| { |
| "paper_id": "Y09-1041", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:43:03.758744Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "Extended GL and Japanese Postposition No", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Sumiyo", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Nishiguchi", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "The University of Tokushima", |
| "location": { |
| "addrLine": "2-1 Minami-josanjima", |
| "postCode": "770-8506", |
| "settlement": "Tokushima-city, Tokushima", |
| "country": "Japan" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "nishiguchi@cicee.tokushima-u.ac.jp" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "This paper proposes elaboration of the Generative Lexicon (GL) in Pustejovsky (1995) and the Extended Generative Lexicon theory (Lenci et al., 2000). My proposal is based on the Japanese genitive postposition no 1. The Japanese NP 1-no NP 2 \"NP 1-GEN NP 2 \" construction expresses a wider range of relations between two entities than the English possessive NP 1 's NP 2 , such that neither selective binding (Pustejovsky, 1995) nor type-shifting based on qualia roles in NP 2 (Vikner and Jensen, 2002) captures the necessary relationstime, location, manner, and others of temporary nature. The disambiguation of possessive relations requires that lexical entries be augmented by incorporating a Referential Module comprising subcategories such as LOCATION, TIME, and MANNER.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y09-1041", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper proposes elaboration of the Generative Lexicon (GL) in Pustejovsky (1995) and the Extended Generative Lexicon theory (Lenci et al., 2000). My proposal is based on the Japanese genitive postposition no 1. The Japanese NP 1-no NP 2 \"NP 1-GEN NP 2 \" construction expresses a wider range of relations between two entities than the English possessive NP 1 's NP 2 , such that neither selective binding (Pustejovsky, 1995) nor type-shifting based on qualia roles in NP 2 (Vikner and Jensen, 2002) captures the necessary relationstime, location, manner, and others of temporary nature. The disambiguation of possessive relations requires that lexical entries be augmented by incorporating a Referential Module comprising subcategories such as LOCATION, TIME, and MANNER.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "GL proposed in Pustejovsky (1995) encodes four qualia roles which originate in Aristotle's concept of matters and represent four inherent properties. CONSTITUTIVE quale represents partwhole relation, FORMAL role indicates shape, ontological category, and so forth, TELIC role represents purpose and AGENTIVE role expresses origin. Pustejovsky (1995) further suggests selective binding when computing the meaning of the noun phrases modified by non-intersective adjectives. For example, fast in a fast typist does not denote a typist who is also generally fast apart from typing, but specifically a typist who is fast at typing. In other words, fast does not modify the typist himself, but it does modify the way that the typist types, i.e., fast modifies the event argument of the TELIC (purpose) quale of the noun typist-to type. Selective binding works for some of the prenominal possessive modification in Japanese when NP 1 -no phrases modify one of the qualia of NP 2 , that is, selectively bind an event contained in the quale. However, I will show that there are many examples in which selective binding does not apply.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 15, |
| "end": 33, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky (1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 331, |
| "end": 349, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky (1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Inherent Problems with Selective Binding", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(2) TIME yugata-no koen evening-GEN park \"an evening park\" LOCATION Tokyo-no shinseki Tokyo-GEN relative \"a relative in Tokyo\" chikaku-no koen neighborhood-GEN park \"a nearby park\"", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Inherent Problems with Selective Binding", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "ACCOMPANIMENT boshi-no fujin hat-GEN lady \"the lady with a hat\" PROPERTY jutai-no Shakuruton 2 seriously ill-GEN Shackleton \"seriously ill Shackleton\" 1.1.1 Time When possessive modification is temporary in nature or \"stage-level\" (Carlson, 1977) , there is no selective binding of any inherent qualia. A temporal genitive phrase such as yugata-no \"evening's/in the evening\" does not modify any of the AGENTIVE or TELIC role because yugata-no koen \"a park in the evening\" does not imply a park built in the evening nor does it imply one built solely for playing in the evenings. It rather refers to the appearance of a park in the evenings. For example, walking an evening park implies walking the park in the evenings.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 231, |
| "end": 246, |
| "text": "(Carlson, 1977)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Inherent Problems with Selective Binding", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(3) Yugata-no koen-o sanposhi-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Inherent Problems with Selective Binding", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "evening-GEN park-ACC walk-PAST \"I walked in a park in the evening.\" ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Inherent Problems with Selective Binding", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "We shall consider an example chikaku-no koen \"a nearby park.\" The locative genitive phrase chikaku-no \"nearby\" does not modify the AGENTIVE (origin) role of the park, which would mean that the park was created in a nearby location. Chikaku-no modifies something non-inherent to the noun, for the nearby park might not have been in the speaker's neighborhood when it was made; it might be presently located in the neighborhood. The speaker might have recently moved to the nearby location. Similarly, Tokyo-no shinseki \"a relative in Tokyo\" need not imply that the relative was born in Tokyo; it probably implies he currently resides in Tokyo. Therefore, the AGENTIVE role modification is not relevant. It is also possible to meet a relative living in Tokyo (Tokyo-no shinseki) in Rome, which indicates that what matters is the recent general location of the referent.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Location", |
| "sec_num": "1.1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(6) Tokyo-no shinseki-to Roma-de atta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Location", |
| "sec_num": "1.1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Tokyo-GEN relative-with Rome-LOC met \"I met a relative from Tokyo in Rome.\"", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Location", |
| "sec_num": "1.1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "If azaleas are the outstanding features of the park, tsutsuji-no \"with azaleas\" modifies the present state of the park; however, it does not necessarily modify the AGENTIVE role of the park since the azaleas could have been planted only recently.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Outstanding Property", |
| "sec_num": "1.1.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(7) tsutsuji-no koen azalea-GEN park \"a park with azaleas\" In this regard, the selective binding of qualia roles cannot explain possessive modification.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Outstanding Property", |
| "sec_num": "1.1.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Although selective binding does not apply to many possessives, it successfully applies to many others. The following sections indicate that modifications of inherent properties can be properly explained by selective binding.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Successful Application of Selective Binding: Modificatio of Inherent Property", |
| "sec_num": "1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "When NP 1 -no phrases are temporal modifiers of inherent nature, the selective binding works. For example in 7-ji-no nyusu \"7 o'clock news,\" the purpose, or the TELIC role, of news is to describe current events or information; therefore, 7-ji-no \"7 o'clock's\" modifies the TELIC role of nyusu \"news\" such that the TELIC role of the 7-ji-no nyusu \"7 o'clock news\" is to describe the events taking place at 7 o'clock.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "TELIC Quale Modification Time", |
| "sec_num": "1.2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(9) 7-ji-no nyusu 7 o'clock-GEN news \"7 o'clock news\" Similarly, if Coach is a bag store, the TELIC role of Coach lies in the act of selling, and bags are the theme of the selling event. 13 ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "TELIC Quale Modification Time", |
| "sec_num": "1.2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 0, |
| "end": 8, |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "ref_id": "EQREF", |
| "raw_str": "TYPESTR = h ARG1 = x MEDIA INFORMATION i EVENTSTR = h E1= e1 PROCESS i ARGSTR = h D-ARG1 = y INFO i QUALIA = \u00bb TELIC = DESCRIBE \" e1 , x , y \" \u2227 TIME \" e1 \" = AT SEVEN -", |
| "eq_num": "3 7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "section": "TELIC Quale Modification Time", |
| "sec_num": "1.2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 0, |
| "end": 8, |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "ref_id": "EQREF", |
| "raw_str": "TYPESTR = h ARG1 = x LOCATION i ARGSTR = 2 6 6 6 4 D-ARG1 = y HUMAN D-ARG3 = z PHYS OBJ D-E1 = e1 STATE D-E2 = e2 PROCESS 3 7 7 7 5 QUALIA = 2 6 4 FORMAL = LIVE \" e1 , y , x \" TELIC = MAKE ACT \" e2 , y , z", |
| "eq_num": "\" 3 7" |
| } |
| ], |
| "section": "TELIC Quale Modification Time", |
| "sec_num": "1.2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Osuro kogai-no mura \"a village in the suburb of Oslo\" 3 can be analyzed in a similar manner. Here, a village in the suburb of Oslo implies a village created in the location in the suburb in Oslo. ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Agentive Role Modification Location", |
| "sec_num": "1.2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As an extended GL, SIMPLE (Lenci et al., 2000) contains more ontological information, more argument structure and terminology than GL, and has the scope of application to language engineering. The extended qualia structure consists of the same four qualia roles as those in GL, namely, AGENTIVE, TELIC, CONSTITUTIVE and FORMAL roles, which may also have their subcategories that did not exist in GL. An innovative feature of SIMPLE is that it provides language neutral templates for lexicons. For example, in any language, anything that belongs to a category of instruments is assigned the same template.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 26, |
| "end": 46, |
| "text": "(Lenci et al., 2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF9" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended Qualia in SIMPLE", |
| "sec_num": "1.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "However, even with an extended qualia structure, SIMPLE fails to account for the complete range of meaning of possessive construction. Even though it provides more ontological information and more detailed qualia roles than the original GL, time, location, and other properties are not part of the lexical information in SIMPLE so that possessives are not allowed to modify these properties of NP 2 .", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended Qualia in SIMPLE", |
| "sec_num": "1.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In formal semantics, Pustevjosky's qualia structure has been applied for deriving possessive relations by means of the type-shifting mechanism. Instead of selective binding, Vikner and Jensen (2002) type-shift the possessor noun using one of the qualia roles to explain the meaning of the genitive phrases following Partee (1997) . This section overviews their theories and demonstrates that even these methods do not sufficiently explain the Japanese possessives.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 174, |
| "end": 198, |
| "text": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 316, |
| "end": 329, |
| "text": "Partee (1997)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Problems with Type-shifting Possessee Noun by Qualia", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Possessive relations are ambiguous in both English and Japanese. For example, there is more than one interpretation for John's book. It may refer to the book that John owns or the book that John wrote (Barker, 1995, 87) .", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 201, |
| "end": 219, |
| "text": "(Barker, 1995, 87)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Partee (1997)", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In view of such ambiguity, Partee (1997) assumes two syntactic types for John's depending on whether or not the following noun is inherently relational. If the following noun is a non-relational common noun (CN) such as car, John's composes with car which is a regular (e, t) type predicate, namely, a function from individuals to truth-values (Montague, 1973) , and the relation between John and car is contextually supplied (16a). On the contrary, when John is followed by inherently relational nouns such as brother, employee and enemy, which are (e, (e, t)) type with an extra argument slot (a function from individuals to another function from individuals to truth-values), the relation between John and his brother in John's brother inherits kinship from the two-place predicate brother. ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 344, |
| "end": 360, |
| "text": "(Montague, 1973)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Partee (1997)", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": ") \u2194 y = x] \u2227 P(x)]])]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Partee (1997)", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "If we apply Partee's theory to Japanese examples, most of the possessive relations with nonrelational nouns are unpredictable, and the contextually supplied relation R remains largely ambiguous.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Partee (1997)", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In order to reduce the cost of pragmatics, Vikner and Jensen (2002) apply the qualia structure (Pustejovsky, 1995) of the possessee noun and type-shift even a non-inherently relational NP 2 into a relational noun. For example, even though poem is not a relational noun, John's poem can be interpreted as the poem that John composed because the internal semantic structure of poem contains an author-of relation as AGENTIVE role. The meaning shifting operator Q A raises a one-place holder poem into a two-place holder. The type-shifted NP 2 can now combine with the possessive NP, which has a uniform type ((e, (e, t)), ((e, t), t))-a function from a two-place predicate to a generalized quantifier type-so that the authorship relation is inherited from NP 2 poem, and R is no longer a free variable.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 43, |
| "end": 67, |
| "text": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 95, |
| "end": 114, |
| "text": "(Pustejovsky, 1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(17) Q A (poem) = \u03bbx\u03bby[poem (x) \u2227 compose (x)(y)]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "However, even Vikner and Jensen (2002) 's method is not sufficient to systematically compute the meaning of the Japanese NP 1 -no NP 2 \"NP 1 -GEN NP 2 \" construction. For example, in terms of location (III) in Tables 1 and 2, the relation between Tokyo and shinseki \"relative\" in Tokyo-no shinseki \"a relative in Tokyo\" is location which is not part of the qualia structure of relative. We also encounter a problem with boshi-no fujin \"the lady with a hat.\" Since wearing a hat is not part of the qualia roles of the non-inherently relational noun fujin\"lady,\" even Vikner and Jensen's system is unable to supply the binder for R.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 14, |
| "end": 38, |
| "text": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Vikner and Jensen (2002)", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As explained in the previous sections, non-inherent properties cannot modify any inherent qualia or extended qualia roles in NP 2 so that neither selective binding nor type-shifting mechanism can apply. Even though many of the Japanese postpositional phrases selectively bind one of the qualia of the possessee nominals, we need to account for other cases that cannot be explained by existing qualia modification.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As Sirai (2002, 2006) admit, the spatio-temporal location is the semantic content of a large number of Japanese possessive phrases. 4 a NP1 largely determines the relation: NP1 is either a spatio-temporal location, which modifies NP2, or a person/institution to whom the referent of NP2 belongs (e.g., pari-no ie \"a house in Paris\") and the possessive interpretation belongs (e.g., Sheikusupia-no hon \"Shakespeare's book\"). b NP2 mainly determines the relation: If NP2 refers to an event, a relation, or a function, then the referent of NP1 functions as its argument. If NP2 refers to an object, then its qualia structure (Pustejovsky, 1995) determines the relation between NP1 and NP2 (e.g., Naomi-no haha \"Naomi's mother,\" machi-no hakai \"the destruction of the city,\" and Toyota-no kuruma \"Toyota's car\"). c Neither NP1 nor NP2 determines the relation. In some cases, R is contextually determined.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 3, |
| "end": 21, |
| "text": "Sirai (2002, 2006)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 622, |
| "end": 641, |
| "text": "(Pustejovsky, 1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In order to accommodate noun modification by postpositional phrases that denote temporary location, time, accompaniment, and property, I propose that additional information be encoded into the lexicon, specifically, a referential module be added to GL: In harmony with the present analysis, En\u00e7 (1987) discusses the temporal ambiguity of nouns such as president, bird and brain. For example, the president in (19) may refer to (i) the current president at time of utterance who acted foolishly when he was not president, or (ii) then president who is no more president at speech time.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 291, |
| "end": 301, |
| "text": "En\u00e7 (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(19) The president was a fool. Musan (1999) also assumes that all noun phrases have a time argument. For example, in (20) below, the person referred to as the intern could have been a hard-working intern in the past or at present-the present intern who was a hard-working person when he was not an intern yet. In other words, the time argument of the intern can refer to the past time or the utterance time.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 31, |
| "end": 43, |
| "text": "Musan (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(20) The intern worked hard.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Moreover, according to Sowa (1999) , all physical objects usually occupy some space and time. Therefore, we incorporate location and time as subcategories of the referential module.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 23, |
| "end": 34, |
| "text": "Sowa (1999)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The following sections demonstrate how the extended GL renders the genitive modification underivable from the previous qualia structure.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Extended GL: Extensional Module Modificatio 3.1 A Referential Module", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The lexical input for shinseki \"relative\" in GL should not allow modification by a locative genitive phrase Tokyo-no \"in Tokyo\" under the existing GL, since Tokyo-no \"in Tokyo\" would not modify any inherent qualia roles. ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 0, |
| "end": 8, |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "ref_id": "EQREF", |
| "raw_str": "FORMAL = KINSHIP RELATION \" e1 , x , y \" AGENTIVE = KINSHIP RELATION \" e2 , z , x", |
| "eq_num": "\" 3 7 5" |
| } |
| ], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Therefore, we incorporate location as part of the referential or extensional module (EXT) such that the location of a relative can be modified by the locative postpositional phrase as in (22). ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 0, |
| "end": 8, |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "ref_id": "EQREF", |
| "raw_str": "FORMAL = KINSHIP RELATION \" e1 , x , y \" AGENTIVE = KINSHIP RELATION \" e2 , x , z \" 3 7 5 EXT = \u00bb LOC = AT \" e3 , x , l \"", |
| "eq_num": "- 3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "FORMAL = KINSHIP RELATION \" e1 , x , y \" AGENTIVE = KINSHIP RELATION \" e2 , x , z \" 3 7 5 EXT = \u00bb LOC = AT \" e3 , x , l \" \u2227 LOC \"", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "e3 \" = TOKYO -3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5 ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Locative Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The temporal genitive phrase such as yugata-no \"evening's\" does not modify any of the AGEN-TIVE or TELIC roles. Rather, it refers to the appearance of a park during an evening visit; yugatano \"evening's\" locates the referent of the park into certain time period. In other words, evening's modifies the referential content of the park in the extended GL. ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "o FORMAL = x TELIC = RECREATIONAL ACTIVITY \" e3 , w , x \" AGENTIVE = MAKE ACT \" e1 , z ,", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "x \" 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EXT = 2 6 4 LOC = IN \" e2 , x , l \" TIME = AT \" e2 , x , t \" \u2227 TIME \" e2 \" = EVENING 3", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "7 5 3 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 5 ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Modificatio", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Carrying a hat or a bag is a temporary activity, that does not modify any inherent qualia roles. It does, however, modify the manner role in the EXT structure as shown below.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Accompaniment and Property by Manner", |
| "sec_num": "3.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(24) boshi-no hito hat-GEN person \"the person with a hat\" ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Accompaniment and Property by Manner", |
| "sec_num": "3.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "LOC = IN \" e1 , x , l \" MANNER = WITH \" e1 , x \" \u2227 MANNER \" e1 \" = WITH-", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Accompaniment and Property by Manner", |
| "sec_num": "3.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Regarding the compositional calculation of meaning, I assume that the operator and the \u03b9 operator lower the types of common nouns into (e). The use of the operator follows its use for Japanese nouns in Cann et al. (2005) . ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 202, |
| "end": 220, |
| "text": "Cann et al. (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Computation", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As originally indicated by Teramura (1980) and Makishita (1984) , the meaning of the Japanese postposition -no varies to the extent that it cannot be translated into the English preposition of alone. Tables 1 and 2 demonstrate that -no is also translated into other prepositions, such as in, at, for, from, about, with, and also into noun compounds. They demonstrate that the Japanese genitive marker not only expresses possession as in Naomi's bag and inalienable relations as in Naomi's face but also aspects such as location, accompaniment, property, and quantity. There is even the reversal of the possessor argument between (I) and (V-VI). The possessor argument is NP 1 in (I), as in English Naomi's bag whose possessor argument is Naomi. On the contrary in (V), the possessor of the bag is NP 2 hito \"man\" and there is no English equivalent big bag's person. In (VI) Kaban-no Kochi \"Bags Coach,\" Coach is a store, and therefore the possessor of a bag. The controller-controllee relation is also reversed, for example, in Naomi-no kuruma \"Naomi's car\" (type I), Naomi is the controller of the car, i.e., NP 2 the car is at Naomi's disposal as in English the girl's car (Vikner and Jensen, 2002) . On the contrary, in boshi-no fujin \"the lady with a hat,\" NP 1 boshi is at the person's disposal. Aoi-me-no ningyo \"the doll with blue eyes,\" literally, \"blue eyes' doll\" in (VIII) even expresses the part-whole relation in the reverse direction, compared with ningyo-no me \"the doll's eyes.\" As Johnston and Busa (1996) analyzed English nominal compounds in comparison with Italian prepositions by qualia modifications, the Extended GL introduced in this paper should apply to", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 27, |
| "end": 42, |
| "text": "Teramura (1980)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 47, |
| "end": 63, |
| "text": "Makishita (1984)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1175, |
| "end": 1200, |
| "text": "(Vikner and Jensen, 2002)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1498, |
| "end": 1522, |
| "text": "Johnston and Busa (1996)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 200, |
| "end": 214, |
| "text": "Tables 1 and 2", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Application of Extended GL to English Prepositional Phrases", |
| "sec_num": "5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "23rd Pacific Asia Conference on Language, Information and Computation, pages 385-394", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "BCCWJ (2008)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "BCCWJ (2008)", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Sirai (2002, 2006) classify the semantic patterns of NP1-no NP2 construction into three categories in accordance with how the free relation variable R between the two entities represented by NP1 and NP2 is derived.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
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| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "non-inherent modification by prepositional phrases in other languages. Furthermore, the methodology presented should also apply to adjectival and prepositional modification in general, as far as such modifiers detect the presence of the event argument contained in common nouns that they modify.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "annex", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Japanese genitive postpositions cannot be disambiguated in terms of the existing qualia of the possessee nominals. We need to augment the semantic content by adding another module REF-ERENTIAL or EXTENSIONAL structure. The present work provides an enriched lexical entry that enables access to the sense of NP 2 and determines the semantic relation expressed by Japanese genitive postpositions. Future work concerns identifying which quale should be used for the interpretation of the possessive noun phrases. ", |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "6" |
| } |
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| "BIBREF17": { |
| "ref_id": "b17", |
| "title": "A semantic analysis of the English genitive. interaction of lexical and formal semantics", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "C", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Vikner", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "P", |
| "middle": [ |
| "A" |
| ], |
| "last": "Jensen", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2002, |
| "venue": "Studia Linguistica", |
| "volume": "56", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "191--226", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Vikner, C. and P. A. Jensen. 2002. A semantic analysis of the English genitive. interaction of lexical and formal semantics. Studia Linguistica 56, 191-226.", |
| "links": null |
| } |
| }, |
| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF0": { |
| "text": "[[f ast typist]] = \u03bbx[typist(x) \u2227 ...[TELIC = \u03bbe[type(e) \u2227 agent(e) = x \u2227 fast(e)]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "text": "[[evening park]] = \u03bbx[park(x) \u2227 [TELIC = \u03bbe[recreational activity(e) \u2227 time(e) = evening]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "text": "[[nearby park]] = \u03bbx[AGENTIVE = \u03bbe[make act(e) \u2227 theme(e) = x \u2227 location(e) = neighborhood]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "text": "[[park with azaleas]] = \u03bbx[park(x) \u2227 [AGENTIVE = \u03bbe[make act(e) \u2227 theme(e) = x \u2227 manner(e) = with azaleas]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF4": { |
| "text": "10) [[7 o clock news]] = \u03bbx[news(x) \u2227 [TELIC = \u03bbe[describe(e) \u2227 time(e) = at seven]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF5": { |
| "text": "kaban-no Kochi \"Bags Coach\" (14) [[bags Coach]] = \u03bbx[store(x) \u2227 [TELIC = \u03bbe[sell act(e) \u2227 theme(e) = z.bag]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF6": { |
| "text": "15) [[village in the suburb of Oslo]] = \u03bbx[village(x) \u2227 [AGENTIVE = \u03bbe[make act(e) \u2227 location(e) = Oslo-suburb]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF11": { |
| "text": "22) [[relative in T okyo]] = \u03bbx[relative(y)(x) \u2227...[EXT = \u03bbe[LOC(e)=Tokyo]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF12": { |
| "text": "23) [[park in the evening]] = \u03bbx[park(x) \u2227 [EXT = \u03bbe[being-park(e) \u2227 time(e) = evening]]...]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF14": { |
| "text": "boshi \"hat\": x.hat: some x satisfying hat(x), if there is one hito \"person\": \u03b9y.person(y): the unique x satisfying person(x), if there is such a thing no: \u03bbP\u03bbQ. \u03b9y[Q(y) \u2227 R( x.P)(y)] boshi-no hito \"the person with a hat\": \u03b9y.[person(y) \u2227 manner(e) = with( .hat)(y)]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "TABREF0": { |
| "html": null, |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td>7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7</td></tr><tr><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>1.2(11) biiru-no machi Munhen</td></tr><tr><td>beer-GEN town Munich</td></tr><tr><td>\"the city of beer Munich\"</td></tr><tr><td>2</td></tr><tr><td>6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6</td></tr><tr><td>4</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "phrases that represent trade and activity of the referent of NP 2 inTable 1at the end of this article are considered to be modifiers of the TELIC role of the NP 2 . Trade is regarded to play the TELIC role." |
| }, |
| "TABREF2": { |
| "html": null, |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "num": null, |
| "content": "<table/>", |
| "text": "(16) a. Free R type: Syntax: [John's] N P/CN Semantics: \u03bbQ\u03bbP[john(\u03bbz[\u2203x[\u2200y[[Q(y) \u2227 R(y)(z)] \u2194 y = x] \u2227 P(x)]])] b. Inherent relation type:" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
