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annotation_data/corpora.json

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     "input_text": "**2.2 Education**\n\n**Integrating refugee children into educational**\n**programs soon after arrival** [14] **avoids the loss of**\n**valuable years of education and human capital**\n**accumulation that can hinder future prospects.**\nIntegrating refugees into national education systems can improve future outcomes for refugee children and their hosts (UNHCR, 2020; Piper et al., 2020; Abu-Ghaida and Silva, 2020; Crawford et al., 2015; Bilgili et al., 2019). Investment in human capital development can enable refugees to contribute to local economies to benefit refugees and hosts alike, and it can contribute to the recovery of countries of origin and the hosting communities. Despite the positive externalities of integrating refugees into public-school systems, a large influx of refugee children can exacerbate existing inefficiencies.\nWhere there are large inflows, the national education system might require additional human and financial resources to integrate newly arrived children. Increasing the supply and improving the quality of schools in affected areas, supported by external assistance and financing, can avoid tension between refugees and host community populations over competition for access to education. [15] Support is particularly needed in remote areas—where refugees are often hosted—where educational services are already strained for local children (AbuGhaida and Silva, 2020).\n\n**An inclusive education system can benefit both**\n**refugees and native children.** Research has shown\nthat an inclusive education system has positive externalities for host community children (AbuGhaida and Silva, 2020). A Rwanda study showed that local Rwandan children’s school attendance is higher among communities within a 10-kilometer radius of a refugee camp. Other countries have also integrated refugee children into the national education system (Bilgili et al., 2019). In Colombia, Sociodemographic Profile about 333,000 Venezuelan children were enrolled in government schools in 2020 (about 3.4 percent of the total student population in Colombia) (UNHCR, 2021a). In Turkey, the government is supporting the transition of Syrian refugee children into the national school system, redirecting resources to locations with high concentrations of refugees (Abu-Ghaida and Silva, 2020), resulting in nearly 80 percent of Syrian primary school-aged refugee children being enrolled in education programs by 2020/2021 (UNHCR, 2021). In addition to benefiting refugee children, high school enrolment and learning outcomes increased for local Turkish students (Tumen, 2019; 2021).\n\n**Educational attainment is low among both hosts**\n**and refugees, especially in camps.** About 73 percent\nof in-camp adult refugees and 59 percent of adult hosts (aged 18 and above) either did not attend school or did not complete primary education. South Sudanese refugees have the worst educational attainment. Refugees in Addis Ababa have relatively better educational attainment compared to their hosts, with a higher percentage of refugees in Addis Ababa completing primary (45 percent) and secondary (27 percent) education (Figure 2.7).\nAlthough more educated, even youth’s (age 15 to 24) educational attainment is low, with large differences by survey domains. Many youth refugees and hosts have not completed primary education (Figure 2.8). While the percentage of youth who completed primary education is close to 50 percent for hosts, it is only 35 percent of in-camp refugee youth. Moreover, there are large differences by location, with only 22 percent of Eritrean refugee youths in camps having completed primary school compared to 37 percent of in-camp Somali youth. On the other hand, refugee youth in Addis Ababa have similar levels of education compared to their hosts (Annex D, Table D.2).\n\n14 In an emergency setting, it is recommend to provide refugees with access to educational programmes within the first 3 months of arrival in the hosting country.\n\n15 Moreover, access to education services is often tied to having identification documents. Enabling refugees to receive identification documents is critical, not only for accessing education but also other services such as health or financial services.\n\n12",
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     "input_text": "Jobs and Livelihoods\n\n**Within** **this** **challenging** **context,** **vulnerable**\n**populations—including** **refugees—face** **unique**\n**barriers to accessing quality work.** On average,\nrural women, urban youth, people with disabilities, and rural-urban migrants are more likely to be inactive and less likely to have improved their livelihoods over the last two decades. In this context, it is unsurprising that refugees cite “lack of economic opportunity” as one of their most critical challenges. In all domains, when refugees are asked to list the top three challenges they face as refugees in Ethiopia, the most common responses are lack of work or business opportunities and high cost of living. To refugees, these are much more important than poor services, lack of community networks, or insecurity and discrimination. This highlights the severity of the labor market challenges refugees face in Ethiopia.\n\n**Inclusion, rather than marginalization, can benefit**\n**both refugees and host communities.** Defining\ndevelopment approaches and better situating them within the agenda of international protection and national, regional, and local development plans can enable refugees and their hosts to fulfill their potential. Development approaches are most successful when they focus on building self-reliance—including offering refugees secure terms of stay, mobility to access better economic opportunities, and access to the labor market— and supporting refugees’ pursuit of economic opportunities while simultaneously supporting refugee-hosting communities (Betts et al., 2014; Clements et al., 2016; Krause and Schmidt, 2020).\n\n**Figure 3.1: Top 3 difficulties with being a refugee**\n\n**Refugees endure trauma and loss of assets and**\n**livelihoods resulting from their flight.** Stabilizing\ntheir livelihoods, improving their economic opportunities, and placing them on a path of selfreliance can help refugees overcome these conditions and avoid short-term survival strategies that have negative long-term consequences, such as putting children to work, early marriage of children, or selling remaining assets (World Bank, 2017). Development approaches enabling and incentivizing refugees’ self-reliance can improve refugee outcomes and reduce the burden on host communities by reaping economic benefits from refugees’ presence.\n\n**Refugees are forced to suddenly leave their countries**\n**and settle in foreign lands without necessarily**\n**selecting their destination or having favorable**\n**employment prospects.** Compared to economic\nmigrants, refugees often arrive without connections to employers or time to invest in applicable human capital, language, or other skills (Brell et al., 2020).\nNonetheless, many refugees have valuable skills and experience to contribute to local economies (World Bank, 2023; Lebow, 2023). Strengthening refugees’ human capital during displacement— that is, strengthening their skills, knowledge, and experience and the ability to apply them in the host country setting—is essential to enable refugees to realize their potential, become productive members of society, and achieve self-reliance.\n\n**Upon arriving in the host country, the first few**\n**years have an outsized effect on economic**\n**opportunities and wages.** Enabling refugees’ labor\nmarket participation from a very early stage is critical to achieving positive long-term integration as it limits long-term scarring effects, such as longterm unemployment or inactivity (Fasani et al., 2022; Slotwinski et al., 2019). Refugee employment after arrival depends on policies in the host country concerning work permits and mobility (Fuller, 2015; World Bank, 2017). On the other hand, arrival of refugees may have a complex range of positive and negative effects on local labor markets in host communities, including on sectoral employment, wages, and prices. Studies in Ethiopia show that Source: World Bank Staff based on SESRE 2023.\n\n25",
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     "input_text": "Markets and Opportunities some are near a border to their home country, some are in the lowlands and some in the highlands. They are spatially dispersed, have different geographic, social, and economic contexts, and are in different ecological Zones. For example, about 38 percent of refugees live in drought-prone lowland and pastoralist areas, whereas 60 percent live in humid reliable lowland areas (Annex D, Figure D.31). In many refugee-hosting areas in Ethiopia, except for a few places such as Addis Ababa, refugees and host communities share cross-border cultural and economic connections; and common ties of kinship, language, and ethnicity (Vemuru et al., 2020).\n\n**Location greatly affects socio-economic outcomes,**\n**economic activities, and livelihood opportunities,**\n**and poverty levels vary profoundly by location in**\n**Ethiopia.** Livelihood activities vary throughout the\ncountry and the refugee-hosting zones. Rural labor concentrates in the agricultural sector, with low non- and off-farm employment in rural areas and small towns (Pimhidzai et al., 2022), while work in the service and manufacturing sectors concentrates in urban centers [46] . Livestock production and sale represent the main livelihoods in lowland pastoral areas. Poverty rates are higher among households in the drought-prone lowlands, and the likelihood of escaping poverty is higher for households in lowland pastoral areas than those in moisture-reliable highlands (World Bank, 2020). Refugees in camps can neither choose nor participate in the local agricultural economy, so disparities in livelihood opportunities depending on location matter for refugees. For example, employment rates differ depending on the hosting zones, helping to explain the different labor market outcome of refugees’ experience across the country.\n\n**This chapter aims to better understand how camp**\n**locations determine labor market outcomes and**\n**highlights the importance of refugees’ location**\n**as part of the development strategy for refugees**\n**in Ethiopia.** First, we define refugees, resource\n\n46 Labor Force and Migration Survey 2021.\n\n57 hubs, connectivity, and local markets, and highlight differences in refugee communities depending on location. Second, we identify in-camp refugees’ performance in the labor market and investigate if there is a spatial disparity in such outcomes among refugees. We discuss refugees’ spatial disparity in labor market access and outcomes based on their proximity to Zone capital cities, _Woreda_ cities, and the nearest international border. In addition, we investigate their level of accessibility to the given market where they are located. Third, using an econometric model, we assess to what extent refugees’ group differences in terms of labor market outcomes correlates with several variables: local factors, proximity to resource hubs, and connectivity.\n\n**6.1 Spatial disparities in refugees labor**\n**market access and outcomes**\n\n**To better understand refugees’ spatial disparities,**\n**we look at their remoteness—measured as**\n**proximity to the nearest Zone capital cities,** _Woreda_\n**cities, and the international border—as well as**\n**their market accessibility.** We selected the capital\ncity of each Zone as it is a resource and market hub for surrounding _Woredas_ and Kebeles (Box 6.1).\nUsually, these cities serve as a commerce center for agricultural goods and manufacturing products and provide better employment opportunities.\nMoreover, Zone Capital and _Woreda_ cities offer better education and health services and improved transportation and communication infrastructure. In addition to cities and towns, people often use border areas to trade and purchase goods at better prices.\n\n**In Ethiopia, refugees’ locations differ vastly in**\n**terms of proximity to resource and economic**\n**hubs.** About 37 percent of refugees live within 10\nkilometers of the nearest _Woreda_ city and another 43 percent live within 10 to 20 kilometers. _Zone_ capital cities are farther away, but almost half (45 percent) of in-camp refugees live within 20 kilometers of the nearest Zone capital city (Figure 6.1a). Borders seem farther, with 18 percent of refugees living within 30",
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     "input_text": "### **7. Social Cohesion**\n\n**ocial cohesion is vital for refugees’ ability**\n**to** **integrate** **and** **contributes** **to** **social**\n# S\n**development.** While social cohesion is often defined\ndifferently in different contexts, we define it here as “a sense of shared purpose, trust, and willingness to cooperate” (Barron et al., 2023). To be socially sustainable, communities must work together to overcome challenges, provide public goods, and allocate resources fairly, and social cohesion has long been seen as critical for solid institutions and economic growth (Easterly et al., 2006). This is often challenging in a refugee context, where refugees not only experienced traumatic shocks to their social, economic, and emotional wellbeing, but they also face host communities’ concerns regarding how refugees affect the local labor market, the availability of goods and services, and the environment (World Bank, 2023a). These challenges are even more significant when refugee camps are in underdeveloped and underserved regions of the country, where there is greater competition over scarce resources, livelihood opportunities, and services.\n\n63\n\n**Despite challenges, forced displacement does**\n**not always lead to poor social cohesion between**\n**refugees and hosts.** Social cohesion can actually\nimprove due to the benefits refugees bring to host communities, and with positive interactions between refugees and hosts. In remote areas, refugees often increase local economic development by increasing the availability of labor and demand for products and services. Aid inflow accompanying refugees can also promote economic development in the host community. Across the world, studies show that refugees are more likely to have positive, rather than adverse, economic effects on the host community. Economic studies of refugee camps in East Africa tend to find benefits for local economic development (Verme et al., 2021; Alix-Garcia et al., 2018; Maystadt et al., 2014). In Ethiopia, Walelign et al. (2022) find that refugees increase income diversification and livestock product sales for hosts and increase local market activity. Similarly, in Uganda, Zhou et al. (2022) found that increased refugee inflows improved local access to health, education, and roads, and had no detectable effect",
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     "input_text": "**Figure 7.5: Share of hosts who agree refugees**\n**should have access to...**\n\nMarkets and Opportunities\n\n**Figure 7.6: Host beliefs about refugee impact in Ethiopia**\n\nSource: World Bank Staff based on SESRE 2023.\n\n**Most hosts do not think they have experienced**\n**adverse effects from refugees.** However, a sizeable\nminority are concerned about the effects on employment, inflation, security, and deforestation in their communities, with significant differences across domains. The most consistent perceived effects are economic competition and price increases. Across domains, 29 to 39 percent of hosts think they have experienced either wage or employment competition due to refugees. [50] Beliefs that refugees have increased prices are especially prevalent in the Eritrea and Addis Ababa domains (70 and 81 percent, respectively), possibly reflecting concerns over housing costs in Addis Ababa. Other studies have shed light on this phenomenon in more detail. In rural areas, Ayenew (2021) finds that hosting refugees increased prices of food and agricultural inputs. Deforestation is a concern in the\n\n**Figure 7.7: Negative experiences due to refugees**\n\nSource: World Bank Staff based on SESRE 2023.\n\nSomali and South Sudan domains (47 and 35 percent, respectively), where refugees and hosts rely on firewood for cooking fuel. Tesfaye (2021) also shows that hosts perceive negative environmental impact in terms of deforestation and loss of wildlife of South Sudanese refugees in Bambasi _Woreda_ . Security concerns are highest at 34 percent in the South Sudanese and Addis Ababa domains. Fewer than 15 percent of hosts in each domain think refugees are deteriorating infrastructure (not presented).\n\n**Some** **hosts think refugees have improved local**\n**infrastructure and access to health and education**\n**services.** Thirty-eight percent of Somali hosts\nbelieve refugees have improved local infrastructure, and 36 percent think they have improved local services. In the South Sudan domain, these rates are 16 and 18 percent.\n\n**Figure 7.8: Positive experience due to refugees**\n\nSource: World Bank Staff based on SESRE 2023.\n\nSource: World Bank Staff based on SESRE 2023.\n\n50 The numbers are combined here, but mainly measures employment competition since very few are concerned about wage competition.\n\n66",
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