| { |
| "paper_id": "Y99-1004", |
| "header": { |
| "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", |
| "date_generated": "2023-01-19T13:37:07.192097Z" |
| }, |
| "title": "LEXICAL INFORMATION AND BEYOND: CONSTRUCTIONAL INFERENCES IN SEMANTIC REPRESENTATION", |
| "authors": [ |
| { |
| "first": "Mei-Chun", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Liu", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": {}, |
| "email": "mliu@cc.nctu.edu.tw" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Chu-Ren", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Huang", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": {}, |
| "email": "" |
| }, |
| { |
| "first": "Academia", |
| "middle": [], |
| "last": "Sinica", |
| "suffix": "", |
| "affiliation": {}, |
| "email": "" |
| } |
| ], |
| "year": "", |
| "venue": null, |
| "identifiers": {}, |
| "abstract": "This paper aims to show that semantic representation of verbs may require the inclusion of constructional inferences in addition to lexical specifications. By examining the transitive pattern of the Mandarin verb GAN (,y) 'rush' , we found that verbal semantics can only be adequately represented if constructionally coerced information is taken into consideration. The construction [GAN + NP] renders specific interpretations that are not directly derived from the lexical meaning of either the verb or the object NP. The construction itself carries salient information for the appropriate interpretation. Besides outlining a compositional approach with Qualia Structure (Pustejovsky 1995) , this paper attempts to account for the constructiontriggered meanings from the perspective of Construction Grammar and to explain their interrelationship with cognitive mechanisms for sense extension. (5) Inanimate NPs: a. Scheduled special events: %/=6/41 /13:1 GAN ji/kao/miaohui/yanjiang Rush to take part in the market/exam/religious celebration/public speech' b. Vehicles running on a fixed schedule: GAN gongche/feij\u00ec Rush to catch the bus/airplane' c. Lexically specified (overt) time expressions: GAN shijian/san-dian-ban/jind\u00f9 Rush to save time/to get to the bank by 3:30/to catch up with projected progress' d. Artifacts to be produced by a deadline: C-ri/fifA/7\"/AN/14 GAN baogao/zuoye/ke/yifu/hu\u00f2 Rush to finish writing a paper/writing homework/teaching classes/making clothes/manufacturing products' The two types of NPs share the same surface form-[GAN + NP], but render quite different interpretations.", |
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| "paper_id": "Y99-1004", |
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| "abstract": [ |
| { |
| "text": "This paper aims to show that semantic representation of verbs may require the inclusion of constructional inferences in addition to lexical specifications. By examining the transitive pattern of the Mandarin verb GAN (,y) 'rush' , we found that verbal semantics can only be adequately represented if constructionally coerced information is taken into consideration. The construction [GAN + NP] renders specific interpretations that are not directly derived from the lexical meaning of either the verb or the object NP. The construction itself carries salient information for the appropriate interpretation. Besides outlining a compositional approach with Qualia Structure (Pustejovsky 1995) , this paper attempts to account for the constructiontriggered meanings from the perspective of Construction Grammar and to explain their interrelationship with cognitive mechanisms for sense extension. (5) Inanimate NPs: a. Scheduled special events: %/=6/41 /13:1 GAN ji/kao/miaohui/yanjiang Rush to take part in the market/exam/religious celebration/public speech' b. Vehicles running on a fixed schedule: GAN gongche/feij\u00ec Rush to catch the bus/airplane' c. Lexically specified (overt) time expressions: GAN shijian/san-dian-ban/jind\u00f9 Rush to save time/to get to the bank by 3:30/to catch up with projected progress' d. Artifacts to be produced by a deadline: C-ri/fifA/7\"/AN/14 GAN baogao/zuoye/ke/yifu/hu\u00f2 Rush to finish writing a paper/writing homework/teaching classes/making clothes/manufacturing products' The two types of NPs share the same surface form-[GAN + NP], but render quite different interpretations.", |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Abstract", |
| "sec_num": null |
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| "body_text": [ |
| { |
| "text": "Knowledge representation of the verbal system has always been one of the core issues in both theoretical and computational linguistics. In the early generative paradigm, verbs are considered to be the structural head of the sentence since it subcategorizes its arguments and hence dictates the form of the sentence. Verb meanings are treated as general tendencies in selectional preferences, and the semantic details of individual verbs are largely neglected. Recent development in lexical research has shifted the focus to investigating the interdependency between verb meanings and syntactic behavior. Most lexical semanticists share a common assumption that the syntactic behavior of a verb, especially its argument expression, is determined by the meaning of the verb (cf. Levin, Song and Atkins 1996 , Pustejovsky 1995 , Levin 1993 , Atkins and Levin 1991 , Atkins et al. 1988 . Levin (1993) tries to categorize English verbs into semantically distinct classes on the basis of their argument alternation patterns. Pustejovsky (1995) 's program on generative lexicon moves one step further in spelling out a multi-layered representational scheme for lexical information that includes Argument Structure, Event Structure, Qualia Structure, and Inheritance Structure. His goal is to fully represent the interaction of word meaning and its composition.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 777, |
| "end": 804, |
| "text": "Levin, Song and Atkins 1996", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF14" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 805, |
| "end": 823, |
| "text": ", Pustejovsky 1995", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 824, |
| "end": 836, |
| "text": ", Levin 1993", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 837, |
| "end": 860, |
| "text": ", Atkins and Levin 1991", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF0" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 861, |
| "end": 881, |
| "text": ", Atkins et al. 1988", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 884, |
| "end": 896, |
| "text": "Levin (1993)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 1019, |
| "end": 1037, |
| "text": "Pustejovsky (1995)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF20" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "INTRODUCTION", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Another commonly shared belief among lexical semanticists is that the traditional 'sense enumerative lexicon', as Pustejovsky puts it, is inadequate to capture the real picture of natural language semantics. Specifically, such an approach cannot account for three lexically relevant phenomena: the creative use of words, the permeability of word senses, and the expression of multiple syntactic forms with a single word (Pustejovsky 1995: 39) . It is argued that a more powerful compositional mechanism with predicative strength is needed to allow coercion of lexical meanings into more complicated or innovative senses.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 420, |
| "end": 442, |
| "text": "(Pustejovsky 1995: 39)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "INTRODUCTION", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In view of the fact that lexical knowledge involves more than just the listing of different senses or simple combination of word meanings, we would like to present in this paper an interesting case in Mandarin where a single verb gives rise to various contextualized meanings when combined with a complement NP. The issue under study is the transitive use of GAN () rush' in the pattern of [GAN + NP], such as GAN gongche 'the bus' or GAN baogao 'a paper'. The appropriate interpretation of the pattern requires incorporation of semantic components beyond the purely lexically-specified information. It is proposed that to fully represent the semantics of the pattern, constructional inferences should be included in the knowledge representation of lexical information.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "INTRODUCTION", |
| "sec_num": "1." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The main body of data for the analysis comes from the Sinica Balanced Corpus of both written and spoken contemporary Mandarin, containing a total of 5 million word, developed by the CKIP group in Academia Sinica, Taiwan. The total number of occurrences of GAN in the corpus is 54, and the transitive use occupies 32 % of the data.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "THE DATA", |
| "sec_num": "2." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The characterization of GAN is highlighted when it is compared with its peer synonym ZHUI (M). We found that one typical use of GAN requires a nominal sense extension as well as a temporal reference. Compare the following examples, where ZHUI and GAN can both tak\u00e8 bus' as its direct object but render completely different interpretations:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(1) a. 'chase the bus' ZHUI gongche chase bus 'rush to catch the bus' GAN gongche rush bus Example (I a) is a prototypical instance of transitive predication where the verb ZHUI may take any movable, spatial-physical entity as its direct object, and the object itself is the goal for the action of chasing. On the other hand, (lb) represents a rather peculiar and semi-fixed pattern in the sense that the nouns GAN may take as direct object do not fulfill the typical Goal-role and the meaning associated with the pattern are highly specified. The NPs following GAN are nominals that invoke an event reading and are contextually associated with a time frame. Therefore, in (1 b), GAN gongche should not be interpreted as a simple event of spatial movement; instead, it describes \"an action of rushing in order to get to the bus stop by a certain TIME\". Such a contrast between the different roles played by the direct object NP is captured as follows:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "( A further contrast between the use of ZHUI and GAN leads us to the conclusion that GAN not only requires a temporal reference, but it is followed only by nominals that evoke an event reading. Consider the following pair of examples where the verb is followed by a measured path:", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "(3) a. 1.0.7 ZHUI le liang-bai gongchi chase LE two-hundred meter chased (someone) for two hundred meters' b. ty w ni .aRnmi** GAN le liang-bai gongchi de lu/*liang-bai gongchi rush LE two-hundred meter DE journey / two-hundred meter rushed two-hundred meters to finish the journey.'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "While it is perfectly fine to add a measured length (`two hundred meters') with ZHUI, it is not allowed with GAN. But, when the measure is embedded as a modifier to describe the length of an undertaken journey as shown in (2b), it can then follow GAN. The reason why the reading of 'making a specific journey' is required with the use of GAN is, we suspect, that GAN has to be associated with some kind of an ACTIVITY, evoked or implicated by the complement NP. In other words, [GAN+NP] actually describes an under-specified EVENT that involves a temporally-framed activity. Only if a nominal is capable of evoking an event reading may it follow the verb GAN.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This observation can be further supported by the fact that the utterance GAN le liang-bai gongchi (n7Ij n i . aR) 'rushed two hundred meters' can actually be accepted if it refers to an activity that can be 'measured out' (Tenny 1992) . A context of making ropes/strings would be perfectly suitable for such an utterance, as provided below: The point we try to make here is that the range of nominals that GAN may take, compared with that in the use of ZHUI, is rather limited and highly specified. In the following sections, we will concentrate specifically on the semantic properties associated with the transitive use of GAN.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 222, |
| "end": 234, |
| "text": "(Tenny 1992)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF22" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Temporal Reference in the Use of GAN", |
| "sec_num": "3.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As shown above, the verb GAN is rather restrictive in its argument selection with respect to the transitive pattern [GAN + NP] . In the corpus, there are two major types of NPs associated with the pattern, and each facilitates a unique interpretation of the construction.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 116, |
| "end": 126, |
| "text": "[GAN + NP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CONSTRUCTIONAL INFERENCES IN THE CASE OF GAN", |
| "sec_num": "4." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The NPs following GAN can be either Animate or Inanimate. Animate NPs refer mostly to humans or animals, as shown in (4) . Inanimate NPs can be further divided into four sub-groups, as shown in (5):(4) Animate NPs:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 117, |
| "end": 120, |
| "text": "(4)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF3" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Types of NPs in [GAN + NP]", |
| "sec_num": "4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "GAN ren/wenzi/maque/niu/yang Drive away people/mosquitoes/sparrows/cows/sheep'", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Types of NPs in [GAN + NP]", |
| "sec_num": "4.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "As discussed above, the construction [GAN + NP] describes a telic event, that is, the event is bounded with a target state. With Animate object-NPs, the verb GAN encodes a purposeful action that aims to 'move the object IN or OUT of a designated area'. In the example of GAN ren (j A ) , the agent is performing an action to drive 'people' out of a certain place; while in the example of GAN yang (nT.), it's more likely that the agent is driving the sheep into an area (e.g. the pen). The action of GAN results in a spatial movement or locational change on the part of the object-NP.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Interpretational Distinction", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "With Inanimate object-NPs, however, [GAN + NP] describes a bounded event whose interpretation is much more complicated. The interpretation reads like: 'to achieve a STATE by a certain TIME through engaging in an ACTIVITY'. It involves at least three meaning components: an ACTIVITY performed by the agent, a STATE associated with the object, and a TIME FRAME. In the example of GAN baogao (, ym i--, ) , the underspecified activity is writing a paper', the goal is to get the paper done, and the time frame is the deadline for submitting the paper. What's interesting is that all the information about the `ellipsed' activity/goal/time is missing from the purely lexically-specified meaning of either the verb or the nominal. The interpretational distinction between the two types of [GAN + NP] can be captured as follows: ", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 375, |
| "end": 401, |
| "text": "of GAN baogao (, ym i--, )", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Interpretational Distinction", |
| "sec_num": "4.2" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Given the interpretational complexity in the pattern [GAN + Inanimate NP], more has to be said concerning the details of its semantic representation. We found that the semantics of the inanimate pattern should also include the following:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 53, |
| "end": 59, |
| "text": "[GAN +", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
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| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Other Salient Information with Inanimate NPs", |
| "sec_num": "4.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2022 Presupposition: Normal pace of performing the activity is not enough (already being late with respect to the TIME frame). \u2022 Manner: with accelerating pace \u2022 Telicity: The event is bounded with a projected endpoint (the target state).", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Other Salient Information with Inanimate NPs", |
| "sec_num": "4.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2022 Agent-control: The activity is completely under the agent's control.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Other Salient Information with Inanimate NPs", |
| "sec_num": "4.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This last feature captures the fact that the agent of GAN has to be the actor undertaking the implicated activity. For example, GAN yifu (nA)) cannot be taken as 'rushing someone to finish making the clothes', but can only be said of a dressmaker or tailor.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Other Salient Information with Inanimate NPs", |
| "sec_num": "4.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The issue here is that all the above semantic specificities and the information about the \"ellipsed\" activity/goal/time in the [GAN + Inanimate NP] pattern cannot be obtained directly from the lexicon. Only when combining the verb GAN with a potentially event-evoking inanimate nominal is the information automatically generated.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Other Salient Information with Inanimate NPs", |
| "sec_num": "4.3" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "How can we explain and represent the fact that the construction [GAN + NP] contains more information than what is specified in the lexicon for the individual word. There are two ways of dealing with it. One is the construction-based approach, taking [GAN + NP] as a form-meaning pair. The other is the compositional approach that allows coercion of lexical information.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 250, |
| "end": 256, |
| "text": "[GAN +", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "INFORMATION BEYOND THE VERB: EXPLANATORY FRAMEWORKS", |
| "sec_num": "5." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "From the perspective of Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, Fillmore and Kay 1993), \u00e0 construction' can be viewed as a meaning-bearing unit, i.e. the syntactic configuration itself contributes semantic content above and beyond that contained in the constituent lexical items' (Jackendoff 1997:553) . A construction (or constructional idiom) represents a form-meaning association, that functions, in a broader sense, just like a lexical item. The meaning of a construction is learnable in the same way word meanings are learned. Taking a semi-fixed VP pattern [GAN +NP] as a constructional idiom allows as to specify the unique semantic features associated with the pattern which go beyond the semantics of its constituent words.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 277, |
| "end": 298, |
| "text": "(Jackendoff 1997:553)", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 560, |
| "end": 569, |
| "text": "[GAN +NP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Construction-Based Approach", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "Given the fact that two types of NPs may occur with GAN and each is associated with a peculiar interpretation, we may propose that there are two distinct Constructions: -E, v# `GAN-3:30' (NP-Time) ACTIVITY [rushing to the bank] by TIME [3:30] Although the associated meanings are quite distinct, the construction is considered to be polysemous in the sense that there seems to be a conceptual link between the two senses. Sense 1 highlights a intended movement in space, which is utilized to describe the progression of event in time. This confirms the general cognitive principle that spatial movement usually provides the conceptual basis for expressing temporal or eventive processes (The Localist Hypothesis, Lyons 1977). The different contextual meanings of enjoy or the `ellipsed' activities are supplied by information from the complement. More specifically, the Telic roles for movie and coffee project the activities of watching the movie and drinking coffee, respectively, to the interpretation of the VP.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 236, |
| "end": 242, |
| "text": "[3:30]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Construction-Based Approach", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "In other words, Qualia structure provides a compositional means for meaning coercion based on characterizations of the four different roles.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Construction-Based Approach", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The analysis of English enjoy parallels the case of Mandarin GAN with Inanimate NPs in that [GAN + Inanimate NP] also involves an ellipsed activity whose information is provided by the object-NP. Through coercion of one of the qualia roles, the information about the Activity or Time Frame can be integrated into the interpretation of the verb phrase, as illustrated below: What is interesting here is that Qualia Structure can also solve potential ambiguity problems in some cases. Take ntbR `GAN-Ball Games' as an example, which allows two different interpretations, each with a different qualia role: The distinction between Telic and Agentive role is also crucial in deriving the correct interpretation of [GAN + NP] where the NP is associated with verbs of creation, i.e. the NP comes into being through verbs of creation, such as `(writng) a book/song' . In the examples below, only the Agentive interpretation is allowed: ", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 92, |
| "end": 98, |
| "text": "[GAN +", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 710, |
| "end": 720, |
| "text": "[GAN + NP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "Construction-Based Approach", |
| "sec_num": "5.1" |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "The semantics of [GAN + NP] requires incorporation of constructional inferences that are not inherent in the lexical semantics of its constituent words. In a similar vein, there are other interesting cases of transitive verbs whose object-NPs suggest different \"activities or events\" that are not explicitly expressed but deemed important in semantic representation. Below we list two of such verbs: (14) There must be more Mandarin verbs displaying a similar behavior, in addition to the two listed above. A unified approach, once adopted, can be applied to all these verbs.", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 400, |
| "end": 404, |
| "text": "(14)", |
| "ref_id": "BIBREF13" |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "OTHER RELATED CASES", |
| "sec_num": "6." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "This paper presents an interesting case for semantic representation of Mandarin verbs. The appropriate interpretation of the construction [GAN + NP] involves information beyond lexical semantic specification of its constituent words and thus requires additional mechanisms for semantic integration. To fully represent the information, two equally applicable approaches are suggested in this paper. The first is based on proposals of Construction Grammar, in which \"constructions\" are treated as lexical items which are uniquely associated with a given \"meaning\". In this view, [GAN + NP] will be listed in the lexicon as a meaning-bearing unit with all the information needed. The second approach is introduced in Pustejovsky (1995), where a Qualia Structure is used to specify four different meaning facets (Constitutive, Formal, Telic and Agentive attributes) for each lexical item, and contextual interpretation can be borne out through attribute coercion. As a pilot work on Mandarin lexical semantic research, this study has the following implications:", |
| "cite_spans": [ |
| { |
| "start": 138, |
| "end": 148, |
| "text": "[GAN + NP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| }, |
| { |
| "start": 577, |
| "end": 587, |
| "text": "[GAN + NP]", |
| "ref_id": null |
| } |
| ], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CONCLUSION", |
| "sec_num": "7." |
| }, |
| { |
| "text": "\u2022 Mandarin lexical semantic studies are advancing but are still in a primitive stage. More comprehensive investigation is needed to identify a set of crucial semantic attributes as well as compositional principles that have syntactic consequences. \u2022 Constructional inferences as discussed above call for an unified and systematic treatment when dealing with semantic representation of Mandarin.", |
| "cite_spans": [], |
| "ref_spans": [], |
| "eq_spans": [], |
| "section": "CONCLUSION", |
| "sec_num": "7." |
| } |
| ], |
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| "ref_id": "b0", |
| "title": "Admitting Impediments in.Lexical Acquisition: Exploiting On-Line Resources to Build a Lexicon", |
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| "first": "B", |
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| "FIGREF0": { |
| "text": "ni shezi zuo hao le ma you rope make done LE Q B: REV117741-ffiaRT WO yijing gan le liang-bai gongzhi le. I already GAN LE two-hundred meters PERF A: 'Have you finished your rope-making' B: I have speeded up and finished two hundred meters (of rope).'", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF1": { |
| "text": "Animacy and Interpretational Difference in x [GAN + NP(y)] Interpretation With Animate NP Target State = (in-or-out (y, Loc)) With Inanimate NP Target State = (x reaches State (y) by Time (t) through Activity (w))", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF2": { |
| "text": "Compositional Approach: Qualia Structure Pustejovsky (1995) proposed a generative, multi-leveled framework to represent lexical information. The four levels in the structured representation are Argument Structure (for the representation of adicity information for functional elements), Event Structure (for the representation of information related to Aktionsarten and event type, in the sense of Vendler 1967), Qualia Structure (for the representation of the defining attributes of an object), and Inheritance Structure (for the representation of the relation between the lexical item and others in the lexicon). Among the four levels, Qualia Structure is responsible for the relational force of a lexical item. It specifies four essential aspects of a word's meaning: \u2022 Constitutive: the relation between an object and its constituent parts; \u2022 Formal: that which distinguishes it within a larger domain; \u2022 Telic: its purpose and function; \u2022 Agentive: factors involved in its origin or 'bringing it about'. As Pustejovsky (1995: 87-88) made it clear that Qualia Structure, as defined above, not only characterizes our knowledge of words, but also suggests interpretations of words in context. The English verb enjoy is used as an illustration. Consider the examples below: (9) a. Mary enjoyed the movie last night. (watching) b. John quite enjoys his morning coffee. (drinking)", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF3": { |
| "text": "Qualia Representaion a. GAN gongche 'rush to catch the bus' Bus [Telic = running on a fixed schedule b. GAN baogao 'rush to finish the paper' Paper [Agentive = writing]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF4": { |
| "text": "Two Different Interpretations with nt4 'GAN-Ball Games' ky-T EilAthR. GAN le san-chang bisai. a. 'Rush to play three games' b. 'Rush to watch three games.' (12) Different Roles for th4 '(Ball) Games' a. [Telic = entertaining/watching] b. [Agentive = playing]", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "FIGREF5": { |
| "text": "Agentive interpretation a. nxt: GAN sh\u00f9 rush to write/*read the book' b.. na GAN g\u00e8 rush to write/*sing the song' c. tym GAN x\u00ec rush to produce/*watch the show' With the specified attributes or roles in the Qualia Structure, contextual meanings or information beyond individual lexical items can be facilitated through semantic coercion, without the cost of additional explanatory or representational mechanisms.", |
| "type_str": "figure", |
| "num": null, |
| "uris": null |
| }, |
| "TABREF0": { |
| "html": null, |
| "num": null, |
| "type_str": "table", |
| "content": "<table><tr><td/><td>Role of the Direct Object NP</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">ZHUI Spatial Goal</td></tr><tr><td>GAN</td><td>Temporal Target</td></tr><tr><td colspan=\"2\">3.2 Event-Evoking Nominals in the use of GAN</td></tr></table>", |
| "text": "2) Difference in the Semantic Role of the Direct Object NP" |
| } |
| } |
| } |
| } |
