{ "paper_id": "P83-1003", "header": { "generated_with": "S2ORC 1.0.0", "date_generated": "2023-01-19T09:19:36.649889Z" }, "title": "Crossed Serial Dependencies: i low-power parseable extension to GPSG", "authors": [ { "first": "Henry", "middle": [], "last": "Thompson", "suffix": "", "affiliation": { "laboratory": "", "institution": "Cognitive Science University of Edinburgh Hope Park Square", "location": { "addrLine": "Meadow Lane Edinburgh", "postCode": "EH8 9NW", "country": "SCOTLAND" } }, "email": "" } ], "year": "", "venue": null, "identifiers": {}, "abstract": "An extension to the GPSG grammatical formalism is proposed, allowing non-terminals to consist of finite sequences of category labels, and allowing schematic variables to range over such sequences. The extension is shown to be sufficient to provide a strongly adequate grammar for crossed serial dependencies, as found in e.g. Dutch subordinate clauses. The structures induced for such constructions are argued to be more appropriate to data involving conjunction than some previous proposals have been. The extension is shown to be parseable by a simple extension to an existing parsing method for GPSG.", "pdf_parse": { "paper_id": "P83-1003", "_pdf_hash": "", "abstract": [ { "text": "An extension to the GPSG grammatical formalism is proposed, allowing non-terminals to consist of finite sequences of category labels, and allowing schematic variables to range over such sequences. The extension is shown to be sufficient to provide a strongly adequate grammar for crossed serial dependencies, as found in e.g. Dutch subordinate clauses. The structures induced for such constructions are argued to be more appropriate to data involving conjunction than some previous proposals have been. The extension is shown to be parseable by a simple extension to an existing parsing method for GPSG.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "Abstract", "sec_num": null } ], "body_text": [ { "text": "In a recent paper (Bresnan Kaplsn Peters end Zaenen 1982) (hereafter BKPZ), a solution to the Dutch problem was presented in terms of LFG (Kaplan and Bresnan 1982) , which is known to have considerably more than context-free power. (Steedman 1983) and (Joshi 1983) have also made proposals for solutions in terms of Steedman/Ades grammars and tree adjunction grammars (Ades and Steedman 1982; Joshi Levy and Yueh 1975) .", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 18, "end": 44, "text": "(Bresnan Kaplsn Peters end", "ref_id": null }, { "start": 138, "end": 163, "text": "(Kaplan and Bresnan 1982)", "ref_id": "BIBREF5" }, { "start": 232, "end": 247, "text": "(Steedman 1983)", "ref_id": "BIBREF7" }, { "start": 252, "end": 264, "text": "(Joshi 1983)", "ref_id": "BIBREF3" }, { "start": 368, "end": 392, "text": "(Ades and Steedman 1982;", "ref_id": "BIBREF10" }, { "start": 393, "end": 418, "text": "Joshi Levy and Yueh 1975)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "In this paper I present a minimal extension to the GPSC formalism (Gazdar 1981c) ", "cite_spans": [ { "start": 66, "end": 80, "text": "(Gazdar 1981c)", "ref_id": null } ], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "CONS(CADR (Q')(a' )(CA~(Q' )),CDDR (Q ' )) (~ where Q' is short for SI, Z~,b ' ,", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "CO~S(CAR (Q ' )(a') (S') ,CDR(Q ' ))", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(2 where Q' is short for Ziqh ' , ADJOIN(Z' ,b' ).", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "( 3 These By suitably combining the rules (A) -(E), together with the meta-generated rules (Bi) -(Di), (Bii) and (Cii), we can now generate examples (2) (4). (4), which is fully crossed, is very similar to the example in section II.1, and uses meta-generated expansions for all its VP nodes:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "EQUATION", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [ { "start": 0, "end": 8, "text": "EQUATION", "ref_id": "EQREF", "raw_str": "A) S' -> omdat NP VP B) VP -> V VP (probeer) C) VP -> NP V VP (leren) D) VP -> NP V", "eq_num": "(spreken)" } ], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "EQUATION", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [ { "start": 0, "end": 8, "text": "EQUATION", "ref_id": "EQREF", "raw_str": "S' Nikki Nederlands V b [Vc,Vd] probeer V c V d i I te leren spreken (A) (Bii) ( Cii ) (Di) (E)", "eq_num": "(E)" } ], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Once again I include the relevant rule name in the margin, and indicate with subscripts the rule name feature introduced to enforce subcategorisation.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "Sentences (2) and (3) each involve two metagenerated rules and one ordinary one. For reasons of space, only (3) is illustrated below.", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "(2) is similar, but using rules (B), (Cii), and (Di). For our purposes simple interpretations of (B) -(D) will suffice:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "s' (A) ~P vP (Rii) a ik [vP,Zb] (ci) .~Pc [Vb,Vc]~ ~ (E),(Di) Nikki V", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "B') v'(vP') c') v' (NP' ,~') D') v'(NP').", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "The semantics for the metarules is also reasonably straightforward, given that we know where we are going:", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "I') F(V') ==> CONS(F(CAR(Z:V')),CDR(Z',V')) II') F(V',VP') ==> CONS(F(CADR(Q'),CAR(Q')), cm~(Q')),", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "where Q' is short for VPlZl, V '. (I') will give semantics very much like those of rule (2) in section II.2, while (II') will give semantics like those of rule (I). (E \u00b0) is just like (3):", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "E') ADJ01N(Z' ,W ' )", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null }, { "text": "It is left to the enthusiastic reader to work through the examples and see that all of sentences (I) - ", "cite_spans": [], "ref_spans": [], "eq_spans": [], "section": "", "sec_num": null } ], "back_matter": [], "bib_entries": { "BIBREF0": { "ref_id": "b0", "title": "C0NSP(L) -T(~x [~y", "authors": [], "year": null, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "C0NSP(L) -T(~x [~y.[~z.", "links": null }, "BIBREF1": { "ref_id": "b1", "title": "CADR(L) -CAR(CDR(L))", "authors": [], "year": null, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "CADR(L) -CAR(CDR(L))", "links": null }, "BIBREF3": { "ref_id": "b3", "title": "How much context-sensitivity is required to provide reasonable structural descriptions: Tree adjoining gran~nars", "authors": [ { "first": "A", "middle": [], "last": "Joshi", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1983, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Joshi, A. 1983. How much context-sensitivity is required to provide reasonable structural descriptions: Tree adjoining gran~nars, version submitted to this conference.", "links": null }, "BIBREF4": { "ref_id": "b4", "title": "Tree adjunct grammars", "authors": [ { "first": "A", "middle": [ "K" ], "last": "Joehi", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "L", "middle": [], "last": "Levy", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "", "middle": [], "last": "So", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "K", "middle": [], "last": "Yueh", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1975, "venue": "Journal of Comp .... and System Sciences", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Joehi, A.K., Levy, L. So and Yueh, K. 1975. Tree adjunct grammars. Journal of Comp .... and System Sciences.", "links": null }, "BIBREF5": { "ref_id": "b5", "title": "Lexicalfunctional grammar: A formal system of grammatical representation", "authors": [ { "first": "R", "middle": [ "M" ], "last": "Kaplan", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "J", "middle": [], "last": "Bresnan", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1982, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Kaplan, R.M. and Bresnan, J. 1982. Lexical- functional grammar: A formal system of grammatical representation. In J. Bresnan, editor, The mental representation of grammatical relations. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.", "links": null }, "BIBREF6": { "ref_id": "b6", "title": "Predicate Raising in French and Sundry Languages. ms", "authors": [ { "first": "P", "middle": [], "last": "Seuren", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1972, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Seuren, P. 1972. Predicate Raising in French and Sundry Languages. ms., Nijmegen.", "links": null }, "BIBREF7": { "ref_id": "b7", "title": "On the Generality of the Nested Dependency Constraint and the reason for an Exception in Dutch", "authors": [ { "first": "M", "middle": [], "last": "Steedman", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1983, "venue": "", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Steedman, M. 1983. On the Generality of the Nested Dependency Constraint and the reason for an Exception in Dutch. In Butterworth, B., Comrie, E. and Dahl, 0., editors, Explanations of Language Universals. Mouton.", "links": null }, "BIBREF8": { "ref_id": "b8", "title": "Chart Parsing and Rule Schemata in GPSG", "authors": [ { "first": "H", "middle": [ "S" ], "last": "Thompson", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1981, "venue": "Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Thompson, H.S. 1981b. Chart Parsing and Rule Schemata in GPSG. In Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics.", "links": null }, "BIBREF10": { "ref_id": "b10", "title": "On the order of words", "authors": [ { "first": "A", "middle": [], "last": "Ades", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "M", "middle": [], "last": "Steedman", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1982, "venue": "Linguistics and Philosophy", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Ades, A. and Steedman, M. 1982. On the order of words. Linguistics and Philosophy. to appear.", "links": null }, "BIBREF11": { "ref_id": "b11", "title": "Cross-serial dependencies in Dutch", "authors": [ { "first": "J", "middle": [ "W" ], "last": "Bresnan", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "R", "middle": [], "last": "Kaplan", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "S", "middle": [], "last": "Peters", "suffix": "" }, { "first": "A", "middle": [], "last": "Zaenen", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1982, "venue": "Linguistic Inquir", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Bresnan, J.W., Kaplan, R., Peters, S. and Zaenen, A. 1982. Cross-serial dependencies in Dutch. Linguistic Inquir[ 13.", "links": null }, "BIBREF12": { "ref_id": "b12", "title": "Phrase structure grammar", "authors": [ { "first": "G", "middle": [], "last": "Cazdar", "suffix": "" } ], "year": 1981, "venue": "The nature of syntactic representation. D. Reidel", "volume": "", "issue": "", "pages": "", "other_ids": {}, "num": null, "urls": [], "raw_text": "Cazdar, G. 1981c. Phrase structure grammar. In P. Jacobson and G. Pullum, editors, The nature of syntactic representation. D. Reidel, Dordrecht.", "links": null } }, "ref_entries": { "FIGREF0": { "uris": null, "num": null, "type_str": "figure", "text": "rules are most easily understood in reverse order. Rule 3 simply appends the interpretation of the immediately dominated b to the sequence of interpretations of the dominated sequence of b's. Rule 2 takes the first interpretation of such a sequence, applies it to the interpretations of the immediately dominated a and S, and prepends the result to the unused balance of the sequence of b interpretations. We now have a sequence consisting of first a sentential interpretation, and then a number of h interpretations. Rule I thus applies the second (b type) element of such a sequence to the interpretation of the immediately dominated a, and the first (S type) element of the sequence." }, "TABREF2": { "html": null, "text": "Parsin~As for parsing context-free grammars with the non-terminals and schemata this proposal allows, very little needs to be added to the mechanisms I have provided to deal with non-sequence schemata in", "type_str": "table", "num": null, "content": "
II.3 GPSG, as described in (Thompson 1981 b). We simplyI) omdat ik probeer Nikki te leren Nederlands te spreken 2) omdat ik probeer Nikki Nederlands te leren spreken 3) omdat ik Nikki probeer te leren Nederlands te spreken 4) omdat ik Nikki Nederlands probeer te leren
treat all non-terminals as sequences, many of onlyspreken
one element. The same basic technique of a bottom-5) * omdat ik Nikki probeer Nederlands te leren
up chart parsing strategy, which substitutes forspreken.
matched variables in the active version of theWiththeprovisothat(I)isoftenjudged
rule, will do the job.By restricting only onequestionable, at least on stylistic grounds, this
sequence variableto occur once in each non-pattern of judgements seems fairly stable among
terminal, the task of matching is kept simple andnative speakers of Dutch from the Netherlands.
deterministic.Thus we allow e.g. SIZIb but notThere is some suggestion that this is not the
ZlblZ.Thesubstitutionstakeplacebypattern of judgements typical of native speakers of
concatenation, so that if we have an instance ofDutch from Belgium.
rule (~) matching first [a] and then [3,b,b,b] in
the course of bottom-up processing, the Z on theIII.2 Grammar rules for the Dutch data
right hand side will match [b,b], and the resulting
substitution into the left hand side will cause theThis pattern leads us to propose the following
constituent to be labeled [S,b,b].basic rules for subordinate clauses:
In making this extension to my existing system,
the changes required were all localised to that
part of the code which matches rule parts against
nodes, and here the price is paid only if a
sequence variable is encountered.This suggests
that the impact of this mechanism on the parsing
complexity of the system is quite small.
III. APPLICATION TO DUTCH
Given the limited space available, I can present
only a very high-levelaccountof howthis
extension to GPSG can provide an account of crossed
serial dependencies in Dutch. In particular I will
have nothing to say about the difficult issue of
the precise distribution of tensed and untensed
verb forms.
III. 1 The Dutch data
Discussion of the phenomenon of crossed serial
dependenciesinDutchsubordinateclausesThe isresultis againprependedto the unused
balance, if any. bedeviled by considerable disagreement about justThe patient reader can satisfy
what the facts are.The following five exampleshimselfthatthis willproducethe following
form the core of the basis for my analysis:(crossed) interpretation:
" }, "TABREF3": { "html": null, "text": "VP -> ... V ... ==> VPIZ -> ... ZlV ...", "type_str": "table", "num": null, "content": "
reflected in rules associated with each VP rule
which introduces a VP complement, allowing the verb
to be lowered onto the complement.As this rule
must also expand VPs with verbs lowered onto them,
we want e.g.
cii) vPlz -> ~P wlzlv.
Rather than enumerate such rules, we can use
metarules to conveniently express what is wanted:
I) H) vP -> ... v vP o-> vPlz -> ... vP:z:v.
(I) will apply to all three of (B) -(D), allowing
compound verbs to be discharged at any point.(II)
will apply to (B) and (C), allowing the lowering
(withcompoundingifneeded)ofverbsonto
complements.We need one more rule, to unpack the
compound verbs, and the syntactic part of our
effort is complete:
E) wlz -> W Z,
where W is an ordinary variable whose range
consists of V. This slight indirection is necessary
toinsurethatsubcategorisationinformation
propagates correctly..
Taken straight, these give us (I) only.For (2)
-(4), we propose what amounts to a verb lowering
approach, where verbs are lowered onto VPs, whence
they lower again to form compound verbs.(5) is
ruled out by requiring that a lowered verb must
have a target verb to compound with. The resulting
compound may itself be lowered, but only as a unit.
This approach is partially inspired by Seuren's
transformational account in terms of predicate
raising (Seuren 1972).
So the interpretation of the compound labels is
that e.g. [V,V] is a compound verb, and [VP,V,V! is
a VP with a compound verb lowered onto it.It
followsthatforeachVP rule,weneedan
associatedcompoundversionwhichallowsthe
lowering of (possibly compound) verbs from the VP
onto the verb, so we would have e.g.
Di) VPIZ -> NP ZIV,
where we now use Z as a variable over sequences of
" }, "TABREF5": { "html": null, "text": "that it is indeed weakly equivalent to TAG, then strong support will be lent to the claim that an interesting new point on the Chomsky hierarchy between CFGs and the indexed grammars has been found.r\" is simply p applied to the pair , where TRUE and FALSE are the left and right pair element selectors respectively.In order to effectively construct and manipulate lists, some method of", "type_str": "table", "num": null, "content": "
believe my proposal accounts for all the judgementsreasonably concise and satisfying account of at
cited in their paper.On the other hand, I do notleasttheDutchphenomenawithoutradically
believe they can account for all of the followingaltering the grammatical framework of GPSG.
conjunction judgement, the first three based on
(4), the next two on (3), whereas under theFurtherworkisclearlyneededtoexactly
standard GPSG treatment of conjunction they all fall out of our analysis: 6) omdat ik Nikki Nederlanda wil leren spreken en Frans wil laten schrijven because I want to teach Nikki to speak Dutch and let [Nikki] write French 7) * omdat ik Nikki Nedrelands wil leren spreken en Frans laten schrijven 8) omdat ik Nikki Nederlands wil leren spreken en Carla Frans wil laten schrijven because I want to teach Nikki to speak Dutch and let Carla write French. 9) omdat ik Nikki wil leren Nederlands te spreken en Frans te schrijven because I want to teach Nikki to speak Dutch and to write French their end is required. Numerous possibilities exist, of which we have chosen a relatively inefficient but conceptually clear approach. We compose lists of triples, rather than pairs. Normal CONS pairs are given as <TRUE,car,cdr>, while NIL is <FALSE,,>. Given this approach, we can define the following shorthand, with which the semantic rules given in sections II.2 and III.3 can be translated into the lambda calculus: TR= -Ix [~y [~]] can be shown determining establish the status of this augmented GPSG with respect to generative capacity and parsability. It is intriguing to speculate as to its weak equivalence with the tree adjunction grammars of Joahi et al. Even in the weakest augmentation, allowing only one occurence of one variable over sequences in any constituent of any rule, the apparent similarity of their power remains to be formally established, but it at least appears that like tree adjunction grammars, these grammars cannot generate anbncn with both dependencies crossed, and like them, it can generate it with any one set crossed and the other nested. Neither can it generate WW, although it can with a sequence variable ranging over the entire alphabet, if it FALSE-~x.Lky.LyJ]
IO) * omdat ik Nikki wil leren Nederlands te
spreken en Carla Frans te schrijven
or
...en Frans (ts) laten schrijven
(6) contains a conjoined [VP,V,V], (8) a conjoined
[VP,V], and (7) fails because it attempts to
conjoin a [VP,V,V] with a [VP,V].(9) conjoins an
ordinary VP iaside a [VP,V], and (10) fails by
tryingto conjoina VP with either a non-
constituent or a [VP,V].
It is certainly not the case that adding this
small amount of 'evidence' to the small amount
already published establishes the case for the deep
embedding, but I think it is suggestive.Taken
aboveinfactreceivethesame
together with the obvious way in which the deepinterpretation.
embedding allows some vestige of compositionality
to persist in the semantics, I think that at theIII.4 Which structure is right -evidence from
very least a serious reconsideration of the BKPZconjunction
proposal is in order.The careful reader will have noted that the
structures proposed are not the same as those of
IV. CONCLUSIONSBKPZ.Their structures have the compound verb
It is of course too early to tell whether thisdepending from the highest VP, while ours depend
augmentationwillbeofgeneraluseorfrom the lowest possible.With the exception of
significance.It does seem to me to offer a
" } } } }