| { |
| "paper_id": "Y15-1049", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:41:18.340473Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "De-verbalization and Nominal Categories in Mandarin Chinese: A corpus-driven study in both Mainland Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Jiajuan", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Xiong", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Hong Kong Hong Kong", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "jiajuanx@gmail.com" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Chu-Ren", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Huang", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "The Hong Kong Polytechnic University Hong Kong Hong Kong", |
| "location": {} |
| }, |
| "email": "churen.huang@polyu.edu.hk" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "This paper probes into the issue of deverbalization in Chinese by starting from two potential and innovative uses of deverbalization in Mainland Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin, respectively. Then, we move to the exploration of various nominal categories in Chinese, with regard to their grammatical behaviors as well as their ontological differences. Crucially, we find that nominal categories in Chinese diverge upon individualization, which can be realized along either spatial or temporal dimension, as evidenced by the application of different types of classifiers. Specifically, event nouns and deverbal nouns allow temporal individualization only, while xingwei-marked nouns are exclusively compatible with spatial individualization. By contrast, entity nouns and dongzuomarked nouns allow both spatial and temporal individualization. Hence, individualization is the key to our understanding of nominal categories in Chinese.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y15-1049", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper probes into the issue of deverbalization in Chinese by starting from two potential and innovative uses of deverbalization in Mainland Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin, respectively. Then, we move to the exploration of various nominal categories in Chinese, with regard to their grammatical behaviors as well as their ontological differences. Crucially, we find that nominal categories in Chinese diverge upon individualization, which can be realized along either spatial or temporal dimension, as evidenced by the application of different types of classifiers. Specifically, event nouns and deverbal nouns allow temporal individualization only, while xingwei-marked nouns are exclusively compatible with spatial individualization. By contrast, entity nouns and dongzuomarked nouns allow both spatial and temporal individualization. Hence, individualization is the key to our understanding of nominal categories in Chinese.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper starts from examining two newlyemergent uses in Mainland Mandarin (MM) and Taiwan Mandarin (TM) and moves to the investigation of de-verbalization in Mandarin Chinese in section 2. In section 3 and 4, we probe into the grammatical behaviors and the ontological foundations of various nominal categories, respectively.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The function of classifiers is to modify nouns. However, it is found that the generic kind classifier zhong 'kind' (Huang 2015) , in the form of gezhong 'each-kind; all kinds of', is frequently utilized to modify a verb phrase or an adjectival phrase in the social media. This use is noted as [gezhong 'all kinds of' + VP/AP]. The following examples (1) -(3) are extracted from baidu website for the sake of illustration. 1 (1) Meng bao men bei wangyou ge adorable child PL BEI cyber-pals each zhong chengzan. CL-kind praise 'The adorable children are praised so much by the cyber pals.' (2) Xinwen wa wa wa, zhe yi ji haokan, news PN the one CL interesting ge zhong ma women. each CL-kind abuse us 'This episode of News Wawawa is especially interesting. It abuses us in various ways. ' (3) Dang ma de dou zheyang, dui haizi be mother DE all this_way to child ge zhong xihuan. each CL-kind like 'Mothers are always like this. They like their children in various ways/so much.'", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 115, |
| "end": 127, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 422, |
| "end": 423, |
| "text": "1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 785, |
| "end": 786, |
| "text": "'", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "[gezhong 'all kinds of' + VP/AP] in MM", |
| "sec_num": "1.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "1 Most of the examples in this paper are corpora data, of which the sources are indicated at the end of the sentences. Specifically, SC refers to Sinica Corpus and CCL the corpus constructed by the Chinese Center of Linguistics of Peking University.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "[ (yi 'one' + CL) + VP + (de) +", |
| "sec_num": "1.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In Taiwan Mandarin, a verb phrase can be suffixed with the light noun dongzuo 'action', which allows the optional application of classifiers. This usage is exemplified in (4) -(6). (4) Dan you zuo yi ge yongbao de but have do one CL hug DE dongzuo. (news) action 'But I've conducted an action of hugging.' (5) Bu jianyi touziren cishi, zai zuo NEG recommend investor now again do renhe jiama de dongzuo. (SC) any raise_the_investment DE action 'It is not recommendable for investors to increase their investment in any forms.' (6) Wu xu zuo shanchu zhi dongzuo. (SC) NEG need do delete DE action 'There is no need to do any deleting action.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "dongzuo 'action'] in TM", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Those usages reported in 1.1 and 1.2 are parallel in the sense that de-verbalization is arguably involved in both cases. This is realized either by the application of a classifier zhong and/or the addition of a light noun dongzuo 'action'. Despite of being de-verbalized, they still serve as predicates in the above examples. This first case instantiates nominal predicates (Tang 1979; Zhu 1982; Tang 2001 Tang , 2002 Wei 2007 , Zhang 2009 , while the second case features the use of a light verb, such as zuo 'do' in (4) -(6). These two innovative uses motivate us to explore de-verbalization, in particular, the mechanisms through which de-verbalization is realized.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 374, |
| "end": 385, |
| "text": "(Tang 1979;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 386, |
| "end": 395, |
| "text": "Zhu 1982;", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 396, |
| "end": 405, |
| "text": "Tang 2001", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 406, |
| "end": 417, |
| "text": "Tang , 2002", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 418, |
| "end": 426, |
| "text": "Wei 2007", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 427, |
| "end": 439, |
| "text": ", Zhang 2009", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF11" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The commonality between the two patterns", |
| "sec_num": "1.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "De-verbalization needs not to be morphologically marked in Chinese (Huang 2015; Huang and Shi 2016) , as evidenced by the free use of deverbal nouns. For examples, the verb youyong 'swim' can also be used as a deverbal noun in the following examples: (7) a. Wo xihuan youyong.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 67, |
| "end": 79, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 80, |
| "end": 99, |
| "text": "Huang and Shi 2016)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Zero-marked de-verbalization", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "1SG like swim 'I like swimming.' b. Youyong hen youqu. swim very interesting 'Swimming is interesting.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Zero-marked de-verbalization", |
| "sec_num": "2.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The second attested mechanism of de-verbalization is coercion, by which a nominal feature is imposed on a verbal category. This can be illustrated by the application of classifiers to a verbal category, as in the case of [gezhong 'all kinds of' + VP/AP] presented in 1.1.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Coercion-induced de-verbalization", |
| "sec_num": "2.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The third attested mechanism of de-verbalization is the addition of a light noun to a verb or a verb phrase, with the possible assistance of de. What we presented in 1.2 in Taiwan Mandarin can instantiate this mechanism. In fact, a similar usage, albeit being rare, is also attested in Mainland Mandarin, as shown in (8). (8) dongzuo 'action' in MM (CCL) a. puying de dongzuo catch_firefly DE action 'the action of catching fireflies' b. fa fu de dongzuo pronounce [f] DE action 'the action of pronouncing [f]' It is noteworthy that the dongzuo-induced deverbalization differs between Mainland Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin in that the addition of dongzuo in MM is basically restricted to verbs and verb phrases denoting bodily actions, whereas the same mechanism in TM is applicable to various kinds of actions, be they concrete or abstract. 2.3.2 xingwei 'behavior' as a light noun In fact, dongzuo 'action' is not the only light noun that can convert a verbal category into a nominal one. The light noun xingwei 'behavior' can serve the similar function in both MM and TM. This is illustrated in (9) and 10 xingwei behavior 'the behavior of doing alchemy and consuming alchemy products' 2.3.3 dongzuo 'action' versus xingwei 'behavior' Even though both dongzuo 'action' and xingwei 'behavior' can be attached to a verbal category to produce a nominal category, they differ in at least two major points: Firstly, dongzuo 'action' and xingwei 'behavior' are modified by different types of classifiers. We follow Huang & Ahrens (2003) and Ahrens & Huang (2016) to identify three subtypes of classifiers, viz. individual, kind and event classifiers, as exemplified by ge 'piece', lei 'kind', and lun 'round', respectively. The corpus data show that dongzuo-marked nominal can collocate with both individual and event classifiers, while xingwei-marked nominal is compatible with individual and kind classifiers. This is exemplified in 11 14. 13huo zai haishang congshi haidao or at sea_on do pirate xingwei de maoxian shangren. (SC) behavior DE adventure merchant 'those merchants who conduct the behavior of being pirates' 14ruo zhongjie danwei fei shu yiliao if agency unit not belong medical jigou, er jinxing yiliao institution but do medical_treatment xingwei\u2026 (SC) behavior 'If an agent is not affiliated to any medical institution but conducts medical treatment\u2026' Based on the above two differences, we conclude that dongzuo-marked nominal and xingwei-marked nominal are of different types. Specifically, dongzuo-marked nominal is an event noun while xingwei-marked nominal tends to be an entity noun. This distinction becomes clearer in section 3 and 4. To sum up, we have examined three mechanisms of de-verbalization in Mandarin Chinese, viz. zeromarked de-verbalization, coercion-induced deverbalization and light-noun-motivated deverbalization. These mechanisms help to enrich the nominal category in Mandarin Chinese. In the next section, we will explore various types of nouns, from both grammatical and ontological perspectives. Moreover, we will study how the endurant/perduant dichotomy (Huang 2015 ) is embodied in various Chinese nominal categories.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1512, |
| "end": 1533, |
| "text": "Huang & Ahrens (2003)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1538, |
| "end": 1559, |
| "text": "Ahrens & Huang (2016)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 3101, |
| "end": 3112, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "De-verbalization by means of the addition of a light noun 2.3.1 dongzuo 'action' as a light noun", |
| "sec_num": "2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "3 Various Nominal Categories: how heterogeneous are they?", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "De-verbalization by means of the addition of a light noun 2.3.1 dongzuo 'action' as a light noun", |
| "sec_num": "2.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The nominal category is usually defined as opposed to the verbal category. The former is basically referential while the latter indicates events or states along the dimension of time. However, as far as both grammatical behaviors and conceptual bases are concerned, the distinction is usually unclear. As Huang (2015: 6) In what follows, we will scrutinize the different types of nouns, with special regard to their collocation with classifiers, which reflect different conceptual saliency. Grammatically speaking, nouns in Chinese require the presence of classifiers for enumeration. Conceptually, classifiers form an ontological system (Huang 2015) . In addition, Chinese is unique among classifier languages in the world to have classifiers for events and kinds in addition to individual objects (Huang and Ahrens 2003; Huang, 2015; Ahrens and Huang 2016) . Based on the properties of classifiers, we will examine how different types of nouns interact with different types of classifiers in order to understand the conceptual differences among different nominal categories.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 305, |
| "end": 320, |
| "text": "Huang (2015: 6)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 638, |
| "end": 650, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 799, |
| "end": 822, |
| "text": "(Huang and Ahrens 2003;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 823, |
| "end": 835, |
| "text": "Huang, 2015;", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 836, |
| "end": 858, |
| "text": "Ahrens and Huang 2016)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Five nominal categories", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Prior to getting into the interaction issue, let us briefly review the three types of classifiers (Huang and ) one CL book The entity noun che 'vehicle' collocates with an individual classifier liang to refer to an identifiable entity, whereas it goes with an event classifier ban to indicate a scheduled run of vehicle. As already shown in the translation, the event classifier ban imposes an event meaning, i.e., running of vehicles, on the entity noun che 'vehicle'. These two classifiers embody two different types of individualization of nouns, viz. individualization along the spatial dimension and individualization along the temporal dimension. In other words, when an individual classifier is applied to an entity noun, the individualized entities can be said to exist simultaneously in the world and their individual-hood is obtained through their spatial differences. On the other hand, when an event noun modifies an entity noun, the individualized entities occupy different positions along the temporal dimension. However, such a difference may not be applicable to all the entity nouns. For instance, the entity noun shu 'book' defies individualization along the temporal dimension, 5 even though shu 'book' can be naturally connected to actions like kan-shu 'read-book' and xie-shu 'write-book'. This might be due to the fact that the actions of reading and writing, albeit being conceptually important, are not salient enough to be encoded in the noun by means of the application of an event classifier. It seems that the saliency of an eventive element in an entity noun is determined, to a large extent, by the (scheduled) repeatability of an action with a large group of participants. This is corroborated by the uses of yi ban che 'one-CL-vehicle; a scheduled run of vehicle' and yi chang dianying 'one-CL-film; a scheduled show of a film'. Secondly, we examine event nouns, as exemplified by bisai 'competition' and huiyi 'meeting', with regard to their compatibility with classifiers. An event noun usually requires the presence of an event classifier but not an individual classifier, as exemplified in the contrast between (25a) and (25c). When the meaning of \"kind\" is encoded, it requires the presence of a kind classifier, as shown in (25b). 25The event noun bisai 'competition': a. */?? zhe ge bisai (individual classifier) this CL competition Intended: 'this competition' b. zhe zhong bisai (kind classifier) this CL competition 'this kind of competition' c. zhe chang bisai (event classifier) this CL competition 'this competition' Thirdly, let us move to the zero-marked deverbal nouns, such as youyong 'swimming' and kanshu 'reading'. As illustrated in (26), a deverbal noun is most naturally compatible with an event classifier to refer to one instance of an action. An individual classifier is generally inapplicable, as an action is hardly individualized along a spatial dimension. A kind classifier is conditionally applicable to an event noun, when it is interpreted as a manner of conducting an action. However, it seems to us that the addition of a light manner noun, e.g., fangshi 'manner', is preferred in this case of a kind classifier. (26) The deverbal noun youyong 'swimming': a. *zhe ge youyong (individual classifier) this CL swimming b. ?zhe zhong youyong (kind classifier) this CL swimming intended: 'this manner of swimming' c. zhe ci youyong (event classifier) this CL swimming 'this (instance of) swimming' Note that the application of a kind classifier to deverbal nouns differs between MM and TM. It is MM, but not TM, that allows the modification of a kind classifier zhong, on the condition that this kind classifier carries an all-around meaning in the form of gezhong 'all kinds of'. (Please refer to 1.1 for examples.) Fourthly, we look at the grammatical behavior of dongzuo-marked nouns, which seem to be compatible with three types of classifiers, as shown in (27a-c). 27The dongzuo-marked noun: (TM) a. yi ge jiangjia de dongzuo one CL reduce_price DE action 'an action of price-reduction' (individual classifier) b. zhe zhong jiangjia de dongzuo this CL reduce-price DE action 'this action of price-reduction' (kind classifier) c. zhe bo jiangjia de dongzuo this CL reduce_price DE action 'this turn of price-reduction action' (event classifier) Recall that those uses in (27) are exclusive to TM (see section 2.3.1) and similar uses in MM are restricted to bodily actions. This restriction leads to a scarcity of dongzuo-marked nouns in MM. Fifthly, we take a look at xingwei-marked nouns. The corpus data show that the most frequentlyused classifier for xingwei-marked nouns is zhong, which is a generic kind classifier (Huang 2015) , in addition to the rare cases of individual classifiers. However, neither the corpus data nor our consultation work testifies any compatibility between xingwei-marked nouns and event classifiers. They are illustrated in (28). 28The (The yellow areas indicate the uses which involve semantic coercion; whereas the purple areas refer to those novel uses which are enforced by coercion.)", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 98, |
| "end": 108, |
| "text": "(Huang and", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 2420, |
| "end": 2437, |
| "text": "(kind classifier)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 3179, |
| "end": 3183, |
| "text": "(26)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 3304, |
| "end": 3321, |
| "text": "(kind classifier)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 3393, |
| "end": 3411, |
| "text": "(event classifier)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 4686, |
| "end": 4698, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 109, |
| "end": 110, |
| "text": ")", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The interaction between nominal categories and classifiers", |
| "sec_num": "3.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Basically, the interactive patterns between nominal categories and classifiers are very similar, except in the case of deverbal nouns and dongzuo-marked nouns. In fact, the differences are mainly confined to those innovative uses, as reported in section 1. A verb category in MM can undergo de-verbalization through the mechanism of classifier-induced coercion. While in TM, de-verbalization resorts to another mechanism, viz. the addition of a light noun dongzuo 'action' to a verbal category.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The differences between MM and TM", |
| "sec_num": "3.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Another crucial point that is worth pointing out is the differences between dongzuo-and xingweimarked nominal categories. In fact, dongzuo 'action' and xingwei 'behavior' are synonymous and can co-occur to refer to one's behaviors in the general sense, as exemplified in (31). 29Dalu cengjing fasheng guo mainland before happen PERF wenhua da geming, ta suoyou de culture big revolution it all DE dongzuo he xingwei, he rujia shi action and behavior with Confucian be nayang de bu xianghe\u2026(SC) so DE NEG consistent 'The cultural revolution once happened in Mainland China. Therefore, the actions and behaviors there are not consistent with Confucian (culture)\u2026' Despite the semantic similarity, dongzuo and xingwei, which are nominal markers in this study, crucially differ in terms of their interaction with classifiers. We find that dongzuo-marked nouns pattern with event nouns whereas xingwei-marked nouns on a par with entity nouns. Two pieces of evidence can help to support this claim. First, xingwei-marked nouns defy modification by any event classifiers, while dongzuo-marked nouns do not have this restriction. Recall that many entity nouns are basically compatible with individual and kind classifiers, and only a small portion of entity nouns can be compatible with event classifiers under the coercion mechanism. Regarding dongzuo-and xingwei-marked nouns, it is the former, but not the latter, that can be compatible with event classifiers. Given this, xingwei-marked nouns should fall into the category of entity nouns. Second, xingwei-marked nouns cannot collocate with a light verb to serve as a predicate. By contrast, dongzuo-marked nouns can easily collocate with a light verb to function as a predicate. 2 This is indeed characteristic of event nouns.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The differences between dongzuo 'action' and xingwei 'behavior'", |
| "sec_num": "3.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "2 This usage is much more frequently used in TM than in MM. This contrast should be ascribed to the fact that dongzuo in MM is mostly restricted to bodily actions. This restriction, however, does not apply in TM. Despite of this semantic restriction in MM, when it comes to a bodily action, dongzuo can still co-occur with a light verb, as exemplified below: (i) zuo yi ge dunxia de dongzuo (CCL) do one CL squat DE action 'conduct an action of squatting' Therefore, the scarcity of this usage in MM cannot undermine our analysis of dongzuo-marked nouns as event nouns. Crucially, the replacement of dongzuo with xingwei will lead to unacceptability, which holds true in both MM and TM, as shown in (ii). (ii) *zuo yi ge dunxia de xingwei do one CL squat DE behavior intended: 'conduct an action of squatting' 7", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The differences between dongzuo 'action' and xingwei 'behavior'", |
| "sec_num": "3.4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In section 3, our study revolves around the grammatical behaviors of the different nominal categories. In this section, we will explore their ontological or conceptual differences. All of the afore-mentioned nouns exhibit the endurant property (Huang 2015) . 3 The semantic denominator of various types of nominal categories lies in their referentiality. However, they differ in how they are individualized for enumeration. In particular, we identify two types of conceptually different individualization, i.e. separation into countable objects which exist simultaneously as separable individuals; and separation into countable objects which exist along the temporal dimension. Put differently, there are both spatial and temporal ways for individualization. In fact, the application of individual classifiers and event classifiers exactly reflects these two individualization mechanisms. Let us now examine how the five nominal categories execute their respective individualization. At this point, the use of classifiers, in particular, individual and event classifiers, can be revealing with regard to the ontological differences of nominal categories, given that Chinese classifier system itself forms an ontological system (Huang 2015) . Our approach is to place nominal categories into a matrix with both spatial (horizontal) and temporal (vertical) dimensions and see how individualization is realized. Our analyses show that some nominal categories allow individualization to be executed along one single dimension, either spatial or temporal. In fact, event nouns and deverbal nouns can only be individualized along the temporal dimension, while xingwei-marked nouns along the spatial dimension. Some other nominal categories, such as entity nouns and dongzuo-marked nouns, allow individualization in two different dimensions. For example, when entity nouns collocate with event classifiers, the entity nouns are individualized into sequentially different objects/events, by means of coercion. In the similar vein, dongzuo-marked nouns, albeit being originally verbal, can be wrapped into nominal objects along the spatial dimension through conceptual conversion. It is noteworthy that the temporal standard for individualization, in particular, in the case of event classifiers, does not undermine Huang's (2015) statement that a classifier serves as a linguistic device to express a defining property of a type of time-invariant entities. In fact, our proposal that individualization can be temporal is in the sense of comparison among various instances of the same nominal (e.g., this instance of meeting; that instance of meeting). If we place our vantage point onto one and the same nominal phrase, this nominal phrase must be time-independent, as in the case of zhe ci bisai 'this competition'.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 244, |
| "end": 256, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 259, |
| "end": 260, |
| "text": "3", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1227, |
| "end": 1239, |
| "text": "(Huang 2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 2307, |
| "end": 2321, |
| "text": "Huang's (2015)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Various Nominal Categories: their ontological differences", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Please seeHuang (2015) for the detailed discussions on the dichotomy between endurant and perduant.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "All these mechanisms for individualization are exemplified from (32) to (36). 4 (32) The entity noun feiji 'plane': a. yi jia feiji (individual classifier) one CL plane 'one plane' b. yi ban feiji (event classifier) one CL plane 'one scheduled flight' (33) The event noun bisai 'competition': yi chang bisai (event classifier) one CL competition 'one competition' (34) The deverbal noun youyong 'swimming':Yi ci youyong (event classifier) one CL swimming 'one instance of swimming' (35) The dongzuo-marked noun:a. yi ge jiangjia de dongzuo one CL reduce_price DE action 'one action of price-reduction' (individual classifier) b. yi bo jiangjia de dongzuo one CL reduce_price DE action 'a round of price-reduction' (event classifier) (36) The xingwei-marked noun:yi xiang jiaoyi xingwei one CL trade behavior 'one trading behavior' (individual classifier) For the sake of explanation, we place the five nominal categories into their respective twodimensional matrix to illustrate how individualization is realized in each case. They are shown in Figure 1 to 5. ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 78, |
| "end": 79, |
| "text": "4", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1045, |
| "end": 1053, |
| "text": "Figure 1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "annex", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "bib_entries": { |
| "BIBREF1": { |
| "ref_id": "b1", |
| "title": "Individuals, Kinds and Events: Classifier Coercion of Nouns", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Huang", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chu-Ren", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Kathleen", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Ahrens", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2003, |
| "venue": "Language Sciences", |
| "volume": "25", |
| "issue": "4", |
| "pages": "353--373", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Huang Chu-Ren and Kathleen Ahrens. 2003. Individuals, Kinds and Events: Classifier Coercion of Nouns. Language Sciences 25 (4). 2003: 353-373.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF2": { |
| "ref_id": "b2", |
| "title": "Notes on Chinese Grammar and Ontology: the endurant/perduant dichotomy and Mandarin D-M compounds", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Huang", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chu-Ren", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2015, |
| "venue": "Lingua Sinica", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Huang Chu-Ren. 2015. Notes on Chinese Grammar and Ontology: the endurant/perduant dichotomy and Mandarin D-M compounds. Lingua Sinica.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF3": { |
| "ref_id": "b3", |
| "title": "A Reference Grammar of Chinese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Huang", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chu-Ren", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Shi", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Dingxu", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2016, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Huang Chu-Ren and Shi Dingxu. 2016. A Reference Grammar of Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF4": { |
| "ref_id": "b4", |
| "title": "Corpus-based Study and Identification of Mandarin Chinese Light Verb Variations", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "C", |
| "middle": [ |
| "R" |
| ], |
| "last": "Huang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "J", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lin", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "M", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Jiang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "H", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Xu", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2014, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Huang, C. R., Lin, J., Jiang, M., & Xu, H. (2014). Corpus-based Study and Identification of Mandarin Chinese Light Verb Variations. COLING 2014, 1.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF5": { |
| "ref_id": "b5", |
| "title": "Annotation and Classification of Light Verbs and Light Verb Variations in Mandarin Chinese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Jingxia", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Lin", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Xu", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Hongzhi", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Menghan", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Jiang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Huang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Chu-Ren", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2014, |
| "venue": "Workshop on Lexical and Grammatical Resources for Language Processing", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Lin, Jingxia, Xu, Hongzhi, Jiang, Menghan and Huang, Chu-Ren. 2014. Annotation and Classification of Light Verbs and Light Verb Variations in Mandarin Chinese. In Workshop on Lexical and Grammatical Resources for Language Processing (p. 75)", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF6": { |
| "ref_id": "b6", |
| "title": "Nominal predication and focus anchoring", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Sze-Wing", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Tang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2001, |
| "venue": "ZAS Papers in Linguistics", |
| "volume": "22", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "159--172", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Tang, Sze-Wing. 2001. Nominal predication and focus anchoring. In Gerhard Ja_ger, Anatoli Strigin, Chris Wilder, and Niina Zhang, eds., ZAS Papers in Linguistics 22: 159-172.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF7": { |
| "ref_id": "b7", |
| "title": "Economy principles and Chinese verbless sentence", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Sze-Wing", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Tang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2002, |
| "venue": "Modern Foreign Languages", |
| "volume": "95", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "1--13", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Tang, Sze-Wing. 2002. Economy principles and Chinese verbless sentence. Modern Foreign Languages 95: 1-13.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF8": { |
| "ref_id": "b8", |
| "title": "Studies in Chinese syntax", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Ting-Chi", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Tang", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 1979, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Tang, Ting-Chi. 1979. Studies in Chinese syntax. Taipei: Student Book Company.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF9": { |
| "ref_id": "b9", |
| "title": "Predication and sluicing in Mandarin Chinese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Ting-Chi", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Wei", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2004, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Wei, Ting-Chi. 2004. Predication and sluicing in Mandarin Chinese. Ph.D. Dissertation, National Kaohsiung Normal University.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF10": { |
| "ref_id": "b10", |
| "title": "Nominal Predicates in Mandarin Chinese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Ting-Chi", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Wei", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2007, |
| "venue": "Taiwan Journal of Linguistics", |
| "volume": "5", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "85--130", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Wei, Ting-Chi. 2007. Nominal Predicates in Mandarin Chinese. Taiwan Journal of Linguistics. Vol. 5.2, 85-130.", |
| "links": null |
| }, |
| "BIBREF11": { |
| "ref_id": "b11", |
| "title": "On the syntax of non-verbal predication in Mandarin Chinese", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Zhang Qingwen", |
| "suffix": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": 2009, |
| "venue": "", |
| "volume": "", |
| "issue": "", |
| "pages": "", |
| "other_ids": {}, |
| "num": null, |
| "urls": [], |
| "raw_text": "Zhang Qingwen. 2009. On the syntax of non-verbal predication in Mandarin Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University.", |
| "links": null |
| } |
| }, |
| "ref_entries": { |
| "FIGREF0": { |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "uris": null, |
| "text": "The individualization of bisai 'competition' (an event noun) temporal spatial The individualization of youyong 'swimming' (a deverbal noun) temporal spatial The individualization of a dongzuomarked noun temporal spatial The individualization of a xingweimarked noun", |
| "num": null |
| }, |
| "TABREF1": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "Further consultation work with our informants shows that xingwei-marked nouns are incompatible with event classifiers, while dongzuo-marked nouns are compatible with kind classifiers, even though the latter is unattested in the corpus examined. Secondly, unlike dongzuo 'action', xingwei 'behavior' barely collaborates with a light verb. In fact, only two instances (out of 801) of the collocation between xingwei 'behavior' and a light verb are attested, as cited in (13) and", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">and (12).</td></tr><tr><td>(11)</td><td colspan=\"2\">the collocation between dongzuo and</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">classifiers</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">a. yi ge yongbao de dongzuo</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one CL hug</td><td>DE action</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'a hugging action' (individual classifier)</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">b. ling</td><td>yi bo caiche de dongzuo</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">another one CL lay_off DE action</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'another turn of laying off action'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">(event classifier)</td></tr><tr><td>(12)</td><td colspan=\"2\">the collocation between xingwei and</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">classifiers</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">a. yi xiang jiaoyi xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one CL trade behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'one trading behavior'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">(individual classifier)</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">b. zhe zhong pohuai xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">this CL destroy behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'this destroying behavior' (kind classifier)</td></tr></table>" |
| }, |
| "TABREF2": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "points out, the nominal/verbal distinction can be easily blurred with many categorical change devices in language as well as with atypical members of each PoS: such as event nouns, deverbal nominal, denominal verbs etc. Relevant to this current study are various types of nominal categories, such as entity nouns, event nouns, deverbal nouns, dongzuo-marked", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"3\">nouns and xingwei-marked nouns. They are</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">exemplified in (15) -(19).</td></tr><tr><td>(15)</td><td colspan=\"2\">The entity nouns:</td></tr><tr><td/><td>shu; ren</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'book' 'person'</td></tr><tr><td>(16)</td><td colspan=\"2\">The event nouns:</td></tr><tr><td/><td>huiyi,</td><td>bisai</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'meeting' 'contest'</td></tr><tr><td>(17)</td><td colspan=\"2\">The deverbal nouns:</td></tr><tr><td/><td>youyong,</td><td>kanshu</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'swimming' 'reading'</td></tr><tr><td>(18)</td><td colspan=\"2\">The dongzuo-marked nouns:</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">xiadun dongzuo;</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">squat action</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'the action of squatting';</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">shanchu zhi dongzuo</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">delete DE action</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'the action of deleting'</td></tr><tr><td>(19)</td><td colspan=\"2\">The xingwei-marked nouns:</td></tr><tr><td/><td>yiliao</td><td>xingwei,</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">medical_treat behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'the behavior of medical treatment'</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">pohuai xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">destroy behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'the behavior of destroying'</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td>4</td></tr></table>" |
| }, |
| "TABREF4": { |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "num": null, |
| "text": "We summarize the above discussions in the following two tables.Table 1shows how the five nominal categories in MM interact with different types of classifiers.Table 2is illustrative of the same interactive patterns in TM.", |
| "html": null, |
| "content": "<table><tr><td colspan=\"4\">one CL cheat oneself DE behavior</td><td/></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">(event classifier)</td><td/><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>entity</td><td>event</td><td>deverbal</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>noun</td><td>noun</td><td>noun</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>\u221a (occasional)</td><td>\u221a</td><td>\u221a</td><td>?</td><td>X</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"3\">Table 1: Nominal Categories in MM</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>entity</td><td>event</td><td>deverbal</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>noun</td><td>noun</td><td>noun</td><td/><td/></tr><tr><td>(occasional)</td><td>\u221a</td><td>\u221a</td><td>\u221a</td><td/></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>xingwei-marked noun:</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>a. yi xiang jiaoyi xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">one CL trade behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>'one trading behavior'</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>(individual classifier)</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>b. zhe zhong qipian ziji</td><td>de xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">this CL cheat oneself DE behavior</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">'the behavior of cheating oneself'</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td>(kind classifier)</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td/><td colspan=\"2\">c. *yi ci qipian ziji de xingwei</td></tr><tr><td/><td/><td/><td>6</td><td/></tr></table>" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
