| { |
| "paper_id": "Y07-1005", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:46:21.763139Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "A Syntactic Account of the Properties of Bare Nominals in Discourse *", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Hee-Don", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahn", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "Konkuk University", |
| "location": { |
| "postCode": "143-701", |
| "settlement": "Seoul", |
| "country": "Korea" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "hdahn@konkuk.ac.kr" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Sungeun", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Cho", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "Sungkyunkwan University", |
| "location": { |
| "postCode": "110-745", |
| "settlement": "Seoul", |
| "country": "Korea" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "Case markers in Korean are omissible in colloquial speech. Previous discourse studies of Caseless bare NPs in Korean show that the information structure of zero Nominative not only differs from that of overt Nominative but it also differs from that of zero Accusative in many respects. This paper aims to provide a basis for these semantic/pragmatic properties of Caseless NPs through the syntactic difference between bare subjects and bare objects: namely, the former are left-dislocated NPs, whereas the latter form complex predicates with the subcategorizing verbs. Our analysis will account for the facts that (i) the distribution of bare subject NPs are more restricted than that of bare object NPs; (ii) bare subject NPs must be specific or topical; (iii) Acc-marked NPs in canonical position tend to be focalized.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y07-1005", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Case markers in Korean are omissible in colloquial speech. Previous discourse studies of Caseless bare NPs in Korean show that the information structure of zero Nominative not only differs from that of overt Nominative but it also differs from that of zero Accusative in many respects. This paper aims to provide a basis for these semantic/pragmatic properties of Caseless NPs through the syntactic difference between bare subjects and bare objects: namely, the former are left-dislocated NPs, whereas the latter form complex predicates with the subcategorizing verbs. Our analysis will account for the facts that (i) the distribution of bare subject NPs are more restricted than that of bare object NPs; (ii) bare subject NPs must be specific or topical; (iii) Acc-marked NPs in canonical position tend to be focalized.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Case markers in Korean are omissible in colloquial speech. Many previous studies of Caseless bare NPs in Korean show that subject-object asymmetries are observed in various respects. For example, as observed in the wide range of conversational data (H. Lee 2006b-c), occurrence rate of bare NPs in complement position is higher than that of bare NPs in subject positions. The grammatical contrast in (1) further shows that the distribution of bare NP subject in (1b) is not only less common but also severely restricted in canonical subject position, namely, Spec-T, in contrast to the bare NP object in (1a) in canonical object position.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) a. Mary-ka Chelswu-(lul) manna-ss-e. Mary-Nom Chelswu-Acc meet-Past-Dec 'Mary met Chelswu.' b. Chelswu-lul Mary-*(ka) manna-ss-e.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Chelswu-Acc Mary-Nom meet-Past-Dec 'Chelswu, Mary met.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "It is plausible to assume that the subject Mary-ka in (1b) is \"frozen\" in the subject position, Spec-T, due to the scrambled object John-ul. Thus, (1b) sharply contrasts with (1a) in that Nominative Case must be marked unlike Accusative.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Another subject-object asymmetry is D-linking restriction some non-Case-marked wh-phrases show. As initially noted by Ahn & Cho (2006) , non-Case-marked subject wh-phrase nwukwu 'who' has only D(iscourse)-linked interpretation in the sense of Pesetsky (1987) , as shown in (2).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 118, |
| "end": 134, |
| "text": "Ahn & Cho (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 243, |
| "end": 258, |
| "text": "Pesetsky (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF27" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(2) a. Nwukwu-\u2205 Yenghi-lul manna-ss-ni? who Yenghi-Acc meet-Past-Q 'Who is such that he/she met Yenghi?' (only D-linked reading is possible) b. Nwu(kwu)-ka Yenghi-lul manna-ss-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "who-Nom Yenghi-Acc meet-Past-Q 'Who met Yenghi?'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(non-D-linked reading is also possible)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "However, such restriction isn't observed in the case of bare object wh-phrases in (3).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(3) a. Yenghi-ka nwukwu-\u2205 manna-ss-ni? Yenghi-Nom who meet-Past-Q (non-D-linked reading is also possible) b. Yenghi-ka nwukwu-lul manna-ss-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Yenghi-Nom who-Acc meet-Past-Q 'Who did Yenghi meet?' (non-D-linked reading is also possible)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Interestingly, if the Case marker is absent in the scrambled object wh-phrase, only D-linked interpretation is possible, as shown in (4).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(4) Nwukwu-\u2205 Yenghi-ka manna-ss-ni? Who Yenghi-Nom meet-Past-Q 'Who is such that Yenghi meet (him/her)?' (only D-linked reading is possible)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The third interesting asymmetry is found with specific/non-specific contexts. In (5a), the bare subject NP is not permitted with the non-specific modifier han/etten. Note, however, that this restriction does not apply to bare NP objects. Thus, in (5b), Acc Case on the object can be freely absent with non-specific modifier.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(5) a. (Yeysnal-ey) han/etten namca-*(ka) sal-ass-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "long.time-at a/a.certain man-(Nom) live-Past-Dec '(Long time ago) there was a man lived.' b. (Yeysnal-ey) Mary-ka han/etten namca-(lul) manna-ss-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "long.time-at M.-Nom a/a.certain man-(Acc) meet-Past-Dec '(Long time ago) Mary met a man.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Note further that overt realization of Acc Case in (5b) tends to induce a \"focalized/emphatic\" reading, as observed in the previous discourse studies (Jun 2005 , E. Ko 2000 , H. Lee 2006b , Matsuda 1995 . By contrast, overt realization of Nom Case in (5a) does not necessarily give rise to a focalized interpretation, which is another instance of subject-object asymmetry of Case realization.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 150, |
| "end": 159, |
| "text": "(Jun 2005", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 160, |
| "end": 172, |
| "text": ", E. Ko 2000", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 173, |
| "end": 187, |
| "text": ", H. Lee 2006b", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 188, |
| "end": 202, |
| "text": ", Matsuda 1995", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF23" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In sum, the subject-object asymmetries, D-linking asymmetries, non-specific adjective modification with regard to non-Case-marking mentioned so far are listed in Table 1 , 2 & 3. ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 162, |
| "end": 169, |
| "text": "Table 1", |
| "ref_id": "TABREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We suggest that bare NPs can occur in the complement position of V since it can be part of a syntactic complex predicate. In other words, the bare NP object has dual function: namely, it fulfills as an argument of the subcategorizing verb, and it also forms a predicate with the selecting verb in syntax. We claim that this option is only available with bare NPs in Korean (but not Case-marked DPs, for example). Note that this option is excluded if a bare NP occurs outside of V domain. Thus, we can account for the grammatical contrast between (6a) and (6b).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(6) a. Mary-ka Chelswu-\u2205 manna-ss-e. Mary-Nom Chelswu meet-Past-Dec 'Mary met Chelswu.' b. *Chelswu-lul Mary-\u2205 manna-ss-e. Chelswu-Acc Mary meet-Past-Dec 'Chelswu, Mary met.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The nominal Chelswu in a VP-internal position in (6a) can be part of a syntactic complex predicate, so a bare NP object is allowed there. This option, by contrast, is not possible in the case of the nominal Mary in Spec-T, a VP-external position in (6b).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Regarding the appearance of bare subject NPs in noncanonical subject positions, we adopt a proposal in Ahn (1999) that these bare subjects can be analyzed as Left-Dislocated (LDed) NPs:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 103, |
| "end": 113, |
| "text": "Ahn (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(7) Mary i -\u2205 pro i ku chayk ilk-ess-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Mary the book read-Past-Q 'Did Mary read that book?' In (7), although Mary is not in a complement position of V, a nominative Case marker can be absent. Mary in (7) is analyzed as an LDed NP in a left peripheral position with a null resumptive pro in its base-generated position.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Note that LD option is not available for the analysis of the bare subject NP in (6b) since LDed phrases cannot be embedded by other scrambled/moved elements cross-linguistically (see Grohmann 2003). The next task is how to derive D-linked property of LDed nominals. Boeckx (2003; 2004) and Boeckx & Grohmann (2004) put forward that the peculiar property of LD hinges on the special type of movement.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 266, |
| "end": 279, |
| "text": "Boeckx (2003;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 280, |
| "end": 285, |
| "text": "2004)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 290, |
| "end": 314, |
| "text": "Boeckx & Grohmann (2004)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(8) NP i \u2026.[ TP \u2026[ DP RP [<NP i >]]\u2026]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In (8), a resumptive pronoun, RP and its antecedent, NP form a constituent and the resumptive chain is a result of sub-extraction of the NP. We assume with Boeckx (2003) that the resumptive chain results in the D-linked interpretation. The particular derivational step is called SubMove (Boeckx & Grohmann 2004:11) . In line with this reasoning, we assume (10) for (9).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 156, |
| "end": 169, |
| "text": "Boeckx (2003)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 287, |
| "end": 314, |
| "text": "(Boeckx & Grohmann 2004:11)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(9) Nwukwu Yenghi-lul manna-ss-ni? Who Yenghi-Acc meet-Past-Q 'Who is such that he/she met Yenghi?' 10CP", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "NP i C' Nwukwu .... TP... C ...... \u03a6P T' t i \u03a6 vP T SubMove pro <\u03a6P> v' VP v", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Movement of the bare NP to Spec-C is triggered by the theta-theoretic requirement because the NP cannot obtain a theta role in \u03a6 P since the head of \u03a6 P, namely pro, absorbs the theta-role assigned by v. Note that pro and its antecedent are distinct syntactic entities and they form a constituent upon First Merge. The movement of \u03a6P to Spec-T is triggered by \u03a6-features on T (Agree). Note further that the NP undergoes SubMove to Spec-C where it gets a theta-role \"aboutness,\" so it fulfills the Full Interpretation. Consequently, the chain <nwukwu, pro> induces only D-linked reading like many other wh-resumption or wh-clitic doubling constructions (Boeckx 2003 , Boeckx & Grohmann 2004 , Jaeger 2003 . A similar explanation is possible for (11). In (11), a non-Case-marked object wh-phrase occurs in a left periphery position, and only D-linked interpretation is induced.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 652, |
| "end": 664, |
| "text": "(Boeckx 2003", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 665, |
| "end": 689, |
| "text": ", Boeckx & Grohmann 2004", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 690, |
| "end": 703, |
| "text": ", Jaeger 2003", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(11) Nwukwu Yenghi-ka manna-ss-ni? Who Yenghi-Nom meet-Past-Q 'Who is such that Yenghi meet (him/her)?' Under our analysis, the object wh-phrase nwukwu in (11) is LDed. Then nwukwu undergoes SubMove, leaving pro in its base-generated position shown in (12), and the D-linked property of dislocated wh-object results.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(12) [ CP [ NP Nwukwu] i [ TP Yenghi-ka j [ vP t j [t i pro]..]T]C]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Bare NP Object vs. Bare Subject /Dislocated NPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Note further that the parallel behavior between scrambled bare objects and bare subjects cannot be captured under the functional analyses. Put another way, the functional analyses focus basically on functional roles (i.e. subject/object), so the semantic properties of dislocated bare NPs cannot be captured under this proposal. Our formal analysis, on the other hand, is concerned with structural positions of bare NPs (i.e. VP-internal vs. VP-external), and can provide a uniform account for the previously observed semantic restriction of the subject WH and scrambled WH based on syntactic principles since they are all LDed.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "SubMove", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The structural difference between bare NP subjects and bare NP objects correctly predicts the high occurrence rate of bare NPs in complement positions. Given that the bare NP in a complement position can freely occur as part of a syntactic predicate, restrictions on the bare NP are predicted to be relatively weak. Put differently, the presence of bare objects in canonical positions is grammatically unmarked, and is not regulated by any semantic/pragmatic constraints. By contrast, the dislocated bare NPs in non-complement positions are grammatically designed as such to exhibit extra discourse semantics. Therefore, unlike bare NPs in complement position, those in VP-external positions are expected to be distributionally more marked and semantically more restricted (see D. , Ohara 2001 , Shimojo 2006 for similar facts in Japanese).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 781, |
| "end": 793, |
| "text": ", Ohara 2001", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF25" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 794, |
| "end": 808, |
| "text": ", Shimojo 2006", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF29" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Given that 1 st and 2 nd person subjects are given information in the discourse, they are more likely to function as LDed nominals that trigger D-linked reading or topical reading, compared with 3 rd person subjects. The relevant examples that may support this argument are given in (13). ('!' indicates a marked use in discourse.) (13) a. Ne-(!ka) etiey ka-ss-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "You-Nom where go-Past-Q 'Where did you go?' b. Ne-(!ka) kwail-ul elmana sa-ss-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "you-Nom fruit-Acc how many buy-Past-Q 'How many fruits did you buy?' c. Wuli-(!ka) etilo ka-l-kka?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We-Nom where go-Fut-Q 'Where will we go?' d. Wuli-(!ka) mwusun yenghwa bo-l-kka?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We-Nom what movie watch-Fut-Q 'What movie will we watch?'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "S. Ko (2002: 237) notes that the bare NP forms are strongly preferred in (13). Since the referents of 1 st and 2 nd person subjects are pragmatically assumed in their context, bare NP subjects, which are LDed nominals, are more coherent in these contexts. The unnaturalness of subjects with Nominative Case marker -ka is accounted for parallel to ga-marked subjects in Japanese, as discussed in Kuno (1972) . According to Kuno (1972: 273) , -ga as a subject marker in the matrix sentence always signals that the subject conveys new, unpredictable information. Note that the speaker's or hearer's existence or coming into existence is presupposed in a regular conversational discourse. Therefore, it is implausible for the speaker to talk about his or addressee's existence or appearance at the place of his speaking as if it were an entirely new event. This seems to be why all the first/second person nominals with -ka marker make the relevant sentences much more unnatural. We can also account for the contrast that S. Ko (2002: 237) observes for the third person subject which can occur with or without a nominative Case marker, as shown in (14).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 3, |
| "end": 17, |
| "text": "Ko (2002: 237)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 395, |
| "end": 406, |
| "text": "Kuno (1972)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 422, |
| "end": 438, |
| "text": "Kuno (1972: 273)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1021, |
| "end": 1035, |
| "text": "Ko (2002: 237)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(14) a. Chelswu-(ka) etilo ka-ss-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Chelswu-Nom where go-Past-Q 'Where did Chelswu go?' b. Chelswu-(ka) mwusun yenghwa-lul po-ni?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Chelswu-Nom what movie watch-Q 'What movie does Chelswu watch?'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Since referents of third person subjects are not pragmatically assumed in the discourse, the occurrence of -ka marker doesn't make the sentences unnatural unless the subject is mentioned in the previous discourse or presupposed. Our analysis can further be confirmed by the following examples, which are Korean counterparts of Japanese examples discussed in Kuno (1972) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 358, |
| "end": 369, |
| "text": "Kuno (1972)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(15) a. Na-nun i hoysa-uy pwuhoycang-i-ta. I-Top this company vice-president-Cop-Dec 'I am a vice-president in the company.' b. Nay-ka i hoysa-uy pwuhoycang-i-ta. I-Nom this company vice-president-Cop-Dec 'I am the only vice-president in the company.' c. Na-\u2205 i hoysa-uy pwu-hoycang-i-ta. I this company vice-president-Cop-Dec 'I am a vice-president in the company.' Kuno (1972: 283) observes the subject with the overt Nominative -ga marker implies that there are no other vice-presidents in the company. This is, according to him, due to the force of exhaustive listing of -ga. He observes that such a connotation does not exist with a topic maker, or with no markers. The same contrasts are found in Korean, as in (15) . This contrast is correctly predicted under the LD/sentence-topic analysis of bare NP subjects. LDed NPs share some discourse properties with topics such as specificity or D-Linkedness, so the paradigm naturally follows. The following examples further confirm the fact that presence of -ka marker is enforced by exhaustive listing meaning the referent has (cf. Ono et al 2000: 70) . which club join-Past-Q 'Which club did you join?' B: Yengehoyhwa-*(ka) cohtako sayngkakhapni-ta English conversation-Nom good think-Dec 'I think that English conversation club may be good.'", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 367, |
| "end": 383, |
| "text": "Kuno (1972: 283)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 703, |
| "end": 710, |
| "text": "Korean,", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 711, |
| "end": 721, |
| "text": "as in (15)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1084, |
| "end": 1103, |
| "text": "Ono et al 2000: 70)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this case, a speaker uses ka-marked nominal X in order to convey the following meaning: the meaning of 'X (and only X) ...' or 'It is X that ...' Therefore, the nominal with -ka is generally a discourse-new information. Given the fact that Bare NPs in subject positions are either LDed nominals or sentence topics, they are predicted to be ruled out in (16-17).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The analysis advanced here further explains the fact that definite subjects such as pronouns and names show the higher rate of Case deletion than low definite ones (see H. Lee 2006a ,c, K.Lee 2002 , Masunaga 1988 , Ono et al. 2000 , Yatabe 1999 ).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 172, |
| "end": 181, |
| "text": "Lee 2006a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 182, |
| "end": 196, |
| "text": ",c, K.Lee 2002", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 197, |
| "end": 212, |
| "text": ", Masunaga 1988", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF22" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 213, |
| "end": 230, |
| "text": ", Ono et al. 2000", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF26" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 231, |
| "end": 244, |
| "text": ", Yatabe 1999", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF30" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(18) a. Ce-\u2205 hyuka-lul daum tal-lo milwu-ess-e-yo. I vacation-Acc next month-lo postpone-Past-Dec 'I (humble) postponed my vacation to next month.' b. Ahn Sungbae haksayng-\u2205 sihem-ul an machiko nays-e-yo.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Ahn Sungbae student exam-Acc not complete submit-Past-Dec. 'Ahn Sungbae student submitted the exam without completing it.' (cf. H. Lee 2006a: 77) Definite expressions referring to individuals already known to the hearer are more likely to function as sentence topics or as LDed nominals, and hence definite subjects are expected to occur more frequently without Nom Case than low definite ones. Our analysis also makes a correct prediction about bare NP subjects in specific/non-specific contexts in (5), repeated here as in (19).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 131, |
| "end": 145, |
| "text": "Lee 2006a: 77)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(19) a. (Yeysnal-ey) han/etten namca-*(ka) sal-ass-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "long.time-at a/a.certain man-(Nom) live-Past-Dec '(Long time ago) there was a man lived.' b. (Yeysnal-ey) Mary-ka han/etten namca-(lul) manna-ss-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "long.time-at M.-Nom a/a.certain man-(Acc) meet-Past-Dec '(Long time ago) Mary met a man.' In (19a) , the bare NP is not allowed because the modifier han/etten can license only nonspecific nominals. Since the bare NP subject is inherently specific or D-linked, it cannot cooccur with nonspecific marker semantically. Note, however, that this restriction doesn't apply to bare NP objects. Thus, in (19b) , under our analysis, a bare NP object is a purely optional counterpart of the Accusative Case-marked NP, which can be generated as part of a complex predicate. An Accusative Case marker on the object can be freely unpronounced with nonspecific modifier.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 90, |
| "end": 98, |
| "text": "In (19a)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 387, |
| "end": 392, |
| "text": "Thus,", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 393, |
| "end": 401, |
| "text": "in (19b)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Note further that as observed in the previous discourse studies, overt realization of Acc Case in (19b) may induce a \"focal\" reading (Jun 2005 , E.Ko2000, S.Lee2006, Matsuda 1995 . By contrast, overt realization of Nom Case in (19a) does not necessarily give rise to a focal interpretation.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 133, |
| "end": 142, |
| "text": "(Jun 2005", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 143, |
| "end": 178, |
| "text": ", E.Ko2000, S.Lee2006, Matsuda 1995", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This minimal difference implies that our syntactic treatment of Nom/Acc asymmetry is on the right track. In other words, the presence of Nom Case is compulsory in canonical subject position, viz., in non-dislocated position. Thus, overt Nom Case should cover wider range of discourse information in contrast to overt Acc Case considering pragmatic division of labor. Note further that Acc Case in dislocated position, namely, in scrambled position cannot be absent. Thus, it is predicted that the appearance of Acc Case on scrambled NPs does not necessarily give rise to focalization effects on a par with that of Nom Case in canonical subject position. Hence the scrambled NP in (20a) is not necessarily focalized unless it receives extra focal strategy such as special prosody and the like. Although the judgment is subtle, (20b) contrasts with (20a) in that only the Acc Case-marked object in-situ is more likely to be focalized as in (20b).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Note that the focalization in (20b) is contrastive, which crucially differs from completive focus/information, informational focus, or presentational focus. With this in mind, consider the following examples:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(21) (Over the phone) Nay-ka cikum ne-(!lul) pole ka-l-kkey I-Nom now you-Acc see go-Fut-Dec 'I'll go to see you now.' (22) isang iss-umyen i mwulken-(!ul) pakkwule olkkey-yo problem be-found-if this item-Acc exchange go-Dec 'If a problem is found, I will return this item.' (S. Ko 2004: 228) In (21), ne 'you' cannot indicate new information and doesn't perform identification function. Thus, unless you intend to emphasize/focalize who you are going to see, the bare NP is preferred in neutral context. A similar explanation can be given in (22). In normal context, it is not necessary to focalize the item you are going to return if it has a problem. In other words, it is naturally expected that malfunctioning items will be returned to the store within a warranty period. Thus, the appearance of Acc marker on the object in (22) is predicted to be unnatural in the usual context under our conception of the functional role of overt Acc Case. S. Lee (2006) proposes that bare NPs without Acc markers are more restricted or \"marked\" from the perspective of neo-Gricean pragmatics, utilizing Levinson's (2000) pragmatic Case, on the other hand, gives rise to \"hard\" semantic/pragmatic effects such as specificity, definiteness, D-Linking, and the like. Thus, extra uses of the marker -nun with subjects (and perhaps with the dislocated NPs in general) are relatively more frequent and significant than the one with the objects in situ on pragmatic considerations.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 279, |
| "end": 292, |
| "text": "Ko 2004: 228)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 950, |
| "end": 960, |
| "text": "Lee (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF19" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1094, |
| "end": 1111, |
| "text": "Levinson's (2000)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Semantic/Pragmatic Implications", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this paper, we have explored subject-object asymmetries of morphological Case realization and semantic/pragmatic implications under the formal analysis proposed by Ahn & Cho (2006; 2007b) . According to Ahn & Cho (2006; 2007b) , bare NP objects and subjects have different structural sources: bare NP objects form a \"syntactic\" complex predicate with subcategorizing verb, whereas bare NP subjects are LDed nominals. Hence, the distribution of bare NP subjects is closely related to discourse properties. Specifically, we have shown that such structural difference between bare NP subjects and bare NP objects results in various kind of asymmetries: high occurrence rate of bare NP objects, person/definiteness effects in bare NP subjects, and presence or absence of D-linked interpretation for bare WHs. We also discussed the contexts where overt morphological Case marking is strongly preferred. When the speaker wants to convey the meaning of 'X (and only X) ...' or 'It is X that ...', the subject nominal generally occurs with -ka marker. The object nominal, by contrast, occurs with -lul marker mostly when contrastive focalization/emphasis is given to it. Our formal account of subject-object asymmetries concerning non-pronunciation of Case markers in Korean sharply contrasts with the functional approaches such as H. Lee (2006a-c) which might basically exploit the idea that subjects and objects prototypically differ with respect to the hierarchies of person, animacy and definiteness. Our analysis can present a firm basis for these hierarchies that underlie the functional flavor of Case marking variations.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 167, |
| "end": 183, |
| "text": "Ahn & Cho (2006;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 184, |
| "end": 190, |
| "text": "2007b)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 206, |
| "end": 222, |
| "text": "Ahn & Cho (2006;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 223, |
| "end": 229, |
| "text": "2007b)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1330, |
| "end": 1343, |
| "text": "Lee (2006a-c)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "inferences. His argument is based on the contrast between Case-marked object and bare NP object in (23).(23) a. Yengho-nun Seoul Yek tayhapsil-eyse kwutwu-lul tak-ass-ta Yengho-Top Seoul Station waiting-room-at shoes-Acc shine-Past-Dec 'Yengho had his shoes shined at Seoul Station waiting room.' b. Yengho-nun Seoul Yek tayhapsil-eyse kwutwu-\u00d8 tak-ass-ta. Yengho-Top Seoul Station waiting room-at shoes shine-Past-Dec 'Yengho was a shoeshine boy at Seoul Station waiting room.'Unlike the Case-marked form kwutwu-lul 'shoes-Acc' in (23a), the Caseless form kwutwu-\u00d8 'shoes' in (23b) is more likely to induce idiomatic reading with its predicate takassta 'shined'. Hence, kwutwu-\u00d8 tak-ass-ta tends to be interpreted as 'he was a shoe-shine boy'. A similar contrast is given in (24).(24) a. Nehi apeci-nun tayhakkyo tanil-cekey Shin Sung-Il ppyam-ul chi-ess-ta Your father-Top college go-when Shin Sung-Il cheek-Acc hit-Past-Dec 'When your father was a college student, he hit Shin Seung-Il's cheek.' b. Nehi apeci-nun tayhakkyo tanil-cekey Shin Sung-Il ppyam-\u00d8 chi-ess-ta Your father-Top college go-when Shin Sung-Il cheek hit-Past-Dec 'When your father was a college student, he was more handsome than the handsome actor Shin Sung-Il' Unlike (24b), the Caseless form ppyam 'cheek' in (24b) only induces idiomatic reading 'outdo' with its predicate chi-'hit'. (24a), in contrast, induces only literal reading. Thus, it seems that \"ppyam + chi-\" in (24b) is conventionalized as an idiom unlike \"kwutwu ttakk-\" in (24b). The complex predicate formation approach to the bare object NPs advanced here correlates directly with this consequence, dispensing with additional (meta)-pragmatic functions since idioms in general can be analyzed as extended complex predicate formations (Marantz 1984; Larson 1988 ).If the preferred or obligatory idiomatic readings with bare objects can be explained by complex predicate formation as in (25), our general claim is still sustained: namely, bare NPs in complement positions are unmarked forms and Acc-marked forms are marked ones containing special information since idioms are usually derived from unmarked formation across languages. Crosslinguistly, contrasts similar to (20) are detected in Accusative Case variation in Kannada. observes that Acc Case-marked objects receive a specific interpretation only when this morphological marking is optional (this is the case within animate direct objects). When the Accusative Case morpheme is obligatory, specificity effects are positional and are not due to the presence of the morpheme (this is the case with animate direct objects, for instance). In this case, additional morphology is required in order to achieve the specific interpretation. In Korean, the morphological marker -nun (often called Topic marker) is widely employed in subject positions to make semantic/pragmatic distinction from Nom Case, instead of overt/covert Nom distinction. The marker -nun, however, occurs only in certain very limited contexts in object positions since we can exploit overt/covert Acc distinction here quite freely for \"soft\" pragmatic distinctions including focalzation/emphasis or implicature (S. Lee 2006) . The presence or absence of Nom", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1774, |
| "end": 1788, |
| "text": "(Marantz 1984;", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1789, |
| "end": 1800, |
| "text": "Larson 1988", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 3178, |
| "end": 3187, |
| "text": "Lee 2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF19" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "annex", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "bib_entries": { |
| "BIBREF0": { |
| "ref_id": "b0", |
| "title": "Notes on case deletion", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H-D", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahn", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1999, |
| "venue": "Linguistic Investigation: In honor of In-Seok Yang", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "1--16", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ahn, H-D. 1999. Notes on case deletion. In Y-W. Kim, Il-Kon Kim, and J-W. Park, eds.,Linguistic Investigation: In honor of In-Seok Yang, 1-16. Seoul: Hankuk Publishing Co.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF1": { |
| "ref_id": "b1", |
| "title": "Wh-topics and unpronounced case markers", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H-D", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahn", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Cho", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Studies in Generative Grammar", |
| "volume": "16", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "61--90", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ahn, H-D and S. Cho. 2006. Wh-topics and unpronounced case markers. Studies in Generative Grammar 16: 61-90.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF2": { |
| "ref_id": "b2", |
| "title": "Subject-object asymmetries of morphological case realization", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H-D", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahn", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Cho", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2007, |
| "venue": "Language and Information", |
| "volume": "11", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "53--76", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ahn, H-D and S. Cho. 2007a. Subject-object asymmetries of morphological case realization. Language and Information 11, 53-76.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF3": { |
| "ref_id": "b3", |
| "title": "Non-Case-Marked Wh-Phrases and Left-Dislocation. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 16", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H-D", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahn", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Cho", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2007, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "111--141", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ahn, H-D and S. Cho. 2007b. Non-Case-Marked Wh-Phrases and Left-Dislocation. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 16, ed. A. Omaki, I. Ortega-Santos, J. Sprouse and M. Wagers, 111-141. College Park, MD: UMWPiL.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF4": { |
| "ref_id": "b4", |
| "title": "Islands and chains", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "C", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Boeckx", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2003, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Boeckx, C. 2003. Islands and chains. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF5": { |
| "ref_id": "b5", |
| "title": "SubMove: Towards a unified account of scrambling and Dlinking", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "C", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Boeckx", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "K", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Grohmann", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2004, |
| "venue": "Peripheries", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "241--257", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Boeckx, C and K. Grohmann. 2004. SubMove: Towards a unified account of scrambling and D- linking. In Peripheries, eds. D. Adger, C\u00e9cil de cat and G. Tsoulas, 241-257. Dordrecht: Kluwer.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF6": { |
| "ref_id": "b6", |
| "title": "A and A' binding in Korean and English: Government-Binding parameters. Doctoral dissertation", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Hong", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1985, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Hong, S. 1985. A and A' binding in Korean and English: Government-Binding parameters. Doctoral dissertation, University of Connecticut, Storrs.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF7": { |
| "ref_id": "b7", |
| "title": "Topics first! In-and outside of Bulgarian wh-interrogatives", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "T", |
| "middle": [ |
| "F" |
| ], |
| "last": "Jaeger", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2003, |
| "venue": "Proceedings of the 10 th International Conference on HPSG", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "181--202", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Jaeger, T. F. 2003. Topics first! In-and outside of Bulgarian wh-interrogatives. Proceedings of the 10 th International Conference on HPSG: 181-202.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF8": { |
| "ref_id": "b8", |
| "title": "On the so-called specificity markers in Korean", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Y", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Jun", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2005, |
| "venue": "Korean Journal of Linguistics", |
| "volume": "30", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "715--743", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Jun, Y. 2005. On the so-called specificity markers in Korean. Korean Journal of Linguistics 30: 715-743.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF9": { |
| "ref_id": "b9", |
| "title": "A discourse analysis of the realization of objects in Korean", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "E-S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ko", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2000, |
| "venue": "Japanese/Korean Linguistics", |
| "volume": "9", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "195--208", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ko, E-S. 2000. A discourse analysis of the realization of objects in Korean. Japanese/Korean Linguistics 9: 195-208. CSLI Publications, Stanford.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF10": { |
| "ref_id": "b10", |
| "title": "On the meaning of ka", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S-J", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ko", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2002, |
| "venue": "Korean Linguistics", |
| "volume": "40", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "221--246", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ko, S-j. 2002. On the meaning of ka [in Korean]. Korean Linguistics 40: 221-246.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF11": { |
| "ref_id": "b11", |
| "title": "A study of modern Korean particles I", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S-J", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ko", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2004, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ko, S-j. 2004. A study of modern Korean particles I [in Korean].", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF12": { |
| "ref_id": "b12", |
| "title": "Functional sentence perspective: A case study from Japanese and English", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Kuno", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1972, |
| "venue": "Linguistic Inquiry", |
| "volume": "3", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "269--320", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Kuno, S. 1972. Functional sentence perspective: A case study from Japanese and English. Linguistic Inquiry 3: 269-320.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF13": { |
| "ref_id": "b13", |
| "title": "On the double object construction", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "R", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Larson", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1988, |
| "venue": "Linguistic Inquiry", |
| "volume": "19", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "335--392", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Larson, R. 1988. On the double object construction. Linguistic Inquiry 19: 335-392.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF14": { |
| "ref_id": "b14", |
| "title": "The function of the zero particle with special reference to spoken Japanese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "D-Y", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2002, |
| "venue": "Journal of Pragmatics", |
| "volume": "34", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "645--682", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, D-Y. 2002. The function of the zero particle with special reference to spoken Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics 34: 645-682.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF15": { |
| "ref_id": "b15", |
| "title": "Effects of focus and markedness hierarchies on object case ellipsis in Korean", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Discourse and Cognition", |
| "volume": "13", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "205--231", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, H. 2006a. Effects of focus and markedness hierarchies on object case ellipsis in Korean. Discourse and Cognition 13: 205-231.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF16": { |
| "ref_id": "b16", |
| "title": "Iconicity and variation in the choice of object forms in Korean", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Language Research", |
| "volume": "42", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "323--355", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, H. 2006b. Iconicity and variation in the choice of object forms in Korean. Language Research 42: 323-355.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF17": { |
| "ref_id": "b17", |
| "title": "Parallel optimization in case systems: Evidence from case ellipsis in Korean", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "H", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Journal of East Asian Linguistics", |
| "volume": "15", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "69--96", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, H. 2006c. Parallel optimization in case systems: Evidence from case ellipsis in Korean. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 15: 69-96.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF18": { |
| "ref_id": "b18", |
| "title": "Nominative case marker deletion in spoken Japanese: An analysis from the perspective of information structure", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "K", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2002, |
| "venue": "Journal of Pragmatics", |
| "volume": "34", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "683--709", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, K. 2002. Nominative case marker deletion in spoken Japanese: An analysis from the perspective of information structure. Journal of Pragmatics 34: 683-709.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF19": { |
| "ref_id": "b19", |
| "title": "A pragmatic analysis of accusative case-marker deletion", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lee", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Discourse and Cognition", |
| "volume": "13", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "69--89", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lee, S. 2006. A pragmatic analysis of accusative case-marker deletion. Discourse and Cognition 13: 69-89.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF20": { |
| "ref_id": "b20", |
| "title": "The grammar of accusative case in Kannada", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "J", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lidz", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Language", |
| "volume": "82", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "10--32", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lidz, J. 2006. The grammar of accusative case in Kannada. Language 82: 10-32.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF21": { |
| "ref_id": "b21", |
| "title": "On the nature of grammatical relations", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "A", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Marantz", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": null, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Marantz, A. On the nature of grammatical relations. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF22": { |
| "ref_id": "b22", |
| "title": "Case deletion and discourse context", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "K", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Masunaga", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1988, |
| "venue": "Papers from the Second International Workshop on Japanese Syntax", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "145--156", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Masunaga, K. 1988. Case deletion and discourse context. In W. J. Poser, ed., Papers from the Second International Workshop on Japanese Syntax, 145-156. Stanford: CSLI.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF23": { |
| "ref_id": "b23", |
| "title": "Variable zero-marking of (o) in Tokyo Japanese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "K", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Matsuda", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1995, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Matsuda, K. 1995. Variable zero-marking of (o) in Tokyo Japanese. PhD Thesis, University of Pensylvania.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF24": { |
| "ref_id": "b24", |
| "title": "After binding: On the interpretation of pronouns. Doctoral dissertation", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "M", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Montabetti", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1984, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Montabetti, M. 1984. After binding: On the interpretation of pronouns. Doctoral dissertation. MIT, Cambridge, MA.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF25": { |
| "ref_id": "b25", |
| "title": "Configurationality in Japanese: How grammatical functions are determined", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "M", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ohara", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2001, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ohara, M. 2001. Configurationality in Japanese: How grammatical functions are determined. Ms. Shimane University.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF26": { |
| "ref_id": "b26", |
| "title": "The pragmatic nature of the so-called subject marker ga in Japanese: evidence from conversation", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "T", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ono", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [ |
| "A" |
| ], |
| "last": "Thompson", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "R", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Suzuki", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2000, |
| "venue": "Discourse studies", |
| "volume": "2", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "55--84", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Ono, T, S. A. Thompson, and R. Suzuki. 2000. The pragmatic nature of the so-called subject marker ga in Japanese: evidence from conversation. Discourse studies 2: 55-84.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF27": { |
| "ref_id": "b27", |
| "title": "Wh in situ: movement and unselective binding", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "D", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Pesetsky", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1987, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "98--129", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Pesetsky, D. 1987. Wh in situ: movement and unselective binding. In E. Reuland and A. Ter Meulen, ed., The representation of (in)definiteness, 98-129, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT press.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF28": { |
| "ref_id": "b28", |
| "title": "The grammar of accusative case in Kannada", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "J", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lidz", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Language", |
| "volume": "82", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "10--32", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lidz, J. 2006. The grammar of accusative case in Kannada. Language 82: 10-32.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF29": { |
| "ref_id": "b29", |
| "title": "Properties of particle \"omission\" revisited", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "M", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Shimojo", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2006, |
| "venue": "Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics", |
| "volume": "26", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "123--140", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Shimojo, M. 2006. Properties of particle \"omission\" revisited. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 26: 123-140.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF30": { |
| "ref_id": "b30", |
| "title": "Particle ellipsis and focus projection in Japanese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "S", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Yatabe", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1999, |
| "venue": "Language, Information, Text", |
| "volume": "6", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "79--89", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Yatabe, S. 1999. Particle ellipsis and focus projection in Japanese. Language, Information, Text 6: 79-10.", |
| "links": null |
| } |
| }, |
| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF0": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Wuli cip-un yecha-*(ka) motwu khu-ta our family woman-Nom all big-Dec 'As for my family, women are all big.' (17) A: Etten tongali-ey kaipha-yess-ni?", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "20) a. Way ecey Chelswu-lul Mary-ka manna-ss-ni? why yesterday Chelswu-Acc Mary-Nom meet-Past-Q (neutral reading is unmarked) b. Way ecey Mary-ka Chelswu-lul manna-ss-ni? why yesterday Mary-Nom Chelswu-Acc meet-Past-Q (focal reading is unmarked) 'Why did Mary meet Chelswu yesterday?'", |
| "type_str": "figure" |
| }, |
| "TABREF0": { |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Subject-object asymmetries on non-Case-marking", |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "content": "<table/>" |
| }, |
| "TABREF1": { |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Asymmetries on non-Case-marking and D-linking restriction", |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td>Possible</td><td>Possible</td><td>Possible</td></tr><tr><td>Non-D-linked Reading</td><td>Impossible</td><td>Impossible</td><td>Possible</td></tr></table>" |
| }, |
| "TABREF2": { |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Asymmetries", |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"2\">on non-specific adjective modification</td><td/></tr><tr><td>Non-Case-Marked</td><td>Subjects</td><td>Objects</td></tr><tr><td>Non-Specific Adjective Modification</td><td>Impossible</td><td>Possible</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">This paper aims to correctly predict various kinds of subject-object asymmetries of</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">morphological Case realization under the formal syntactic treatment.</td><td/></tr></table>" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
