| { |
| "paper_id": "Y03-1015", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:34:43.604049Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "Subject Positions and Derivational Scope Calculation in Minimalist Syntax: A Phase-Based Approach", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Yukiko", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ueda", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "Meiji Gakuin University", |
| "location": { |
| "postCode": "1518", |
| "settlement": "Kamikuratacho" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "pxn13771@nifty.ne.jp" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "This paper proposes a new scope calculation system named a phase-based approach. The new system treats scope calculation as a feature-matching operation between more than one interpretable feature related to quantification (henceforth Fqunt1). We call this matching operation Fq.nrmatching. It is shown that the working space of Fquanrmatching is restricted by a syntactic unit phases. Given the matching operation for scope calculation in CHL, scope interpretation can be derivationally determined in narrow syntax as far as it is permitted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) proposed in Chomsky (2001). It is demonstrated that various mysterious scope facts in both English and Japanese are reducible to our phase-based scope system without any other special implement. 1 Introduction This paper explores the correlation between subject positions and scope interpretation in Chomsky's (2000, 2001) framework. Section 2 discusses variation in subject positions across languages. We claim that unlike English Nominative Case, C, rather than the finite T, is relevant to ga-marking in Japanese. We further argue for A'-properties of Japanese ga-marked subjects with emphasis on the parallelism between the ga-kara alternating constructions in Japanese and the preverbal and postverbal subject constructions in Greek and Catalan. In Section 3 and 4, based on our different subject positions, we propose a new scope system in terms of a syntactic unit called phases. It is demonstrated that the matching operation is subject to the PIC proposed in Chomsky's (2001) Derivation by Phase, using various scope facts in both English and Japanese, including Double Object Constructions (henceforth DOCs). It is claimed that scope calculation can be derivationally determined in narrow syntax with only existent basic implements for sentence building, that is, match and PIC. Section 5 has a conclusion. 2 The Position of Ga-Marked Subjects in Japanese Section 2 discusses the different status of the Nominative subject in English and the ga-marked subject in Japanese with the conclusion given in (1). (1) a. English Nominative subjects are licensed by T and placed in the TP-layer with A-properties. b. Japanese ga-marked subjects are licensed by C and placed in the CP-layer with A'-properties. 2.1 Japanese Ga-Marked Subjects Function as A'-Binders: Fukui (1984, 1986) Fukui (1984) claims that Japanese Nominative subjects show A'-properties in team of zibun-binding and Safir's Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding (henceforth PCOB). Zibun 'SELF' can refer not only to subjects as in (2a), but also to gapless Topic phrases, as in (2b), and relative head nouns, as I The term Fq i borrowed from Watanabe (1998). uant _S 134 in (2c). These positions are considered as typical A'-positions. (2) a. ga-subject Johnrga Mary-ni zibun; no imooto-o syookai-si-ta. John-Nom Mary-to SELF-Gen sister-Acc introduce-do-Past John introduced SELF's sister to Mary.' b. gapless topic Sono hahaoyarwa [ zibun;-no musuko-ga sinde simatta]. the mother-Top SELF-Gen son-Nom die-Past As for the mother;, SELF i's son died.' (Fukui 1984: 37) c. relative clause head [s Zibunrno hahaoya-ga kinoo sinde simatta] John;] SELF-Gen mother-Nom yesterday die-Past Joh\u01f9 Johns, SELFi's mother died yesterday.' (Fukui 1984: 8) Fukui (1984) attempts to give a unified account of these binding facts in (2) and proposes (3). (3) Zibun must be bound by the closest A'-binder. (Fukui 1984: 27) Namely, Fukui claims that the ga-marked subject in (2a) occupies an A'-position on a par with (2b) and (2c). Furthermore, making use of Safir's Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding, given in (4), he argues for the A'-status of Japanese subjects. (4) Safir's PCOB (Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding) If 0 is an operator and x is a variable bound by 0, then for any y, y a variable, x and y are the same in their feature specifications. (slightly modified by Fukui 1984) The Japanese binding facts illustrated in (5) are subject to Safir's PCOB. Kare 'HIS' and zibu\u01f9 SELF' are not the same in their feature specification. That is why (5a) and (5b) are ungrammatical. The main point is that Safir's PCOB is a constraint on A'-binding and not on A-binding. That is, Japanese ga-marked subjects function as A'-binders.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y03-1015", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper proposes a new scope calculation system named a phase-based approach. The new system treats scope calculation as a feature-matching operation between more than one interpretable feature related to quantification (henceforth Fqunt1). We call this matching operation Fq.nrmatching. It is shown that the working space of Fquanrmatching is restricted by a syntactic unit phases. Given the matching operation for scope calculation in CHL, scope interpretation can be derivationally determined in narrow syntax as far as it is permitted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) proposed in Chomsky (2001). It is demonstrated that various mysterious scope facts in both English and Japanese are reducible to our phase-based scope system without any other special implement. 1 Introduction This paper explores the correlation between subject positions and scope interpretation in Chomsky's (2000, 2001) framework. Section 2 discusses variation in subject positions across languages. We claim that unlike English Nominative Case, C, rather than the finite T, is relevant to ga-marking in Japanese. We further argue for A'-properties of Japanese ga-marked subjects with emphasis on the parallelism between the ga-kara alternating constructions in Japanese and the preverbal and postverbal subject constructions in Greek and Catalan. In Section 3 and 4, based on our different subject positions, we propose a new scope system in terms of a syntactic unit called phases. It is demonstrated that the matching operation is subject to the PIC proposed in Chomsky's (2001) Derivation by Phase, using various scope facts in both English and Japanese, including Double Object Constructions (henceforth DOCs). It is claimed that scope calculation can be derivationally determined in narrow syntax with only existent basic implements for sentence building, that is, match and PIC. Section 5 has a conclusion. 2 The Position of Ga-Marked Subjects in Japanese Section 2 discusses the different status of the Nominative subject in English and the ga-marked subject in Japanese with the conclusion given in (1). (1) a. English Nominative subjects are licensed by T and placed in the TP-layer with A-properties. b. Japanese ga-marked subjects are licensed by C and placed in the CP-layer with A'-properties. 2.1 Japanese Ga-Marked Subjects Function as A'-Binders: Fukui (1984, 1986) Fukui (1984) claims that Japanese Nominative subjects show A'-properties in team of zibun-binding and Safir's Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding (henceforth PCOB). Zibun 'SELF' can refer not only to subjects as in (2a), but also to gapless Topic phrases, as in (2b), and relative head nouns, as I The term Fq i borrowed from Watanabe (1998). uant _S 134 in (2c). These positions are considered as typical A'-positions. (2) a. ga-subject Johnrga Mary-ni zibun; no imooto-o syookai-si-ta. John-Nom Mary-to SELF-Gen sister-Acc introduce-do-Past John introduced SELF's sister to Mary.' b. gapless topic Sono hahaoyarwa [ zibun;-no musuko-ga sinde simatta]. the mother-Top SELF-Gen son-Nom die-Past As for the mother;, SELF i's son died.' (Fukui 1984: 37) c. relative clause head [s Zibunrno hahaoya-ga kinoo sinde simatta] John;] SELF-Gen mother-Nom yesterday die-Past Joh\u01f9 Johns, SELFi's mother died yesterday.' (Fukui 1984: 8) Fukui (1984) attempts to give a unified account of these binding facts in (2) and proposes (3). (3) Zibun must be bound by the closest A'-binder. (Fukui 1984: 27) Namely, Fukui claims that the ga-marked subject in (2a) occupies an A'-position on a par with (2b) and (2c). Furthermore, making use of Safir's Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding, given in (4), he argues for the A'-status of Japanese subjects. (4) Safir's PCOB (Parallelism Constraint on Operator Binding) If 0 is an operator and x is a variable bound by 0, then for any y, y a variable, x and y are the same in their feature specifications. (slightly modified by Fukui 1984) The Japanese binding facts illustrated in (5) are subject to Safir's PCOB. Kare 'HIS' and zibu\u01f9 SELF' are not the same in their feature specification. That is why (5a) and (5b) are ungrammatical. The main point is that Safir's PCOB is a constraint on A'-binding and not on A-binding. That is, Japanese ga-marked subjects function as A'-binders.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "(5) a.* Johnrga karerno kaban to zibun; no syasin-o mot-te-kaet-te-ki-ta John-Nom HIS-Gen bag and SELF-Gen picture-Acc take-TE-back-TE-come-Past lohni came back with HIS; bag and a picture of I-MVISELFi.' b.*Johni-ga zibun no kaban to karerno syasin-o mot-te-kaet-te-ki-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "c. Johnrga karerno kaban to karei-nosyasin-o mot-te-kaet-te-ki-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "SELF HIS", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "d. Johnrga zibunrno kaban to zibunrno syasin-o mot-te-kaet-te-ki-ta. SELF SELF (Fukui 1984) On the other hand, the grammaticality of the English sentence (6) indicates that English Nominative subjects are A-binders.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 79, |
| "end": 91, |
| "text": "(Fukui 1984)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "HIS HIS", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(6) Johni came back with hisi bag and a picture of himselfi. (Fukui 1984) To sum up, Japanese subjects have syntactically different properties from English Nominative subjects with respect to the A/A' dichotomy. The former shows A'-status, the latter, whose Case is generally assumed to be licensed by the finite T, A-properties. What then is the position of Japanese subjects? On the basis of his research, Fukui (1984 Fukui ( , 1986 proposes the adjunct hypothesis of Japanese subjects, that is, V'-adjoined position for Japanese subjects. In the subsequent subsections, accepting his claim that Japanese subjects are placed in A'-position with A'-property, we will reach a different conclusion with respect to the position of Japanese ga-marked subjects. We claim that the most plausible position for Japanese ga-marked subjects is the CP-Spec position, which has A'properties.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 61, |
| "end": 73, |
| "text": "(Fukui 1984)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 408, |
| "end": 419, |
| "text": "Fukui (1984", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 420, |
| "end": 434, |
| "text": "Fukui ( , 1986", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "HIS HIS", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Consider the scope interaction between ga-marked subjects and Negation (henceforth Neg). Gamarked subjects in non-scrambled sentences always take scope over sentential Neg as illustrated in (7). (7) a. Daremo-ga ohiru-o tabe-nak-atta. (every > Neg, *Neg > every) everyone-Nom lunch-Acc eat-Neg-Past Nobody ate lunch.' b. 3-nin no gakusei-ga ohiru-o tabe-nak-atta. (3 > Neg, *Neg > 3) 3-CL Gen student-Nom lunch-Acc eat-Neg-Past There are three students who did not take lunch.'", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 202, |
| "end": 211, |
| "text": "Daremo-ga", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Scope Interaction with Negation", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "If we assume that sentential Neg is generated between vP and TP (Pollock 1989) , it is plausible that Japanese ga-subjects are located outside vP.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 64, |
| "end": 78, |
| "text": "(Pollock 1989)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Scope Interaction with Negation", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To summarize the discussion so far, Japanese ga-marked subjects have A'-properties and are placed in the position higher than Neg, at least, outside vP. In the subsequent subsections, we forward our claim that a position somewhere in CP is one of the most plausible candidates for Japanese gamarked subjects.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Scope Interaction with Negation", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This subsection further narrows down the discussion to the question of the possible positions for Japanese subjects. It is shown that C, rather than finite T, is involved in ga-marking in Japanese. Takezawa (1987) argues that not only English Nominative Case, but also Japanese ga is assigned by finite T (INFL in his terms). Takezawa (1987) shows that ga cannot be assigned to vP-internal elements without the finite T, using the Small Clause type examples in (8) and causative constructions in (9). The predicates of these types do not permit any Tense morphemes in the embedded clause.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 198, |
| "end": 213, |
| "text": "Takezawa (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 326, |
| "end": 341, |
| "text": "Takezawa (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Against the Involvement of Finite T in Ga-Marking", |
| "sec_num": "2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(8) Small Clause type complements a. with a finite Tense morpheme John-ga jcp [ Mary-no yokogao]-ga totemo utukusi-i ] to] omot-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Against the Involvement of Finite T in Ga-Marking", |
| "sec_num": "2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Mary-Gen profile-Nom very beautiful-Pres COMP think-Past John thought Mary's profile was ((lit.) is) very beautiful.' b. without a finite Tense morpheme John-ga [ Mary-no yokogao]-*gai-o totemo utukusiku] omot-ta. John-Nom Mary-Gen profile-Nom/-Acc very beautiful think-Past (lit.)`John thought Mary's profile very beautiful.' (Takezawa 1987:73-75) Complement subject positions of -sase `CADS' and -moraw 'receive' a. John-wa [ Mary-nil*-ga susi-o tabe]-sase-ta. John-Top Mary-Dati-Nom susi-Acc eat -CAUS-Past John made Mary eat susi.' b. John-wa [ Mary-nil*-ga syukudai-o tetudat-te]-morat-ta. John-Top Mary-Dat/-Nom homework-Acc help-TE-receive-Past (lit.)`John received Mary's helping (his) homework.' (= John had Mary help with his homework.) (Takezawa 1987:76) Contrary to Takezawa's claim, there is evidence that the existence of the finite T is not relevant to ga-marking. Some subordinate clauses with the non-finite T permit a ga-marked subject as illustrated in (10). (11) provides a piece of evidence that the subordinate clauses such as nagaramo 'though' and temo 'even if' disallow the Tense morphemes -ru Tres' and -ta Past'.2 (10) a. [cp Zen syusyoo-ga aredake huhyoo-o", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 327, |
| "end": 348, |
| "text": "(Takezawa 1987:73-75)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 747, |
| "end": 765, |
| "text": "(Takezawa 1987:76)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "John-Nom", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "the former Prime Minister-Nom so much disrepute-Acc buy-though konkai-no senkyo-wa Zimintoo-ga assyoo sita. this election-Top, the LDP-Nom swept the board The LDP swept the board in this election [cp though the former Prime Minister was blamed so much].' b.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "[cp Ame-ga hut-temo], watasi-wa dekake-ru.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "2 Kuroda observed the same point with sentences using nagara as in (i).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(i) Titioya-ga keikan de ari nagara, kare-wa tumi-o okasite-simat-ta. father-Nom policeman be though he-Top sin-Acc commit-PertPast Though his father is a policeman, he committed a sin.' 11show that unlike English Nominative subjects, the ga-marked subjects are not dependent on the existence of the finite T. The crucial difference between Takezawa's (8a) and (8b)-(9a-b) is not whether the embedded clauses have a finite T or not, but whether or not they have a C-projection. The embedded clauses in (8b) and (9a-b) must be a vP with no higher projections, that is, neither a TP nor a CP, because they cannot take sentential adverbs such as saikin 'recently' asu 'tomorrow', and kino\u00f2 yesterday', as illustrated in (12) and (13). Contrary to (12a), the adverb saikin 'recently' is not related to the embedded clauses in (12b) and (13a-b). This means that there is no finite T connected with the sentential adverb in these embedded clauses. The embedded clauses must be smaller than TP. Furthermore, Takezawa (1987) claims that [+stative] predicates such as -hosi `want/prefer' do not assign accusative Case to the embedded subject. Instead, ga is assigned to it in situ from the matrix finite T (INFO as shown in (15). According to Takezawa, the adjective -hosi permits S'(=CP)deletion optionally. If S'(=CP) deletes, then ga is assigned from the matrix finite T in the ECM fashion. However, if we assume that C is relevant to ga-marking, such a deletion operation can be eliminated. That is, -hosi 'want' takes a CP-complement when the embedded subject is marked with ga. We can reach a unified account for ga-marking in Takezawa's grammatical contrast as in (8) and(9), subordinate clauses as in (10), and adjective-hosi `want/prefer' type complements as in (15).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 341, |
| "end": 356, |
| "text": "Takezawa's (8a)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1001, |
| "end": 1016, |
| "text": "Takezawa (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To sum up so far, we claim that the availability of ga-marking does not depend on the finite T, but on the existence of C.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(16)C, rather than finite T, is involved in ga-marking in Japanese.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Pushing the idea that C is involved in ga-marking, we should further develop our original and independent arguments for A'-status of Japanese ga-marked subjects. Next subsection discusses this point cross-linguistically.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "kai-nagaramo],", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Greek/Catalan and the Ga-Kara 'Nom-from' Alternating Constructions in Japanese Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998) claim that in Greek/Catalan, the preverbal subjects show A'status, whereas the postverbal subjects A-status. In this subsection, we observe that exactly the same is true with the ga-kara `Nom-from' alternating constructions in Japanese. Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998) In Greek and Catalan, SVO and VSO word order are both possible, as shown in 17. 17 The second piece of evidence for the A'-status of the preverbal subjects comes from the bound variable interpretation of overt personal pronouns in Catalan. As given in (20), a bound variable reading is impossible in the preverbal position, but it is possible in the postverbal position (Barbosa 1995) . They account for these facts on the basis of the assumption that the preverbal subjects occupy an A'-position. Thus, pronouns cannot be interpreted as bound variables.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 79, |
| "end": 115, |
| "text": "Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 353, |
| "end": 389, |
| "text": "Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 760, |
| "end": 774, |
| "text": "(Barbosa 1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Parallelism between the Preverbal and Postverbal Subject Constructions in", |
| "sec_num": "2.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(20)a. *Tots els setudeiantsi es pensen que ells; aprovaran.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "All the student think that they pass All the students think they will pass.' b. Tots els jugadorsi estan convencus que guanyaran ells;.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "All the players are persuaded that win the\u1ef3 All the players are persuaded that they are the ones who will win.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The third piece of evidence is related to the issue of scope ambiguity in Greek. Greek quantificational elements in the preverbal subject position have unambiguous scope, whereas in the postverbal position the subject can have ambiguous scope:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(21) a. SVO order: (some > every, *every > some) Kapios fititis stihiothetise kathe arthro. some student filed every articl\u00e8 There is some student, who filed every article.' b. VSO order: (some > every, every > some) stihiothetise kapios fititis kathe arthro. filed some student every articl\u00e8 There is some student, who filed every article.' Every article was filed by a different student.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In (21a) kapios fititis 'some student' in the preverbal position necessarily has wide scope over the universal quantifier phrase kathe arthro 'every article' in object position. On the other hand, the postverbal subject in (21b) can have narrow or wide scope.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To summarize, the facts given above indicates that the preverbal subject position in Greek/Catalan has A'-status. 22aand 22b ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Greek/Catalan:", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Japanese has a structure parallel to the Greek preverbal and postverbal subject alternation discussed above. Cho (1995) , Inoue (1998 Inoue ( , 2001 , and Ito (2001) observe that a class of verbs, which has the -ga -ni -o Case pattern and a ni-phrase carrying the feature [+animate] and the sense of endpoint, permits the ga-kara Nom-from' alternation (ex. okur 'send', tutae 'report', sikar 'scold', iw 'say', hanas speak', ageru `give'). Inoue (1998) calls the sentences with postpositional subjects Disguised Subjectless Sentences (henceforth DSSs). Typical examples are given in (23). c. Watasi-gal-kara Taroo-ni sono zizitu-o tutae-te-oki-masu.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 109, |
| "end": 119, |
| "text": "Cho (1995)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 122, |
| "end": 133, |
| "text": "Inoue (1998", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 134, |
| "end": 148, |
| "text": "Inoue ( , 2001", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 155, |
| "end": 165, |
| "text": "Ito (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Japanese: Ga-Kara Wom-From' Alternation", |
| "sec_num": "2.4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Taro-to the fact-Acc tell-TE-put-Pres I will tell the fact to Taro.' (Ito 2001) The ga-kara pairs of sentences given in (23) are very similar to the preverbal and postverbal subject constructions observed in Greek and Catalan. First, the alternating subjects are placed in syntactically different positions. One is a vP-internal position. The other is outside vP. Unfortunately, the point with respect to word order restrictions given in (18) and (19) in Greek cannot be reproduced for Japanese, because Japanese is one of the head-final languages. However, contrary to the ga-marked subject, it is demonstrated that the karamarked subject is in the vP-internal subject position by the causativization test. In Japanese, -ga '-Nom' cannot occur in the embedded clause in causative constructions. It has to be replaced with an embedded subject marker -ni 'NI', as illustrated in (24).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 69, |
| "end": 79, |
| "text": "(Ito 2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "4 With respect to the EPP-satisfaction of T, A&A (1998) propose the EPP parameter as in (i).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(i) The EPP parameter In Null Subject Languages (NSLs), it is parameterized as to whether the EPP-feature in T can be satisfied with a head X\u00b0. Greek and Catalan take a value such that the EPP-feature in T is satisfied with X\u00b0 via V-raising. 25shows that the size of the embedded clause is smaller than TP, that is, vP. Next consider (26),where one of the DSS verbs, setumei-s 'explain-do', is the head of the complement vP of -sas\u00e8 CAUS'. It follows that the kara-subjects are generated as a vP-internal argument subject, unlike the ga-marked subjects. This is parallel to the Greek non-inverted subject constructions. Namely, the subject in VSO order in Greek corresponds to the DSS kara-subject.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Second, the same contrast with respect to variable binding observed in Catalan, mentioned in (20), can be found between the ga-marked subject and the DSS kara-subject in Japanese, as illustrated in (29). In (20), the bound variable interpretation with overt personal pronouns is impossible in preverbal position, but it is possible in postverbal position. to] it-ta. everyone-Nom they-from Taro-Acc scold-Pres Comp say-Past Tveryonei said that theyi will scold Taro.' Finally, in Greek, quantificational elements in the preverbal subject position have unambiguous scope, whereas in the postverbal position the subject can have ambiguous scope. In (21a), kapios fititis 'some student' in preverbal position has necessarily wide scope over the universal quantifier phrase kathe arthro 'every article' in object position. On the other hand, the postverbal subject in (21b) can have both narrow and wide scopes.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "What is remarkable is that exactly the same contrast between the two subject positions in Greek can be observed in Japanese as a contrast between the ga-marked subject and the DSS kara-subject:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(30)a. ga-subject: (some > every, *every > some)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Dareka-ga dono tegami-mo okut-te-oi-te-kudasai. someone-Nom every letter send-TE-put-TE-imperative 'I hope that there is someone who sends every letter.' *1 hope that each letter is sent by someone.' b. kara-subject: (some > every, every > some)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Dareka-kara dono tegami-mo okut-te-oi-te-kudasai. someone-from every letter send-TE-put-TE-imperative 'I hope that there is someone who sends every letter.' I hope that each letter is sent by someone.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We have observed that Japanese sentences with the ga-kara alternating constructions parallel syntactically the preverbal and postverbal subject constructions in Greek and Catalan. It follows that like Greek and Catalan, these contrasts between the ga-subject and the kara-subject are reduced to the idea that the two subjects are placed in different syntactic positions. The kara-subject is placed in a vP-internal position and has A-properties, whereas the ga-subject is in a position higher than [Spec, TP] , namely, in the CP-layer, and has A'-properties.5 3 Proposals: Scope Interpretation Assuming the difference in subject positions, we propose that Watanabe's (1998 Watanabe's ( , 2000 Agree. We call this operation F rmatching. Following Watanabe (1998 , we assume that if the Nuant-matching operation is executed in narrow syntax, then this creates inverse scope reading at LF. As far as feature-matching is one of the legitimate operations in narrow syntax, it follows that its application is restricted by the syntactic unit phases and that it is subject to the PIC. We call the new scope system a phase-based approach. The phase-based approach eliminates a parameter with respect to the language variation of the availability of QR or the location of strong feature. Different scope phenomena between languages follow from a more general apparatus for sentence building, namely, match and the PIC.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 498, |
| "end": 508, |
| "text": "[Spec, TP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 656, |
| "end": 672, |
| "text": "Watanabe's (1998", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 673, |
| "end": 692, |
| "text": "Watanabe's ( , 2000", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 736, |
| "end": 760, |
| "text": "Following Watanabe (1998", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "I-Nom/-from", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Before demonstrating our new scope mechanism, we summarize our assumptions. First, we crucially use Chomsky's (2001) Derivation by Phase version of PIC:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 100, |
| "end": 116, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(31) The Phase Impenetrability Condition", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The domain of H is not accessible to operation at ZP, but only Hand its edge.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "[zp Z [Hp [ H ] I (where ZP and HP are strong phases) (Chomsky 2001) 5 As for unavailability of the [Spec, TP] position in Japanese, Ueda (2002) discusses it in terms of the idea that Japanese is one of the non-agreement forced languages in the sense of Kuroda (1998). Ueda attempts to restate Kuroda's insight as the 4:o-defectiveness of Japanese T in Chomsky's (2000 and framework. The crucial mechanism is as follows: 4)-features would allow T to be activated, but Japanese T has a null set of 0-features. Thus, Japanese T can neither enter into an Agree-relation nor have the EPP feature. That is why Japanese [Spec, TP] is unavailable for Nominative subjects. Case-feature of subject NPs must wait for the next probe, that is, C.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 54, |
| "end": 68, |
| "text": "(Chomsky 2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 133, |
| "end": 144, |
| "text": "Ueda (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 353, |
| "end": 372, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2000 and", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The PIC is a syntactic condition, which restricts the size of 'working space' of syntactic operations and the timing of Spell-Out. (31) means that YP, which is a complement of a phase HP, cannot be accessible to operation at the next higher phase ZP, because the complement YP is spelled-out after the head Z is merged, projecting the next phase ZP. (32) is a schematic structure of the visible domain at ZP-phase level.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(32) The boxed portions indicate the visible domain at ZP-phase Z . YP] . edge head strong phase strong phase Furthermore, we introduce a new notion deactivated NPs, given in (33), and assume (34) with respect to the timing of the application of the matching operation.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(33)Deactivated NPs are NPs all of whose uninterpretable features are marked for deletion.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(34) The Nm-matching operation applies to deactivated NPs.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Given 31)-(34, it is demonstrated that mysterious scope takings in declaratives and ditransitives in both English and Japanese are appropriately reducible to the phase-based scope system. The typical scopal contrast between the two languages given in (35) is accounted for in the following way.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(35) a. English: ambiguous (some > every, every > some) Someone loves everyone. b. Japanese: unambiguous (some > every, *every > some)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Dareka-ga daremo-o aisitei-m.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "C [Tpl Subj. T fop v* [vp Obj. 1 1\u00b0K flquant-matching strong phase I[VP Q]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "iv*P *F \"t-matching (35a) and (35b) are the schematic structures of (36a) and (36b) respectively. Assuming the notion of deactivated NPs, given in (33) and the research results in Section 2, English subject QP becomes a deactivated NP when its uninterpretable Case-feature is marked for deletion by T. Thus, English subject QP can be a probe for Fquant-matching at the completion of TP. Therefore, in English, the Obj. QP is visible from the Subj. QP in [Spec, TP] , because TP is not a strong phase and the complement of v*P, namely, VP, is not spelled-out yet. The boxed portion is the visible domain of a relevant Numprobe, namely, the Subj.QP in (36a). As the result, Nuan t-matching is possible between the Subj. QP and the Obj. QP in English, resulting in the inverse scope at LF. Thus, (35a) is two-way-ambiguous at LF. One is the wide scope reading of the existential quantifier someone in the canonical order. The other is the inverse scope reading via Fquaut-matching, that is, the universal quantifier everyone takes scope over the existential quantifier someone. On the other hand, as discussed in Section 2, C, rather than T is involved in ga-marking in Japanese. That is, Japanese ga-marked subjects can be a deactivated NP at the completion of CP. When C merges with TP, the complement of the lower strong phase v*P, namely, VP is spelled-out and the Obj. QP is invisible from the subj. QP in CP-layer. Num-matching is impossible. Thus, Japanese shows the fixed scope in canonical order.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 454, |
| "end": 464, |
| "text": "[Spec, TP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Furthermore, scope facts in Catalan given in (21) can be also reducible to our phase-based scope system. The schematic structures of (21a) and (21b) are given in (37). Hale and Keyser (2002) and Takezawa (2000) , we provide the threelayered vP structure (39) for DOCs in English and a class of ditransitive constructions in Japanese. In (39), v3 projects an external argument for the subject NP, which is the same as a normal transitiviser in transitive clauses. A remaining v*P1 guarantees the possessor relation between IO and DO in a sense of Hale and Keyser (2002) and Takezawa (2000) . Furthermore, we propose that not only the subject NP, but also the IO moves from [Spec, v*P1] to [Spec, v*P2], because only the IO in DOCs allows quantifier stranding on a par with subject NP, as shown in (40). We assume that the IO gets a new theta-role, [+affected] , in [Spec, v*P2], because the I0 is subject to the animacy condition in both English and Japanese. Given the structure (39), the mysterious scope facts in both English and Japanese given in (41), (42), and (43), are also naturally accounted for under our phase-based approach without any other stipulative conditions.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 168, |
| "end": 190, |
| "text": "Hale and Keyser (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 195, |
| "end": 210, |
| "text": "Takezawa (2000)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 546, |
| "end": 568, |
| "text": "Hale and Keyser (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 573, |
| "end": 588, |
| "text": "Takezawa (2000)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(41)Scope fixing between IO and DO:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The IO always takes scope over the DO in both English and Japanese.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "a. John gave someone everything. (JO > DO, *DO > IO) IO DO b. John-ga dareka-ni dono hon mo age-ta. (10 >DO, *DO >10)", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 33, |
| "end": 52, |
| "text": "(JO > DO, *DO > IO)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "John-Nom someone NI every book give-Past (42) Asymmetrical scope taking:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The DO cannot take scope over the subject, but the IO can in English.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "a. Someone gave everyone his report card. (Subj > 10, IO > Subj) 6 We assume that Case-feature of the kara-subject NP is vP-internally licensed by the postposition kara 'from'. Therefore, the kara-subject can be a deactivated NP in the position within vP-layer. Asymmetrical scope between the JO and the DO in both English and Japanese given in (41) can be predictable from the schematic structure (44)(= (39)). The complement of vl, namely, VP, is spelled out when v2 merges with v*P1 and thus, the DO is not visible from the IO position. Therefore Fquatir matching is impossible between the IO and the DO in both English and Japanese. The contrast between English (41a) and Japanese (42a) is attributed to the difference in subject positions in those languages discussed above. As shown in (45a) and (46a), the IO is visible from the English subject in [Spec, TP] , because [Spec, v*P2] is an edge and is not spelled-out yet at the v*P3phase level, whereas it is invisible from the Japanese ga-marked subject in CP-layer. That is why only English permits ambiguous reading between the subject QP and the JO.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 54, |
| "end": 64, |
| "text": "IO > Subj)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 855, |
| "end": 865, |
| "text": "[Spec, TP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 876, |
| "end": 882, |
| "text": "[Spec,", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 883, |
| "end": 888, |
| "text": "v*P2]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As for the scope interaction between subject QP and DO, the DOs in both English and Japanese are too far from the subject positions. Thus, neither English nor Japanese allows F t-matching, resulting in unambiguous reading. 45 In this paper, it has been shown that unlike English Nominative subjects, ga-marked subjects are placed in the CP-layer with A'-properties. We observed that the ga-marked subjects and kara-marked subjects syntactically parallel those of the inverted and non-inverted subjects in Greek and Catalan. Based on the assumption of different subject positions, we proposed a new scope calculation system called the phase-based approach. In our system the operation to create binary-absorbed quantifiers is reducible to a syntactic operation Agree. We called this operation Fq rmatching. This matching operation creates the inverse scope reading. We have demonstrated that our new scope system can give a unified account for various mysterious scope phenomena in several languages. Given our phase-based approach to scope calculation, scope interpretation can be derivationally determined in narrow syntax at every strong phase as far as Chomsky's (2001) PIC permits. That is, the derivation in narrow syntax directly feeds the interpretation. Furthermore, if this approach is on the right track, the adequacy of the existence of phases as a syntactic unit as well as the relevance of the PIC in Chomsky's Derivation by Phase is also demonstrated by the results of our research.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1156, |
| "end": 1172, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Assumptions", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A reviewer of Japanese/Korean linguistics pointed out that (19b) is perfect in English if there are a comma and a pose between Peter and if. However, we ignore the case with special poses and stresses in this paper. We leave the issues open to future studies.(A & A 1998: 494)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper is a revised version of a part of my Ph.D dissertation submitted, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Acknowledgements", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "bib_entries": { |
| "BIBREF0": { |
| "ref_id": "b0", |
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| "last": "Alexiadou", |
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| "first": "Elena", |
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| "last": "Anagnostopoulou", |
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| "volume": "16", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "491--539", |
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| "raw_text": "Alexiadou, Artemis, and Elena Anagnostopoulou. 1998. Parameterizing AGR: Word Order, V-Movement, and EPP-Checking. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16: 491-539.", |
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| "title": "Null Subjects. Doctoral dissertation, MIT", |
| "authors": [ |
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| "last": "Barbosa", |
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| "year": 2000, |
| "venue": "Step by step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. 89-115", |
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| "raw_text": "Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist Inquiries: the Framework, in R. Martin, D. Michael, and J. Uriagereka, eds., Step by step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. 89-115. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.", |
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| "title": "Derivation by Phase", |
| "authors": [ |
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| "first": "Noam", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chomsky", |
| "suffix": "" |
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| "year": 2001, |
| "venue": "Ken Hale: A Life in Language. 1-52", |
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| "raw_text": "Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by Phase, in M. Kenstowicz, ed., Ken Hale: A Life in Language. 1-52. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.", |
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| "FIGREF0": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "fall-even if I-Top go out-Pres I'll go out even if it rains.' (11) a. *[cp Zen syusyoo-ga aredake huhyoo-o kaw-rul-ta nagaramo],... b. *[cp Ame-ga hu-rul-ta-temo], V-Pres/-Past-though V-Pres/-Past-even if (10) and" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "a. 0 Petros pandreftike tin Ilektra. (SVO) (Greek) Peter married Ilektr\u00e0 Peter married Ilektra.' b. pandreftike 0 Petros tin Ilektra. (VSO) married Peter Ilektr\u00e0 Peter married Ilektra.' A & A (1998) argue for the A'-status of the preverbal subjects. First, the preverbal subject in Greek can precede sentential adverbs such as xtes 'yesterday', as given in (18) and complementizers such as an 'if', as in (19). (18) 0 Petros xtes meta apo poles prospathies sinandise ti Maria. Peter yesterday after from many efforts met Mar\u1ef3 After many efforts, Peter met Mary yesterday.' (19) a. Epid 0 Petros an erthi i Maria tha figi because Peter if comes Mary FUT leav\u00e8 Because if Mary comes, Peter will leave.' b. *Because Peter if Mary comes, will leave3" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "23) a. Anata-gal-kara Taroo-ni tegami-o okut-te-kudasai. you-Nom/-from Taro-to a letter-Acc send-TE-imperativ\u00e8 Please send a letter (from you).' b. Anata-gal-kara Taroo-o sikat-te-kudasai. you-Nom/-from Taro-Acc scold-TE-imperativ\u00e8 Please scold Taro.'" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "(26) Troo-ga [Dssvp watasi-ni kanozyo no byoozyoo-o setumei-s]-(s)ase-ta.Taro-NomI-NI her condition-Acc explain-do-CAUS-Past. Taro made me explain her condition (to someone).' However, once the goal ni-phrase of setumei-s 'explain' is phonetically realized in the embedded clause, ni-subject is avoided and should be replaced with kara-subject:(27) a.??Troo-wa [Dssv p watasi-ni Mary-ni kanozyo no byoozyoo-o setumei-s]-(s)ase-ta.Taro-Top I-NI Mary-to her condition-Acc explain-do-CAUS-Past. Taro made me explain her; condition to Marys.' b. Troo-wa [ watasi-kara Mary-ni kanozyo no byoozyoo-o setumei-s]-(s)ase-ta. Taro-Top I-from Mary-to her condition-Acc explain-do-CAUS-Past. Taro made me explain hers condition to Marys.' (27) indicates that the embedded subject marker ni 'NI' can alternate with kara 'from' within the vP embedded clause. Furthermore, (28) shows that the kara-subject allows only VP adverbs on a par with ni-subject observed in (25). (28)a. VP adverb Troo-wa [yukkurito watasi-kara Mary-ni kanozyo no byoozyoo-o setumei-s]-(s)ase-ta. Taro-Top deliberately I-from Mary-to her condition-Acc explain-do-CAUS-Past. 'Taro made [me explain hers condition to Marys deliberately]: b. sentential adverb *Troo-wa [saiwaini watasi-kara Mary-ni kanozyo no byoozyoo-o setumei-s]-(s)ase-ta. Taro-Top fortunately I-from Mary-to her condition-Acc explain-do-CAUS-Past. Taro made [me explain hers condition to Marys fortunately].' (only a matrix reading)" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF4": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "29) a.*Daremorga [ karerai-ga Taroo-o sikar-u to] it-ta. everyone-Nom they-Nom Taro-Acc scold-Pres Comp say-Past *Tveryonei said that theyi will scold Taro.' b. Daremoi-ga [ karerai-kara Taroo-o sikar-u" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF5": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "F quant -m o v e m e n t i n o v e r t s y n t a x i s r e d u c i b l e t o C h o m s k y ' s ( 2 0 0 0 , 2 0 0 1 )" |
| }, |
| "TABREF2": { |
| "text": "are the structures of the preverval and postverbal subject constructions", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>in Greek and Catalan.4</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(22) a. SVO order (the preverbal Subj. construction)</td><td/></tr><tr><td>[cp Subj\u2022i</td><td>T +V [VP</td><td>tv Obj.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. VSO order (the postverbal Subj. construction)</td><td/></tr><tr><td>[cp [.rp</td><td>T +V [VP Subj.</td><td>tv Obj. ]]]</td></tr></table>", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| }, |
| "TABREF3": { |
| "text": "Nom apple-Acc eat-Past John ate an apple.' b. Mary-ga [John-*gaPK-ni ringo-o tabej-sase-ta.Mary-Nom John-Nom/-Dat apple-Ace eat-CAUS-Past Mary made John eat an apple.'As I mentioned above, it is not a sentential adverb, but a VP adverb that the embedded clause in (24b) can take, as illustrated in (25).", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>(24)a. John-ga</td><td>ringo-o</td><td>tabe-ta.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">John-(25)a. VP adverb Mary-ga [ gatugatu to John-ni Mary-Nom hungrily John-Dat apple-Acc eat-CAUS-Past ringo-o tabe]-sase-ta.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">'Mary made John eat an apple hungrily.'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">b. sentential adverb * Mary-ga [ saiwai Mary-Nom fortunately John-Dat apple-Ace eat-CAUS-Past John-ni ringo-o tabe]-sase-ta.</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">*Wary made [John eat an apple fortunately].' (only a matrix reading)</td></tr></table>", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| }, |
| "TABREF4": { |
| "text": "In SVO order, the Obj. QP in v*P phase is invisible from the preverbal Subj. QP in CP phase, whereas in VSO order, the postverbal Subj. QP is in the domain of the same phase as the Obj. QP, namely, v*P. Thus, Fquant-matching is possible, resulting in scope ambiguity.(38)shows that the same is true of the scope facts in ga-kara alternating constructions in Japanese.4 Mysterious Scope Taking in Double Object ConstructionsThis section discusses DOCs, whose scopal behaviors have been shrouded in mystery in the history of scope studies. It is shown that the phase-based approach sheds new light on this mystery. On the basis of a series of studies of", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. OSV: ambiguous</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>[cp C</td><td>[T? T +</td><td>[v* { Subj. j. v [vp ti</td><td>h]ii</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>OKNua\", matching I</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(38) Japanese (= (31))</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">a. ga-Sub'.: unamb . ous</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">Obj. MEI]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. kara-Subj : ambiguous</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>[CP</td><td colspan=\"2\">En, [yip kara-Subj.ryr 'Fquant-matchinp</td><td colspan=\"2\">v* I1 T] C]6</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(36) a. English: [cp</td><td/><td>I</td><td>7</td><td>]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. Japanese: [cp 1S'ubj.</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td/><td>strong phase</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">Catalan (= (21))</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">a.SVO: unambiguous</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">[cP I Subj i C T + Vi [op tt v [vp</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">*Fquaurmatching</td><td/></tr></table>", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| }, |
| "TABREF6": { |
| "text": "Someone gave Bill everything.(Subj >DO, *DO > Subj)", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>Subj</td><td>IO</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. Subj (43) No contrast with respect to scope-taking between Subject-I0 and Subject-DO in Japanese DO(Hornstein (1995):178) a. Dareka-ga daremo-ni hon-o age-ta. (Subj > JO, *I0 > Subj)</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">someone-Nom everyone-NI book-Acc give-Past</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">There is someone, who gave a book to everyone.' b. Dareka-ga Taroo-ni doremo-o age-ta. (Subj > DO, *DO > Subj)</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">someone-Nom Taro-NI everything-Ace give-Past</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">There is someone, who gave everything to Taro.'</td></tr><tr><td/><td>EDI EA] am</td></tr></table>", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| }, |
| "TABREF8": { |
| "text": "English: structure immediate! after the subject NP merges with TP (T') a. [ .firalkilliffelfairMa opi ti vl [vp V DO ]]]]]", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td>Ii.</td><td>e</td></tr><tr><td/><td>b.</td><td>[I\u2022N vl {vp V TX) Mil</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">*Fquant-matching</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(46) Japanese</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">a.[c .6Y01111111M11 [v*P2 10i [v*P1 ti [VP DOED</td></tr><tr><td/><td>*Fg.rmatching</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">b. ifirrNIMIENII[v.p2 IOi [opt ti [vprO *F .t-matching</td><td>Ph arm Lti</td></tr><tr><td>5</td><td>Conclusion</td></tr></table>", |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
