| { |
| "paper_id": "2021", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T15:12:50.636868Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "A Quantitative Approach towards German Experiencer-Object Verbs", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Johanna", |
| "middle": [ |
| "M" |
| ], |
| "last": "Poppek", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "Linguistic Data Science Lab Ruhr", |
| "institution": "Universit\u00e4t Bochum", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "johanna.poppek@rub.de" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Simon", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Masloch", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "Linguistic Data Science Lab Ruhr-Universit\u00e4t Bochum", |
| "institution": "", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "simon.masloch@rub.de" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Amelie", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Robrecht", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": {}, |
| "email": "arobrecht@techfak.uni-bielefeld.de" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Tibor", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Kiss", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "Linguistic Data Science Lab Ruhr-Universit\u00e4t Bochum", |
| "institution": "", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "tibor.kiss@rub.de" |
| } |
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| "abstract": "Despite being studied for several decades, the properties of experiencer-object (EO) verbs remain under discussion. This holds especially for the question whether they display distinctive properties that distinguish them from \"regular\" transitive verbs. We performed a large-scale annotation study of German EO verb syntactic distribution patterns which shows that EO verbs differ largely in how frequently they occur in the eponymous pattern, that verbs taken to belong to the same subclass can differ largely in their pattern distribution, and that the negative correlation between the number of occurrences on the reflexive pattern and the passive patterns is smaller than previously assumed. This means that a number of verbs considered \"typical\" for this verbal class appear to have stronger associations with syntactic patterns other than the prototypical one, which is of special importance for experimental work. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence. Licence details: http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. 1 We depart from their terminology here. One may note that Belletti and Rizzi propose this distinction only for Italian and explicitly state that they do not take into account derivational processes.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "2021", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Despite being studied for several decades, the properties of experiencer-object (EO) verbs remain under discussion. This holds especially for the question whether they display distinctive properties that distinguish them from \"regular\" transitive verbs. We performed a large-scale annotation study of German EO verb syntactic distribution patterns which shows that EO verbs differ largely in how frequently they occur in the eponymous pattern, that verbs taken to belong to the same subclass can differ largely in their pattern distribution, and that the negative correlation between the number of occurrences on the reflexive pattern and the passive patterns is smaller than previously assumed. This means that a number of verbs considered \"typical\" for this verbal class appear to have stronger associations with syntactic patterns other than the prototypical one, which is of special importance for experimental work. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence. Licence details: http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. 1 We depart from their terminology here. One may note that Belletti and Rizzi propose this distinction only for Italian and explicitly state that they do not take into account derivational processes.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Experiencer-object (EO) verbs are usually defined as psychological predicates whose experiencer is (normally) realised as the object. In most publications, the term psych verb is referring to verbs where one argument expresses the experiencer of some psychological state, cf. e.g. (Landau, 2010) . The idea of a further classification in the domain of psych verbs dates back at least to Belletti and Rizzi (1988) , whose division leads to the following three classes: 1 (1) Belletti and Rizzi (1988) 's classes: I. nominative experiencer, accusative stimulus Mary fears John/the noise.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 281, |
| "end": 295, |
| "text": "(Landau, 2010)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 387, |
| "end": 412, |
| "text": "Belletti and Rizzi (1988)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 468, |
| "end": 469, |
| "text": "1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 474, |
| "end": 499, |
| "text": "Belletti and Rizzi (1988)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "John/The noise frightens Mary.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "II. nominative stimulus, accusative experiencer", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "John/The book appeals to Mary.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "III. nominative stimulus, dative experiencer", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The ability of the verbs belonging to class II or III to realise the experiencer in the object position ignited vivid discussions among researchers about its peculiar position in the verbal domain. While the above classification has been very influential, it resulted in a presumably premature focus on classes that may be too internally heterogeneous to allow a productive analysis of their members' properties. Particularly, these verbs are known for their variation in argument realisation patterns that call for a more fine-grained classification than currently presented. This requires an overview on the general distribution of syntactic occurrence profiles besides the prototypical experiencer-object pattern. These unresolved issues appear particularly problematic since many of these verbs are used in experimental syntax research without further reflection on the classes that are presupposed or with a focus only on selected differences (cf. (Haupt et al., 2008; Verhoeven, 2015; Ellsiepen and Bader, 2018; Scheepers et al., 2000) , among many others). It is also subject to debate if the larger category of psych verbs does in fact have distinctive properties compared to other verbs or if the psych-based constructions do not fundamentally differ from other transitive constructions (for the latter view, cf. e.g. (Grafmiller, 2013; \u017bychli\u0144ski, 2016) ). Psych verbs in general and EO psych verbs in particular have usually been approached with a specific syntactic pattern of realisation in mind. In the case of EO psych verbs, this pattern would be a subtype of a transitive construction where the role of the stimulus (STM) is assigned to the subject, and the role of the experiencer (EXP) is assigned to the object. But even superficial scrutiny soon reveals that forms of the respective verbs occur in other syntactic patterns. The semantics assigned to these patterns is sometimes transparently linked to the semantics of the \"prototypical\" pattern. In other cases, a link is much harder to detect, and in some cases, it appears quite opaque, even to the effect that a description of the verb as EO verb seems hard to defend. A large corpus-based resource on EO verb distribution patterns and their general frequency and distribution contributes to a quantitative perspective towards the phenomenon.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 953, |
| "end": 973, |
| "text": "(Haupt et al., 2008;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 974, |
| "end": 990, |
| "text": "Verhoeven, 2015;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF22" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 991, |
| "end": 1017, |
| "text": "Ellsiepen and Bader, 2018;", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1018, |
| "end": 1041, |
| "text": "Scheepers et al., 2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1327, |
| "end": 1345, |
| "text": "(Grafmiller, 2013;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1346, |
| "end": 1363, |
| "text": "\u017bychli\u0144ski, 2016)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "III. nominative stimulus, dative experiencer", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "While the possibility of the verbs' appearance in certain syntactic environments has played a prominent role in the literature on experiencer-object verbs for several decades (particularly their ability to passivise, cf. Belletti and Rizzi (1988) , Pesetsky (1995), Landau (2010) among many others) and alternations between some realisation patterns have gained some prominence in the literature recently (cf. i.a. (Alexiadou and Iord\u0203chioaia, 2014; Pijpops and Speelman, 2017; Hirsch, 2018; Rott et al., 2020 )), we are not aware of a large-scaled corpus study investigating the syntactic distributional patterns of the posited class of experiencer-object psych verbs in German: Engelberg (2018) and Cosma and Engelberg (2014) look at 11 (German) verbs only, Becker and Guzm\u00e1n Naranjo (2020) annotate 30 sentences for 12 \"psych concepts\" (in 7 languages), and Verhoeven (2015) performs annotations for 30 EO verbs, but she is interested in word order differences and does not aim to capture the whole syntactic distribution. Given the large amount of candidate verbs in German, the need for a comprehensive data-driven approach and the fruitfulness of its ultimate results for theoretical work is evident, but it may also be used to improve experimental work (which was the original motivation for the annotation effort at hand): The observed large differences between verbs within broad classes like \"accusative EO\" suggest that one should not assume all its members to behave alike and that insights gained from testing a small number of verbs might not generalise to the whole assumed class. If one is interested in a specific pattern, a Reliance analysis (cf. Section 2.1) will help to find verbs that typically occur in it. Also, the annotations enable the search for sentences fulfilling specific criteria, which can -in a modified form -be used in experiments in turn, cf. the methodology of modified stimulus composition as described in (B\u00f6rner et al., 2019) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 221, |
| "end": 246, |
| "text": "Belletti and Rizzi (1988)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 415, |
| "end": 449, |
| "text": "(Alexiadou and Iord\u0203chioaia, 2014;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 450, |
| "end": 477, |
| "text": "Pijpops and Speelman, 2017;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 478, |
| "end": 491, |
| "text": "Hirsch, 2018;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 492, |
| "end": 509, |
| "text": "Rott et al., 2020", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 680, |
| "end": 696, |
| "text": "Engelberg (2018)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1946, |
| "end": 1967, |
| "text": "(B\u00f6rner et al., 2019)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Why We Need a Large-Scaled Approach", |
| "sec_num": "1.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Our findings based on a large-scaled corpus-based analysis strengthen the hypothesis that the often (implicitly) assumed homogeneity of a category like \"accusative/dative EO verb\" is not reflected in actual empirical behaviour. While some existing works argue to provide a subclassification of the psych verb domain (e.g. (Hirsch, 2018) ), these works did not include strong corpus-linguistic aspects. Other corpus-based works (e.g. (M\u00f6ller, 2015) on the past participle of German psych verbs) focused on a small number of syntactic phenomena and did not pursue a broader perspective.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 322, |
| "end": 336, |
| "text": "(Hirsch, 2018)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 433, |
| "end": 447, |
| "text": "(M\u00f6ller, 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Why We Need a Large-Scaled Approach", |
| "sec_num": "1.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The basis of our annotation study are randomly extracted sentences from a corpus of the NZZ (Neue Z\u00fcrcher Zeitung, volumes 1993 -1999 , cf. (Ke\u00dfelmeier et al., 2009 NZZ, 1995 NZZ, to 1999 ). We chose 64 German EO verbs based on previous experimental and corpus studies (among others: (R\u00e4\u00e4ts, 2011; Temme and Verhoeven, 2017; Hirsch, 2018; Engelberg, 2018) ). To be included, the verb should be grammatically possible within a transitive EO-construction. We operationalised that by including verbs that are cited frequently as EO verbs in relevant publications or are clearly possible in such a construction by the intuition of all three (German native speaker) annotators. Semantically, the verb should display psych-predicate properties by clearly denoting an emotional or mental state or event. Both aspects are commonly referred to as distinctive features of psych EO verbs in the literature (cf. (Landau, 2010) among many others). Further constraints on the data set were imposed by balancing on overall frequency, case preference, morphological variety, and perfect tense auxiliary selection preference. For each of the candidate verbs, up to 200 samples were randomly extracted from the NZZ corpus. Roughly one third of these 64 verbs did not yield complete samples of 200 sentences due to their low corpus frequencies (for all sample sizes, cf. Appendix A). The samples were divided among and annotated by three native speakers of German with respect to a variety of syntactic patterns, the animacy of the stimulus (if present), an eventual stimulus-indicating PP or other kind of stimulus adjunct, syntactic aspects like control and a number of other potentially relevant factors.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 92, |
| "end": 127, |
| "text": "(Neue Z\u00fcrcher Zeitung, volumes 1993", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 128, |
| "end": 133, |
| "text": "-1999", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 134, |
| "end": 164, |
| "text": ", cf. (Ke\u00dfelmeier et al., 2009", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 165, |
| "end": 174, |
| "text": "NZZ, 1995", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 175, |
| "end": 187, |
| "text": "NZZ, to 1999", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 284, |
| "end": 297, |
| "text": "(R\u00e4\u00e4ts, 2011;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 298, |
| "end": 324, |
| "text": "Temme and Verhoeven, 2017;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF19" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 325, |
| "end": 338, |
| "text": "Hirsch, 2018;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 339, |
| "end": 355, |
| "text": "Engelberg, 2018)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 900, |
| "end": 914, |
| "text": "(Landau, 2010)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Resource and Annotation Process", |
| "sec_num": "1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The annotated syntactic patterns include: prototypical EO-transitive (X-STM V Y-EXP), intransitive (X-STM V) without a syntactically realised EXP, and Acc/Dat-EXP V without a phoric subject, but with a dative or accusative EXP. We further annotated both the stative (sein V-PII) and the eventive/verbal (werden V-PII) passive, and reflexive variants, where the experiencer is the subject (X V refl). Other patterns include constructions based on the past/perfect participle 2 like refl V-PII zeigen (\"to show oneself/feel V-ed\"), wirken/scheinen V-PII (\"seem V-ed\"), NoAux V-PII (without an auxiliary), where the status as a verb is rather doubtful (the same applies to the stative passive), a kind of causative pattern (X-CAUS V Y-EXP PP), the reflexive pattern + an additional genitive NP (X-EXP V refl Gen-STM) 3 , let-constructions with a reflexive (X lassen refl V), and a pattern that looks similar to the reflexive one but uses ablaut instead of reflexivisation (Nom-EXP V), as well as modal infinitives and embedding into the tough-construction.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Resource and Annotation Process", |
| "sec_num": "1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "After the first annotation stage was completed, each of the samples was revised by at least one further annotator in a subsequent adjudication step to decide on problematic cases. We did not consider a classic inter-annotator agreement calculation as fruitful in this case, but verified every annotation by at least a simple majority decision among the annotators. This resulted in a data set with a total of 10,290 annotated examples. All analyses and visualisations were performed in R (R Core Team, 2020) using the tidyverse (Wickham et al., 2019) . The data and accompanying material is publicly available via https: //github.com/Linguistic-Data-Science-Lab/German_EO_verbs. A comprehensive table containing the frequency data for all verbs and patterns can be found in Appendix A.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 528, |
| "end": 550, |
| "text": "(Wickham et al., 2019)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF23" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Resource and Annotation Process", |
| "sec_num": "1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As our data shows, the vast majority of the given verbs display a large variety of syntactic patterns. This syntactically promiscuous behaviour has been considered typical for psych verbs (cf. e.g. (Hirsch, 2018) ). The present corpus-annotation proved the domain of these verbs even more syntactically heterogeneous than expected. We are aware that our approach is, by all means, a frequentist one, which entails that we have to face the well-known issues that come along with frequentist methods, e.g. that non-occurrence in a corpus does not prove ungrammaticality per se, and the actual distribution might be to some extent corpus-dependent. However, we assume that higher frequencies of a specific verb in a specific syntactic configuration do reflect some characteristics of a verb. Additionally, it is possible to find occurrences of specific verbs in specific patterns that they were hitherto thought to disallow (cf. Section 2.3).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 198, |
| "end": 212, |
| "text": "(Hirsch, 2018)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Results and Implications", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As the corpus study on the syntactic pattern distribution of EO verbs has shown, their behaviour is notably heterogeneous (cf. Section 2.2). If a number of verbs that are frequently cited as examples for a particular verb class defined with a certain argument pattern in mind and researched (using introspective or experimental methods) as exemplars of that class turn out to occur in this pattern only comparatively rarely, then this can be crucial for experimental work as well as theoretical reflections. This may happen regardless of the general grammaticality in the respective pattern, which is, in our case, the transitive EO pattern.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To quantify the relation between the verbal lemma and the target construction mostly associated with the psych-EO class, we calculated the overall Reliance measure (introduced by Schmid (2000) , defined in equation 1) for each verb (excluding examples where the lemma clearly does not appear in its psych reading 4 ) for the transitive EO pattern (with an overt object experiencer, as in (2)) as well as the \"object drop\" intransitive construction, where the experiencer argument is not represented syntactically but is semantically present (a kind of arbitrary experiencer), as in (3).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 179, |
| "end": 192, |
| "text": "Schmid (2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(2) (NZZ 1995 The musical achievements impressed almost consistently.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 4, |
| "end": 13, |
| "text": "(NZZ 1995", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The association measure Reliance mirrors to what extent a certain lexeme (dis-)prefers a certain syntactic slot, calculated by the number of occurrences in a given construction (l c ) divided by the number of all occurrences of the lexeme, i.e. the sum of l c and the number of observed occurrences in other constructions, l \u00acc .", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "R = l c l c + l \u00acc", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) Figure 1 displays the Reliance for all verbs on the transitive (in black) and the intransitive (in grey) pattern, higher scores entailing a higher preference for the given construction. It strikes us as surprising that -while some verbs display a strong preference for the transitive EO pattern -particularly a number of verbs frequently used and analysed in works about the syntactic characteristics of EO verbs (e.g. (Verhoeven, 2014; Temme, 2018) ) display a relatively low (or mediocre) Reliance score regarding the transitive pattern (with an overt experiencer object). This particularly holds for verwundern \"to astonish\", ver\u00e4ngstigen \"to frighten\", deprimieren \"to depress\", begeistern \"to thrill, enthuse\", and ausreichen \"to suffice\", as well as for a number of other verbs, namely interessieren \"to interest\", freuen \"to be glad\", emp\u00f6ren \"to outrage\", am\u00fcsieren \"to amuse\", ekeln \"to disgust\", erfreuen \"to enjoy, delight\", langweilen \"to bore\", where we find a pattern alternation with the reflexive construction (cf. Figure 2 ).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 423, |
| "end": 440, |
| "text": "(Verhoeven, 2014;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF21" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 441, |
| "end": 453, |
| "text": "Temme, 2018)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 4, |
| "end": 12, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1035, |
| "end": 1043, |
| "text": "Figure 2", |
| "ref_id": "FIGREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The Prototypical EO-transitive Pattern", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This reflexive pattern is employed by some accusative 5 EO verbs. Here, the experiencer is realised in the subject position and the verb is reflexivised. The stimulus may be dropped entirely or be realised in a PP (the factors determining which preposition is used are still unclear although most verbs (heavily) favour one preposition). In the case of clausal stimuli, a pronominal adverb is used frequently (as in (5)). Engelberg (2018, pp. 61-65) observes that the experiencer subject variant is used far more often than the experiencer-object variant in verbs that allow for it, and asserts a negative correlation between the number of examples in the experiencer subject variant and the number of (eventive or stative) passive sentences (with a correlation coefficient of -0.64, compared to a correlation coefficient of +0.59 between passive sentences and EO sentences) (Engelberg, 2018, p. 64) . He speculates that both patterns compete because they serve the same function with regard to information structure, namely allowing the experiencer to be realised in the position typically occupied by topics. 6 While we observe a correlation in our data, it is not nearly as strong as in Engelberg's. This is due to the fact that the verbs from his study (am\u00fcsieren, \"to amuse\",\u00e4rgern \"to anger\", aufregen \"to upset\" (not in our data), freuen \"to please, be glad\", interessieren \"to interest\", and wundern \"to wonder\") are among the ones employing the reflexive pattern most frequently (cf. Figure 2 ). This shifted perspective sheds light on the need for larger groups of test verbs. As illustrated by Figure 2 , some verbs, although allowing the pattern, occur in the reflexive pattern much less frequently than others. Furthermore, some verbs occur in the passive as well as in the reflexive pattern, and we observe differences between the eventive (werden) and the stative (sein) passive. If we consider only the patterns on psych usages of the verbs, we find a negative correlation of -0.12 between the reflexive pattern and both passive variants combined, -0.14 between reflexive and werden passive, and -0.06 between reflexive and sein passive. While it is possible that both patterns are employed to achieve certain configurations meeting the speaker's information-structural desires, we would not overestimate this. Rather, we suspect that independent factors are responsible for the (un-)availability of the patterns -which is not to say that there is no (indirect) connection between them.", |
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| "section": "The Reflexive Pattern and its Relation to the Passive", |
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| "text": "While a discussion of all interesting differences between the verbs would be far beyond the scope of this paper, we illustrate some pattern distribution variation in Figure 3 . All of the verbs are accusative EO verbs and could thus naively be considered to fall into the same class. They all occur both within the transitive and the intransitive pattern. This is intriguing because it poses a challenge for all accounts of accusative EO verbs that do not take the experiencers to be \"real\" objects since, in German, so-called object-drop (which is what happens with our intransitive pattern) is only considered possible with \"real\" objects in the literature (cf. (Hirsch, 2018, pp. 163-165) ). 7 While wundern \"to wonder\" only occurs in three patterns and is dominated by the reflexive pattern, the other verbs are much more flexible although only begeistern \"to thrill, enthuse\" also displays the reflexive pattern. It is also one of only two verbs in the data set to showcase the construction we call X-CAUSE V Y-EXP PP, where semantically the subject referent causes the experiencer (realised as the object) to be in the psychological state expressed by the verb towards an object of emotion, which is realised in a PP (cf. (6) The professor made his students get excited about linguistics.", |
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| "end": 691, |
| "text": "(Hirsch, 2018, pp. 163-165)", |
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| "end": 1231, |
| "text": "(cf. (6)", |
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| ], |
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| "section": "Variation among Subclasses", |
| "sec_num": "2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Only schockieren \"to shock\" and irritieren \"to irritate, confuse\" occur in the eventive/verbal passive (werden V-PII).", |
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| "sec_num": "2.3" |
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| { |
| "text": "The assumed class of EO verbs and their realisation patterns remain a complex matter. Certain assumptions about verbs considered EO do not appear to hold from a larger-scaled quantitative perspective. This also affects the subclasses proposed on the basis of case preferences. It is also notable that a number of verbs that are considered \"typical\" for this verbal class (despite its debated heterogeneity and unresolved classification approaches) appear to have a strong association with syntactic patterns other than the prototypical one, e.g. the reflexive construction, which might particularly affect experimental research. We consider both the quantitative perspective as well as a gold-standard annotated resource of sufficient scope as necessary for further research on the issue, particularly in the domain of experimental and theoretical linguistics. 8 We only subsume examples with the semantics specified above under this label. Examples with e.g. a resultative PP do not fall under it. An anonymous reviewer remarks that other verbs might allow this pattern as well and it might be due to the limited number of occurrences we looked at that we did not find them. This is, of course, true and -as (i) shows -it is possible to construct such examples for faszinieren \"to fascinate\". ", |
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| "section": "Conclusion and Further Perspectives", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "V Y-EXP X-STM V X V refl werden V-PII sein V-PII wirken/scheinen V-PII X lassen refl V X-CAUS V Y-EXP PP refl V-PII zeigen Nom-EXP V NoAux V-PII EXP V refl Gen-STM Acc/Dat-EXP V", |
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| "section": "Conclusion and Further Perspectives", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "PII in the pattern names (after its traditional German name Partizip II \"participle II\").3 Most of these constructions appear limited to a small number of the candidate verbs, constructions like EXP V refl Gen-STM are arguably no longer productive in Modern Standard German, cf.(Hirsch, 2018).", |
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| "text": "We have also identified a number of occurrences that can be considered \"psych ambiguous\" due to an ambiguity or vagueness of the verb between a mental state and a non-mental state meaning (an example is schwerfallen \"to be/feel difficult\"). For the Reliance analysis, both unambiguously psych and psych ambiguous examples were included, while unambiguously non-psych occurrences were not considered.5 Gefallen \"to like\" is a dative EO verb that has a reflexive variant (and is listed inFigure 2accordingly) but its meaning in the reflexive variant is somewhat different from the one on the EO pattern and we probably have to deal with a different phenomenon here.", |
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| "text": "One should note that one would expect a third competitor due to the flexible German word order, namely simply putting the experiencer in topic position on the EO pattern. Word order with psych verbs in German is a complex topic though that we cannot delve into here.", |
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| "sec_num": null |
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| { |
| "text": "Hirsch himself argues based on introspective judgements that a subclass of accusative EO verbs containing wundern \"to wonder\" does in fact not allow it.", |
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| { |
| "text": "This work is part of the project The grammar of Experiencer-Object verbs: theoretical, computational and experimental approaches towards reflexive binding in German, which is supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) grant KI 759/9-1 to Tibor Kiss. We would like to thank three anonymous SyntaxFest reviewers for their comments.", |
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| "section": "Acknowledgements", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| { |
| "text": "Verb translation", |
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| "section": "Appendix A: Pattern Distribution", |
| "sec_num": null |
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