| { |
| "paper_id": "P87-1003", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T09:13:28.896821Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "SITUATIONS AND INTERVALS 1", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Rebecca", |
| "middle": [ |
| "J" |
| ], |
| "last": "Passonneau", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "UNISYS Defense Systems ~", |
| "location": { |
| "postBox": "P.O.Box 517", |
| "postCode": "19301", |
| "settlement": "Paoli", |
| "region": "PA", |
| "country": "USA" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "" |
| } |
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| "year": "", |
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| "abstract": "The PUNDIT system processes natural language descriptions of situations and the intervais over which they hold using an algorithm that integrates ~peet and ~en~e [ogle. It analyzes the tense and aspect of the real-verb to generate representations of three types of situations-states, processes and events-and to locate the situations with respect to the time at which the text was produced. Each situation type has a distinct temporal structure, represented in terms of one or more intervals. Further, every interval has two features whose different values capture the aspectual differences between the three different situation types. Capturing these differences makes it possible to represent very precisely the times for which predications are asserted to hold.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "P87-1003", |
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| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "The PUNDIT system processes natural language descriptions of situations and the intervais over which they hold using an algorithm that integrates ~peet and ~en~e [ogle. It analyzes the tense and aspect of the real-verb to generate representations of three types of situations-states, processes and events-and to locate the situations with respect to the time at which the text was produced. Each situation type has a distinct temporal structure, represented in terms of one or more intervals. Further, every interval has two features whose different values capture the aspectual differences between the three different situation types. Capturing these differences makes it possible to represent very precisely the times for which predications are asserted to hold.", |
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| "section": "Abstract", |
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| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper describes a semantics of situations and the intervals over which they hold that is neither situation semantics (Barwise and Perry, 1983) nor interval semantics (Dowty, 1979 (Dowty, , 1982 (Dowty, , 1986 Taylor, 1977) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 122, |
| "end": 147, |
| "text": "(Barwise and Perry, 1983)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 171, |
| "end": 183, |
| "text": "(Dowty, 1979", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 184, |
| "end": 198, |
| "text": "(Dowty, , 1982", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 199, |
| "end": 213, |
| "text": "(Dowty, , 1986", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 214, |
| "end": 227, |
| "text": "Taylor, 1977)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduetlon", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "It is unfortunately d~f~cult to avoid the overlap in terminology because what will be described here shares certain goals and assumptions with each. The concerns addressed here, however, arise from the computational task of processing references to situations in natural language text in order to represent what predicates are asserted to hold over what entities and when.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Introduetlon", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Situation as used here pertains to the linguistic means for referring to things in the world, i.e., to sentences or predications. More specifically, situation is the superordinate category in Mourelatos' typology of aspectual classes of predications, schematised in Fig. 1 Engine/ailed. The PUNDIT text-processing system s processes references to situations using an algorithm that integrates tense logic (Reichenbach, 1947) with aspect, or what Talmy (1985) calls the~pa~e~w-~ ~--~ d~tribution o~ ac~io, throug~ time. This paper describes how PUNDIT represents the temporal structure of three types of situations, namely states, processes and events, and how these situations are located in time.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 405, |
| "end": 424, |
| "text": "(Reichenbach, 1947)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 446, |
| "end": 458, |
| "text": "Talmy (1985)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 266, |
| "end": 272, |
| "text": "Fig. 1", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduetlon", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The critical problems in the semantic analysis of references to situations and their associated times are: I) language encodes several different kinds of temporal information, 2) this information is distributed in many distinct linguistic elements, and finany, 3) the semantic contribution of many of these elements is context-dependent and cannot be computed without looking at co-occurring elements.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Problems in Computing Appropriate Representations", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| { |
| "text": "ZThis work was supported by DARPA under contract N00014-85-C-0012, administered by the Office of Naval Research. APPROVED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE, DISTR/BU-TION UNLIMITED.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Problems in Computing Appropriate Representations", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "ZFormerly SDC--A Burroughs Company.", |
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| "section": "Problems in Computing Appropriate Representations", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| "text": "zPUNDIT is an acronym for Prolog UNderstands and In-teErates Text. It is a modular system, implemented in Quintus Prolog, with distinct syntactic, semantic and pragmatic components (cf. Dahl et al., 1987 ). These problems have been addressed as follows. A decision was made to focus on the kinds of temporal information embodied in the verb and its categories of tense, taxis 4 and grammatical aspect, s and to temporarily ignore other kinds of temporal information, s Computation of this information was then divided into two relatively independent tasks, with appropriate information passed between the modules performlng these tasks in order to accommodate contextdependencies. The first task, carried out by Module 1, makes use of the aspectual information in the verb phrase (lexical and grammatical aspect) to determine the situation type being referred to and its temporal structure. An abstract component of temporal structure, referred to as the event time (following Reichenbach, 1947) , serves as input to Module 2, where the deictic information in the verb phrase (tense and taxis) is used to compute temporal ordering relations, i.e., where the situation is located with respect to the time of text production. Section \u00a73 outlines the general goals for computing temporal structure and \u00a74 describes in detail how it is computed. Then \u00a75 briefly illustrates how the event time which Module 1 passes to Module 2 simplifies the interaction of tense and aspect.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 186, |
| "end": 203, |
| "text": "Dahl et al., 1987", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 977, |
| "end": 995, |
| "text": "Reichenbach, 1947)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
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| "section": "Problems in Computing Appropriate Representations", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The goal in generating representations of the temporal structure of situations was to closely link the times at which situations are said to hold with the iexlcal decompositions of the predicates used in referring to them. The decompositions encode aspectual information about the situation types which is used in determlning what type of situation has been referred to and what its temporal structure is. Distinct components of the semantic decompositions correspond to different features of the intervals with which they are associated. As \u00a74 will demonstrate, the interpretation of these components of temporal meaning depends on the interaction between iexical and grammatical aspect.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Goals i~or Representing Situations", |
| "sec_num": "8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "4T4~'i# (Jakobson. 1957) refers to the semantic effect of the presence or absence of the perfect auxiliary.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 8, |
| "end": 24, |
| "text": "(Jakobson. 1957)", |
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| "section": "Goals i~or Representing Situations", |
| "sec_num": "8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "SAzpect is both part of the inherent meaning of a verb (lexical aspect) and also signalled by the presence or absence of the progressive suffix -lag (grammatical aspect). ~E.g., rate (~ven by adverbs like rapidJy), \"patterns of frequency or habituation\", and so on (of. Mourelatos. 1981) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 270, |
| "end": 287, |
| "text": "Mourelatos. 1981)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Goals i~or Representing Situations", |
| "sec_num": "8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This approach to the compositional semantics of temporal reference is similar in spirit to interval semantics. Interval semantics captures the distinct temporal properties of situations by specifying a truth conditional relation between a full sentence and a unique interval (Dowty, 1979 (Dowty, , 1986 . This is motivated by the observation that the aspectual type of a sentence depends simultaneously on the aspectual class of a particular lexical item, its tense, taxis and grammatical aspect, and the nature of its arguments (cf. Mourelatos, 1981 ; note that the latter factor is not handled here).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 275, |
| "end": 287, |
| "text": "(Dowty, 1979", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 288, |
| "end": 302, |
| "text": "(Dowty, , 1986", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 534, |
| "end": 550, |
| "text": "Mourelatos, 1981", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Goals i~or Representing Situations", |
| "sec_num": "8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The goal of PUNDIT's temporal analysis is not simply to sort references to situations into states, processes and events, but more specifically to represent the differences between the three types of situations b~ considering in detail the e]~aracteris~ice o/ ~he set o/ temporal ~nter~z~# t]~Qt ~,sl/ hold or occur oesr (Allen, 1983, p. 132) . Thus, instead of specifying truth conditional properties of sentences, the temporal semantics outlined here specifies what property of an interval is entailed by what portion of the input sentence, and then compositionally constructs a detailed representation of a state, proeess or event from the intervais and their associated properties.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 320, |
| "end": 341, |
| "text": "(Allen, 1983, p. 132)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Goals i~or Representing Situations", |
| "sec_num": "8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Each situation type has a distinct temporal structure comprised of the interval or intervals over which it holds. Two features are associated with each interval, klnesle and boundedness. Very briefly, kinesls pertains to the internal structure of an interval, or in informal terms, whether something is happening within the interval. Boundedness pertains to the way in which an interval is located in time with respect to other times, e.g., whether it is bounded by another interval.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Intervals and Their Features", |
| "sec_num": "8.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The input used to compute the temporal structure of a situation consists of the grammatical aspect of the verb, that is, whether it is progressive, and the decomposition produced by PUNDIT's semantic interpreter (Palmer et al., 1986) . The lexical decompositions employed by PUNDIT (Passonneau, 1986] )) not only represent the predlcate/argument structure of verbs, but in addition, following the example of Dowty's aspect calculus (1979) , they represent a verb's inherent temporal properties, or lexlcal aspect. 7 In PUNDIT's lexical entries, there are three values of lexlcal aspect corresponding to the three types of situations. Four of the six possible combinations of grammatical and lexical aspect are temporally distinct. This section will go through the four cases one by one.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 212, |
| "end": 233, |
| "text": "(Palmer et al., 1986)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 282, |
| "end": 300, |
| "text": "(Passonneau, 1986]", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 408, |
| "end": 438, |
| "text": "Dowty's aspect calculus (1979)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Part One of the Algorithms Computing Temporal Structure", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The following conditional statement summarises the first of four cases of temporal structure. The antecedent specifies the necessary input condition, the first clause of the consequent specifies the situation type, the second specifies the k|nesls Of its associated interval and the third specifies its boundedness.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "States", |
| "sec_num": "4.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "THEN Situation is a state AND its Time Argument is a period AND this period is unbounded", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect=stative", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As shown here, if the lexical aspect of a predication is stative, its grammatical aspect is irrelevant. The justification for ignoring grammatical aspect in the context of lexical stativity appears at the end of this section.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
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| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect=stative", |
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| }, |
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| "text": "A state is defined as a situation which holds for some interval that is both statle and unbounded. Example 1) illustrates a typical reference to a state situation along with its semantic decomposition. Note that the lexlcal head of the verb phrase is the adjective low.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect=stative", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| "text": "The pressure was low. low (patlent([pressurel]) s As in Dowty's aspect calculus (1979) , the decompositions of stative predicates consist of semantic predicates with no aspectual operators or connectives. Computing the temporal structure associated with 1) means finding a single interval with the appropriate features of kinesis and boundedness to associate with the stative predicate low(patlent(X)).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 56, |
| "end": 86, |
| "text": "Dowty's aspect calculus (1979)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| { |
| "text": "rThe literature on upectual classes of verbs provides a variety of diagnostics for determining the inherent upect of verbs (cf. Vendler, 1967; Dowty, 1979) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 128, |
| "end": 142, |
| "text": "Vendler, 1967;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 143, |
| "end": 155, |
| "text": "Dowty, 1979)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
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| "text": "*PUNDIT's current application is to process short messages texts called CASREPS (CASualty REPorts) which describe Navy equipment failures. The arguments in the decompositions, e.g., [preuurel] , are unique identifiers of the entities denoted by the surface noun phrues. They are crest-Kinesls of states. A static interval is temporally homogeneous. With respect to the relevant predication, there is no change within the interval; consequently, any subinterval is equivalent to any other subinterval. Thus, a static interval is defined much as stative predications are defined in interval semantics:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
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| "start": 182, |
| "end": 192, |
| "text": "[preuurel]", |
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| "section": "1)", |
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| "text": "An inter~al I associated with some predication ~b 18 static iff it follows from the truth of ~ at I that ~ is true at all aublnter,Jal8 of I (cf. Dowty, 1986, p. 42) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 146, |
| "end": 165, |
| "text": "Dowty, 1986, p. 42)", |
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| "section": "1)", |
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| { |
| "text": "Situations are represented as predicates identifying the situation type (e.g., state). The situation denoted by 1) would be represented as follows:", |
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| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "state([lowl], low (patient ([pressureT]), period ([Iowl])", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "1)", |
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| "text": "The three arguments are: the unique identifier of the situation (e.g., [lowl] ), the semantic decomposition, and the time argument (e.g., period ([lowl])). The same symbol (e.g., [lowl] ) identifies both the situation and its time argument because it is the actual time for which a situation holds which uniquely identifies it. 0 A period time argument in the context of a state predicate always represents a statie interval.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 71, |
| "end": 77, |
| "text": "[lowl]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 179, |
| "end": 185, |
| "text": "[lowl]", |
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| "section": "1)", |
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| "text": "Boundedness of states. The intervals associated with states are inherently unbounded. A temporal bound can be provided by an appropriate temporal adverbial (e.g., The pressure wag ~orreal lwh~ the pump seize~), 10 but here we consider only the temporal semantics specified by the verb form itself. When an unbounded interval is located with respect to a particular point in time, it is assumed to extend indefinitely in both directions around that time. In 1), at least part of the interval for which the predication low(pat|ent([pressurel])) is asserted to hold is located in the past. However, this interval may or may not end prior to the present. The unbounded property of the interval can be illustrated more precisely by examining the relationship between the predication and the temporal adverbial ed by PUNDIT's reference resolution component (Dahl, 1986) . 2) The pressure was low at 08:00. This sentence asserts that the state of low(patient([pressvwel])) holds at 08:00 and possibly prior and subsequent to 08:00. That is, the sentence would be true if the pressure were low for only an instant coincident with 08:00, but it is not asserted to hold only for that instant. This is captured by defining the interval as unbounded.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 851, |
| "end": 863, |
| "text": "(Dahl, 1986)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
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| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
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| }, |
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| "text": "A situation representation does not itself indicate the boundedness of its period time argument. Instead, this feature is passed as a parameter to the component which interprets tense and taxis (cf. \u00a75).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As will be shown in the following section, the progressive assigns the features active and unbounded to non-stative verbs. But with statire verbs, the progressive contributes no temporal information. Inability to occur with the progressive has in fact been cited as a diagnostic test of statives, but as Dowry notes (1979), there is a class of progressives which denotes locative states (e.g., The soei~ are l~/ing under the bed). Such statires occur in PUNDIT's current application domain in examples like the following sentence fragment:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "3)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Material clogging strainer.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A complete discussion of the interaction between progressive grammatical aspect and stative lexical aspect would have to address cases in which the progressive contributes non-temporal information (cf. Smith, 1983) . However, these issues are not pertinent to the computation of temporal structure.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 197, |
| "end": 214, |
| "text": "(cf. Smith, 1983)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "1)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The second case of temporal structure involves progressive uses of non-stative verbs, i.e., process or transition event verbs.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporally Unbounded Processes", |
| "sec_num": "4.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "THEN Situation is a process AND its Time Argument is a period AND this period is unbounded", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect~stative AND Grammatical Aspect--progressive", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this case and the two subsequent ones, both lexical and grammatical aspect are relevant input.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect~stative AND Grammatical Aspect--progressive", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Processes are situations which hold over active intervals of time. 11 Active intervals can be unbounded or zmApecifled for boundedness, depending on the grammatical aspect of the predication. The two possible temporal structures associated with processes are discussed in this and the following section.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect~stative AND Grammatical Aspect--progressive", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Example 4) illustrates a typical predication denoting a temporally unbounded process along with its semantic decomposition.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "IF Lexical Aspect~stative AND Grammatical Aspect--progressive", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The alarm was sounding.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
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| "section": "4)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
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| "text": "DO is an aspectual operator identifying a decomposition as a process predicate (cf. Dowty, 1979) . 12 As with statives, computing the temporal structure for sentences llke 4) involves finding a single interval to associate with the semantic decomposition.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 84, |
| "end": 96, |
| "text": "Dowty, 1979)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
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| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Kinesls of processes. The presence of a DO operator in a decomposition indicates that the interval for which it holds must be active. Active and static intervals contrast in that change occurs within an active interval with respect to the relevant predication. For example, for any interval for which DO(sound(actor([alarm4]))) is true, the [alarm4] participant must undergo changes that qualify as sounding, and must continue to do so throughout the interval. As Moure~ latos (1981) has pointed out, process predicates vary regarding how narrowly one can subdivide such intervals and still recognize the same process. Dowty has used this threshold of granularity as the defining characteristic of process sentences, and it is borrowed here to define active intervals:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "An interval [ a~sociated with some predication ~ is aetlve iff it follows from the truth of ~b at I that ~ is true at all subintervals of I down to a certain limit in size.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As the process representation for 4) illustrates, processes and states are represented similarly. lithe distinction between static and active intervals is useful for interpreting manner adverbials indicating rate of change. Since statics predications denote the absence of change over time, they cannot be modified by rate adverbiak.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "lZBecause the aspectual operator DO always hu an actor semantic role a~ociated with it, PUNDIT's semantic decompositions actually omit DO and use the presence of the actor role to identify proce~ predicates.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The situation predicate identifies the situation type as a process. Note that a period time argument in the context of a process predicate indicates an act|re interval.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The rule given above specifies that transltlon event verbs in the progressive also denote temporally unbounded processes (cf. 5).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "DO(sound(actor(lal m4])))", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The engineer is installing the oU filter. cause(DO (|nstall(agent([englneer 8]))), (theme([mter4] ),", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 83, |
| "end": 97, |
| "text": "(theme([mter4]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "5)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Iocatlon(X))))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "BECOME(ins lled", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The cause predicate in the decomposition of in~tall indicates that it is a causative verb, and the BECOME operator that its lexical aspect is transition event. This aspectual class is a heterogeneous one, but in general, transition event verbs are temporally more complex than stative or process verbs, and have a correspondingly more complex relation between their semantic decompositions and temporal structure. Consequently, the discussion of the treatment of progressive transition event verbs is postponed until after the function of the aspectual operator BECOME has been explained.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "BECOME(ins lled", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Boundedness. In 6), the interval associated with the alarm sounding is unbounded. It bears the same relationship to the at adverbial phrase modifying the predication as does the statlc interval in 2) above, repeated here as 7).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "BECOME(ins lled", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The alarm was sounding at 08:00.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "6)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The pressure was low at 08:00.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "7)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This siml]arity between statives and progressives has led Vlach (1981) to identify them with each other. Here, the commonality among sentences like 1), 2), 4) and 8) is captured by associating the feature value unbounded both with stative lexical aspect and with progressive grammatical aspect. The differences between the predications in 6) and 7), which show up in the types of modification and anaphorlc processes to which such predications are susceptible, are encapsulated in their contrasting values of klnes|s (cf. fn. 11 above).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "7)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The third case of temporal structure accounts for the differences between sentences like 4), having a process verb in the progressive, and 8), where the process verb is non-progressive.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporally Unspecified Processes", |
| "sec_num": "4.8." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The alarm sounded.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "8)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The differences, which will be explained below, are captured in the following rule indicating that the actlve interval for which the predication is said to hold is unspecified for boundedness.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "8)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "IF Lexical Aspect=process AND Grammatical Aspect=non-progressive THEN Situation is a process AND its Time Argument is a period AND this period is unmpeeifled Again, the parameter indicating that the interval associated with 8) is unspecified gets passed to Module 2 which interprets tense and taxis. In every other respect, the analysis of the temporal structure associated with 8) resembles that for 4).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "8)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A comparison of progressive and nonprogressive process verbs in the context of an at adverbial phrase illustrates the relative indeterrninacy of the non-progressive use. In the context of the progressive process verb in 8), the clock time is interpreted as falling within the active interval of sounding but in 9), where the verb is not progressive, 08:00 can be interpreted as falling at the inception of the process or as roughly Iocating the entire process.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "8)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The alarm sounded at 08:00.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "9)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Non-progresslve process verbs exhibit a wide variation with respect to what part of the temporal structure is located by tense (Passonneau, 1986a) . The influencing factors seem to be pragmatic in nature, rather than semantic. The solution taken here is to characterize the event tlme of such predications as having an unnpecifled relation to the active interval associated with the denoted process.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 127, |
| "end": 146, |
| "text": "(Passonneau, 1986a)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "9)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As mentioned in the previous section, the temporal structure of transition events is more complex than that of states or processes. Correspondingly, the rule which applies to this case has more output conditions. IF Lexical Aspect=transition event A.ND Grammatical Aspect=non-progressive THEN Situatlon=event AND Time Argument---moment AND this moment culminates an interval associated with a process AND this moment introduces an interval associated with a state or process A transltlon event is a complex situation consisting of a process which cu]mlnates in a transition to a new state or proeess. Its temporal structure is thus an aetlve interval followed by--and bounded by--a new aet|ve or stat|e interval. The new state or process comes into being as a result of the initial process, is", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As in Dowty (1986) , both Vendler's achievements and his accomplishments collapse into one class, vie., tr~n_Aitlon events. That is, achievements are those ~'nesi8 predicates which are not only typieally of shorter duration than accomplishments, but aJso thoee which toe do not normally understand o.8 entailing a sequence o/ sub-events, given o\u2022r e, eaJ every-dal/ criterla for identifying the even~ named by the predicate (Dowty, 1988, p. 43) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 6, |
| "end": 18, |
| "text": "Dowty (1986)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 424, |
| "end": 444, |
| "text": "(Dowty, 1988, p. 43)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Causative verbs, in which the action of one participant results in a change in another participant, are typical accomplishment verbs.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "10) The pump sheared the drive shaft. eause (D O(shear (agent (|pumpS|) ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 44, |
| "end": 71, |
| "text": "(D O(shear (agent (|pumpS|)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": ")), BEC OME(sheared(patlent([shai~e]))))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Sentence 10) asserts that a process in which the pump participated (shear/ng) caused a change in the drive shaft (being sheared). Note that the decomposition explicitly indicates a causal relation between two conjoined predicates, one representing an activity perfomed by an agent, and the other representing the resulting situation. BECOME serves as the aspectual operator for marking transltlon event decompositions. The argument to BECOME constitutes the semantic decomposition of the new state or process arising at the culmination of the event.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Non-causative verbs can also denote transition events. With inchoatives, the same entity participates in both the initial process and the resulting situation denoted by the predication.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "11) The engine failed. D O (fall (agent([englnel]))), BE COME (failed(patlent([englnel])))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In 11), an engine is said to participate in some process ~ailing) which culminates in a new state (e.g.,", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Transition Events", |
| "sec_num": "4.4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The semantic ISA state may be a necessary precondition for a certain change to occur, but since states are defined by the absence of change, or negative klnesla, they are inherently incapable of generating new situations. decompositions used in PUNDIT do not explicitly represent the initial processes involved in transition events because they are completely predictable from the presence of the BECOME operator. But both conjuncts are shown here to illustrate that computing the temporal structure of a transition event situation requires finding two intervals, one associated with the initial process predicate (e.g., DO(fa|l(agent([eng|nel])))) and the other with the predicate for the resulting situation (e.g., falled(pat|ent([eng|nel]))).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As indicated in the rule for this case, the temporal structure also includes a moment of transition between the two intervals, i.e., its transltion bound. Since a trans|t|on event is one which results in a new situation, there is in theory a point in time before which the new situation does not exist and subsequent to which it does. A transition bound is a theoretical construct not intended to correspond to an empirlcal]y determined time. In fact, it should be thought of as the same kind of boundary between intervals implied by Alien's meets relation (Allen, 1983; 1984, esp. p. 128) . However, it is a convenient abstraction for representing how transition events are perceived and talked about.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 557, |
| "end": 570, |
| "text": "(Allen, 1983;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 571, |
| "end": 589, |
| "text": "1984, esp. p. 128)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We can now return to the question of the interpretation of progressive transition event verbs. In the context of a decomposition with a BECOME operator, the progressive is constrained to apply to the predicate corresponding to the initial process, i.e., the predicate denoting the portion of a transition event prior to the moment of transition. Computing the temporal structure for the progressive of install in 12), for example, involves generating a single active, unbounded interval for which the predication D O (agent (|engineer 8])) holds:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "12) The engineer is installing the oll filter. eause(D O (agent(|engineer 8]), BECOME(irmtalled(theme([fllter4]), Ioeatlon(X)))))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this context, the remainder of the semantic decomposition denotes what the person report.ing on the event assumes to be the eventual culmination of the process referred to as inetalilng.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "K|nesls. Examples 13) and 14) illustrate two types of transition events, one resulting in a new state, and one resulting in a new process. As illus-trated, ~4 transition events are represented as complex situations in which an event with a moment time argument results in a new state or process:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "13) The lube oil pump has seized. event ([seisel] The starts relation indicates that a transition bound (e.g., moment([selsel])) is the onset of the interval (e.g., perlod ([selse2D) associated with the situation resulting from a tran~itlon event.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 40, |
| "end": 49, |
| "text": "([seisel]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 172, |
| "end": 182, |
| "text": "([selse2D)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Boundedness. An important role played by the transition bound is that it serves as the temporal component of transition events for locating them with respect to other times. For example, the sentence in 15) asserts that the moment of transition to the new situation coincides with the clock time of 8:00.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "15) The engine failed at 8:00.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The status of the engine prior to 8:00 is asserted to be different from its status afterwards.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "being inoperative).", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Part Two of the Algorithms Temporal Ordering Relations PUNDIT employs a Reichenbachian analysis of tense which temporally locates situations in terms of three abstract times: the time of the situation (event alms), the time of speech/text production (speech time), and the time with", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "5.", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "xtAt present, PUNDIT explicitly represents only two components of transition event predications: the moment atsociated with an event of becoming, and a period associated with a resulting situation. This representation has been found to be adequate for the current application. The omission of the first interval is purely a matter of practical convenience, but could easily be reprelented should the need arise. respect to which relational adverbials are interpreted (reference time). Reichenbach (1947) did not distinguish between the temporal structure of a situation and its event tlme. In PUNDIT, event time is a carefully defined abstract component of temporal structure in terms of which ordering relations are specified. It is determined on the basis of boundedness, and is always represented as a dimensionless moment.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 485, |
| "end": 503, |
| "text": "Reichenbach (1947)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "5.", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The three values of boundedness outlined above correspond to three possible relations of event time to a time argument. Examples 16) through 18) illustrate these relations. If an interval is unbounded, its event time is represented as an arbitrary moment iz~lmled within the period time argument:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "16) The pressure is low. Boundedness: unbounded Event time: ~/1 such that |ncludes(period(~owl])jnoment(~VIl]))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "For an interval unspecified for boundedness the event time /ms a non-committal relation to the interval, i.e., it may be an endpoint of or included within the period time argument:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "17) The alarm sounded. Boundedness: unspecified Event time: M l such that has(period([soundl]),moment (~vfs]))", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The moment time argument of a transition event is id~e=~/~/to its event time. Identity, or the lack of referential distinctness, is handled through Prolog unification.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "18) The engine failed. Boundedness: transition hound Event time: M l unifies with moment([fail1])", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Defining these three different relations of event time to temporal structure simplifies the computation of the ordering relations given by the perfect and non-perfect tenses.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Event Time", |
| "sec_num": "5.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The event time computed in Module 1 and the verb's tense and taxis comprise the input used in computing temporal ordering relations. Due to the pragmatic complexity of the perfect tenses and to space ]~m~tatlons, neither referenee time nor taxis is discussed here (but cf. Passonneau, 1986a) . The rules for the past and present tenses are quite simple. They locate the event time as coincident with or prior to the time of text production (i.e., the Report Time):", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 273, |
| "end": 291, |
| "text": "Passonneau, 1986a)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Ordering RelatlonB", |
| "sec_num": "5.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "IF Tense=present AND Taxis/non-perfect THEN coincide(Event Time, Report Time)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Ordering RelatlonB", |
| "sec_num": "5.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "IF Tense=past AND Taxis/non-perfect THEN precedes(Event Time, Report Time)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Ordering RelatlonB", |
| "sec_num": "5.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "These two rules in combination with the different relations of event time to the temporal structures of situations makes it possible to capture important facts about the interaction of tense and aspect. For example, present tense denotes an actual time only when applied to unbounded intervals. Thus a reference to an actual situation is computed for sentences like 19) hut not 20).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Ordering RelatlonB", |
| "sec_num": "5.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "19) The engine is failing.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Ordering RelatlonB", |
| "sec_num": "5.2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The engine fails.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In 20), the present tense pertains not to a specific event of engine failure, but rather to the tendency for this type of situation to recur.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A predication denoting a past unbounded situation can be followed by a predication asserting the continuation or cessation of the same situation:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "21) The pump was operating at 08.~0 and is still operating.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A single interval would be generated for the two clauses in 21). However, a similar assertion following a predication with a transition event verb in the simple past is contradictory if still is interpreted as indicating persistence of the same event. Is 22) ?The pump sheared the drive shaft and is still shearing it.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The event time for the first conjunct in 22) is a moment necessarily culminating in a new situation (i.e., a state of being sheared). Since the transition bound is dimensionless, the adverb still cannot refer to its persistence. A predication evoking an unspecified interval in a similar", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "ISAnother reading of 22) refers to a uniqe event followed by iterations of the same type of event. context can be interpreted analogously to either 21) or 22):", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "23) The pump operated at 08.~0 and is still operating.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The non-commlttal relation of event time to temporal structure for unspecified intervals makes both interpretations of 23) possible, and selecting among them is undoubtedly a pragmatic task rather than a semantic one. As we will see next, the utility of distinguishing between unbounded and lm~peeifled process predications is especially apparent in the context of temporal adverbials.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "20)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The representations described above were inspired by remarks found in the literature on tense and aspect to the effect that the time schemata (Vendler, 1967) associated with different situations are crucial to the way we perceive and talk about them. One of the crucial types of evidence used in deriving PUNDIT's temporal semantics as the interpretation of temporal adverbials in different contexts (Passonneau, 1988a) . Consequently, one of the advantages to the representations is that they make it possible to tailor the interpretation of a temporal adverb to the temporal structure of the modified situation.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 142, |
| "end": 157, |
| "text": "(Vendler, 1967)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 400, |
| "end": 419, |
| "text": "(Passonneau, 1988a)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Coneluslom Adverbial Modification", |
| "sec_num": "6." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "For example, specifying a different relation for the event time of an active interval, depending on its boundedness, yields different temporal relations between the situations described in sentences llke 24-26), as shown informally in the examples.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Coneluslom Adverbial Modification", |
| "sec_num": "6." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "24) The pump failed when the engine was rotating.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Coneluslom Adverbial Modification", |
| "sec_num": "6." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "25) The pump failed when the engine rotated.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "transition o/failure during period of rotation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "tran~itlon o/failure during OR at one endpoi,~t of period o/rotation", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "transition o/failure during period of rotation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "26) The engine rotated when the pump failed.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "transition o/failure during period of rotation", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Sentences like 25) and 26) are often interpreted with the process (e.g., rotation) beginning at or after the transition event moment (e.g., failure).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Same =a ~S)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "PUNDIT's representations of the temporal semantics of predications are explicit enough yet sufficiently non-commlttal to provide suitable input to a pragmatic reasoner that could decide these cases.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Same =a ~S)", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "I would like to thank Martha Palmer, Lynette Hirschman, Bonnie Webber and Dehbie Dahl for their comments, encouragement and patience.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Acknowledgements", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
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| "FIGREF0": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
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| "text": "Mourelatos' typology of situations" |
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| "text": "SThough a situation is something quite different for Barwise and Perry (1983), they take n similar view of the role of a particular space-time location in tokenising a situation type (of. esp. pp. 51ff).Xlln general, temporal adverbials can modify an existing component of temporal structure or add components of temporal structure. modifying it in example 2):" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
