[. Repe~t Case 4 again if Y has</td></tr><tr><td>us siblings.</td><td/></tr></table>",
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