| { |
| "paper_id": "Y07-1018", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:46:35.296762Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "Initialness of Sentence-final Particles in Mandarin Chinese *", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Xiao-You", |
| "middle": [ |
| "Kevin" |
| ], |
| "last": "Huang", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "National Tsing Hua University", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "prince-kevin@yahoo.com.tw" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "This paper gives a thorough investigation into Mandarin sentence-final particles (henceforth SFPs). First I induce core grammatical functions and semantic interpretations of SFPs. Based on Rizzi's (1997) Split CP hypothesis, I make some modifications to accommodate Mandarin SFPs and map them onto separate functional heads within a proper hierarchy. I also examine some empirical evidence of head directionality and tentatively assume Mandarin C is head-initial. To explain the surface head-final order, in light of Chomsky's (2001) Phase Theory and Hsieh's (2005) revised Spell-out hypothesis, I pose a CP complement to Spec movement. Following Moro's (2000) idea, I further claim the motivation behind is to seek for antisymetry.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y07-1018", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper gives a thorough investigation into Mandarin sentence-final particles (henceforth SFPs). First I induce core grammatical functions and semantic interpretations of SFPs. Based on Rizzi's (1997) Split CP hypothesis, I make some modifications to accommodate Mandarin SFPs and map them onto separate functional heads within a proper hierarchy. I also examine some empirical evidence of head directionality and tentatively assume Mandarin C is head-initial. To explain the surface head-final order, in light of Chomsky's (2001) Phase Theory and Hsieh's (2005) revised Spell-out hypothesis, I pose a CP complement to Spec movement. Following Moro's (2000) idea, I further claim the motivation behind is to seek for antisymetry.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Based mainly on the studies of Li and Thompson (1982) , Chu (1999) , and Li (2006) , I induce core functions and meanings of the most common SFPs and summarize in the following table with relevant examples given immediately below: Sentential le, differing from aspectual le, denotes a \"change-of-state,\" suggesting a previous state changes to the very state to which the sentence ending with le refers. ne ne is closely related to expression of \"relevance\" and functions as a topic marker.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 31, |
| "end": 53, |
| "text": "Li and Thompson (1982)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 56, |
| "end": 66, |
| "text": "Chu (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 73, |
| "end": 82, |
| "text": "Li (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Functions and Interpretations of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "ba ba lowers the strength of a sentence and display speaker's uncertainty.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Functions and Interpretations of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "a Normally, a reduces forcefulness of the message, as in imperatives or interrogatives. ma1 ma1 marks a high degree of the speaker's commitment to the assertion or the speaker's intension to have an action fulfilled in imperative sentences. ma2 ma2, though still controversial, is mostly analyzed as a yes-no question particle. ou ou implies a friendly warning showing concern and caring on the part of the speaker.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Functions and Interpretations of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) a. hua hong le. ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Functions and Interpretations of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Though it is safe to claim that SFPs are the heads of functional projections in CP domain, it is improper to consider that they all occupy the head C position as Mandarin allows sentence-final particle cluster, as in (8) . 8hua hong le a./?", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 217, |
| "end": 220, |
| "text": "(8)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "flower red SFP SFP 'The flower becomes red./?' Rizzi's (1997) Split CP hypothesis provides a fascinating framework here.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 47, |
| "end": 61, |
| "text": "Rizzi's (1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(9) Split CP Hypothesis (Rizzi,1997) [ Force Topic* Focus Topic* Fin ]", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 24, |
| "end": 36, |
| "text": "(Rizzi,1997)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The system is delimited upward by Force, the head encoding \"clausal typing\" (Cheng, 1997) information; downward by Finiteness, the head differentiating finite and non-finite constructions. Topic and Focus are dedicated to topical and focal interpretations, respectively.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 76, |
| "end": 89, |
| "text": "(Cheng, 1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "However, this CP system might need some minor modifications to accommodate Mandarin final particles.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "According to Li's (2006) proposals, Force should be further split into two distinct heads:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 13, |
| "end": 24, |
| "text": "Li's (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Force and Mood. Force head here represents illocutionary force and conveys speech-act information. Mood head instead encodes clause-typing information. This being so, ma2 as a question particle, though debatable, would belong to Mood. Haegeman (2002) supports the analysis with evidence. She argues that every clause needs to be typed, but not every clause conveys illocutionary force. For instance, she contends that while matrix clauses are almost always associated with an illocutionary force, embedded clauses are not. Moreover, she finds evidence that \"Force,\" may occupy a lower position than other functional heads such as Topic and Focus. If Li's proposal is right, then, we can maintain Rizzi's assumption that Force is in the highest position and it is Mood that occupies the lower position. And we reach the following hierarchy:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 235, |
| "end": 250, |
| "text": "Haegeman (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(10) Force > Mood > Fin", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Furthermore, following Li (2006) , \"Degree\" is introduced. She argues that Degree head like ba and ma1 marks scales sentence force. In declarative sentence, with ba the speaker is not certain about the factual status of the proposition, whereas with ma1 the speaker has a firm judgment. In imperatives and interrogatives, ba marks a low degree of the strength of the speaker's intention to have an action carried out or to have the hearer provide an answer and ma1 a high degree. Besides, since a and ou function to strengthen or reduce sentence force as well, they may occupy Degree head position. In short, we can conjecture that Degree is above Force and arrive at the following hierarchy:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 23, |
| "end": 32, |
| "text": "Li (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(11) Degree > Force > Mood > Fin Soh and Gao (2004) argue that sentential le can be characterized as a \"transition marker.\"", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 33, |
| "end": 51, |
| "text": "Soh and Gao (2004)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Based on them, I call the head position in which it is generated \"Trans(ition\"). Besides, le always follow other SFPs when they co-occur, as in (8) . If Chinese CP system is head-initial, which will be discussed later, we might well contend that le is structurally the lowest among the SFPs. And the hierarchy in question now extends as below:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 144, |
| "end": 147, |
| "text": "(8)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(12) Degree > Force > Mood > Trans > Fin", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Since ne functions to highlight relevance of an utterance and serves as a topic marker, I", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "allocate it to Topic head position. Given Rizzi's (1997) ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 42, |
| "end": 56, |
| "text": "Rizzi's (1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Structural Mapping of SFPs", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "I will first examine some of the evidence provided by Hsieh (2005) . Hsieh (2005) proposes that embedded complementizer shuo is head-initial since it precedes its TP complement, as Taiwanese kong does, according to Simpson and Wu (2002) . However, a head-final CP system could also reach the same outcome, shown as below: Besides, suppose C2 has a feature, assuming it is EPP, which triggers movement, then why TP does not move to [Spec, C1P] ? If XP-movement is EPP-driven, we will expect that every C bears an EPP feature. If we are to stipulate that C2 has an EPP while C1 does not, it would be too costly and ill-motivated. Therefore, a feature-driven approach is not favored.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 54, |
| "end": 66, |
| "text": "Hsieh (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 69, |
| "end": 81, |
| "text": "Hsieh (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 215, |
| "end": 236, |
| "text": "Simpson and Wu (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 431, |
| "end": 437, |
| "text": "[Spec,", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 438, |
| "end": 442, |
| "text": "C1P]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Evidence for and against the Initialness Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Despite the failure mentioned above, I would tentatively assume Mandarin CP is head-initial.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Evidence for and against the Initialness Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The analysis has an appealing merit, for it gives a uniform account for Chinese phrase structure, as exemplified below:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Evidence for and against the Initialness Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(20) a. DP, Num(ber)P, and Cl(assifier)P: Moreover, Lin (2006) argues that, driven by feature checking, the vP complement raise to Spec-Asp(ect)P, thus deriving the surface head-final order of AspP as in (21). And the evidence comes from the contrast of CED effect (Huang 1982) ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 52, |
| "end": 62, |
| "text": "Lin (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 265, |
| "end": 277, |
| "text": "(Huang 1982)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Evidence for and against the Initialness Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "[DP", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Evidence for and against the Initialness Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this section I resort to theoretical apparatus to derive surface head-final order of SFPs.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "First desiderata is the Chinese CP structure amended from Rizzi (1997) , as given (14).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 58, |
| "end": 70, |
| "text": "Rizzi (1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To determine word order, Kayne's (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA) is also required, given below:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 25, |
| "end": 39, |
| "text": "Kayne's (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(23) Linear Correspondence Axiom (Kayne, 1994) A lexical item \u03b1 precedes a lexical item \u03b2 iff \u03b1 asymmetrically c-commands \u03b2, or an XP dominating \u03b1 asymmetrically c-commands \u03b2.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 33, |
| "end": 46, |
| "text": "(Kayne, 1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Despite its significant success, however, head-complement relation poses problems to LCA because of its mutual c-command configuration, exemplified as (24):", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(24) [ XP [ X YP ] ]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(24) will lead to crash at PF for its unlinearizability. Therefore, further syntactic operation is required to fix the flaw, and movement might be an alternative to consider. Suppose (25):", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(25) [ XP [ YP [XP X tYP ] ] ]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Nonetheless, what is the motivation behind the strategy? And is this kind of \"too-local\" movement ever legitimate?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The rescue comes from Moro's (2000) idea that movement is driven by the search for antisymmetry. That is, \"symmetry-breaking\" serves as the driving force of \"too-local\" movement. The idea is formulated as below:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 22, |
| "end": 35, |
| "text": "Moro's (2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(26) Movement as a Symmetry-breaking Phenomenon (Moro, 2000) Movement is driven by the search for antisymmetry.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 48, |
| "end": 60, |
| "text": "(Moro, 2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "If Moro's proposal is on the right track, the motivation and legitimacy of the movement strategy are both ensured.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Our speculation will also proceed under the framework of Chomsky's (2001) widely accepted Phase Theory, stated in (27):", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 57, |
| "end": 73, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(27) Phase Theory (Chomsky, 2001) Syntactic structures are built up in phases (phases referring to vP and CP), and once a phase has been produced, the domain/complement of the phase head undergoes Transfer/Spell-out to the PF component and the semantic component.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 18, |
| "end": 33, |
| "text": "(Chomsky, 2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Finally, to avoid elements left untransfered at the phase edge, I resort to Hsieh's (2005) Max-Spell-Out Hypothesis.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 76, |
| "end": 90, |
| "text": "Hsieh's (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(28) The Max-Spell-out Hypothesis (Hsieh, 2005) Spell-out the entire phase in the absence of uninterpretable features. In case of the presence of uninterpretable features residing at the phase edge, send only the complement of the phase head to Spell-out.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 34, |
| "end": 47, |
| "text": "(Hsieh, 2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Equipped with all the theoretical tools we need, we can now work out the surface head-final order of SFPs. Let's take (1a) for example, repeated as (29), and give its derivation process in 30 FinP moves to the specifier position of Trans head for \"symmetry-breaking.\" Next, the entire", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "TransP is spelled-out in the absence of uninterpretable features. Eventually, the lower copy of FinP gets deleted at PF, and we derive the surface head-final construal, as in (30c).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As for a sentence with a final particle cluster like 8, repeated as (31), the story unfolds roughly the same. The derivational process and structure are given in (32) and 33 Though Hsieh (2005) suggests that ForceP, MoodP (here referred to as MoodP and as TransP),", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 181, |
| "end": 193, |
| "text": "Hsieh (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "and FinP, are strong phase heads, I prefer to respect Chomsky's (2001) idea that phases are propositional in nature, and conjecture in the split CP domain only the head which can complete a proposition of the entire utterance can count as a phase head.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 54, |
| "end": 70, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A \"CP-sandwiched TP\" is somewhat tricky. Consider (34): ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CP-movement Hypothesis", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The paper gives a thorough investigation into Mandarin SFPs. Refering to the analyses of Li and Thompson (1982) , Chu (1999) , and Li (2006) , I induce their core functions. From Rizzi's (1997) Split CP I design a Mandarin CP system. According to the mutual scope interaction and word order of SFPs, I map them onto separate functional heads in a proper hierarchy. I also examine evidence about head directionality such as complementizer shuo, topicalization, and \"CP-sandwiched TP,\" and find out that they are all refutable. I tentatively assume", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 89, |
| "end": 111, |
| "text": "Li and Thompson (1982)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 114, |
| "end": 124, |
| "text": "Chu (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 131, |
| "end": 140, |
| "text": "Li (2006)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 179, |
| "end": 193, |
| "text": "Rizzi's (1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Mandarin CP is head-initial, which gives a uniform account for Chinese phrase structure.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Finally, I exert several theoretical apparatus to derive surface head-final order of SFPs. I employ Kayne's (1994) LCA, and proceed under the framework of Chomsky's (2001) Phase", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 100, |
| "end": 114, |
| "text": "Kayne's (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 155, |
| "end": 171, |
| "text": "Chomsky's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Theory. Resorting to Moro's (2000) idea of \"symmetry-breaking\" movement and Hsieh's (2005) Max-Spell-out Hypothesis, I contend that FinP moves to a particle's specifier position for the linearization requirement. In the end of derivation the entire phrase is Spelled-out in the absence of uninterpretable features and thus obtaining surface head-final order. The proposal also explains other CP-related phenomena.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 21, |
| "end": 34, |
| "text": "Moro's (2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 76, |
| "end": 90, |
| "text": "Hsieh's (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [], |
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| "type_str": "table", |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table/>", |
| "text": "Core functions and meanings of SFPs SFP Core function and meaning le" |
| }, |
| "TABREF1": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">he know</td><td colspan=\"2\">this Cl. incident SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'He knows the incident (now).'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(2) a. ta</td><td colspan=\"2\">you</td><td>san</td><td>bu che ne!</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">he have three Cl. car SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">'He has three cars!'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">b. wo xihuan zhe bu dianying, ni</td><td>ne?</td></tr><tr><td/><td>I</td><td/><td>like</td><td colspan=\"2\">this Cl. movie</td><td>you SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'I like this movie, how about you?'</td></tr><tr><td>(3)</td><td colspan=\"3\">a. zhe fu</td><td>hua</td><td>bucuo ba./?</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">this Cl. panting good</td><td>SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'This panting is good. / (right)?'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">b. haohao nianshu ba!</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">hard</td><td colspan=\"2\">study</td><td>SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'Study hard, (okay)?'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">c. ni</td><td colspan=\"3\">hui kaiche ba?</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">You can drive</td><td>SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'You can drive, can't you?'</td></tr><tr><td>(4)</td><td colspan=\"3\">a. guolai a!</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">come SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">'Come.'</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">b. shei a?</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">who SFP</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">'Who?'</td><td/></tr><tr><td>(5)</td><td colspan=\"5\">a. wo shuo jintian shi zhouri</td><td>ma1.</td></tr><tr><td/><td>I</td><td/><td>say</td><td colspan=\"2\">today</td><td>is Sunday SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'I said today is Sunday!</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">b. zai</td><td>he</td><td>yi</td><td>bei</td><td>ma1!</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">more drink one glass SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'Have one more glass (of wine)!'</td></tr><tr><td>(6)</td><td>ni</td><td colspan=\"4\">shi xuesheng ma2?</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">you are student</td><td>SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">'Are you a student?'</td></tr><tr><td>(7)</td><td colspan=\"3\">xiaoxin ou!</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">flower red careful SFP</td><td colspan=\"2\">SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'The flower becomes red.' '(Please) be careful!'</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "You Kevin Huang b. ta zhidao zhe jian shi le." |
| }, |
| "TABREF2": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"3\">(13) Degree > Force > Mood, Topic > Trans > Finite</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"4\">Mapping all the final particles onto (13), we ultimately derive a complete hierarchy of SFPs:</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">(14) Structural mapping of SFPs in Chinese</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"4\">Degree > Force > Mood, Topic > Trans > Finite</td></tr><tr><td>ba, ma1, a, ou</td><td>ma2</td><td>ne</td><td>le</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "split CP, Topic is located between Force and Finite. Topic must be higher than Trans because as just assumed le is the lowest among the SFPs. However, as no enough evidence testifying the relevant order between Topic and Mood in Chinese, I tentatively assume the following structure:" |
| }, |
| "TABREF3": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td>I think</td><td/><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>(16)</td><td colspan=\"3\">[CP sheme dongxii\uff0c[TP ni</td><td colspan=\"2\">mai le PGi jiu</td><td>hui</td><td>iong ti] ]</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">what thing</td><td colspan=\"2\">you buy ASP</td><td>then would use</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">'What thing would you use if you buy?'</td></tr><tr><td/><td>Akiu Topic</td><td/><td>many</td><td colspan=\"2\">publish PNM book all sell-DE not-bad</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">'Akiu, many books which (he) published sell well.'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"6\">Finally, Hsieh (2005) poses a \"CP-sandwiched TP\" phenomenon which he believes to</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">confirm the head-complement order, as in (19):</td></tr><tr><td>(18)</td><td colspan=\"2\">[C2P [C1P ruguo [TP ni</td><td colspan=\"3\">bu chifan ] ] dehua tC1P ] , \u2026</td></tr><tr><td/><td>if</td><td colspan=\"3\">you not eat-meal if</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">'If you don't have meals, \u2026'</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">a. wo xiang [CP shuo [TP t ta shi taipei ren ] ]</td></tr><tr><td/><td>I think</td><td>Comp.</td><td colspan=\"3\">he is Taipei person</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"4\">'I think (that) he is a Taipeier.'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"5\">b. wa xiong [CP kong [TP yi shi taipak lang] ]</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "Comp. he is Taipei person'I think (that) he is a Taipeier.' Nonetheless, the claim is weak as the type of sentence is widely argued to be a dialect of Taiwan Mandarin. That is, it could be a product under the influence of Taiwanese kong.Hsieh (2005) further conjectures the fact that a topicalized wh-word licenses a parasitic gap substantiates the claim that topicalized elements move to the \"left\" periphery." |
| }, |
| "TABREF8": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>:</td></tr><tr><td>(31)</td><td>hua</td><td colspan=\"2\">hong le a./?</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">flower red SFP SFP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"3\">'The flower becomes red./?'</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"4\">(32) a. [TransP le [FinP \u00f8 [TP hua hong ] ] ]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">b. [TransP [FinP \u00f8 [TP hua hong ] ] le tFinP ]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">c. [DegreeP a [TransP [FinP \u00f8 [TP hua hong ] ] le tFinP ] ]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">d. [DegreeP [TransP [FinP \u00f8 [TP hua hong ] ] le tFinP ] a tTransP ]</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"5\">e. Spell-out DegreeP \u2192 [ \u00f8 hua hong le a ]</td></tr><tr><td>(33)</td><td/><td colspan=\"3\">DegreeP \u2192 Spell-out \u2192 [\u00f8 hua hong le a]</td></tr><tr><td/><td>TransP</td><td/><td>DegreeP</td></tr><tr><td>FinP</td><td/><td>TransP</td><td>Degree</td><td>TransP</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">Trans</td><td>FinP</td></tr><tr><td>\u00f8 hua hong</td><td>le</td><td/><td>tFinP a</td><td>tTransP</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "Here, it is dubious why TransP does not undergo Spell-out as in the previous example." |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
