| { |
| "paper_id": "Y12-1023", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:46:04.947220Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "Pre-vs. Post-verbal Asymmetries and the Syntax of Korean RDC", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Daeho", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chung", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "Hanyang University", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "cdaeho@hanyang.ac.kr" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "Among various important issues pertaining to the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean are the basic word order and the grammatical relation the right dislocated (RDed) element assumes to the rest of the structure. In his series of papers,", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y12-1023", |
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| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Among various important issues pertaining to the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean are the basic word order and the grammatical relation the right dislocated (RDed) element assumes to the rest of the structure. In his series of papers,", |
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| "section": "Abstract", |
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| "text": "Predicates in Korean are generally fixed at the clause final position, although the dependents are freely ordered, as in (1). It is observed in Nam and Ko (1986: 250-251) and Huh (1988: 263) among others, however, that Korean allows the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC), in which some apparent part of the sentence may show up at the post-predicate position, as in (2).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 144, |
| "end": 170, |
| "text": "Nam and Ko (1986: 250-251)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 175, |
| "end": 190, |
| "text": "Huh (1988: 263)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) a. Cheli-ka Yuni-lul manna-ess-ta (SOV) Ch.-Nom Y.-Acc meet-Pst-DE 'Cheli saw Yuni.' b. Yuni-lul Cheli-ka manna-ess-ta (OSV) (2) a. Cheli-ka manna-ess-ta Yuni-lul (SVO) b. Yuni-lul manna-ess-ta Cheli-ka (OVS) c. manna-ess-ta Cheli-ka Yuni-lul (VSO) d. manna-ess-e Yuni-lul Cheli-ka (VOS)", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 38, |
| "end": 43, |
| "text": "(SOV)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 158, |
| "end": 172, |
| "text": "Yuni-lul (SVO)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The RDC in Korean has recently received a great deal of attention as to the architecture of the structure. (See J.-S. Lee 2007a ,b, 2008a ,b, 2010 , Chung 2008a , Lee and Yoon 2009 , C.-H. Lee 2009 Among various issues around the RDC are the basic word order in Koran and the grammatical relation the RDed element in the post-verbal position assumes with the rest of the construction. Lee (2007a Lee ( ,b, 2008a Lee ( , 2009a Lee ( ,b, 2010 Lee ( , 2012 proposes a mono-clausal structure based on Kayne's (1994) universal SVO hypothesis and treats the RDed element as a direct dependent of the preceding predicate. According to this analysis, (2a) is taken as the base word order and all other structures in (1) and (2) are derived from (2a), In contrast, Chung (2008a Chung ( , 2009b Chung ( . 2010 , basically following Tanaka's (2001) analysis of Japanese RDC, advocates a non-mono-clausal analysis, according to which the RDC is derived as follows: 1 (3) a. Parataxis of Clausal Copies, S1 and S2", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 118, |
| "end": 127, |
| "text": "Lee 2007a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF30" |
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| { |
| "start": 128, |
| "end": 137, |
| "text": ",b, 2008a", |
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| "start": 138, |
| "end": 146, |
| "text": ",b, 2010", |
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| { |
| "start": 147, |
| "end": 160, |
| "text": ", Chung 2008a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 161, |
| "end": 180, |
| "text": ", Lee and Yoon 2009", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF46" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 181, |
| "end": 197, |
| "text": ", C.-H. Lee 2009", |
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| }, |
| { |
| "start": 385, |
| "end": 395, |
| "text": "Lee (2007a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF30" |
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| { |
| "start": 396, |
| "end": 411, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2008a", |
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| { |
| "start": 412, |
| "end": 425, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2009a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF33" |
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| { |
| "start": 426, |
| "end": 440, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2010", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 441, |
| "end": 453, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF38" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 497, |
| "end": 511, |
| "text": "Kayne's (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF24" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 756, |
| "end": 768, |
| "text": "Chung (2008a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 769, |
| "end": 784, |
| "text": "Chung ( , 2009b", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 785, |
| "end": 799, |
| "text": "Chung ( . 2010", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 822, |
| "end": 837, |
| "text": "Tanaka's (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF45" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 953, |
| "end": 954, |
| "text": "1", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
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| "text": "[ First, two clauses/sentences, S1 and S2, are put together in an asyndetic form, as schematically represented in (3a). 2 Then, the RDed element undergoes fronting in S2, as in (3b). Finally, S2 undergoes a massive ellipsis, deleting all its content except for the fronted element, as in (3c), along the similar lines of Merchant's (2004) analysis of sentence fragments. A crucial difference between the mono-vs. non-mono-clausal approaches lies in the treatment of the RDed element. A mono-clausal analysis as in J.-S. Lee (2007a Lee ( ,b, 2008a Lee ( , 2009a Lee ( ,b, 2010 Lee ( , 2012 views it as a direct dependent of a predicate that precedes it. In contrast, a non-mono-clausal analysis as in Chung (2008a Chung ( , 2009b Chung ( . 2010 treats it as a fragmental element of a continuing sentence/clause. 3 Thus, under the latter approach, an RDed element has no direct thematic or modifying relation to the preceding predicate. They are only indirectly related due to the semantic identity of the two conjuncts of a paratactic coordinate structure.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 321, |
| "end": 338, |
| "text": "Merchant's (2004)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 520, |
| "end": 530, |
| "text": "Lee (2007a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF30" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 531, |
| "end": 546, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2008a", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 547, |
| "end": 560, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2009a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF33" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 561, |
| "end": 575, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2010", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 576, |
| "end": 588, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF38" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 700, |
| "end": 712, |
| "text": "Chung (2008a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 713, |
| "end": 728, |
| "text": "Chung ( , 2009b", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF16" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 729, |
| "end": 743, |
| "text": "Chung ( . 2010", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF17" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 811, |
| "end": 812, |
| "text": "3", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
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| "text": "It is expected under the former approach that the RDed element in a post-verbal position behaves like a pre-verbal counterpart except for the positional difference, i.e., the existence vs. lack of an EPP or edge feature in a certain functional category. This paper will show, however, that this 2 The RDed part can be overtly realized in the preceding clausal expression:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 295, |
| "end": 296, |
| "text": "2", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "[ S1 \u2026 XP i \u2026 Pred], [ S2 XP i [ S2 \u2026 t i \u2026 Pred]", |
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| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "]. I will ignore the issue how XP i in S1 becomes a null element in the RDC. Pronominalization or NP deletion may be responsible. Yoon and Lee (2009) claim that there exists no null element at all in syntax.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 130, |
| "end": 149, |
| "text": "Yoon and Lee (2009)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF46" |
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| ], |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
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| { |
| "text": "One may be curious about the raison d'\u00eatre for the clausal copy, especially in relation to the interpretation of the event doubling due to the clausal copy. I do not have any definite answer for this question, but I would like to point out the fact that natural languages do allow reduplication of expressions including a clausal element. 3 The architecture proposed in Yoon and Lee (2009) also implies no direct grammatical relation between the RDed element and the predicate. See also C.-H. Lee (2009 , who claims that an intonation break may intervene between the predicate and the post-verbal element.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 339, |
| "end": 340, |
| "text": "3", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| { |
| "start": 370, |
| "end": 389, |
| "text": "Yoon and Lee (2009)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF46" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 493, |
| "end": 502, |
| "text": "Lee (2009", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF33" |
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| "text": "expectation is not borne out. It will be illustrated that there are various asymmetric behaviors displayed between an RDed element in a postverbal position and its pre-verbal counterpart. These asymmetric behaviors will be shown to indicate that the RDed element (the post-verbal expression) is best analyzed as a fragmental element of a continuing sentence, not as a direct dependent of the overtly realized predicate. The right edge restriction on the RDC is selfexplanatory under a non-mono-clausal analysis. As schematically represented in (3), the RDed element is analyzed as being positioned at the left periphery of a continuing sentence/clause, the second conjunct of a paratactic structure. The RDed element is uniquely pronounced at the second sentence/clause to which massive ellipsis has applied, suppressing all other elements. In short, being a fragmental element, an RDed element cannot be embedded, which accounts for the contrast in grammaticality between (4b) and (4c).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
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| "text": "J.-S. Lee's (2007a Lee's ( ,b, 2008a Lee's ( , 2009a Lee's ( ,b, 2010 Lee's ( , 2012 mono-clausal analysis under the SVO word order hypothesis makes a special assumption to account for the right edge restriction on the RDC. To rule out the sentences like (4b), Lee (2010 Lee ( : 113, 2012 makes the following suggestion: 5", |
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| "start": 6, |
| "end": 18, |
| "text": "Lee's (2007a", |
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| "start": 19, |
| "end": 36, |
| "text": "Lee's ( ,b, 2008a", |
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| "start": 37, |
| "end": 52, |
| "text": "Lee's ( , 2009a", |
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| "end": 69, |
| "text": "Lee's ( ,b, 2010", |
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| }, |
| { |
| "start": 70, |
| "end": 84, |
| "text": "Lee's ( , 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF38" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 261, |
| "end": 270, |
| "text": "Lee (2010", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF36" |
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| { |
| "start": 271, |
| "end": 288, |
| "text": "Lee ( : 113, 2012", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(5) ... the Comp -ko signaling embeddedness selects its whole TP complement to be in its domain, so the TP has to be pied-pied to Spec CP.", |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| "text": "He attributes the obligatory TP movement to the Principle of Locality of Selection proposed by Sportiche (1998) , which states that selection must be satisfied in a strictly local relation, whether head-complement or head-specifier. In short, the TP movement instantiates a case of specifier selection, triggered by the EPP or Edge Feature in C (Chomsky 2000) . The suggestion made in (5), however, faces some non-trivial empirical and theoretical problems. First, there exist empirical challenges. As observed in Choe (1987: 41) , RD can be multiply applied. As expected, RD may apply to an element of a previously RDed embedded clause, as shown in the following example:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 95, |
| "end": 111, |
| "text": "Sportiche (1998)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF43" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 345, |
| "end": 359, |
| "text": "(Chomsky 2000)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 514, |
| "end": 529, |
| "text": "Choe (1987: 41)", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
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| { |
| "text": "(6) na-nun e j mit-nun-ta [Cheli-ka e i I-Top believe-Pres-DE Ch.-Nom cohaha-n-ta-ko] j Yuni-lul i . love-Pres-DE-C Y.-Acc 'I believe Cheli loves Yuni.'", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| "text": "RD out of a post-verbal embedded clause is also possible in sentence fragments. Consider the following examples: 5 Lee (2012: 98) follows Koopman (2005) in assuming the following order of verbal affixes: C(omp)-T(ense)-v-M(ood)-Asp-V. This work, however, adopts a more conservative view, i.e., the V-v-T-M-C order. TP in (5) equals MP in the majority of literature. (7) A: ne cikum mwe-la-ko malha-ess-ni? you now what-be-C say-Pst-QE `What did you say a moment ago?' B:", |
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| "start": 113, |
| "end": 114, |
| "text": "5", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 138, |
| "end": 152, |
| "text": "Koopman (2005)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF26" |
| } |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "[e i Yuni-lul cohaha-n-ta-ko] [Cheli-ka] i Y.-Acc love-Pres-DE-C Ch.-Nom 'That Cheli loves Yuni.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The surface order in (6) and (7B) does not conform to Lee's suggestion in (5), according to which the whole MP has to be located in the specifier position of a complementizer.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| "text": "One might try to derive these sentences by locating the two RDed elements at specifier positions of two different functional categories and raising the predicate to the head of a third functional category. For example, (6) might be said to have undergone the following derivation, after the embedded clause has been built up and the object has scrambled: 6", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| { |
| "text": "(8) a. [Cheli-lul i [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko]] \u21d2 Merge V-v b. [sayngkakha [Cheli-lul i [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko]]] \u21d2Move CP c. [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko] j [sayngkakha [Cheli-lul i t j ]] \u21d2 Merge T(ense) -n and Move V-v to T d. sayngkakhak-n [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko] j [t k [Cheli-lul i t j ]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "] \u21d2Merge Subject and M(ood) and Move T to M e. [sayngkakhak-n] ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 47, |
| "end": 62, |
| "text": "[sayngkakhak-n]", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "l -ta na-nun t l [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko] j [t k [Cheli-lul i t j ]] \u21d2Subject Raising f. na-nun f [sayngkakhak-n] l -ta t f t l [Yuni-ka t i coha-n-ta-ko] j [t k [Cheli-lul i t j ]]", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Thus, it seems that sentences like (6) can be derived by Lee's SVO word order hypothesis. Sentence fragments like (7B), however, may not be legitimate if ellipsis applies to a syntactic constituent only. Notice that na-nun f and [sayngkakhak-n] l -ta in (8f) do not form a constituent, as they are positioned in two different specifiers. Thus sentence fragments like (7B) would not be produced, contrary to fact. Furthermore, it will be shown below that introduction of a clausal excorporation process as in (8c) leads to a serious problem with respect to the asymmetric availability of such a process out of a pre-vs. post-verbal position. (See Section 4.)", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| "text": "The suggestion in (5) also faces theoretical difficulties. By the SVO order, Lee (2010 Lee ( , 2012 intends to mean the Spec-Head-Complement (SHC) order across all the categories, not just the 'subjectverb-object' word order. Thus, it is expected that every category is to have the SHC order in the base structure. It is evident, however, that the RDed element appears only to the right of the matrix clause, more precisely, to the right of a matrix mood. RD never applies to all other categories to the left of a (mood-inflected) matrix predicate. No other heads allow their dependents to appear to the right. For example, heads like N and P cannot precede their dependents, whether complement or specifier: Ch.-Nom I to to I that work-Acc ha-ela-ko malha-ess-ta. 7 do-Imp-C say-Pst-DE 'Cheli told me to do the work.'", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 77, |
| "end": 86, |
| "text": "Lee (2010", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF36" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 87, |
| "end": 99, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2012", |
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| "section": "Asymmetry in the Locus of RDed Elements", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
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| { |
| "text": "To maintain Lee's (2010 Lee's ( , 2012 SHC word order hypothesis, it is required to assume that every head except for the mood in the matrix clause always selects its whole complement to its specifier position. This is theoretically burdensome at least for the following two reasons. First, it has to assume a SHC order as a basic word order even if this order never surfaces for the categories in a preverbal position. Second, no principled reason seems to be provided for the difference between the matrix vs. embedded mood, other than the stipulation in (5), i.e., that -ko (or Cs in general) takes its whole complement (=MP) in its specifier position due to the EPP (or Edge) feature in C. According to him, an MP with an RDed element cannot precede a C, due to the morphological requirement that C is to follow a verbal element. It will be observed in Section 3, however, that no embedded RDC is allowed even when an embedded predicate has the same inflectional endings as a matrix one, i.e., even if there is no overt C, contrary to the expectation. Notice that there should be no asymmetry with respect to the availability of an RDC, as far as the morphological compositions are identical.", |
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| "text": "Lee's (2010", |
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| }, |
| { |
| "text": "There are cases in Korean in which an embedded clause ending is not different from the matrix one. Some question endings are cases in point. Consider the following sentences. The embedded clauses in (10b) and (11b) are identical to the structures in (10a) and (11a), respectively. Such embedded interrogative clauses do not take any additional (declarative or interrogative) C. There being no overt marker signaling embeddeness, the suggestion made in (5) is irrelevant to such sentences. It is then expected in Lee's system that the embedded clauses in (10b) and (11b) should behave like (10a) and (11a) as to the availability of the RDC. This expectation is not borne out: RD is allowed in (10a) and (11a), but not in the embedded clauses in (10b) and 11b Lee's system, which attributes the lack of the embedded RD to a lexical property of C, does not expect the non-availability of the RDC in (10)' and (11)'. Since the selectional restriction is lexically represented on C, the identical question endings are supposed to behave alike, contra fact. 9", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry despite the Morphological Identity", |
| "sec_num": "3." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "RDC cannot be embedded, but RD out of an embedded clause is possible in Korean, as far as the RDed element appears at the right edge of the whole sentence, as in (4c), repeated as 12 One crucial property of the derivation in (13) is that excorporation of an embedded clause is allowed after its object has scrambled. Notice that in (13a), the embedded object has scrambled within the embedded clause and in (13c) the whole embedded clause except for the object has been raised to the SPEC of the matrix V-v. Such an excorporation device, however, comes across an immediate problem, when it is tried out of a pre-verbal embedded clause. Notice that Korean allows the following structure, in which the whole embedded CP including the scrambled embedded object appears between the matrix subject and matrix predicate: (Fiengo 1977) , or any principle that is responsible for the PBC effects, whatever it may be, 11 since t i in (15), a trace, remains unbound. In contrast, sentences like (12) do not violate the condition since the RDed element does not belong to the preceding clause and e i is not a trace.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 815, |
| "end": 828, |
| "text": "(Fiengo 1977)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF19" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Clausal Excorporation", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(14)na-nun [Yuni-lul i [Cheli-", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Clausal Excorporation", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "According to the system Lee adopts, the OV order is derived from VO order. With this in mind, observe that there is an asymmetry between the pre-vs. post-verbal positions, with respect to extraction. Extraction is allowed out of an embedded CP in a pre-verbal position, but not out of a post-verbal (RDed) position, as shown in the following examples: 12 One of the reviewers finds (17) acceptable. I suspect that, if it is acceptable at all, the fronted element is extracted from the matrix clause, out of the so-called major object position, not from the embedded clause. A clearer contrast emerges when the fronted element is a dative NP, which hardly functions as a major object: order hypothesis. There seems to be no reason to block the sentence in (17). 13 It should be derived, when the embedded object scrambles to the clause initial position, subsequently to the SPEC of the matrix V-v, and then to the sentence initial position.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(16) [Cheli-lul] i na-nun [Yuni-", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Under a non-mono-clausal analysis, however, the ungrammaticality of the RDC in (17) naturally follows. Notice that the RDC consists of two (or more) clausal elements and the post-verbal elements belong to the second clause. Thus, the RDC will be illegitimate if the RDC minus the post-verbal element is illegitimate. This is exactly the case for (17), as shown below.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(18) *[Cheli-lul] na-nun sayngkakha-n-ta (18) is ungrammatical with the intended reading.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "There could be various attempts to derive (17) but they all seem to fail under a non-mono-clausal approach to the RDC. First, the fronted nominal cannot be thought of as the direct complement of the verb sayngkakha 'to think' since the verb selects a clausal complement. (This will also violate the so-called parallelism requirement on coordination, given that RDC takes a coordinate structure. Notice that the RDed element is a CP, not an NP.) Second, one might think of a derivation in which Cheli-lul is extracted out of a CP in a pre-verbal position, while the rest of the clause undergoes ellipsis, as follows:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(19) *[Cheli-lul] i na-nun [ CP ... e i ...]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "sayngkakha-n-ta // [Yuni-ka e i coha-n-ta-ko]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This derivation is not permitted, given some restriction on the locus of [+E], the ellipsis triggering feature. According to Merchant (2004) and Ahn and Cho (2009a,b) , ellipsis cannot apply to a complement of a lexical category since the feature resides only at a functional category. 14 Third, one might try to derive it by moving the embedded CP first and then deleting all other elements except for the object, as follows:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 125, |
| "end": 140, |
| "text": "Merchant (2004)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 145, |
| "end": 166, |
| "text": "Ahn and Cho (2009a,b)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(20) [ CP Yuni-ka [Cheli-lul] coha-n-ta-ko] i na-nun e i sayngkakha-n-ta // [Yuni-ka e i coha-n-ta-ko]", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As pointed out in , this is not legitimate, either, because ellipsis has applied to a non-constituent expression. Therefore, there seems to be no way to derive the structure in (17) under a non-mono-clausal analysis of the RDC. Thus, the restriction on the extraction out of a post-verbal, i.e., RDed, embedded clause, naturally follows without making any stipulation.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Leftward Extraction out of a CP", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "It is interesting to observe that some expressions are acceptable only in a post-verbal position, and some others only in a pre-verbal position. (See Section 6.1. and 6.2., respectively.) This would be unexpected under a mono-clausal analysis, since there is no reason to distinguish a post-vs. preverbal position, except for the word order variation due to the presence or lack of the EPP feature.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Asymmetry in Permissible Expressions", |
| "sec_num": "6." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Some expressions are acceptable only in a postverbal position. As shown below, possessives and relative clauses cannot appear in a pre-verbal position unless they are accompanied by their head noun. However, they can show up at the right edge of a sentence, with or without the head noun. 15 B: Byeli-to cap-ess-ta Swunhi-uy (phal-ul) B (21B)' and (22B)' do not sound perfect without the head nouns within the parentheses but they are qualitatively better than (21B) and (22B).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 315, |
| "end": 334, |
| "text": "Swunhi-uy (phal-ul)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Post-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This contrast in the acceptability of the prenominal expressions (possessives and relative clauses) between the pre-vs. post-verbal position can hardly be accounted for by Lee's theory based on the SVO word order hypothesis. There seems to be no principled reason why an expression is acceptable in a post-verbal position but it becomes unacceptable in a pre-verbal position.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Post-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "With a non-mono clausal analysis there is some room for explaining the contrast. As the RDed element is treated as a fragment of a continuing sentence/clause, sentences in (21B)' and (22B)' even without their head nouns are expected to be acceptable. Notice that possessives and relative clauses may show up as fragments in Korean. b. *na-nun [Cheli-ka e i o-ess-nunci] I-Top Ch.-Nom come-Pst-QE kwungkumha-ta, etise i wondrous-DE where 'I wonder where Cheli comes from.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Post-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The SVO word order hypothesis expects sentences like (29b) to be legitimately derived, along the similar lines of derivation of (8) in Section 2, since the RDed wh-phrase has undergone scrambling in the embedded clause and then the embedded clause has moved to the SPEC of the matrix verb, leaving the wh-phrase behind.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Post-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "A non-mono clausal analysis of the RDC may account for the contrast under the condition that a QE must have an overt wh-phrase in its domain. (See Chung 2008b for detail.) Notice that the QE remains unlicensed, since no overt wh-phrase is available at all in the domain of the QE. Note that, under a non-mono-sentential analysis of Korean RDC, the wh-phrase in (29b) belongs to a separate sentence/clause to which a massive size of ellipsis has applied.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Post-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This work has observed various asymmetric behaviors between pre-vs. post-verbal positions in the so-called right dislocated construction (RDC) in Korean. The existence of such asymmetries has shown to be readily accommodated when the RDed element is viewed as a fragmental element rather than as a direct dependent of the preceding predicate, favoring a non-mono-clausal approach to the construction. Thus, the RDC in Korean does not necessarily constitute evidence for the claim that the Korean language conforms to the universal SHC word order hypothesis, pace Lee (2007a Lee ( ,b, 2008a Lee ( , 2009a Lee ( ,b, 2010 Lee ( , 2012 , although there is no need to posit a rightward movement, lending only partial support to Kayne's (1994) LCA.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 563, |
| "end": 573, |
| "text": "Lee (2007a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF30" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 574, |
| "end": 589, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2008a", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 590, |
| "end": 603, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2009a", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF33" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 604, |
| "end": 618, |
| "text": "Lee ( ,b, 2010", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 619, |
| "end": 631, |
| "text": "Lee ( , 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF38" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 723, |
| "end": 737, |
| "text": "Kayne's (1994)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF24" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "7." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "To the best of my knowledge,Choe (1987) first observed that an element can be RDed out of an embedded clause in Korean.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Lee (2008: 224, fn 6) treats the verbal complex, for instance, cohaha-n-ta 'like-Pres-DE', as being introduced from the lexicon separately from C -ko.' Lee (2012: 99, his (42)), however, follows a projectionist view on all verbal endings (T and M as well as C). I abstract away from this issue, as the discussions remain unaffected.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "I intentionally chose poko 'to', a non-affixal particle, to avoid a morphological problem that may otherwise arise.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The examples in (11) are from Kyungnam Province Dialect.Suh (1987, Section 2.4.) reports that -nunko functions as a [+WH] QE in the embedded clause as well as in the matrix clause, although there is some subject person restriction in the matrix clause. (11b) is cited fromLee (1998: 131, his (120)).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Even if there existed a null C in such an embedded interrogative clause, the embedded RDC should be accepted since a null C does not have to satisfy the morphological condition on an overt C: C must follow a verbal element.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "It is noteworthy that extraction out of a specifier is permitted in Lee's system, or required if the so-called third factor principle inLee (2012) is to be established.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Extraction should be more readily available out of a complement clause than out of a specifier clause, due to the CED effects. 14 SeePark (2009) for a different solution.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Park (2012: 220ff) also observes that Korean allows 'left branch extraction under fragmenting'.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "An earlier version of this work was presented at the spring conference of the Korea Generative Grammar Circle on May 26, 2012 at Sungshin Women's University. I would like to thank all the audience at the conference, especially Yeun-Jin Jung and Sang-Geun Lee for their valuable comments. I also would like to thank Hee-Don Ahn and Chungmin Lee and the three PACLIC 26 reviewers for their constructive comments and questions. All remaining errors are solely mine.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Acknowledgements", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Similarly, the contrast in the following pair of sentences points in favor of a non-mono-clausal analysis rather than a mono-clausal analysis based on the SVO word order hypothesis. 16 (25) a. na-eykey-to anay-ka philyoha-e, I-to-also wife-Nom need-DE [yeppu-ko ton-to cal pel-nun]. pretty-and money-also well make-Rel 'I also need a wife who is pretty and makes a lot of money as well.' b. *na-eykey-to anay-ka [yeppu-ko I-to-also wife-Nom pretty-and ton-to cal pel-nun] philyoha-e money-also well make-Rel need-DE 'I also need a wife who is pretty and makes a lot of money as well.'A mono-clausal analysis based on the universal SHC word order hypothesis would have to derive (25a) by extracting the head noun from the postverbal relative construction, leaving the relative clause behind. An analogous extraction of a head noun out of a relative construction in a pre-verbal position, however, leads to ungrammaticality. It is not clear under this analysis what prevents (25b) from being derived from (26) by extracting the head noun. 17 (26) na-eykey-to [[yeppu-ko ton-to cal I-to-also pretty-and money-aslo well pel-nun] anay]-ka philyoha-e. make-Rel wife-Nom need-DE 'I also need a wife who is pretty and makes a lot of money as well.'Under a non-mono-clausal analysis, the RDed element in (25a) is simply a fragmental expression of a continuing clause. Thus, the salvation effects can be attributed to a property of sentence fragments, however it may be explained. 16 (25a) is cited from Yoon and Lee (2009) . 17 A reviewer points out to me that the ungrammatical status of (25b) may be merely an instance of CED effects since the head noun is extracted out of a relative construction that has previously moved to a SPEC position in Lee's system. If, however, CED works at all in his system, grammatical sentences like (16) are to be incorrectly excluded as well. See footnote 10 also.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 182, |
| "end": 184, |
| "text": "16", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "start": 1037, |
| "end": 1039, |
| "text": "17", |
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| "text": "16", |
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| { |
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| "end": 1513, |
| "text": "Yoon and Lee (2009)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF46" |
| } |
| ], |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "RDC in (21B)' and (22B)'.", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Let us now turn to a case where a post-verbal position tolerates a narrower range of expressions than a pre-verbal position. Choe (1987) observes that a wh-phrase cannot be RDed, as shown in the following example, (adapted from Choe 1987: 42, her (11) Lee (2009: 150, his (46) ) resorts to the following condition:(28) The Q marker [DC: e.g., -upnikka in (27)]must follow an overt wh-phrase for the proper formation of phonological deaccenting.According to him, phonological deaccenting is formed with a falling intonation. In other words, (27b) is ruled out due to the fact that the QE cannot have a falling intonation because of the lack of a wh-phrase to its left. Notice, however, that RD is not allowed even out of an embedded wh-question whose QE has little to do with an intonation contour. 18 (29) a. na-nun [Cheli-ka etise o-ess-nunci] I-Top Ch.-Nom where come-Pst-QE kwungkumha-ta wondrous-DE 'I wonder where Cheli comes from.'18 Jung (2012) reports that embedded wh-interrogatives in Busan Dialect do show a falling contour. However, in order for Lee's (2009) theory to be right about the restriction of whphrases in the RDC, it is yet to be confirmed whether the falling contour is unique to the embedded wh-interrogatives or its presence is due to the edge of a prosodic unit. Furthermore, it has to be checked whether phonological deaccenting (pitch lowering or compression) is solely induced by a wh-phrase or not. It is also noteworthy that deaccenting itself does not license a [+WH] C. As pointed out by Hee-Don Ahn (p.c.), sentences like (27b) and (29b) are ungrammatical even when deaccenting is forcefully imposed on the relevant [+WH] C.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 125, |
| "end": 136, |
| "text": "Choe (1987)", |
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| }, |
| { |
| "start": 228, |
| "end": 251, |
| "text": "Choe 1987: 42, her (11)", |
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| }, |
| { |
| "start": 252, |
| "end": 276, |
| "text": "Lee (2009: 150, his (46)", |
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| "text": "18", |
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| "text": "Jung (2012)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF22" |
| }, |
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| "end": 1070, |
| "text": "Lee's (2009)", |
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| } |
| ], |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Expressions Only in a Pre-verbal Position", |
| "sec_num": "6.2." |
| } |
| ], |
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| "BIBREF0": { |
| "ref_id": "b0", |
| "title": "B: Byeli-to Swunhi-uy *(phal-ul) cap-ess-ta. B.-also S.-Gen (arm-Acc) grab-Pst-DE 'Byeli also grabbed Yuni in the arm.' (22) A: Cheli-nun U.S.-eyse o-n phyenci-lul Ch.-Top U.S.-from come-Rel letter-Acc path-ess-ta. receive-Pst-DE", |
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| "raw_text": "A: Cheli-nun Yuni-uy phal-ul cap-ess-ta. Ch.-Top Y.-Gen arm-Acc grab-Pst-DE 'Cheli grabbed Yuni in the arm.' B: Byeli-to Swunhi-uy *(phal-ul) cap-ess-ta. B.-also S.-Gen (arm-Acc) grab-Pst-DE 'Byeli also grabbed Yuni in the arm.' (22) A: Cheli-nun U.S.-eyse o-n phyenci-lul Ch.-Top U.S.-from come-Rel letter-Acc path-ess-ta. receive-Pst-DE 'Cheli received a letter from the U.S.' B: Yuni-to [U.K.-eyse o-n]", |
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| "BIBREF1": { |
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| "title": "Yuni also received a letter from the U.K.' (21)' A: Cheli-nun Yuni-uy phal-ul cap-ess-ta. Ch.-Top Y.-Gen arm-Acc grab-Pst-DE 'Cheli grabbed Yuni in the arm.' (23) A: Cheli-ka nwukwu-uy phal-ul cap-ess-ni? Ch.-Nom who-Gen arm-Acc grab-Pst-QE", |
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| "raw_text": "Y.-also U.K.-from come-Rel (letter-Acc) path-ess-ta receive-Pst-DE 'Yuni also received a letter from the U.K.' (21)' A: Cheli-nun Yuni-uy phal-ul cap-ess-ta. Ch.-Top Y.-Gen arm-Acc grab-Pst-DE 'Cheli grabbed Yuni in the arm.' (23) A: Cheli-ka nwukwu-uy phal-ul cap-ess-ni? Ch.-Nom who-Gen arm-Acc grab-Pst-QE 'Who did Cheli grab in the arm? B; Yuni(-uy).", |
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| "title": "Yuni's' (24) A: Cheli-ka eti-se o-n phyenci-lul Ch.-Nom where-from come-Rel letter-Acc path-ess-ni? receive-Pst-QE 'A letter from where did Cheli receive", |
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| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF0": { |
| "text": "(9) a. {mikwuk-uy ilakh-uy kongkyek/*mikwuk-U.S.-Gen Iraq-Gen attack/U.S. uy kongkyek ilakh-uy/*ilakh-uy kongkyek -Gen attack Iraq-Gen/Iraq-Gen attack mikwuk-uy}-i impakha-ess-ta U.S.-Gen -Nom impend-Pres-DE 'U.S.'s attack on Iraq is impending.' b. Cheli-ka {na poko/*poko na} ku il-ul", |
| "uris": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "text": "ka e i coha-n-ta-ko] Ch.-Acc I-Top Y.-Nom like-Pres-DE-C sayngkakha-n-ta think-Pres-DE 'I think Yuni likes Cheli.' (17) *[Cheli-lul] i na-nun sayngkakha-n-ta Ch.-Acc I-Top think-Pres-DE [Yuni-ka e i coha-n-ta-ko] Y.-Nom like-Pres-DE-C 'I think Yuni likes Cheli.' 12 This contrast is unexpected under the SVO word 11 Kim (2012) resorts to Fox and Pesetsky's (2005) Principle of Order Preservation.", |
| "uris": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "text": "(i) a. [Cheli-eykey] i na-nun [Yuni-ka e i cenhwaha-ess-ta-ko] Ch.-Dat I-Top Y.-Nom call-Past-DE-C sayngkakha-n-ta think-Pres-DE 'I think Yuni called Cheli.' b. *[Cheli-eykey] i na-nun sayngkakha-n-ta Ch.-Dat I-Top think-Pres-DE [Yuni-ka e i cenhwaha-ess-ta-ko] Y.-Nom call-Past-DE-C 'I think Yuni called Cheli.'", |
| "uris": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "text": ".-also grab-Pst-DE S.-Gen (arm-Acc) 'Byeli also grabbed Yuni in the arm.' (22)' A: Cheli-nun U.S.-eyse o-n phyenci-lul Ch.-Top U.S.-from come-Rel letter-Acc path-ess-ta. receive-Pst-DE 'Cheli received a letter from the U.S.' B: Yuni-to path-ess-ta Y.-also receive-Pst-DE U.K.-eyse o-n] (phyenci-lul) U.K.-from come-Rel (letter-Acc) 'Yuni also received a letter from the U.K.'", |
| "uris": null, |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "TABREF0": { |
| "text": "S1 \u2026 e i \u2026 Pred], [ S2 \u2026 XP i \u2026 Pred] b. Fronting in S2 [ S1 \u2026 e i \u2026 Pred], [ S2 XP i [ S2 \u2026 t i \u2026 Pred]] c. Ellipsis in S2 [ S1 \u2026 e i \u2026Pred], [ S2 XP i [ S2 \u2026 t i \u2026Pred]]", |
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