Question:
The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, "El Corrido de Kiansis" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular "El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez," for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: "I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me." Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including "Kiansis," which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of "Gregorio Cortez" is translated as follows: "Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez." The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.
Question: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as an example of the use of metaphor in corridos?
 A. mist
 B. a cypress tree
 C. a fight
 D. stampedes
 E. stampedes
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

The corrido, a type of narrative folk song, comes from a region half in Mexico and half in the United States known as the Lower Rio Grande Border. Corridos, which flourished from about 1836 to the late 1930s, are part of a long-standing ballad tradition that has roots in eighteenth-century Spain. Sung in Spanish, corridos combine formal features of several different types of folk songs, but their narratives consistently deal with subject matter specific to the Border region. For example, "El Corrido de Kiansis" (c. 1870), the oldest corrido surviving in complete form, records the first cattle drives to Kansas in the late 1860s. A single important event is likely to have inspired several corrido variants, yet the different versions of any given story all partake of standard generic elements. When sung at social gatherings, corridos served to commemorate significant local happenings, but more importantly, their heavy reliance on familiar linguistic and thematic conventions served to affirm the cohesiveness of Border communities. Corridos take their name from the Spanish verb correr, meaning to run or to flow, for corridos tell their stories simply and swiftly, without embellishments. Figures of speech such as metaphors are generally rare in corridos, and when metaphors are used, they usually incorporate everyday images that are familiar to the songs' listeners. In the popular "El Corrido de Gregorio Cortez," for example, the hero Cortez, fighting off pursuers, uses the metaphor of a thunderstorm to boast that he has had harder fights than the one they gave him: "I have weathered thunderstorms; / This little mist doesn't bother me." Similar storm imagery is found in other corridos including "Kiansis," which tells of stampedes caused by thunderstorms during the Kansas cattle drives. Such imagery, highly conventional and readily recognizable to corrido listeners, reflects and strengthens the continuity of the corrido tradition. The corrido is composed not only of familiar images but also of certain ready-made lines that travel easily from one ballad to another. This is most evident in the corrido's formal closing verse, or despedida. The despedida of one variant of "Gregorio Cortez" is translated as follows: "Now with this I say farewell / In the shade of a cypress tree; / This is the end of the ballad / Of Don Gregorio Cortez." The first and third lines are a set convention. The second and fourth lines are variable, the fourth carrying the name of the corrido or expressing its subject, and the second varying according to exigencies of rhyme. In the despedida, perhaps the clearest marker of both the corrido's uniqueness and its generic continuity, the corrido's maker asserts that the task of relating an authentic Border tale has been accomplished.
Question: Which one of the following is mentioned in the passage as an example of the use of metaphor in corridos?
 A. mist
 B. a cypress tree
 C. a fight
 D. stampedes
 E. stampedes
Answer: B


Question:
Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented "noses" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.
Question: The last paragraph most strongly supports which one of the following statements?
 A. The names of the world's best perfumes are not known to most customers.
 B. The profitability of a particular perfume is not a good indicator of its quality.
 C. Companies that sell perfume pay little attention to what their customers want.
 D. Perfume makers of the past would never tamper with established formulas.
 E. Companies that sell perfume make most of their profits on perfumes in the least expensive price ranges.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented "noses" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.
Question: The last paragraph most strongly supports which one of the following statements?
 A. The names of the world's best perfumes are not known to most customers.
 B. The profitability of a particular perfume is not a good indicator of its quality.
 C. Companies that sell perfume pay little attention to what their customers want.
 D. Perfume makers of the past would never tamper with established formulas.
 E. Companies that sell perfume make most of their profits on perfumes in the least expensive price ranges.
Answer: B


Question:
Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional "auxiliary" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.
Question: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would be likely to be most skeptical of which one of the following ideas mentioned in passage A?
 A. Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science concerned the power of negative evidence.
 B. Positive evidence plays no role in supporting a theory.
 C. Auxiliary premises are usually needed in order to derive predictions from a scientific theory.
 D. There is a logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence.
 E. Scientific research involves generating bold theories and attempting to refute them.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional "auxiliary" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.
Question: It can be inferred that the author of passage B would be likely to be most skeptical of which one of the following ideas mentioned in passage A?
 A. Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science concerned the power of negative evidence.
 B. Positive evidence plays no role in supporting a theory.
 C. Auxiliary premises are usually needed in order to derive predictions from a scientific theory.
 D. There is a logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence.
 E. Scientific research involves generating bold theories and attempting to refute them.
Answer: B


Question:
Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for "sheep," for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for "metal" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
 A. Based on her analysis of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens dating to roughly 4000 B.C., Schmandt-Besserat concludes ,that this system of tokens eventually evolved into an abstract written language??
 B. The discovery of clay tablets bearing inscriptions representing the tokens they contain confirms the belief of Schmandt-Besserat that these tokens served to designate the products given by villagers to their temples.
 C. Inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens discovered in modem Iraq have provided Schmandt-Besserat with the evidence required to resolve the puzzlement of archaeologists over the sudden appearance of sophisticated crafts.
 D. The inscriptions found on clay envelopes containing small clay tokens have enabled Schmandt-Besserat to formulate a more detailed picture of the way in which a simple system of three-dimensional nouns evolved into modem languages.
 E. The discovery Of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing small tokens confirms Schmandt-Besserat's hypothesis that a language becomes increasingly abstract as the arts and crafts of the people who use the language become more abstract.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for "sheep," for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for "metal" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
 A. Based on her analysis of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens dating to roughly 4000 B.C., Schmandt-Besserat concludes ,that this system of tokens eventually evolved into an abstract written language??
 B. The discovery of clay tablets bearing inscriptions representing the tokens they contain confirms the belief of Schmandt-Besserat that these tokens served to designate the products given by villagers to their temples.
 C. Inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing tokens discovered in modem Iraq have provided Schmandt-Besserat with the evidence required to resolve the puzzlement of archaeologists over the sudden appearance of sophisticated crafts.
 D. The inscriptions found on clay envelopes containing small clay tokens have enabled Schmandt-Besserat to formulate a more detailed picture of the way in which a simple system of three-dimensional nouns evolved into modem languages.
 E. The discovery Of inscription-bearing clay envelopes containing small tokens confirms Schmandt-Besserat's hypothesis that a language becomes increasingly abstract as the arts and crafts of the people who use the language become more abstract.
Answer: A


Question:
The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.
Question: If the scenario descrthed in the first two paragraphs were to become true, then which one of the following would most likely be the case?
 A. The need for warehousing will shift mainly from that of individual books to that of paper and binding material to make books.
 B. The patronage of stores that sell used books will increase significantly.
 C. Most publishers will sell their own books individually and will not use distributors or retailers.
 D. There will be significantly less demand by publishers for the services of copy editors and book designers.
 E. The demand for book-grade paper will decrease significantly.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

The Internet makes possible the instaotaoeous transmission and retrieval of digital text. It is widely assumed that this capacity will lead to the displacement of printed books by digitized books that are read mainly on computer screens or handheld electronic devices. But it is more likely, I believe, that most digital files of books will be prioted and bound on demand at point of sale by machines that can quickly and inexpensively make single copies that are indistinguishable from books made in fiIctories. Once most books have been digitized, aoyone with access to the Internet will be able to purchase printed books from a practieally limitless digital catalog that includes even those books that, under traditional publishing assumptions, would have been desigoated "out of print." Also, the digital publication of a book online involves no pbysical inventory', thereby eliminating the costs of warehousing, shipping books to wholesalers and to retail stores, displaying pbysieal books in retail stores, and returning unsold books to publishers. This would make digital publishing much less expensive than traditional publishing. Given the economic efficiency and convenience for customers of this new digital model of publishing, it is likely to eventually supplant or at least rival traditional publishingalthough it will be some time before a catalog of printable digitized books becomes large enough to jusillY investment in book prioting machines at numerous regional sites. Moreover, the elimination of whole categories of expensemeans that under the digital publishing model,authors would be responsible for a greater proportion of the value of the final product and would therefore, according to literal)' agents, be entitled to a larger share of the proceeds. Currently a large percentage of publishers' revenue is absorbed by the costs of printing, selling, and distributing pbysical books, costs that are irrelevant to digital publication. LiteraI)' agents marketing new manuscripts could thus be expected to demand a significantly bigger slice of revenue for their authors than has been traditional. But large, established publishing houses, which are heavily invested in the infrastructure of traditional publishing, initially will be reluctant to accede. So the opportunity to bid for new manuscripts will go first to upstart digital-publishing firms unfettered by traditional practices or infrastructure. Under this competitive pressure, traditional publishers will have to reduee their redundant functions in order to accommodate higher royalty payments to authors or else they will lose their authors. Such adjustments are typical of the interval between a departing economic model and its successor and may help explain the caution with which today's publishing conglomerates are approaching the digital future.
Question: If the scenario descrthed in the first two paragraphs were to become true, then which one of the following would most likely be the case?
 A. The need for warehousing will shift mainly from that of individual books to that of paper and binding material to make books.
 B. The patronage of stores that sell used books will increase significantly.
 C. Most publishers will sell their own books individually and will not use distributors or retailers.
 D. There will be significantly less demand by publishers for the services of copy editors and book designers.
 E. The demand for book-grade paper will decrease significantly.
Answer: A


Question:
Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.
Question: According to the passage, the Great Migration did not start earlier than 1915 because
 A. the income gap between the North and South was not large enough to induce people to migrate
 B. the cost of living in the North was prohibitively high before World War I
 C. industrial jobs in the North required specialized training unavailable in the South
 D. previous migration had yet to develop sufficient momentum to induce further migration
 E. agricultural jobs in the South paid very well before the boll weevil infestation
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Roughly 40 percent of the African American population of the Southern United States left the South between 1915 and 1960, primarily for the industrial cities of the North. While there was some African American migration to the North during the nineteenth century, most accounts point to 1915 as the start of what historians call the Great Migration. There were at least three catalysts of the Great Migration. First, World War I increased labor demand in the industrial North. Second, the war in Europe cut off immigration, which led many Northern employers to send labor agents to recruit African American labor in the South. Finally,a boll weevil infestation mined cotton crops and reduced labor demand in much of the South in the 1910s and 1920s. In short, the Great Migration began in 1915 and not earlier, because it was only then that the North-South income gap became large enough to start such a large-scale migration. Less dear, however, is why migration continued, and even accelerated, in subsequent decades, at the same time that North-South income differences were narrowing. We propose that once started, migration develops momentum over time as current migration reduces the difficulty and cost of future migration. Economists have typically assumed that people migrate if then- expected earnings in the destination exceed those of the origin enough to outweigh the difficulties and one-time costs of migration. Previous research suggests that the difficulties and costs arise from several sources. First, the uncertainty that potential migrants face concerning housing and labor-market conditions in the destination presents a significant hindrance. Second, there is the simple cost in terms of time and money of physically moving from the origin to the destination. Third, new migrants must familiarize themselves with local labor- and housing-market institutions once they arrive; they must find housing and work, and they must often adapt to a new culture or language. Empirical studies show that during the Great Migration, information was passed through letters that were often read by dozens of people and through conversation when migrants made trips back to their home communities. Thus early migrants provided information about labor- and housing-market conditions to friends and relatives who had not yet made the trip. First-time African American migrants often traveled with earlier migrants returning to the North after a visit to the South, which reduced physical costs. Additionally, previous migrants reduced new migrants * cost of adapting to a new locale and culture by providing them with temporary housing, food, and even credit. Previous migrants also provided a cultural cushion for later migrants, so that they did not have to struggle as hard with then- new surroundings.
Question: According to the passage, the Great Migration did not start earlier than 1915 because
 A. the income gap between the North and South was not large enough to induce people to migrate
 B. the cost of living in the North was prohibitively high before World War I
 C. industrial jobs in the North required specialized training unavailable in the South
 D. previous migration had yet to develop sufficient momentum to induce further migration
 E. agricultural jobs in the South paid very well before the boll weevil infestation
Answer: A


Question:
Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of "high art" is that "it is produced by and for political and social elites." What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was "produced by and for political and social elites." The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.
Question: In using the phrase "something for display" (lines 12-13),the author most probably means art that
 A. allowed the patron to make a political statement to the world
 B. could be used to attract customers to the patron's business
 C. was meant to create an impression that reflected positively on the patron
 D. was representative of the artist's broader body of work at the time
 E. provided .the patron with personal satisfaction
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of "high art" is that "it is produced by and for political and social elites." What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was "produced by and for political and social elites." The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.
Question: In using the phrase "something for display" (lines 12-13),the author most probably means art that
 A. allowed the patron to make a political statement to the world
 B. could be used to attract customers to the patron's business
 C. was meant to create an impression that reflected positively on the patron
 D. was representative of the artist's broader body of work at the time
 E. provided .the patron with personal satisfaction
Answer: C


Question:
There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that "light up," in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?
Question: According to the passage, psychologist William Uttal contends that the various mental processes are likely to be
 A. independent modules that are based in different areas of the brain
 B. essentially an amalgamation of emotion and reason
 C. generally uniform in their rates of oxygen use
 D. detectable using brain scans enhanced by means of the subtractive method
 E. features of a general mental activity that is spread throughout the brain
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

There are some basic conceptual problems hovering about the widespread use of brain scans as pictures of mental activity. As applied to medical diagnosis (for example, in diagnosing a brain tumor), a brain scan is similar in principle to an X-ray: it is a way of seeing inside the body. Its value is straightforward and indubitable. However, the use of neuroimaging in psychology is a fundamentally different kind of enterprise. It is a research method the validity of which depends on a premise: that the mind can be analyzed into separate and distinct modules, or components, and further that these modules are instantiated in localized brain regions. This premise is known as the modular theory of mind. It may in fact be that neither mental activity, nor the physical processes that constitute it, are decomposable into independent modules. Psychologist William Uttal contends that rather than distinct entities, the various mental processes are likely to be properties of a more general mental activity that is distributed throughout the brain. It cannot be said, for instance, that the amygdala is the seat of emotion and the prefrontal cortex is the seat of reason, as the popular press sometimes claims. For when I get angry, I generally do so for a reason. To cleanly separate emotion from reason-giving makes a hash of human experience. But if this critique of the modular theory of mind is valid, how can one account for the fact that brain scans do, in fact, reveal well-defined areas that "light up," in response to various cognitive tasks? In the case of functional magnetic resonance imaging (FMRI), what you are seeing when you look at a brain scan is actually the result of a subtraction. The FMRI is usually interpreted as a map of the rate of oxygen use in different parts of the brain, which stands as a measure of metabolic activity. But what it actually depicts is the differential rate of oxygen use: one first takes a baseline measurement in the control condition, then a second measurement while the subject is performing some cognitive task. The baseline measurement is then subtracted from the on-task measurement. The reasoning, seemingly plausible, is that whatever remains after the subtraction represents the metabolic activity associated solely with the cognitive task in question. One immediately obvious (but usually unremarked) problem is that this method obscures the fact that the entire brain is active in both conditions. A false impression of neat functional localization is given by differential brain scans that subtract out all the distributed brain functions. This subtractive method produces striking images of the brain at work. But isn't the modular theory of mind ultimately attractive in part because it is illustrated so well by the products of the subtractive method?
Question: According to the passage, psychologist William Uttal contends that the various mental processes are likely to be
 A. independent modules that are based in different areas of the brain
 B. essentially an amalgamation of emotion and reason
 C. generally uniform in their rates of oxygen use
 D. detectable using brain scans enhanced by means of the subtractive method
 E. features of a general mental activity that is spread throughout the brain
Answer: D


Question:
By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.
Question: The information in the passage most helps to answer a which one of the following questions?
 A. What laboratory experiments were conducted by Molina or Rowland in their research on CFCs?
 B. What was the estimated concentration of CFCs in the atmosphere in 1 987?
 C. In what year did Molina testify before the U.S. Congress?
 D. Does .any chemical that does not contain chlorine contribute to the destruction of ozone molecules?
 E. Which constituent element of CFCs is most damaging to ozone?
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

By 1970 it was well established that ultraviolet light from the sun contributes to skin cancer. Fortunately, much of the sun's most damaging ultraviolet radiation is screened out by a thin, diffuse layer of ozone-a toxic form of oxygen-in the stratosphere, 1 0 to 25 miles above the earth's surface. During the 1 970s, however, public policy makers worldwide were alerted to the fragility of the ozone layer through the pioneering research and advocacy of two Nobel Prize-winning scientists, Mario Molina and F. Sherwood Rowland. In the absence of pollutants, stratospheric ozone concentrations should remain stable over time, with natural production and destruction of the gas in rough equilibrium. Molina and Rowland showed how manufactured chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs)-highly volatile chemicals, millions of tons of which had been used each year in products such as aerosol sprays and refrigerants-chemically attack and deplete the ozone layer, diminishing its effectiveness as a shield against ultraviolet radiation. Studying two freon gases-types of CFCs-they observed that, when released into the lower atmosphere (troposphere), these gases slowly diffuse upward into the stratosphere. Then??, subjected to massive ultraviolet radiation, they break down into their constituent elements, including chlorine. The resulting increase in the concentration of chlorine in the stratosphere is devastating to the ozone layer. Chlorine and ozone chemically react in a way that both destroys the ozone and regenerates the chlorine atoms. As a result of this chemical reaction, each chlorine atom could destroy as many as 1 00,000 ozone molecules before becoming inactive. In 1 974 the two scientists estimated that the atmosphere contained the accumulation of five years of global CFC production. This meant that, given the rate of diffusion and breakdown of CFCs in the atmosphere, the depletion of the ozone layer would continue for years, if not decades, even if the production and use of CFCs were to cease immediately. Recognizing this as a pressing environmental threat, Molina and Rowland became public advocates for a prompt and proportionate public policy response. As a result, Molina was invited to testify before the U.S. Congress and was later appointed to the U.S. National Science Foundation Committee on Fluorocarbon Technology Assessment. Predictably, the work of Molina and Rowland and their advocacy of dramatic policy changes were subjected to attacks by critics, especially scientists with ties to the CFC industry. However, over time their views were corroborated, especially by the discovery of a hole in the ozone layer over Antarctica, and this led to the development of an international agreement (the Montreal Protocol of 1 987) to ban the production of ozone-depleting gases. In North America, CFCs were banned in the late 1 970s, leading to a transformation in packaging for consumer spray products and the development of more environmentally friendly refrigerant chemicals.
Question: The information in the passage most helps to answer a which one of the following questions?
 A. What laboratory experiments were conducted by Molina or Rowland in their research on CFCs?
 B. What was the estimated concentration of CFCs in the atmosphere in 1 987?
 C. In what year did Molina testify before the U.S. Congress?
 D. Does .any chemical that does not contain chlorine contribute to the destruction of ozone molecules?
 E. Which constituent element of CFCs is most damaging to ozone?
Answer: E


Question:
Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of "high art" is that "it is produced by and for political and social elites." What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was "produced by and for political and social elites." The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.
Question: The primary function of the third paragraph is to
 A. reject a possible response to the argument made in the first paragraph
 B. identify assumptions relied upon by a type of analysis referred to in the first paragraph
 C. present an argument that weakens the argument made in the second paragraph
 D. offer additional evidence for the conclusion reach,ed in the second paragraph
 E. draw a definitive conclusion from the claims made in the second paragraph
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Most sociohistorical interpretations of are view a body of work as the production of a class, generally a dominant or governing class, imposing its ideals. For example, Richard Taruskin writes in his Oxford History of Western Music that one of the defining characteristics of "high art" is that "it is produced by and for political and social elites." What Taruskin and others fail to clarify, however, is that there are two different ways that art, historically, was "produced by and for political and social elites." The first way was for a member of the elite to engage a well-known artist to produce something for display. For instance, if one commissions a famous architect to design one's house, that may reflect great credit on one's taste, even if one finds the house impossible to live in. The second way was to create, or to have created, a work that expressed and mirrored one's ideals and way of life, like Raphael's frescoes in the Vatican apartmentscommissioned by Pope Julius II.Sociohistorical critics like Taruskin prefer to deal with art produced the second way, because it enables them to construct a subtle analysis of the way such art embodied the ideology of the elite, whatever the identity of the artist. For this kind of analysis to work,however, it must be the case that the elite had a recognizable identity and displayed some kind of consensus about the world and the way life was to be lived, and it must also be the case that we can eliminate the possibility that artists subverted the ideals of the patron for their own reasons. Historically, the two social classes able to commission art were the aristocratic, or governing class, and the well-to-do middle class, what used to be called die bourgeoisie. The taste of the aristocracy and the upper middle class has not always been apt to produce an art that endures. In his characterization of nineteenth-century English culture, cultural critic Matthew Arnold identified the aristocracy as Barbarians, interested largely in fox hunting and gaming, and the middle class as Philistines, obsessed with respectability. As a result, the more talented artists sometimes had to find a place in the margins of the establishment-engaged by a rich patron with eccentric tastes, for example. Moreover, a great deal of art that went against the grain of elite values was paid for by the establishment unwillingly and with misgivings. Because some of this art endured, the sociohistorical critic, like Taruskin, must engage in an analogue of Freudian analysis, and claim that in hidden ways such art embodied the ideals of the elite, who were unaware that those ideals are revealed by work of which they overtly disapproved.
Question: The primary function of the third paragraph is to
 A. reject a possible response to the argument made in the first paragraph
 B. identify assumptions relied upon by a type of analysis referred to in the first paragraph
 C. present an argument that weakens the argument made in the second paragraph
 D. offer additional evidence for the conclusion reach,ed in the second paragraph
 E. draw a definitive conclusion from the claims made in the second paragraph
Answer: B


Question:
Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.
Question: The last paragraph of the passage serves primarily to
 A. detail how wampum belts evolved from other forms of wampum
 B. distinguish between wampum belts and less complex forms of string wampum
 C. illustrate how wampum functioned as a system of symbolic representation
 D. outline the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution as it was encoded using wampum
 E. give evidence of wampum's effectiveness as a means of ensuring compliance with the law of the Haudenosaune Confederacy
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.
Question: The last paragraph of the passage serves primarily to
 A. detail how wampum belts evolved from other forms of wampum
 B. distinguish between wampum belts and less complex forms of string wampum
 C. illustrate how wampum functioned as a system of symbolic representation
 D. outline the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution as it was encoded using wampum
 E. give evidence of wampum's effectiveness as a means of ensuring compliance with the law of the Haudenosaune Confederacy
Answer: C


Question:
Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the "required income" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their "reference group" һthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.
Question: In arguing for their respective positions, the author of passage A and the author of passage B both do which one of the following?
 A. explain a phenomenon by pointing to its biological origins
 B. endorse a claim simply because it is widely believed
 C. accept a claim for the sake of argument
 D. attempt to resolve an apparent paradox
 E. assert that their positions are supported by data
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage A Research concerning happiness and wealth reveals a paradox: at any one time richer people report higher levels of happiness than poorer people in the same society report, and yet over time advanced societies have not grown happier as they have grown richer. Apparently, people are comparing their income with some norm, and that norm must be rising along with actual income. Two phenomena—habituation and rivalry—push up the norm. When our living standards increase, we love it initially but then we adjust and it makes little difference. For example, if we ask people with different incomes what income they consider sufficient, the "required income" correlates strongly with their actual income: a rise in actual income causes a roughly equivalent rise in required income. We can also look at reported happiness over time. Job satisfaction depends little on the absolute level of wages but rises if wages rapidly increase. We do not have the same experience with other aspects of our lives. We do not foresee how we adjust to material possessions, so we overinvest in acquiring them, at the expense of leisure. Now consider the phenomenon of rivalry. In a study conducted by Solnick and Hemenway, people were asked to choose between two options, with all prices held constant: A. You earn $50,000 a year while everyone else earns $25,000; B. You earn $100,000 a year while others make $200,000. The majority chose the first. They were happy to be poorer, provided their relative position improved. And indeed, how people compare to their "reference group" һthose most like them—is crucial for happiness. In East Germany, for example, living standards have soared since 1990, but the level of happiness has plummeted because people now compare themselves with West Germans, rather than with people in other Soviet bloc countries. Passage B Does the Solnick and Hemenway study mean that we care most about one-upmanship? Perhaps out of our primeval past comes the urge to demonstrate our superiority in order to help ensure mating prospects, keeping our genetic lines going. Still programmed like this, we get unexplainable pleasure from having a bigger house than our neighbors. This theory may sound good and is commonly heard, but it is not the explanation best supported by the evidence. Rather, the data show that earning more makes people happier because relative prosperity makes them feel that they are successful, that they have created value. If two people feel equally successful, they will be equally happy even if their incomes differ greatly. Of course, people who earn more generally view themselves as successful. But it is the success—not the money per se-that provides the happiness. We use material wealth to show not just that we are prosperous, but that we are prosperous because we create value. What scholars often portray as an ignoble tendency-wanting to have more than others- is really evidence of a desire to create value. Wanting to create value benefits society. It is a bonus that it also brings happiness.
Question: In arguing for their respective positions, the author of passage A and the author of passage B both do which one of the following?
 A. explain a phenomenon by pointing to its biological origins
 B. endorse a claim simply because it is widely believed
 C. accept a claim for the sake of argument
 D. attempt to resolve an apparent paradox
 E. assert that their positions are supported by data
Answer: E


Question:
During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Question: The passage suggests that Dostoyevsky's attitude toward the radical critics' view would be most softened if the radical critics were to
 A. draw a sharper distinction between reality and fantasy when evaluating the content of a literary work
 B. put clarity of purpose ahead of formal aspects when evaluating a literary work
 C. acknowledge the importance of eliminating elements of concrete reality from literary works
 D. recognize the full significance of artistic merit when evaluating literary works
 E. explain more fully their demand that reality be depicted as it is
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Question: The passage suggests that Dostoyevsky's attitude toward the radical critics' view would be most softened if the radical critics were to
 A. draw a sharper distinction between reality and fantasy when evaluating the content of a literary work
 B. put clarity of purpose ahead of formal aspects when evaluating a literary work
 C. acknowledge the importance of eliminating elements of concrete reality from literary works
 D. recognize the full significance of artistic merit when evaluating literary works
 E. explain more fully their demand that reality be depicted as it is
Answer: D


Question:
The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.
Question: Based on the passage, which one of the following can most reasonably be inferred about abstract expressionism?
 A. Over time, it moved from abstraction to realism.
 B. Over time, it moved from intensity to lyricism.
 C. Over time, it moved from intellectualism to emotionalism.
 D. Over time, it moved from obscurity to clarity.
 E. Over time, it moved from density to sparseness.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.
Question: Based on the passage, which one of the following can most reasonably be inferred about abstract expressionism?
 A. Over time, it moved from abstraction to realism.
 B. Over time, it moved from intensity to lyricism.
 C. Over time, it moved from intellectualism to emotionalism.
 D. Over time, it moved from obscurity to clarity.
 E. Over time, it moved from density to sparseness.
Answer: B