Question:
In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.
Question: The author of the passage refers to "self, life, and writing" (lines 12–13) most probably in order to
 A. identify concepts about which Europeans and Native Americans had contrasting ideas
 B. define a word that had a different meaning for early Native Americans than it has for contemporary Native Americans
 C. illustrate how words can undergo a change in meaning after their introduction into the language
 D. posit a fundamental similarity in the origins of a concept in both European and Native American cultures
 E. explain how the assumptions that underlie European-style autobiography arose
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

In studying the autobiographies of Native Americans, most scholars have focused on as-told-to life histories that were solicited, translated, recorded, and edited by non-Native American collaborators—that emerged from "bicultural composite authorship." Limiting their studies to such written documents, these scholars have overlooked traditional, preliterate modes of communicating personal history. In addition, they have failed to address the cultural constructs of the highly diverse Native American peoples, who prior to contact with nonindigenous cultures did not share with Europeans the same assumptions about self, life, and writing that underlie the concept of an autobiography— that indeed constitute the English word's root meaning. The idea of self was, in a number of pre-contact Native American cultures, markedly inclusive: identity was not merely individual, but also relational to a society, a specific landscape, and the cosmos. Within these cultures, the expression of life experiences tended to be oriented toward current events: with the participation of fellow tribal members, an individual person would articulate, reenact, or record important experiences as the person lived them, a mode of autobiography seemingly more fragmented than the European custom of writing down the recollections of a lifetime. Moreover, expression itself was not a matter of writing but of language, which can include speech and signs. Oral autobiography comprised songs, chants, stories, and even the process whereby one repeatedly took on new names to reflect important events and deeds in one's life. Dance and drama could convey personal history; for example, the advent of a vision to one person might require the enactment of that vision in the form of a tribal pageant. One can view as autobiographical the elaborate tattoos that symbolized a warrior's valorous deeds, and such artifacts as a decorated shield that communicated the accomplishments and aspirations of its maker, or a robe that was emblazoned with the pictographic history of the wearer's battles and was sometimes used in reenactments. Also autobiographical, and indicative of high status within the tribe, would have been a tepee painted with symbolic designs to record the achievements and display the dreams or visions of its owner, who was often assisted in the painting by other tribal members. A tribe would, then, have contributed to the individual's narrative not merely passively, by its social codes and expectations, but actively by joining in the expression of that narrative. Such intercultural collaboration may seem alien to the European style of autobiography, yet any autobiography is shaped by its creator's ideas about the audience for which it is intended; in this sense, autobiography is justly called a simultaneous individual story and cultural narrative. Autobiographical expressions by early Native Americans may additionally have been shaped by the cultural perspectives of the people who transmitted them.
Question: The author of the passage refers to "self, life, and writing" (lines 12–13) most probably in order to
 A. identify concepts about which Europeans and Native Americans had contrasting ideas
 B. define a word that had a different meaning for early Native Americans than it has for contemporary Native Americans
 C. illustrate how words can undergo a change in meaning after their introduction into the language
 D. posit a fundamental similarity in the origins of a concept in both European and Native American cultures
 E. explain how the assumptions that underlie European-style autobiography arose
Answer: A


Question:
Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: The passage provides the strongest support for inferring which one of the following?
 A. Policy makers are no less likely than academic researchers to favor new restrictions on biotechnology patents.
 B. Most biotechnology patent holders believe that the pursuit of basic research in academic institutions threatens their market position.
 C. Biotechnology researchers who work in academic institutions and oppose biotechnology patents are generally unable to obtain funding for their work.
 D. Suing for patent infringement is not the only way in which patent holders can assert legal control over the use of their patented materials.
 E. Rapid commercialization in the field of biotechnology has led to a dearth of highly educated biologists willing to teach in academic institutions.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: The passage provides the strongest support for inferring which one of the following?
 A. Policy makers are no less likely than academic researchers to favor new restrictions on biotechnology patents.
 B. Most biotechnology patent holders believe that the pursuit of basic research in academic institutions threatens their market position.
 C. Biotechnology researchers who work in academic institutions and oppose biotechnology patents are generally unable to obtain funding for their work.
 D. Suing for patent infringement is not the only way in which patent holders can assert legal control over the use of their patented materials.
 E. Rapid commercialization in the field of biotechnology has led to a dearth of highly educated biologists willing to teach in academic institutions.
Answer: D


Question:
Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for "sheep," for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for "metal" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.
Question: With which one of the following statements about the society in which the clay tokens were used would Schmandt-Besserat be most-likely to agree?
 A. Society members trade and other economic activities were managed by a strong centralized governmental authority.
 B. Religious rituals were probably less important to the society's members than agriculture and trade were.
 C. Society members regarded whatever was produced by any individual as the common property of all.
 D. The society eventually came to regard the clay tokens as redundant.
 E. Without a readily available supply of raw clay, the society could not have developed a system of representation that used tokens
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Hundreds of clay tablets marked in cuneiform have been found in excavations of the Sumerian city of Uruk (in present-day Iraq). Though the tablets date from roughly 3000 B.C., the writing on them uses relatively few pictographs; instead, numerous abstract symbols are used. The sign for "sheep," for example, is not an image of a sheep, but rather a circled cross, while the sign for "metal" is a crescent with five lines. Because of its early date, this seemingly sudden appearance of such abstract writing has long puzzled researchers. At the same time, among prepottery clay artifacts found at archaeological sites along the Jordan and nearby rivers are thousands of small, hand-modeled tokens of fired clay, some dating to before 4000 B.C. Often ignored by archaeologists-some concluded without evidence that they were amulets or game pieces-the tokens are identified by Denise Schmandt-Besserat in her book Before Writing (1992) as overlooked predecessors to the written word. The earliest of the tokens were simple in form-small cones, spheres, and pyramids-and they were often inscribed. In 1966, a hollow tablet containing several of these tokens was discovered, and more than 100 additional tablets, which are now recognized as sealed envelopes of clay, have since been found. Later envelopes are also inscribed with impressions of tokens in the outer clay, signaling exactly what each envelope contained. Noting that these inscriptions are clearly traceable to later, known inscriptions of farm products, Schmandt-Besserat theorizes that the envelopes contained official records of villagers' contributions to temple-based grain and livestock pools. After 4000 B.C., hundreds of new token forms developed, as a rise in industry boosted the token system. Many forms are figurative, such as bowls or jars with handles, suggesting that villagers' crafts were becoming more diversified and sophisticated. The token system, essentially a system of three-dimensional nouns, was replaced in about 3 1 00 B.C.by a system of marks on clay tablets. A few centuries later, this latter system was to display the first use of numerals, where simple marks coded the concepts of one, two, and so forth. The eventual evolution of this system into mature writing, Schmandt-Besserat suggests, can be seen in the following example: At first it took two ovoid tokens to record two jars of oil. A little later, it took two markings on a clay tablet to achieve this-one mark, using the outline of the old token, to record the customary unit measure for oil, the jarful, and a second mark to convey the numeral: two oil jars. Eventually, it took three signs on the tablet, one for the numeral 2, one for the standard jarful, and a new symbol that denoted oil itself. With three such signs, an abstract and flexible written form had arrived.
Question: With which one of the following statements about the society in which the clay tokens were used would Schmandt-Besserat be most-likely to agree?
 A. Society members trade and other economic activities were managed by a strong centralized governmental authority.
 B. Religious rituals were probably less important to the society's members than agriculture and trade were.
 C. Society members regarded whatever was produced by any individual as the common property of all.
 D. The society eventually came to regard the clay tokens as redundant.
 E. Without a readily available supply of raw clay, the society could not have developed a system of representation that used tokens
Answer: D


Question:
Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.
Question: Each of the following statements is affirmed by the passage EXCEPT:
 A. The secretion of certain chemicals plays a role in neuron communication.
 B. The flow of ions through neurons plays a role in neuron communication.
 C. The binding of neurotransmitters to receptors plays a role in neuron communication.
 D. The structure of receptors on neuron surfaces plays a role in neuron communication.
 E. The size of neurotransmitter binding sites on receptors plays a role in neuron communication.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.
Question: Each of the following statements is affirmed by the passage EXCEPT:
 A. The secretion of certain chemicals plays a role in neuron communication.
 B. The flow of ions through neurons plays a role in neuron communication.
 C. The binding of neurotransmitters to receptors plays a role in neuron communication.
 D. The structure of receptors on neuron surfaces plays a role in neuron communication.
 E. The size of neurotransmitter binding sites on receptors plays a role in neuron communication.
Answer: E


Question:
Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: With which one of the following statements would the author be most likely to agree?
 A. In the early days of biotechnology research,scientists freely shared research materials because they were not entitled to intellectual property protection for their inventions
 B. Corporate patent holders typically charge excessive fees for the right to conduct research involving their patented materials.
 C. The cost of patent litigation is an effective check on patent holders who might otherwise try to prevent researchers engaged in basic research from using patented materials.
 D. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions rely too heavily on funding that is partially contingent on the patentability of their results.
 E. Scientists who oppose the idea of patenting biotechnology do so because their work is not sufficiently innovative to qualify for patent protection.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: With which one of the following statements would the author be most likely to agree?
 A. In the early days of biotechnology research,scientists freely shared research materials because they were not entitled to intellectual property protection for their inventions
 B. Corporate patent holders typically charge excessive fees for the right to conduct research involving their patented materials.
 C. The cost of patent litigation is an effective check on patent holders who might otherwise try to prevent researchers engaged in basic research from using patented materials.
 D. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions rely too heavily on funding that is partially contingent on the patentability of their results.
 E. Scientists who oppose the idea of patenting biotechnology do so because their work is not sufficiently innovative to qualify for patent protection.
Answer: C


Question:
Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.
Question: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the discovery presented in the last paragraph is most accurately described as
 A. certainty that its possible benefits will be realized
 B. optimism about its potential applications
 C. apprehension about the possibility of its misuse
 D. concern that its benefits are easily exaggerated
 E. skepticism toward its assumptions about the brain
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Neurobiologists once believed that the workings of the brain were guided exclusively by electrical signals; according to this theory, communication between neurons (brain cells) is possible because electrical impulses travel from one neuron to the next by literally leaping across the synapses (gaps between neurons). But many neurobiologists puzzled over how this leaping across synapses might be achieved, and as early as 1904 some speculated that electrical impulses are transmitted between neurons chemically rather than electrically. According to this alternative theory, the excited neuron secretes a chemical called a neurotransmitter that binds with its corresponding receptor molecule in the receiving neuron. This binding of the neurotransmitter renders the neuron permeable to ions, and as the ions move into the receiving neuron they generate an electrical impulse that runs through the cell; the electrical impulse is thereby transmitted to the receiving neuron. This theory has gradually won acceptance in the scientific community, but for a long time little was known about the mechanism by which neurotransmitters manage to render the receiving neuron permeable to ions. In fact, some scientists remained skeptical of the theory because they had trouble imagining how the binding of a chemical to a receptor at the cell surface could influence the flow of ions through the cell membrane. Recently, however, researchers have gathered enough evidence for a convincing explanation: that the structure of receptors plays the pivotal role in mediating the conversion of chemical signals into electrical activity. The new evidence shows that receptors for neurotransmitters contain both a neurotransmitter binding site and a separate region that functions as a channel for ions; attachment of the neurotransmitter to the binding site causes the receptor to change shape and so results in the opening of its channel component. Several types of receptors have been isolated that conform to this structure, among them the receptors for acetylcholine, gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), glycine, and serotonin. These receptors display enough similarities to constitute a family, known collectively as neurotransmitter-gated ion channels. It has also been discovered that each of the receptors in this family comes in several varieties so that, for example, a GABA receptor in one part of the brain has slightly different properties than a GABA receptor in another part of the brain. This discovery is medically significant because it raises the possibility of the highly selective treatment of certain brain disorders. As the precise effect on behavior of every variety of each neurotransmitter-gated ion channel is deciphered, pharmacologists may be able to design drugs targeted to specific receptors on defined categories of neurons that will selectively impede or enhance these effects. Such drugs could potentially help ameliorate any number of debilitating conditions, including mood disorders, tissue damage associated with stroke, or Alzheimer's disease.
Question: Based on the passage, the author's attitude toward the discovery presented in the last paragraph is most accurately described as
 A. certainty that its possible benefits will be realized
 B. optimism about its potential applications
 C. apprehension about the possibility of its misuse
 D. concern that its benefits are easily exaggerated
 E. skepticism toward its assumptions about the brain
Answer: B


Question:
Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.
Question: The primary purpose of the passage is to
 A. show that ethical dilemmas in the legal profession can complicate the defense lawyer's role
 B. argue that the defense lawyer's duty to the court and society complements effective legal representation for the client
 C. explain why the actual guilt or innocence of a defendant is not an important issue to many defense attorneys
 D. discuss some of the issues that a defense lawyer must resolve prior to accepting a case
 E. reveal how the practice of law strengthens the values and principles of democratic societies
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Is it necessary for defense lawyers to believe that the clients they defend are innocent of the charges against them? Some legal scholars hold that lawyers' sole obligation is to provide the best defense they are capable of, claiming that in democratic societies all people accused of crimes are entitled to the best possible legal representation. They argue that lawyers have no right to judge defendants because it is the job of the courts to determine guilt or innocence and the job of the lawyer to represent the defendant before the court. They believe that the lawyer's responsibility is to state those facts that will assist each client's case, construct sound arguments based on these facts, and identify flaws in the arguments of opposing counsel. According to these scholars, the lawyer's role is not to express or act on personal opinions but to act as an advocate, saying only what defendants would say if they possessed the proper training or resources with which to represent themselves. But such a position overlooks the fact that the defense lawyer's obligation is twofold: to the defendant, certainly, but no less so to the court and, by extension, to society. For this reason, lawyers, great as their obligation to defendants is, should not, as officers of the court, present to the court assertions that they know to be false. But by the same principle, lawyers who are convinced that their clients are guilty should not undertake to demonstrate their innocence. Guilty defendants should not be entitled to false or insincere representation. When lawyers know with certainty that a defendant is guilty, it is their duty not to deny this. Rather, they should appraise the case as much as possible in their client's favor, after giving due consideration to the facts on the other side, and then present any extenuating circumstances and argue for whatever degree of leniency in sentencing they sincerely believe is warranted. In cases where it is uncertain whether the client is guilty but the lawyer sincerely believes the client may well be innocent, the lawyer should of course try to prove that the client is innocent. The lawyer's obligation to the court and to society also ultimately benefits the defendant, because the "best defense" can only truly be provided by an advocate who, after a careful analysis of the facts, is convinced of the merits of the case. The fact that every client is entitled to a defense does not mean that defense lawyers should take every case they are offered. Lawyers should not be mere mouthpieces for a defendant but instead advocates for the rights of the defendant given the facts of the case.
Question: The primary purpose of the passage is to
 A. show that ethical dilemmas in the legal profession can complicate the defense lawyer's role
 B. argue that the defense lawyer's duty to the court and society complements effective legal representation for the client
 C. explain why the actual guilt or innocence of a defendant is not an important issue to many defense attorneys
 D. discuss some of the issues that a defense lawyer must resolve prior to accepting a case
 E. reveal how the practice of law strengthens the values and principles of democratic societies
Answer: B


Question:
Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of "soft determinism." He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.
Question: Which one of the following arguments is most to the argument advanced in passage A?
 A. Many word processors are packed with nonessential features that only confuse most users and get in the way of important functions. Word processors with fewer features thus enhance productivity.
 B. Economic models generally presume thatctors in an economy are entirely rational. But psychological studies have documented many ways in which people make irrational choices. Thus, economic models, in theory, should not be able to predict human behavior.
 C. The existing program for teaching mathematics in elementary schools is based on mistaken notions about what sorts of mathematical concepts children can grasp, and it should therefore be replaced.
 D. Civil disobedience is justified only in those cases in which civil law conflicts with one's sincere moral or religious convictions. Any attempt to justify civil disobedience on something other than moral or religious grounds is therefore illegitimate.
 E. Being autonomous does not imply having full control over one's behavior. After all, addicted smokers are unable to exercise control over some behaviors but are nevertheless autonomous in the general sense.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage ATo a neuroscientist, you are your brain; nothing causes your behavior other than the operations of your brain. This viewpoint, together with recent findings in neuroscience, radically changes the way we think about the law. The official line in the law is that all that matters is whether you are rational, but you can have someone who is totally rational even though their strings are being pulled by something beyond their control. Indeed, people who believe themselves to be making a free and rational moral choice may really be deluding themselves—a brain scan might show that such a choice correlates with activity in emotional centers in the brain rather than in the region of the brain associated with deliberative problem solving. This insight suggests that the criminal-justice system should abandon the idea of retribution—the idea that bad people should be punished because of their freely chosen immoral acts—which is now dominant as a justification of punishment. Instead, the law should focus on deterring future harms. In some cases, this might mean lighter punishments. If it is really true that we do not get any prevention bang from our punishment buck when we punish some person, then it is not worth punishing that person. Passage B Neuroscience constantly produces new mechanistic descriptions of how the physical brain causes behavior, adding fuel to the deterministic view that all human action is causally necessitated by events that are independent of the will. It has long been argued, however, that the concept of free will can coexist with determinism.In 1954 English philosopher Alfred J. Ayer put forth a theory of "soft determinism." He argued, as the philosopher David Hume had two centuries earlier, that even in a deterministic world, a person can still act freely. Ayer distinguished between free actions and constrained actions. Free actions are those that are caused by internal sources, by one's own will (unless one is suffering from a disorder). Constrained actions are those that are caused by external sources, for example, by someone or something forcing you physically or mentally to perform an action, as in hypnosis or in mental disorders such as kleptomania. When someone performs a free action to do A, he or she could have done B instead, since no external source precluded doing so. When someone performs a constrained action to do A, he or she could have done only A.Ayer argued that actions are free as long as they are not constrained. It is not the existence of a cause but the source of the cause that determines whether an action is free. Although Ayer did not explicitly discuss the brain's role, one could make the analogy that those actions—and indeed those wills-that originate from a disease-free brain are not constrained, and are therefore free, even though they may be determined.
Question: Which one of the following arguments is most to the argument advanced in passage A?
 A. Many word processors are packed with nonessential features that only confuse most users and get in the way of important functions. Word processors with fewer features thus enhance productivity.
 B. Economic models generally presume thatctors in an economy are entirely rational. But psychological studies have documented many ways in which people make irrational choices. Thus, economic models, in theory, should not be able to predict human behavior.
 C. The existing program for teaching mathematics in elementary schools is based on mistaken notions about what sorts of mathematical concepts children can grasp, and it should therefore be replaced.
 D. Civil disobedience is justified only in those cases in which civil law conflicts with one's sincere moral or religious convictions. Any attempt to justify civil disobedience on something other than moral or religious grounds is therefore illegitimate.
 E. Being autonomous does not imply having full control over one's behavior. After all, addicted smokers are unable to exercise control over some behaviors but are nevertheless autonomous in the general sense.
Answer: C


Question:
Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Question: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT:
 A. The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to fall if laws requiring stronger punishments for repeat offenders are adopted.
 B. The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended.
 C. The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases.
 D. The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to increase if the access of individuals to economic institutions decreases.
 E. The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Determining the most effective way to deter deliberate crimes, such as fraud, as opposed to impulsive crimes, such as crimes of passion, is a problem currently being debated in the legal community. On one side of the debate are those scholars who believe that deliberate crimes are a product of the influence of societal norms and institutions on individuals. These scholars suggest that changing people's beliefs about crime, increasing the access of the most economically alienated individuals to economic institutions, and rehabilitating those convicted of this type of crime will reduce the crime rate. On the other side are those legal scholars who believe that the decision to commit a deliberate crime is primarily the result of individual choice. They suggest that increasing the fines and penalties associated with criminal activity, along with efficacious law enforcement, is the best deterrence method. However, some recent legal scholarship has changed the nature of this debate by introducing an economic principle that shows that these two positions, far from being antithetical, are surprisingly complementary. The economic principle that reconciles the two positions is that of utility maximization, which holds that, given a choice of actions, rational individuals will choose the action that maximizes their anticipated overall satisfaction, or expected utility. The expected utility of an action is ascertained by determining the utilities of the possible outcomes of that action, weighing them according to the likelihood of each outcome's coming to pass, and then adding up those weighted utilities. Using this economic framework, an individual's decision to commit a crime can be analyzed as a rational economic choice. According to the utility maximization principle a person who responds rationally to economic incentives or disincentives will commit a crime if the expected utility from doing so, given the chance of getting caught, exceeds the expected utility from activity that is lawful. Within this framework the two crime-deterrence methods have the same overall effect. For instance, the recommendations on one side of the crime deterrence debate to increase penalties for crimes and strengthen law enforcement result in an increased likelihood of detection and punishment and impose an increased cost to the individual if detected and punished. This lowers the expected utility from criminal activity, thereby making a person less likely to choose to commit a deliberate crime. The recommendations on the other side of the debate, such as increasing the economic opportunities of individuals most alienated from economic institutions, also affect the utility equation. All else being equal, enacting these types of policies will effectively increase the expected utility from lawful activity. This economic analysis demonstrates that the two positions are not fundamentally in conflict, and that the optimal approach to crime deterrence would include elements of both deterrence strategies.
Question: The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with each of the following statements EXCEPT:
 A. The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to fall if laws requiring stronger punishments for repeat offenders are adopted.
 B. The rate at which criminals return to criminal activity is likely to increase if efforts to rehabilitate them are ended.
 C. The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to decrease if the expected utility of lawful activities decreases.
 D. The rate of deliberate crimes is likely to increase if the access of individuals to economic institutions decreases.
 E. The rate of deliberate crimes will tend to vary inversely with the level of law enforcement.
Answer: C


Question:
Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
 A. The Haudenosaune's use of wampum originated with combinations of strings of beads with religious significance, but the need for communication between nations led to more complex uses of wampum including the transmission of political messages.
 B. For the Haudenosaune, wampum did not originally serve as a form of money but as an evolving form of communication that, through the use of colors and symbols, conveyed information and that eventually encoded the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution.
 C. Wampum's significance for the Haudenosaune—as a form of communication linking their traditions with the need for the sharing of information within the confederacy—was changed through European contact so that it became exclusively a medium of commercial exchange.
 D. There is substantial evidence that the Haudenosaune's use of wampum as a medium of communication based on color combinations had its origin in the political events surrounding the establishment of the Haudenosaune Confederacy.
 E. Because of the role played by wampum in relations between the Haudenosaune and Europeans, many historians have overlooked the communicative role that bead combinations played in Haudenosaune culture prior to contact with Europeans.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Before contact with Europeans, the Haudenosaune, a group of nations in northeastern North America also known as the Iroquois, had been developing a form of communication, primarily for political purposes, that used wampum, a bead carved from seashell. Most historians have insisted that wampum was primarily a form of money. While wampum certainly did become a medium of exchange among Europeans and Haudenosaune alike, this was due to the Europeans, who misinterpreted the significance of wampum and used it solely to purchase goods from the Haudenosaune. However, the true significance of wampum for the Haudenosaune lies in its gradual development from objects with religious significance into a method for maintaining permanent peace among distinct nations. Over time wampum came to be used to record and convey key sociopolitical messages. Wampum came in two colors, white and deep purple. Loose beads constituted the simplest and oldest form of wampum. Even in the form of loose beads, wampum could represent certain basic ideas. For example, white was associated with the sky-yearning spirit, Sapling, whose terrestrial creations, such as trees, were often beneficial to humanity; deep purple was associated with Sapling's twin brother, Flint, the earth-loving spirit whose frequent mischievous vandalism (e.g., in the form of storms) often severely disrupted human life. Legend indicates, for example, that ancient Haudenosaune anglers threw the beads into the water in which they fished to communicate with Sapling or Flint (differing versions of the Haudenosaune cosmology attribute the creation of fish to one or the other of these spirits). Later, loose beads were strung together forming string wampum. It is thought that string wampum was used to send simple political messages such as truce requests. It was, however, the formation of the Haudenosaune Confederacy from a group of warring tribes, believed by some to have occurred around 1451, that supplied the major impetus for making wampum a deliberate system of both arbitrary and pictorially derived symbols designed primarily for political purposes. This is evident in the invention of wampum belts to encode the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution. These belts combined string wampum to form icons that could be deciphered by those knowing the significance of the stylized symbols. For example, longhouses, depicted in front-view outline, usually meant a particular nation of the confederacy. Council fires, possibly indicating talks in progress, were diamond outlines that could appear alone or within trees or longhouses. Lines between humanlike figures seem to have indicated the current state of relations between peoples; belts containing such images were often used as safe-conduct passes. The arrangements of the two colors also directed interpretation of the symbols. Thus, the belts served to record, store, and make publicly available items of governmental business. Although the wampum symbol system had a limited lexicon, it served to effectively frame and enforce the law of the confederacy for hundreds of years.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main point of the passage?
 A. The Haudenosaune's use of wampum originated with combinations of strings of beads with religious significance, but the need for communication between nations led to more complex uses of wampum including the transmission of political messages.
 B. For the Haudenosaune, wampum did not originally serve as a form of money but as an evolving form of communication that, through the use of colors and symbols, conveyed information and that eventually encoded the provisions of the Haudenosaune Confederacy's constitution.
 C. Wampum's significance for the Haudenosaune—as a form of communication linking their traditions with the need for the sharing of information within the confederacy—was changed through European contact so that it became exclusively a medium of commercial exchange.
 D. There is substantial evidence that the Haudenosaune's use of wampum as a medium of communication based on color combinations had its origin in the political events surrounding the establishment of the Haudenosaune Confederacy.
 E. Because of the role played by wampum in relations between the Haudenosaune and Europeans, many historians have overlooked the communicative role that bead combinations played in Haudenosaune culture prior to contact with Europeans.
Answer: B


Question:
Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: Suppose a university researcher wants to conduct basic, noncommercial research involving cell lines patented by a for-profit biotechnology corporation. The author would be most likely to make which one of the following predictions about the researcher's prospects?
 A. The researcher will probably be unable to use the cell lines because the corporation holding the patent will demand a prohibitively high payment for their use.
 B. The corporation holding the patent will probably successfully sue the researcher for patent infringement if she conducts the research without permission.
 C. The university that employs the researcher will likely prohibit the research in an effort to avoid being sued by the corporation holding the patent.
 D. The researcher has a good chance of not being held liable for patent infringement if she conducts the research and is subsequently sued.
 E. The corporation will probably offer to fund the research if granted exclusive rights to any resulting marketable product.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Industries that use biotechnology are convinced that intellectual property protection should be allowable for discoveries that stem from research and have commercial potential. Biotechnology researchers in academic institutions increasingly share this view because of their reliance on research funding that is in part conditional on the patentability of their results. However, questions about the extent to which biotechnology patenting is hindering basic research have recently come to the fore, and the patenting and commercialization of biotechnology inventions are now the focus of increased scrutiny by scientists and policy makers. The perceived threat to basic research relates to restrictions on access to research materials, such as genetic sequences, cell lines, and genetically altered animals. These restrictions are seen as arising either from enforcement of a patent right or through operation of a contractual agreement. Some researchers fear that patenting biological materials will result in the patent holder's attempting or threatening to enjoin further research through a legal action for patent infringement. In other instances, a patent holder or the owner of biological materials may refuse to make such materials available to scientists conducting basic research unless a costly materials-transfer agreement or license agreement is undertaken. For example, the holder of a patent on unique biological materials may want to receive a benefit or compensation for the costs invested in the creation of the material. Academic researchers who oppose biotechnology patents fear that corporate patent holders will charge prohibitively high fees for the right to conduct basic research involving the use of patented materials. While it is true that the communal tradition of freely sharing research materials has shifted to a market model, it is also undoubtedly true that even in the early days of biotechnology, some researchers took measures to prevent competitors from gaining access to materials they had created. Scientists who resist the idea of patenting biotechnology seem to be confusing patent rights with control of access to biological materials. They mistakenly assume that granting a patent implies granting the right to deny access. In reality, whether a patent could or would be enforced against a researcher, particularly one conducting basic and noncommercial research, is questionable. First, patent litigation is an expensive endeavor and one usually initiated only to protect a market position occupied by the patent holder or an exclusive patent licensee. Second, there has been a tradition among judges deciding patent cases to respect a completely noncommercial research exception to patent infringement. Moreover, it is likely that patents will actually spur rather than hinder basic research, because patents provide scientists with a compelling incentive to innovate. Researchers know that patents bring economic rewards as well as a degree of licensing control over the use of their discoveries.
Question: Suppose a university researcher wants to conduct basic, noncommercial research involving cell lines patented by a for-profit biotechnology corporation. The author would be most likely to make which one of the following predictions about the researcher's prospects?
 A. The researcher will probably be unable to use the cell lines because the corporation holding the patent will demand a prohibitively high payment for their use.
 B. The corporation holding the patent will probably successfully sue the researcher for patent infringement if she conducts the research without permission.
 C. The university that employs the researcher will likely prohibit the research in an effort to avoid being sued by the corporation holding the patent.
 D. The researcher has a good chance of not being held liable for patent infringement if she conducts the research and is subsequently sued.
 E. The corporation will probably offer to fund the research if granted exclusive rights to any resulting marketable product.
Answer: D


Question:
Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented "noses" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.
Question: The word "noses" (line 29) refers to
 A. perfumers
 B. perfume collectors
 C. particular perfumes
 D. people with expertise in marketing perfumes
 E. people with expertise in pricing perfumes
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Given the amount of time and effort that curators, collectors, dealers, scholars, and critics spend on formulating judgments of taste in relation to oil paintings, it seems odd that so few are prepared to apply some of the same skills in exploring works of art that stimulate another sense altogether: that of smell. Why is great perfume not taken more seriously? While art professionals are very serious about many branches of literature, architecture, and music, I have yet to find a curatorial colleague who regularly beats a path to the fragrance counter in search of, say, Joy Parfum, the 1930 masterpiece by Henri Almeras.And yet, the parallels between what ought to be regarded as sister arts are undeniable. Painters combine natural and, these days, synthetic pigments with media such as oils and resins, much as the perfumer carefully formulates natural and synthetic chemical compounds. The Old Masters deployed oil paint across the color spectrum, and applied layers on a determining ground and various kinds of underpainting, slowly building up to the surface, completing their work with thin glazes on top. Thus various types of mashed-up earth and vegetable suspended in linseed or poppy oil are brushed over a stretch of woven fabric. They begin to dry, and a picture is born. Its appearance changes over time, because the tendency of oil paint is to become gradually more transparent.So, too, talented "noses" experiment with complex configurations of olfactory elements and produce in symphonic combination many small sensations, at times discordant, sweet, bitter, melancholy, or happy, as the case may be. These combinations change and develop in sequence or in unison as the substance and its constituents evaporate at different rates, some quickly, others slowly, thanks to the warmth of our skin. A brilliant perfumer may thus devise an imaginary world no less powerful, or intimate, than that of a great composer or painter, and in calling on our capacity to discover there some memory of childhood or of a long-forgotten experience, perfumers are in the same business as the artist who creates the illusion of life on canvas.Perhaps one reason that truly great smells are so often undervalued is that perfumes are today made and distributed under the not particularly watchful gaze of a few large corporations. The cynical bean counters in Paris and Zurich do not hesitate to tamper with old formulas, insisting on the substitution of cheap chemical compounds that approximately resemble rarer, better ingredients in an effort to increase profits. They do not tell their customers when or how they do this; indeed, they presume their customers won't notice the difference. Consequently, fine perfume is now hopelessly entangled with the international cosmetic dollar, and ill-served by marketing and public relations.
Question: The word "noses" (line 29) refers to
 A. perfumers
 B. perfume collectors
 C. particular perfumes
 D. people with expertise in marketing perfumes
 E. people with expertise in pricing perfumes
Answer: A


Question:
Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.
Question: The passage contains information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?
 A. Do any African American visual artists also attempt to emulate African American music in their work?
 B. In what way is Jazz stylistically similar to uther literary works by Morrison?
 C. After the publication of Jazz, did critics quickly acknowledge the innovative nature of the narrative style that Morrison uses in that novel?
 D. How many works by African American writers have been inspired by the music of Duke Ellington?
 E. What characteristic of Jazz is also present in the work of some other African American writers?
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Music and literature, rivals among the arts, have not coexisted without intruding on each other's terrain. Ever since what we think of as "literature" developed out of the sounds of spoken, sung, and chanted art, writing bas aspired to the condition of music, in which fonn contnbutes significantly to content. Nowhere is this truer than in the African American tradition, whose music is often considered its greatest artistic achievement and one of the greatest contributions to North American art. But while many African American writers have used musicians and music as theme and metaphor in their writing, none had attempted to draw upon a musical genre as the structuring principle for an entire novel until Toni Morrison did so in her 1992 novel Jazz, a novel set in the Harlem section of New York City in 1926 . In Jazz, the connection to music is found not only in the novel's plot but, more strikingly, in the way in which the story is told. The narration slips easily from the third-person omniscience of the narrator's disembodied voice-which, though sensitive and sympathetic, claims no particular identity, gender, or immersion in specific social circumstances-to the first-person lyricism of key characters. But throughout these shifts, the narrator is both generous with the characters' voices and protective of his or her mastery over the narrative as a whole. On the one hand, the central characters are given the responsibility of relating their parts of the overarching story, but on the other hand, their sections are set offby quotation maIks, reminders that the narrator is allowing them to speak.. In this way, the narrative is analogous in structure to the playing of a jazz hand which intertwines its ensemble sound with the individuality of emhedded solo perfunnances. In jazz, composer and conductor Duke Ellington was the first to construct his compositions with his individual musicians and their unique "voices" in mind. Yet no matter how lengthy his musicians' improvisations, no matter how bold or inventive their solos might be, they always performed within the undeniable logic of the composer's frame-they always, in other words, performed as ifwith quotation marks ar01md their improvisations and solos. It is this same effect that Toni Morrison has achieved in Jazz, a literary rendering of an art of composition that Duke Ellington perfected around the time in which Jazz is set. In this novel, Morrison has found a way, paradoxically, to create the sense of an ensemble of characters improvising within the fixed scope of a carefully constructed collective narration. By simulating the style of a genius of music while exhibiting Morrison's own linguistic virtuosity, Jazz serves to redefine the very possibilities of narrative point of view.
Question: The passage contains information that most helps to answer which one of the following questions?
 A. Do any African American visual artists also attempt to emulate African American music in their work?
 B. In what way is Jazz stylistically similar to uther literary works by Morrison?
 C. After the publication of Jazz, did critics quickly acknowledge the innovative nature of the narrative style that Morrison uses in that novel?
 D. How many works by African American writers have been inspired by the music of Duke Ellington?
 E. What characteristic of Jazz is also present in the work of some other African American writers?
Answer: E