| { |
| "paper_id": "Y17-1026", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:33:17.648591Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "The blocking effect and Korean caki", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Hyunjun", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Park", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "Chungbuk National University Chengju", |
| "location": { |
| "postCode": "28644", |
| "country": "South Korea" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Haihua", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Pan", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": { |
| "laboratory": "", |
| "institution": "The Chinese University of Hong", |
| "location": { |
| "addrLine": "Kong Shatin, New Territories", |
| "settlement": "Hong Kong" |
| } |
| }, |
| "email": "panhaihua@cuhk.edu.hk" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "When the Chinese reflexive ziji is located far from its antecedents, it is not uncommon to see the blocking effect, since the long-distance binding of ziji is normally blocked by the presence of a first (or second) person pronoun intervening in the reported speech. Conversely, it has generally been accepted that Korean caki does not manifest any blocking effects. However, in this paper, we propose that the blocking effect exists in the long-distance binding of Korean caki.", |
| "pdf_parse": { |
| "paper_id": "Y17-1026", |
| "_pdf_hash": "", |
| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "When the Chinese reflexive ziji is located far from its antecedents, it is not uncommon to see the blocking effect, since the long-distance binding of ziji is normally blocked by the presence of a first (or second) person pronoun intervening in the reported speech. Conversely, it has generally been accepted that Korean caki does not manifest any blocking effects. However, in this paper, we propose that the blocking effect exists in the long-distance binding of Korean caki.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
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| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "When the Chinese reflexive ziji is located far from its antecedents, it is not uncommon to see the blocking effect, since the long-distance binding of ziji is normally blocked by the presence of a first (or second) person pronoun intervening in the reported speech (Y.-H. Huang 1984 , Cole et al. 1990 , Huang and Tang 1991 , Huang and Liu 2001 , Pan 2001 , Cole et al. 2006 , as shown in (1) and (2).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 272, |
| "end": 282, |
| "text": "Huang 1984", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 283, |
| "end": 301, |
| "text": ", Cole et al. 1990", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 302, |
| "end": 323, |
| "text": ", Huang and Tang 1991", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 324, |
| "end": 344, |
| "text": ", Huang and Liu 2001", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 345, |
| "end": 355, |
| "text": ", Pan 2001", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 356, |
| "end": 374, |
| "text": ", Cole et al. 2006", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) Zhangsani renwei Lisij zhidao Wangwuk Zhangsan think Lisi know Wangwu xihuan zijii/j/k. like self 'Zhangsani thinks Lisij knows Wangwuk likes selfi/j/k.' (Cole et al. 1990 :1) (2) Zhangsani renwei woj zhidao Wangwuk Zhangsan think I know Wangwu xihuan ziji*i/*j/k. like self 'Zhangsani thinks that Ij know that Wangwuk likes him*i/me*j/himselfk.' (Cole et al. 1990:15) The antecedent of Chinese ziji in (1) can be the matrix subject Zhangsan, the intermediate subject Lisi, or the most embedded subject Wangwu. In contrast, ziji in (2) can only be coreferential with the local antecedent Wangwu rather than the matrix subject Zhangsan or the intermediate subject wo of a first person pronoun. This phenomenon of Chinese ziji has long been accounted for in terms of the blocking effect, which occurs when an immediately higher noun phrase differs in the person feature from a lower noun phrase. Therefore, in (2), the intermediate subject wo 'I' serves as a blocker because the person feature of wo 'I' differs from the third person Wangwu. Conversely, it has generally been accepted that Korean caki does not manifest any blocking effects (Yoon 1989 , Cole et al. 1990 , Sohng 2004 , Cole et al. 2006 , Han and Storoshenko 2012 , Kim 2013 , as exemplified in (3). 1 (3) Chelswui-nun nayj-ka cakii/*j-lul Chelswu-Top I-Nom self-Acc cohaha-n-ta-ko sayngkakha-n-ta. like-Prs-Decl-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Chelswui thinks Ij like himi/myself*j.' (Cole et al. 1990:19) In 3, caki can only refer to the matrix subject Chelswu while it does not refer to the first person pronoun nay. However, even if the matrix subject Chelswu and the first person pronoun nay in the embedded clause are switched, the coreferential relationship remains unchanged. Here is the relevant example.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 158, |
| "end": 175, |
| "text": "(Cole et al. 1990", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 351, |
| "end": 372, |
| "text": "(Cole et al. 1990:15)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1143, |
| "end": 1153, |
| "text": "(Yoon 1989", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF21" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1154, |
| "end": 1172, |
| "text": ", Cole et al. 1990", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1173, |
| "end": 1185, |
| "text": ", Sohng 2004", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1186, |
| "end": 1204, |
| "text": ", Cole et al. 2006", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1205, |
| "end": 1231, |
| "text": ", Han and Storoshenko 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1232, |
| "end": 1242, |
| "text": ", Kim 2013", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF7" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1268, |
| "end": 1269, |
| "text": "1", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1442, |
| "end": 1463, |
| "text": "(Cole et al. 1990:19)", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
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| "text": "(4) Nai-nun Chelswuj-ka caki*i/j-lul I-Top Chelswu-Nom self-Acc cohaha-n-ta-ko sayngkakha-n-ta. like-Prs-Decl-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Ii think Chelswuj likes me*i/himselfj.' Nonetheless, the question then arises as to how we can explain what blocks Korean caki, in a certain context, from referring to the long-distance potential antecedent, as illustrated in (5).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
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| "section": "Introduction", |
| "sec_num": "1" |
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| "text": "(5) Hyengsai-nun nayj-ka caki*i/j pwumo-lul detective-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc salhayha-n phaylyunpem-i-lako kill-Adn reprobate-being-Comp sayngkakha-n-ta. think-Prs-Decl 'The detective thinks that I am a reprobate who killed his (*the detective's/speaker's) parents.' (Park 2016:102) We assume that the first person pronoun nay in (5) functions as a blocker since it is unnatural for caki to refer to the matrix subject Hyengsa in this discourse. 2 Thus, based on the observed fact, this pa-2 Some may claim that (5) is a kind of a special occasion in this context and thus the blocking of caki's referring to hyengsa is attributed just to the lexical property of phaylyunpem 'reprobate', which means to harm one's own lineal ascendant and descendant. Thus, if phaylyunpem is replaced by neutral word pemin 'criminal', caki can also refer to either hyengsa or nay, as shown in (i). (i) Hyengsai-nun nayj-ka cakii/j pwumo-lul salhayha-n detective-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc kill-Adn pemin-i-lako sayngkakha-n-ta. criminal-being-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'The detective thinks that I am a criminal who killed his (the detective's/speaker's) parents.' We agree with the view. If so, however, how should we account for the following sentence? (ii) Salamtuli-un nayj-ka caki*i/j pwumo-lul salhayha-n people-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc kill-And per would like to show that a blocking effect does hold in Korean as well and to suggest the analysis of the blocking effect in Korean caki in terms of a unified account in line with that of Chinese ziji. The organization of the paper is as follows. In the section 2, we discuss what has been said about Korean caki, especially with respect to the properties of caki. Then, in section 3, we review Huang and Liu's (2001) analysis on blocking effects. And in section 4, the blocking effect of Korean caki is considered. Section 5 summarizes our findings and conclusions, with a discussion of some predictions that follow from the current analysis.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 271, |
| "end": 286, |
| "text": "(Park 2016:102)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1733, |
| "end": 1755, |
| "text": "Huang and Liu's (2001)", |
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| "text": "Since Lee's (1973) observation, it has generally been held in the literature (Kim 1976 , Cho 1985 , O'Grady 1987 , Yoon 1989 , Cole et al. 1990 , Sohng 2004 , Han and Storoshenko 2012 that caki can only have a third person human noun as its antecedent. Thus, Sohng (2004) argues that caki has inherent \u03a6-features with a third person. Such a distinction could be demonstrated by the following sentences.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 6, |
| "end": 18, |
| "text": "Lee's (1973)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF8" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 77, |
| "end": 86, |
| "text": "(Kim 1976", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF6" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 87, |
| "end": 97, |
| "text": ", Cho 1985", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 98, |
| "end": 112, |
| "text": ", O'Grady 1987", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF10" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 113, |
| "end": 124, |
| "text": ", Yoon 1989", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF21" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 125, |
| "end": 143, |
| "text": ", Cole et al. 1990", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 144, |
| "end": 156, |
| "text": ", Sohng 2004", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 157, |
| "end": 183, |
| "text": ", Han and Storoshenko 2012", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 259, |
| "end": 271, |
| "text": "Sohng (2004)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF18" |
| } |
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| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
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| "text": "pemin-i-lako sayngkakha-n-ta. criminal-being-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'The people think that I am a criminal who killed his (*their/the speaker's) parents.' The matrix subject Salamtul 'people' cannot be the antecedent of caki in this sentence while nay 'I' can. On the other hand, in the following example, as pointed out by an anonymous reviewer, the internal speaker Chelswu is much more likely to be the antecedent of caki here rather than the external speaker nay unlike (ii). (iii) Chelswui-un nayj-ka cakii/??j pwumo-lul salhayha-n Chelswu-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc kill-Adn pemin-i-lako sayngkakha-n-ta. criminal-being-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Chelswu thinks that I am a criminal who killed his (Chelswu/??the speaker's) parents.' In this case, we can only conjecture that this is attributed mainly to the typical property of caki to refer to an attitude holder. In other words, Korean caki functions as a logophor in the majority of cases unless particular clues are provided in the discourse. In the same vein, caki in (i) can have two readings in that it is coreferential with hyungsa when used as a logophor while it is also coindexed to nay when the actual speaker objectively describes the situation from the detective's perspective, as in Kuno's (1987) empathy. Ultimately, likelihood of the story depends on the context.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1246, |
| "end": 1259, |
| "text": "Kuno's (1987)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Based on the observed facts, we assume here that a blocking effect does hold in Korean as well. Further discussion is included in section 4.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(6) *Nayi-ka cakij-lul piphanhay-ess-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "I-Nom self-Acc criticize-Pst-Decl 'I criticized myself.' (7) *Neyi-ka cakij-lul piphanhay-ess-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "You-Nom self-Acc criticize-Pst-Decl 'You criticized yourself.' (8) Chelswui-ka cakij-lul piphanhay-ess-ta.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Chelswu-Nom self-Acc criticize-Pst-Decl 'Chelswu criticized himself.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
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| "text": "In comparison with caki, ziji seems to be much more versatile in that it can be used to refer to all persons, as shown in (9) and (10). 9 Zhangsan think Lisi to self not confidence 'Zhangsan thinks Lisi has no confidence in him/himself.' (Pan 2001:280) On the other hand, Yoon (1989:486) points out that the incompatibility of caki with first or second person antecedents can be readily accounted for in terms of the notion of a logophor since it could be very awkward for an external speaker or an addressee participating in the current discourse to report their own thoughts or feelings in an indirect way. 3 For this reason, she further argues that the behaviors of caki binding fit nicely into the notion of logophoricity. In fact, Pearson (2013) reports that logophoric pronouns in Ewe are necessarily construed as referring to the reported speaker and the attitude holder is preferentially occupied by a third person. 4 The relevant data are from Pearson (2013).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 238, |
| "end": 252, |
| "text": "(Pan 2001:280)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 272, |
| "end": 287, |
| "text": "Yoon (1989:486)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 736, |
| "end": 750, |
| "text": "Pearson (2013)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF15" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 924, |
| "end": 925, |
| "text": "4", |
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| "text": "3 As pointed out by many authors working on Korean caki, there are two different uses. One is a syntactic anaphor and the other is a logophor. We do not discuss here the syntactic anaphor, which is related to locally bound caki. 4 As is seen in (9) and (10), ziji can refer to the antecedents regardless of person features. Thus, Pan (2001) contends that the long-distance binding of ziji should not be treated as a logophor. In addition, ziji in the complement clause can be coindexed to the first (or second) person pronoun in the matrix subject, as shown in (i) and (ii). (i) Woi zhidao Lisij de baogao hai-le zijii/j. Pro believe that Pro Cop student good Art 'You believe that you are a good student.' (Pearson 2013:449-50) The only difference between (11a) and (11b) is that a logophor y\u00e8 in (11a) is used in the complement clause and it is replaced by the first person pronoun m in (11b). However, it is incorrect when y\u00e8 refers to the first person pronoun in the matrix subject while the first person pronoun m can refer. It is not correct in (12a), either when y\u00e8 refers to the second person pronoun o in the matrix subject. It seems that there is a clear relationship between the role of a logophor and the absence of blocking effects in Korean caki. A blocking effect does not usually occur in a logophoric environment since a logophor preferentially occurs with a third person antecedent. The following examples illustrate this point. (Clements 1975:159) The first person pronouns intervening between the logophor y\u00e8 and the higher potential antecedent Kofi both in (13) and (14) really do not affect the long-distance binding of logophors. The behaviors of long-distance binding of caki exactly correspond to those of a logophor. Consider the related examples in Korean caki, repeated here in (15) and (16) from(3) and (4).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 229, |
| "end": 230, |
| "text": "4", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 330, |
| "end": 340, |
| "text": "Pan (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 707, |
| "end": 728, |
| "text": "(Pearson 2013:449-50)", |
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| }, |
| { |
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| "end": 1466, |
| "text": "(Clements 1975:159)", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
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| { |
| "text": "(15) Chelswui-nun nayj-ka cakii/*j-lul Chelswu-Top I-Nom self-Acc cohaha-n-ta-ko sayngkakha-n-ta. like-Prs-Decl-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Chelswui thinks Ij like himi/myself*j.' (16) Nai-nun Chelswuj-ka caki*i/j-lul I-Top Chelswu-Nom self-Acc cohaha-n-ta-ko sayngkakha-n-ta. like-Prs-Decl-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Ii think Chelswuj likes me*i/himselfj.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Then now let's go back to the blocking effect of caki, repeated here in (17) from (5).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(17) Hyengsai-nun nayj-ka caki*i/j pwumo-lul detective-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc salhayha-n phaylyunpem-i-lako kill-Adn reprobate-being-Comp sayngkakha-n-ta. think-Prs-Decl 'The detective thinks that I am a reprobate who killed his (*the detective's/speaker's) parents.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Caki in (17) may be coreferential with the first person pronoun na(y) here, even though the longdistance binding of caki is blocked by the person mismatch. If the sentence is grammatical, it should be noted that the notion of logophoricity is not functioning properly here. Thus, we would like to propose an alternative analysis for blocking effects in the next section.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Korean caki's puzzle", |
| "sec_num": "2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Huang and Liu (2001) give a plausible account of the so-called blocking effect of long-distance binding in Chinese by relying on the notion of logophoricity. The crucial thing is that a blocking effect arises as a consequence of a conflict of perspective in the process of switching from direct to indirect speech. (Xu 1993:133-4) If this is a correct judgment, it could be opposed to what was expected as in (18) and (19). Pan (2001) , followed by Huang and Liu (2001) , claim for the first time that the blocking effect in Chinese is asymmetrical: an intervening first and second person pronoun can block a third person long-distance antecedent from being coindexed with ziji whereas an intervening third person referent does not necessarily block a first and second person antecedent from being coindexed with ziji, as exemplified in (32). (Pan 2001:283) The person asymmetry of the blocking effect basically does not admit a third person blocker. However, as mentioned before, a third person intervener can also trigger the blocking effect.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 10, |
| "end": 20, |
| "text": "Liu (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 315, |
| "end": 330, |
| "text": "(Xu 1993:133-4)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 424, |
| "end": 434, |
| "text": "Pan (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF12" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 449, |
| "end": 469, |
| "text": "Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 843, |
| "end": 857, |
| "text": "(Pan 2001:283)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Reanalysis of Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 0, |
| "end": 8, |
| "text": "EQUATION", |
| "ref_id": "EQREF", |
| "raw_str": "(18) [ 1 [ 1 \u2026 ziji \u2026 ]] (19) [ 2 [ 2 \u2026 ziji \u2026 ]]", |
| "eq_num": "(20)" |
| } |
| ], |
| "section": "Reanalysis of Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(34) Nii shuo Zhangsanj chang piping ziji*i/j. you say Zhangsan often criticize self 'Youi said that Zhangsanj often criticized you*i/himselfj.' (Huang and Tang 1991:277) The intervening third person referent Zhangsan in (34) does block ziji from referring to the second person long-distance antecedent, as shown in (35).", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 145, |
| "end": 170, |
| "text": "(Huang and Tang 1991:277)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Reanalysis of Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(35) *[ 2 [ 3 \u2026 ziji \u2026 ]]", |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Reanalysis of Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Furthermore, a closer look reveals a much more complicated situation with respect to the blocking effect. Consider the following examples. 36 (Lee Se-dol' interview, 13 March, 2016) In (36) and (37), as is well known, the intervening first person does not function as a blocker. Besides, (38) presents a very interesting fact: the inanimate feature as well as person and number can trigger the blocking effect in Chinese. 6 In short, the blocking effect of the long-distance bound ziji has long been explained in terms of the notion of logophoricity. However, it cannot elucidate the nature of the blocking effect properly. For the evidence, we propose the data from Korean caki in the next section.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 142, |
| "end": 181, |
| "text": "(Lee Se-dol' interview, 13 March, 2016)", |
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| }, |
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| "start": 422, |
| "end": 423, |
| "text": "6", |
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| "section": "Reanalysis of Huang and Liu (2001)", |
| "sec_num": "3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As previously mentioned, a common thread in the literature on the blocking effect of the longdistance anaphor has mainly been concerned with the mismatch of person features between potential candidates. In addition, blocking effects have long 6 Tang (1989) argues that the antecedent of ziji is inherently animate. However, we think that inanimate noun phrase can be the antecedent of ziji. It will be discussed for Korean caki in section 4.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 243, |
| "end": 256, |
| "text": "6 Tang (1989)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "been treated exclusively in connection with Chinese ziji. However, we propose here that the blocking effect in the long-distance binding of Korean caki also exists. 7 It is well known that Korean caki is not compatible with first or second person antecedents locally as well as at a distance. Contrary to this, we propose that Korean caki, in some contexts, can refer to a first or second person as its referent. The following example is compatible with this idea. 8 (39) Nai-nun cakij casik-ul cwuki-n api-lo I-Top self child-Acc kill-Adn father-as kiloktoylkesita. be recorded 'Ii will be remembered as a father who killed my own child.' (Slightly modified from the movie 'The Throne' (2015))", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 165, |
| "end": 166, |
| "text": "7", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Based on this fact, we further argue that the blocking effect of long-distance binding is observed in Korean as well. We repeat the relevant example here.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(40) Hyengsai-nun nayj-ka caki*i/j pwumo-lul detective-Top I-Nom self parents-Acc salhayha-n phaylyunpem-i-lako kill-Adn reprobate-being-Comp sayngkakha-n-ta. think-Prs-Decl 'The detective thinks that I am a reprobate who killed his (*the detective's/speaker's) parents.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "7 Nishigauchi (2014) also reports the existence of the blocking effect in Japanese zibun while no one has yet reported its presence for Korean caki. Here are the examples. Im (1987) also claims that caki can be coreferential with a first (or second person), as shown in (i). (i) Hyengi-un nayj-ka cakij-lul piphanha-n-untey elder brother-Top I-Nom self-Acc criticize-Prs-about insaykha-ta-ko sayngkakha-n-ta. stingy-Prs-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'The older brother thinks that I am stingy with criticizing myself.' (Im 1987:150) piphanha-yess-tako sayngkakha-n-ta. criticize-Pst-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Chelswui thinks that peoplej criticized himi/themselvesj.' (50) Salam-tuli-un Chelswj-ka caki*i/j-lul people-Top Chelswu-Nom self-Acc piphanha-yess-tako sayngkakha-n-ta. criticize-Pst-Comp think-Prs-Decl 'Peoplei think that Chelswuj criticized them*i/himselfj.' (51) Salam-tuli-un cemata Chelswj-ka people-Pl-Top each Chelswu-Nom cakii/j-lul piphanha-yess-tako self-Acc criticize-Pst-Comp sayngkakha-n-ta. think-Prs-Decl 'Peoplei each think that Chelswuj criticized themi/himselfj.'", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 172, |
| "end": 181, |
| "text": "Im (1987)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 509, |
| "end": 522, |
| "text": "(Im 1987:150)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The third person Chelswu in (50) can induce the blocking effect as well.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Although it has been noted in the literature that the property of the antecedent of caki is limited to animate noun phrase, we propose that caki can refer to an inanimate noun phrase. At this time, an inanimate referent can induce the blocking effect as well.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(52) Nai-nun AlphaGoj-ka caki*i/j-ka I-Top AlphaGo-Nom self-Nom sayngkakhaci moshan swu-ka think not move-Nom nawassul ttay tayche-nunglyek-i come.out when react-ability-Nom ttelecintako sayngkakha-n-ta. fall think-Prs-Decl 'I think it revealed some kind of bug when AlphaGo faced unexpected positions.' Therefore, in order to accommodate these new types of blocking effect in Korean caki as well as in Chinese ziji, the alternative approach should be proposed in terms of a unified account. 10", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "10 We think that empathy theory, firstly proposed by Kuno and Kaburaki (1979) and developed by Oshima (2007) , Nishigauchi (2014), and Wang and Pan (2014 Pan ( , 2015 , could be an appropriate solution. We leave it to future research to elaborate on the detail.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 53, |
| "end": 77, |
| "text": "Kuno and Kaburaki (1979)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 95, |
| "end": 108, |
| "text": "Oshima (2007)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 144, |
| "end": 153, |
| "text": "Pan (2014", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 154, |
| "end": 166, |
| "text": "Pan ( , 2015", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "The blocking effect revisited and caki", |
| "sec_num": "4" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The blocking effect of long-distance binding in Chinese ziji has commonly been explained in terms of the notion of logophoricity and a person asymmetry. In addition, the blocking effect has long been treated exclusively in connection with Chinese ziji. However, this paper proposes that the blocking effect exists in Korean caki as well. Moreover another type of blocker is presented for both Chinese ziji and Korean caki. In order to accommodate various blocking effects across languages, we need an alternative approach.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Conclusion", |
| "sec_num": "5" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Cole et al. (1990), contrary to caki, assume that long-distance casin is subject to the blocking effect, as shown in (i). (i) *Chelswui-nun nayj-ka casini-ul saranha-n-ta-ko Chelswu-Top I-Nom self-Acc love-Prs-Decl-Comp sayngkakha-n-ta. think-Prs-Decl '*Chelswu thinks I like himself.'(Cole et al. 1990:18) However, we will not discuss the long-distance binding of casin here.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Korean caki and Japanese zibun as well as Chinese ziji also exhibit the blocking effect by means of a third person intervener. We will discuss this matter again in section 4.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Huang and Liu (2001) also point out that multiple occurrences of ziji must be coreferential, which was originally coined byPan (1997).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "", |
| "sec_num": null |
| } |
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| "back_matter": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This research is a part of the project Long-distance Reflexives-an Asian Perspective, which is supported by a GRF grant from the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong (No. CUHK 11407214). We also appreciate the suggestions and comments made by two anonymous reviewers of PACLIC 31. All the remaining errors are, of course, ours.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Acknowledgements", |
| "sec_num": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In this case, the long-distance binding of caki is blocked by the presence of an argument differing in person, as in (41).There is reason to believe that it does. Below we display the relevant examples.(42) Emenii-nun sicip-ka-n nayj-ka mother-Top marry-go.out-Adn I-Nom caki*i/j cip-ulo tola-ka-ass-tako self home-to return-go-Pst-Comp malha-yss-ta. say-Pst-Decl 'Motheri said that Ij, who is married, had already gone back to her*i/j home.' (43) Emenii-nun sicip-ka-n nej-ka mother-Top marry-go.out-Adn you-Nom caki*i/j cip-ulo tola-ka-ass-tako self home-to return-go-Pst-Comp malha-yss-ta. say-Pst-Decl 'Motheri said that youj, who is married, had already gone back to her*i/j home.'The blocking effect is induced by the intervening first person pronoun nay in (42) and (43) shows that the intervening second person pronoun can act as a blocker of long-distance binding in Korean. It can be represented as in (44).A third person intervener may also trigger the blocking effect in Korean, as in (45) and (46).malha-yess-ta. see-come-Pst-Comp say-Pst-Decl 'Johni told Mary that Tom came to see/visit himi.' (46) *Johni-i Maryj-eykey Tomk-i cakii-lul John-Nom Mary-Dat Tom-Nom self-Acc pole-ka-ass-tako malha-yess-ta. see-go-Pst-Comp say-Pst-Decl 'Johni told Mary that Tom went to see/visit himi.' (Yoon 1989:486) The blocking effect occurs only in (46), but not in (45). This is because the embedded subject Tom should be reported by the external speaker as the empathy locus to which ka-'go' refers. However, the actual speaker empathizes with the internal speaker if caki refers to the matrix subject John.Thus the third person, Tom, blocks long-distance binding of caki, as in (47).In addition, multiple occurrences of caki in the same clause must refer to the same antecedent, as in (48). 9 (48) Johni-i Billj-i caki-uy emma-ka John-Nom Bill-Nom caki-Gen mother-Nom caki-lul silhehanta-ko sayngkakhanta-ko self-Acc hate-Comp think-Comp malhayssta. said 'Johni said that Billj thought that hisi mother hates himi.' 'Johni said that Billj thought that hisj mother hates himj.' *'Johni said that Billj thought that hisi mother hates himj.' *'Johni said that Billj thought that hisj mother hates himi.' (Park 2014) We can observe that it is grammatical when the two occurrences of caki refer to the same antecedents whereas it is not grammatical when they refer to different antecedents. Thus a third person referent functions as a blocker if multiple instances of caki are not coreferential. Consider the following examples.(49) Chelswui-nun salam-tulj-i cakii/*j-lul Chelswu-Top people-Pl-Nom self-Acc", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 1298, |
| "end": 1313, |
| "text": "(Yoon 1989:486)", |
| "ref_id": null |
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| { |
| "start": 2204, |
| "end": 2215, |
| "text": "(Park 2014)", |
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| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "annex", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| "text": "(11) a. *M x\u0254se be y\u00e8 nyi sukuvi nyoe de. Pro believe that Log Cop student good Art 'I believe that I am a good student.' b. M x\u0254se be m nyi sukuvi nyoe de. Pro believe that Pro Cop student good Art 'I believe that I am a good student.' (12) a. *O x\u0254se be y\u00e8 nyi sukuvi nyoe de. Pro believe that Log Cop student good Art 'You believe that you are a good student.' b. O x\u0254se be o nyi sukuvi nyoe de.", |
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