Question:
Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional "auxiliary" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.
Question: In saying that Popper gives a certain idea "hyperbolic application" (line 7), the author of passage A means to suggest that Popper
 A. extends the idea to cases in which it does not apply
 B. underestimates the significance of the idea
 C. commits a logical fallacy in reasoning about the idea
 D. draws too radical a conclusion from the idea
 E. exaggerates the idea's relevance to a particular theory
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage A Karl Popper's main contribution to the philosophy of science science concerns the power of negative evidence. The fundamental point is simple: No number of white swans, for example, can ever prove that all swans are white, but a single black swan disproves the hypothesis. Popper gives this logical asymmetry between positive and negative evidence hyperbolic application, maintaining that positive evidence has no value as evidence and that negative evidence is tantamount to disproof. Moreover, Popper takes the search for negative evidence to be at the heart of scientific research; that is, for Popper, scientific research involves not only generating bold theories, but also searching for evidence that would disprove them. Indeed, for him, a theory counts as scientific only if it makes predictions that are testable in this way. However, Popper's use of the logical asymmetry does not adequately capture the actual situation scientists face. If a theory deductively entails a false prediction, then the theory must be false as well. But a scientific theory rarely entails predictions on its own. When scientists actually derive a theory's predictions, they almost always need diverse additional "auxiliary" premises, which appeal to other theories, to the correct functioning of instrumentation, to the absence of disturbing forces, etc. When a prediction fails, logic indicates that at least one of the premises must be false, but it does not indicate which one. When an experiment does not work out as predicted, there is usually more than one possible explanation. Positive evidence is never conclusive. But negative evidence rarely is either. Passage B When the planet Uranus was discovered, astronomers attempted to predict its orbit. They based their predictions on Newton's laws and auxiliary assumptions about the mass of the sun and the masses, orbits, and velocities of other planets. One of the auxiliary assumptions was that no planets existed in the vicinity of Uranus. When the astronomers made their observations, they found that the orbit they had predicted for Uranus was incorrect. One possible explanation for the failure of their prediction was that Newton's laws were incorrect. Another was that there was an error in the auxiliary assumptions. The astronomers changed their assumptions about the existence of other planets, concluding that there must be another planet close enough to Uranus to produce the observed orbit. Not long afterward, scientists discovered the planet Neptune in the precise place it would have to be to bring their calculations into alignment with their observations Later astronomers, again using Newton's laws, predicted the orbit of Mercury. Once again, the predictions were not borne out. They hypothesized the existence of another planet in the vicinity, which they called Vulcan. However, Vulcan was never found, and some scientists began to think that perhaps Newton's laws were in error. Finally, when Einstein's general theory of relativity was introduced, astronomers discovered that calculations based on that theory and the old auxiliary assumptions predicted the observed orbit of Mercury, leading to the rejection of Newton's theory of gravity and to increased confidence in Einstein's theory.
Question: In saying that Popper gives a certain idea "hyperbolic application" (line 7), the author of passage A means to suggest that Popper
 A. extends the idea to cases in which it does not apply
 B. underestimates the significance of the idea
 C. commits a logical fallacy in reasoning about the idea
 D. draws too radical a conclusion from the idea
 E. exaggerates the idea's relevance to a particular theory
Answer: D


Question:
"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect." This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.
Question: Which one of the following could be said to be disturbing in a way that is most analogous to the way that Schoenberg's music is said to be disturbing in line 54?
 A. a comedian whose material relies heavily upon vulgar humor
 B. a comedian whose humor shines a light on aspects of human nature many people would prefer to ignore
 C. a comedian whose material is composed primarily of material already made famous by other comedians
 D. a comedian whose material expresses an extreme political philosophy
 E. a comedian whose style of humor is unfamiliar to the audience
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

"Never was anything as incoherent, shrill, chaotic and ear-splitting produced in music. The most piercing dissonances clash in a really atrocious harmony, and a few puny ideas only increase the disagreeable and deafening effect." This remark aptly characterizes the reaction of many listeners to the music of Arnold Schoenberg. But this particular criticism comes from the pen of the dramatist August von Kotzebue, writing in 1806 about the overture to Beethoven's opera Fidelio. Both Beethoven and Schoenberg stirred controversy because of the way they altered the language and extended the expressive range of music. Beethoven, of course, has stood as a cultural icon for more than a century, but that didn't happen overnight. His most challenging works did not become popular until well into the twentieth century and, significantly, after the invention of the phonograph, which made repeated listening possible. Like Beethoven, Schoenberg worked in a constantly changing and evolving musical style that acknowledged tradition while simultaneously lighting out for new territory. This is true of the three different musical styles through which Schoenberg's music evolved. He began in the late-Romantic manner—music charged with shifting chromatic harmonies—that was pervasive in his youth. People who enjoy the music of Brahms ought to love Schoenberg's Verklaerte Nacht, and they usually do, once they get past the fact that they are listening to a piece by Schoenberg. Schoenberg later pushed those unstable harmonies until they no longer had a tonal basis. He did this in part because in his view it was the next inevitable step in the historical development of music, and he felt he was a man of destiny; he also did it because he needed to in order to express what he was compelled to express. Finally, he developed the 12-tone technique as a means of bringing a new system of order to nontonal music and stabilizing it. In all three styles, Schoenberg operated at an awe-inspiring level of technical mastery. As his career progressed, his music became more condensed, more violent in its contrasts, and therefore more difficult to follow. But the real issue for any piece of music is not how it is made, but what it has to say. If Schoenberg hadn't existed, it would have been necessary to invent him, and not because of the 12-tone system, the seeds of which appear in Mozart. What makes Schoenberg's music essential is that he precisely delineated recognizable and sometimes disquieting emotional states that music had not recorded before. Some of his work remains disturbing not because it is incoherent shrill, and ear-splitting, but because it unflinchingly faces difficult truths.
Question: Which one of the following could be said to be disturbing in a way that is most analogous to the way that Schoenberg's music is said to be disturbing in line 54?
 A. a comedian whose material relies heavily upon vulgar humor
 B. a comedian whose humor shines a light on aspects of human nature many people would prefer to ignore
 C. a comedian whose material is composed primarily of material already made famous by other comedians
 D. a comedian whose material expresses an extreme political philosophy
 E. a comedian whose style of humor is unfamiliar to the audience
Answer: B


Question:
During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Question: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as "useful" mainly refers to its
 A. proficiency at depicting the realm of the fantastic
 B. effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas
 C. ability to help bring about social change
 D. facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world
 E. capacity to advance a particular theory of literature
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

During Dostoyevsky's time there were two significant and opposing directions in Russian literary criticism. One position maintained that art stood high above the present and the everyday, while the radical view maintained that art had a right to exist only if it found its sources in concrete reality, and, through the exposure of want and injustice, it contributed to the creation of a new society; literature, in other words, should be useful. Dostoyevsky took a third position. As a realist, he never doubted that reality was literature's crucial source. But his understanding of reality went deeper than the one prevailing among radical critics, since for Dostoyevsky there was no distinction in principle between fantasy and reality, and reality was far more than the merely tangible. The radical critics' demand that reality be depicted "as it is" was meaningless for Dostoyevsky; reality was necessarily shaped by the person who experienced it: what may not be reality for you may be reality for me. The task of the writer was to explode the boundaries of the so-called real world. Within perceptible "reality" exists another sphere, the fantastic, which is not in any way superfluous to a writer's concerns: "The fantastic must be so intimately bound up with the real that one almost believes in it." The radical critics' insistence that art must serve a particular political view was for Dostoyevsky the equivalent of assigning to art "a shameful destiny." A literary work must stand or fall on its "artistic merit," he explained. The utilitarian claim that the formal aspects of a work were of secondary importance so long as its goal was good and its purpose clear struck Dostoyevsky as a contradiction in terms. Only fully realized artistic works could fulfill their goals. But what does it mean to say that a work is "artistic" ? Dostoyevsky defined it thus: "To say that a novelist is 'artistic'means that he possesses a talent to express his thoughts in characters and images so that when the reader has finished the novel, he has fully understood the author's thoughts. Therefore, artistry is quite simply the ability to write well." The radical critics' requirement that art must at all costs be "useful" to people and society seemed to Dostoyevsky unsatisfactory. How can we know what will show itself to be useful? Can we say with assurance how useful the Iliad has been to humankind? No, Dostoyevsky believed, when it comes to this we encounter breadths that cannot be measured with any precision; sometimes a work of art may appear to deviate from reality and serve no useful purpose because we cannot see clearly what paths it may take to become useful.
Question: In the context of the passage, the description of a work of literature as "useful" mainly refers to its
 A. proficiency at depicting the realm of the fantastic
 B. effectiveness at communicating the author's ideas
 C. ability to help bring about social change
 D. facility for exploding the boundaries of the tangible world
 E. capacity to advance a particular theory of literature
Answer: C


Question:
Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.
Question: Both passages allude to a method of fingerprint identification in which examiners
 A. rely on a holistic impression of how similar two fingerprints are
 B. use computerized databases to search for matching fingerprints
 C. count the number of characteristics two fingerprints have in common
 D. calculate the odds of two different individuals' sharing certain very rare fingerprint characteristics
 E. use computer technology to clariJY the images of smudged or partial fingerprints
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage A In this appeal of his criminal conviction, the defendant challenges the fingerprint evidence used against him at trial, claiming that fingerprint identification theory has not been adequately tested. He cites the inability of the fingerprint examiner who incriminated him at trial to name any studies establishing that no two persons have identical fingerprints. The defendant claims that there are no established error rates revealing how often :fingerprint examiners incorrectly identifY a fingerprint as a particular person's, and asserts that fingerprint examiners lack uniform, objective standards. He cites testimony given by the fingerprint examiner at trial that there is no generally accepted standard regarding the number of "points of identification" required for a positive identification. Although fingerprint identification has not attained the status of scientific law, it has been used in criminal trials for 100 years, and experts have long concurred about its reliability. While further testing and the development of even more consistent standards may be desirable, this court sees no reason to reject outright a form of evidence that has so ably withstood the test of time. While it may be true that different agencies require different degrees of correlation before permitting a positive identification, fingerprint examiners are held to a consistent "points and characteristics" approach to identification. As the fingerprint expert testified at the defendant's trial, examiners are regularly subjected to testing and proficiency requirements, and uniform standards have been established through professional training and peer review. The trial court below was therefore within its diseretion in erediting testimony that fingerprint identification has an exceedingly low error rate. Passage B Fingerprint examiners lack objective standards for evaluating whether two prints "match." There is simply no consensus about what constitutes a sufficient basis fur identification. Some examiners use a "point-counting" method that entails counting the number of similar "ridge" characteristics on prints, but there is no fixed requirement about how many points of similarity are needed, and local practices vary. Others reject point counting for a more holistic approach. Either way, there is no generally agreed-on standard for determining precisely when to declare a match. Although we know that different individuals can share certain ridge characteristics, the chance of two individuals sharing any given number of identifying characteristics is unknown. How likely is it that two people could have four points of resemblance, or five, or eight? Moreover, fingerprints used in forensic identification are typically partial and smndged. Are the odds that two partial prints from different people will match one in a thousand, one in a million, or one in a billion? No :fingerprint examiner can answer such questions decisively, yet the answers are critical to evaluating the value of fingerprint evidence. The error rate for fingerprint identification in actoal practice has received little systematic study. How often do fingerprint examiners mistakenly declare a match? Although some proficiency tests show examiners making few or no errors, these tests have been criticized as lax; a more rigorous test showed a 34 percent rate of erroneous identification.
Question: Both passages allude to a method of fingerprint identification in which examiners
 A. rely on a holistic impression of how similar two fingerprints are
 B. use computerized databases to search for matching fingerprints
 C. count the number of characteristics two fingerprints have in common
 D. calculate the odds of two different individuals' sharing certain very rare fingerprint characteristics
 E. use computer technology to clariJY the images of smudged or partial fingerprints
Answer: C


Question:
Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately states the author's main point in the passage?
 A. Because of their assumption that alcohol is the only active ingredient in wine, beer, and distilled spirits, scientists have previously studied these beverages in ways that obscure their healthful effects.
 B. A new study of moderate wine consumption calls into question the belief that premature heart disease is caused solely by the presence of high lipid levels in the bloodstream.
 C. Researchers have found that alcohol from moderate wine consumption is absorbed into the bloodstream more slowly than is alcohol from other alcoholic beverages.
 D. Although it has long been held that moderate wine consumption has healthful effects, scientific studies have yet to prove such effects definitively.
 E. Wine, unlike other alcoholic beverages, appears to have a number of significant healthful effects that may be tied to certain natural compounds found in grapes.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Most scientists who study the physiological effects of alcoholic beverages have assumed that wine, like beer or distilled spirits, is a drink whose only active ingredient is alcohol. Because of this assumption, these scientists have rarely investigated the effects of wine as distinct from other forms of alcoholic beverages. Nevertheless, unlike other alcoholic beverages, wine has for centuries been thought to have healthful effects that these scientists—who not only make no distinction among wine, beer, and distilled spirits but also study only the excessive or abusive intake of these beverages—have obscured. Recently, a small group of researchers has questioned this assumption and investigated the effects of moderate wine consumption. While alcohol has been shown conclusively to have negative physiological effects—for example, alcohol strongly affects the body's processing of lipids (fats and other substances including cholesterol), causing dangerous increases in the levels of these substances in the blood, increases that are a large contributing factor in the development of premature heart disease—the researchers found that absorption of alcohol into the bloodstream occurs much more slowly when subjects drink wine than when they drink distilled spirits. More remarkably, it was discovered that deaths due to premature heart disease in the populations of several European countries decreased dramatically as the incidence of moderate wine consumption increased. One preliminary study linked this effect to red wine, but subsequent research has shown identical results whether the wine was white or red. What could explain such apparently healthful effects? For one thing, the studies show increased activity of a natural clot-breaking compound used by doctors to restore blood flow through blocked vessels in victims of heart disease. In addition, the studies of wine drinkers indicate increased levels of certain compounds that may help to prevent damage from high lipid levels. And although the link between lipid processing and premature heart disease is one of the most important discoveries in modern medicine, in the past 20 years researchers have found several additional important contributing factors. We now know that endothelial cell reactivity (which affects the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels) and platelet adhesiveness (which influences the degree to which platelets cause blood to clot) are each linked to the development of premature heart disease. Studies show that wine appears to have ameliorating effects on both of these factors: it decreases the thickness of the innermost walls of blood vessels, and it reduces platelet adhesiveness. One study demonstrated a decrease in platelet adhesiveness among individuals who drank large amounts of grape juice. This finding may be the first step in confirming speculation that the potentially healthful effects of moderate wine intake may derive from the concentration of certain natural compounds found in grapes and not present in other alcoholic beverages.
Question: Which one of the following most accurately states the author's main point in the passage?
 A. Because of their assumption that alcohol is the only active ingredient in wine, beer, and distilled spirits, scientists have previously studied these beverages in ways that obscure their healthful effects.
 B. A new study of moderate wine consumption calls into question the belief that premature heart disease is caused solely by the presence of high lipid levels in the bloodstream.
 C. Researchers have found that alcohol from moderate wine consumption is absorbed into the bloodstream more slowly than is alcohol from other alcoholic beverages.
 D. Although it has long been held that moderate wine consumption has healthful effects, scientific studies have yet to prove such effects definitively.
 E. Wine, unlike other alcoholic beverages, appears to have a number of significant healthful effects that may be tied to certain natural compounds found in grapes.
Answer: E


Question:
One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.
Question: According to the passage, Dunham's work in anthropology differed from that of most other anthropologists in the 1930s in that Dunham
 A. performed fieldwork for a very extended time period
 B. related the traditions she studied to those of her own culture
 C. employed a participative approach in performing research
 D. attached a high degree of political significance to her research
 E. had prior familiarity with the cultural practices of the peoples she set out to study
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

One of the more striking developments in modem North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their peers as befitting scientifically rigorous, and therefore legitimate, modes of inquiry. Moreover, no other social scientist at that time was sufficiently trained in dance to be able to understand dance techniques, while experts in dance were not trained in the methods of social research. Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time. Colleagues in anthropology advised her not to become too closely involved in the dances she was observing, both because of the extreme physical demands of the dances, and because they subscribed to the long-standing view, now fortunately recognized as unrealistic, that effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. But because of her interest and her skill as a performer, she generally eschewed such caution and participated in the dances herself. Through prolonged immersion of this kind, Dunham was able not only to comprehend various dances as complex cultural practices, but also to learn the techniques well enough to teach them to others and incorporate them into new forms of ballet. Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.
Question: According to the passage, Dunham's work in anthropology differed from that of most other anthropologists in the 1930s in that Dunham
 A. performed fieldwork for a very extended time period
 B. related the traditions she studied to those of her own culture
 C. employed a participative approach in performing research
 D. attached a high degree of political significance to her research
 E. had prior familiarity with the cultural practices of the peoples she set out to study
Answer: C


Question:
The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.
Question: Based on the passage, which one of the following would be an example of pop art that is most in keeping with the spirit of Lichtenstein's work?
 A. a painting that uses realistic techniques to represent several simple objects arranged on a table
 B. a painting that parodies human figures by depicting them as stick figures
 C. a painting that conveys its creator's inner turmoil through the use of bold lines and primary colors
 D. a painting that employs vague shapes and images to make a statement about consumer culture
 E. a painting that depicts products as they appear in magazine advertisements to comment on society's values
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

The painter Roy Lichtenstein helped to define pop art—the movement that incorporated commonplace objects and commercial-art techniques into paintings— by paraphrasing the style of comic books in his work. His merger of a popular genre with the forms and intentions of fine art generated a complex result: while poking fun at the pretensions of the art world, Lichtenstein's work also managed to convey a seriousness of theme that enabled it to transcend mere parody. That Lichtenstein's images were fine art was at first difficult to see, because, with their word balloons and highly stylized figures, they looked like nothing more than the comic book panels from which they were copied. Standard art history holds that pop art emerged as an impersonal alternative to the histrionics of abstract expressionism, a movement in which painters conveyed their private attitudes and emotions using nonrepresentational techniques. The truth is that by the time pop art first appeared in the early 1960s, abstract expressionism had already lost much of its force. Pop art painters weren't quarreling with the powerful early abstract expressionist work of the late 1940s but with a second generation of abstract expressionists whose work seemed airy, high-minded, and overly lyrical. Pop art paintings were full of simple black lines and large areas of primary color. Lichtenstein's work was part of a general rebellion against the fading emotional power of abstract expressionism, rather than an aloof attempt to ignore it. But if rebellion against previous art by means of the careful imitation of a popular genre were all that characterized Lichtenstein's work, it would possess only the reflective power that parodies have in relation to their subjects. Beneath its cartoonish methods, his work displayed an impulse toward realism, an urge to say that what was missing from contemporary painting was the depiction of contemporary life. The stilted romances and war stories portrayed in the comic books on which he based his canvases, the stylized automobiles, hot dogs, and table lamps that appeared in his pictures, were reflections of the culture Lichtenstein inhabited. But, in contrast to some pop art, Lichtenstein's work exuded not a jaded cynicism about consumer culture, but a kind of deliberate naivete, intended as a response to the excess of sophistication he observed not only in the later abstract expressionists but in some other pop artists. With the comics— typically the domain of youth and innocence—as his reference point, a nostalgia fills his paintings that gives them, for all their surface bravado, an inner sweetness. His persistent use of comic-art conventions demonstrates a faith in reconciliation, not only between cartoons and fine art, but between parody and true feeling.
Question: Based on the passage, which one of the following would be an example of pop art that is most in keeping with the spirit of Lichtenstein's work?
 A. a painting that uses realistic techniques to represent several simple objects arranged on a table
 B. a painting that parodies human figures by depicting them as stick figures
 C. a painting that conveys its creator's inner turmoil through the use of bold lines and primary colors
 D. a painting that employs vague shapes and images to make a statement about consumer culture
 E. a painting that depicts products as they appear in magazine advertisements to comment on society's values
Answer: E


Question:
"Stealing thunder" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming "old news." Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their "spin" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.
Question: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that which one of the following is an example of stealing thunder?
 A. warning jurors that a client on the opposing side has a serious conflict of interest and cannot be trusted
 B. disclosing in opening statements of a defense against copyright infringement that one's client has in the past been guilty of plagiarism
 C. responding to the opposition's revelation that one's client has a minor criminal background by conceding that this is the case
 D. pointing out to jurors during opening statements the mistaken reasoning in the opposition's case
 E. stressing that one's client, while technically guilty, is believable and that mitigating circumstances should be considered
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

"Stealing thunder" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming "old news." Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their "spin" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.
Question: It can be most reasonably inferred from the passage that which one of the following is an example of stealing thunder?
 A. warning jurors that a client on the opposing side has a serious conflict of interest and cannot be trusted
 B. disclosing in opening statements of a defense against copyright infringement that one's client has in the past been guilty of plagiarism
 C. responding to the opposition's revelation that one's client has a minor criminal background by conceding that this is the case
 D. pointing out to jurors during opening statements the mistaken reasoning in the opposition's case
 E. stressing that one's client, while technically guilty, is believable and that mitigating circumstances should be considered
Answer: B


Question:
Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Question: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a "conspiracy theory" (lines 35–36)?
 A. Evolutionary psychologists seek to examine human behavior from the point of view of the theory of evolution.
 B. Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology.
 C. An altruistic individual uses valuable resources to promote the well-being of another individual.
 D. Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish.
 E. Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

Passage AEvolutionary psychology has taught us to examine human behavior from the standpoint of the theory of evolution—to explain a given type of human behavior by examining how it contributes to the reproductive success of individuals exhibiting the behavior, and thereby to the proliferation of the genetic material responsible for causing that behavior. From an evolutionary standpoint, the problem of altruism is a thorny one: what accounts for the evolution of behavior in which an individual expends energy or other valuable resources promoting the welfare of another individual? The answer probably lies in the psychological experiences of identification and empathy. Such experiences could have initially arisen in response to cues (like physical resemblance) that indicated the presence of shared genetic material in human ancestors. The psychological states provoked by these cues could have increased the chances of related individuals' receiving assistance, thereby enhancing the survival and replication of genes influencing the capacity for identification and empathy. This would account, for example, for a mother's rushing to help her injured child; genes promoting their own self-propagation may thus operate through instinctive actions that appear unselfish. Since human ancestors lived in small, kin-based groups, the application of altruistic mechanisms to the entire group would have promoted the propagation of the genes responsible for those mechanisms. Later, these mechanisms may have come to apply to humans who are not kin when communities grew larger. In this way, apparently altruistic mechanisms may have arisen within a genetically "selfish" system. Passage B Evolutionary psychology is a kind of conspiracy theory; that is, it explains behavior by imputing an interest (the proliferation of genes) that the agent of the behavior does not openly acknowledge, or indeed, is not even aware of. Thus, what seemed to be your unsurprising interest in your child's well-being turns out to be your genes' conspiracy to propagate themselves. Such arguments can appear persuasive on the face of it. According to some evolutionary psychologists, an interest in the proliferation of genes explains monogamous families in animals whose offspring mature slowly. Human offspring mature slowly; and, at least in numerical terms, our species favors monogamous families. Evolutionary psychologists take this as evidence that humans form monogamous families because of our interest in propagating our genes. Are they right? Maybe yes, maybe no; this kind of inference needs to be handled with great care. There are, most often, all sorts of interests that would explain any given behavior. What is needed to make it decisive that a particular interest explains a particular behavior is that the behavior would be reasonable only if one had that interest. But such cases are vanishingly rare: an interest in Y might explain doing X, but so too would an interest in doing X. A concern to propagate one's genes would explain promoting the welfare of one's children; but so too would an interest in the welfare of one's children. Not all of one's motives can be instrumental, after all; there must be some things that one cares for just for their own sakes.
Question: Which one of the following assertions from passage A most clearly exemplifies what the author of passage B means in calling evolutionary psychology a "conspiracy theory" (lines 35–36)?
 A. Evolutionary psychologists seek to examine human behavior from the point of view of the theory of evolution.
 B. Altruism presents a difficult problem for evolutionary psychology.
 C. An altruistic individual uses valuable resources to promote the well-being of another individual.
 D. Genes may promote their self-propagation through actions that appear unselfish.
 E. Early humans lived in small, kin-based groups.
Answer: D


Question:
In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the "Mexican American Generation" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.
Question: The passage suggests that Garcia assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and I960?
 A. Increased ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
 B. Increased familiarity among Mexican Americans with United States culture accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
 C. The assimilation of many Mexican Americans into United States culture accounted for Mexican Americans' lack of interest in political activity.
 D. Many Mexican Americans were moved to political militancy as a means of achieving full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent.
 E. Many Mexican Americans were moved to political protest by their experience of discrimination and the patronizing rhetoric of World War II slogans.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

In a recent study, Mario Garcia argues that in the United States between 1930 and I960 the group of political activists he calls the "Mexican American Generation" was more radical and politically diverse than earlier historians have recognized. Through analysis of the work of some of the era's most important scholars, Garcia does provide persuasive evidence that in the 1930s and 1940s these activists anticipated many of the reforms proposed by the more militant Chicanos of the 1960s and 1970s. His study, however, suffers from two flaws.First, Garcia's analysis of the evidence he provides to demonstrate the Mexican American Generation's political diversity is not entirely consistent. Indeed, he undermines his primary thesis by emphasizing an underlying consensus among various groups that tends to conceal the full significance of their differences. Groups such as the League of United Latin American Citizens, an organization that encouraged Mexican Americans to pursue a civil rights strategy of assimilation into the United States political and cultural mainstream, were often diametrically opposed to organizations such as the Congress of Spanish-Speaking People, a coalition group that advocated bilingual education and equal rights for resident aliens in the United States. Garcia acknowledges these differences but dismisses them as insignificant, given that the goals of groups as disparate as these centered on liberal reform, not revolution. But one need only note the fierce controversies that occurred during the period over United States immigration policies and the question of assimilation versus cultural maintenance to recognize that Mexican American political history since 1930 has been characterized not by consensus but by intense and lively debate.Second, Garcia may be exaggerating the degree to which the views of these activists were representative of the ethnic Mexican population residing in the United States during this period. Noting that by 1930 the proportion of the Mexican American population that had been born in the United States had significantly increased, Garcia argues that between 1930 and 1960 a new generation of Mexican American leaders appeared, one that was more acculturated and hence more politically active than its predecessor. Influenced by their experience of discrimination and by the inclusive rhetoric of World War II slogans, these leaders, according to Garcia, were determined to achieve full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent. However, it is not clear how far this outlook extended beyond these activists. Without a better understanding of the political implications of important variables such as patterns of and rates of Mexican immigration and naturalization, and the variations in ethnic consciousness these variables help to create, one cannot assume that an increase in the proportion of Mexican Americans born in the United States necessarily resulted in an increase in the ethnic Mexican population's political activism.
Question: The passage suggests that Garcia assumes which one of the following to have been true of Mexican Americans between 1930 and I960?
 A. Increased ethnic consciousness among Mexican Americans accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
 B. Increased familiarity among Mexican Americans with United States culture accounted for an increase in political activity among them.
 C. The assimilation of many Mexican Americans into United States culture accounted for Mexican Americans' lack of interest in political activity.
 D. Many Mexican Americans were moved to political militancy as a means of achieving full civil rights for all United States residents of Mexican descent.
 E. Many Mexican Americans were moved to political protest by their experience of discrimination and the patronizing rhetoric of World War II slogans.
Answer: B


Question:
"Stealing thunder" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming "old news." Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their "spin" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.
Question: Which one of the following does the author mention as a factor that in some instances probably contributes to the success of stealing thunder?
 A. careful timing of the thunder-stealing message to precede the opposition's similar message by only a short time
 B. some lawyers' superior skill in assessing jurors' probable reactions to a message
 C. the willingness of some lawyers' clients to testify in person about their own past mistakes
 D. jurors' desire to arrive at a firm view regarding the case they are hearing
 E. lawyers' careful screening of prospective jurors prior to the beginning of courtroom proceedings
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D
- E

"Stealing thunder" is a courtroom strategy that consists in a lawyer's revealing negative information about a client before that information is revealed or elicited by an opposing lawyer. While there is no point in revealing a weakness that is unknown to one's opponents or that would not be exploited by them, many lawyers believe that if the weakness is likely to be revealed in opposing testimony, it should be volunteered; otherwise, the hostile revelation would be more damaging.Although no empirical research has directly tested the effectiveness of stealing thunder in actual trials, studies involving simulated trial situations have suggested that the technique is, in fact, effective, at least within a reasonably broad range of applications. Lawyers' commonly held belief in the value of stealing thunder is not only corroborated by those experimental findings; it is also supported by several psychological explanations of why the technique should work. For one thing, volunteering damaging information early may create an image of credibility. Psychological research suggests that people who reveal information that appears to be against their own best interest are likely to be perceived as more credible and thus may be more persuasive. Stealing thunder may also provide juries with an impetus for critical assessment by previewing, and thus alerting them to, testimony that the opposition plans to present. In psychological experiments, audiences that were previously warned of an upcoming attempt at persuasion became more resistant to the persuasive attempt, forming counterarguments based on the warning. Also, the value placed on a persuasive message is probably much like the value placed on any commodity; the scarcer the commodity, the more valuable it is. A persuasive message will thus increase in value and effectiveness to the extent that it is seen as scarce. In the courtroom, a piece of evidence brought by both the prosecution and the defense, as when thunder is stolen, may be seen as less scarce becoming "old news." Thus, unless that evidence is of overriding consequence, it should carry less weight than if it had been included only in hostile testimony.Finally, stealing thunder may work because the lawyer can frame the evidence in his or her own terms and downplay its significance, just as politicians sometimes seek to put their "spin" on potentially damaging information. However, it may therefore be effective only when the negative information can be framed positively. Jurors, who often initially have little information about a case, are usually eager to solidify their position regarding the case. They can therefore be expected to use the early positive framing to guide their subsequent analysis of the trial information. But this also suggests limitations on the use of the technique: when information is very damaging, stealing thunder may create an early negative impression that forms a cognitive framework for jurors, who then filter subsequent information through this schema.
Question: Which one of the following does the author mention as a factor that in some instances probably contributes to the success of stealing thunder?
 A. careful timing of the thunder-stealing message to precede the opposition's similar message by only a short time
 B. some lawyers' superior skill in assessing jurors' probable reactions to a message
 C. the willingness of some lawyers' clients to testify in person about their own past mistakes
 D. jurors' desire to arrive at a firm view regarding the case they are hearing
 E. lawyers' careful screening of prospective jurors prior to the beginning of courtroom proceedings
Answer: D


Question:
Since the cancellation of mandatory pre-marriage inspections in City B in 2003, the pre-marriage inspection rate in the city has dropped from close to 100% 10 years ago to 7% in 2011, the lowest in the country.At the same time, the incidence of birth defects in the city has doubled.It can be seen that the abolition of the mandatory pre-marital inspection system has led to an increase in the rate of birth defects in newborns.
Question: The answers to the following questions are relevant to the evaluation of the above argument, except
 A. Has the city's living environment (air and water quality, etc.) been damaged in the past decade?
 B. Have unhealthy lifestyles such as staying up late and online for a long time among the population of child-bearing age in this city increased significantly?
 C. Has women in this city delayed childbirth in the past decade, and has the proportion of older pregnant women increased significantly?
 D. Has the number of floating population in the city increased or decreased in the past decade?
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

Since the cancellation of mandatory pre-marriage inspections in City B in 2003, the pre-marriage inspection rate in the city has dropped from close to 100% 10 years ago to 7% in 2011, the lowest in the country.At the same time, the incidence of birth defects in the city has doubled.It can be seen that the abolition of the mandatory pre-marital inspection system has led to an increase in the rate of birth defects in newborns.
Question: The answers to the following questions are relevant to the evaluation of the above argument, except
 A. Has the city's living environment (air and water quality, etc.) been damaged in the past decade?
 B. Have unhealthy lifestyles such as staying up late and online for a long time among the population of child-bearing age in this city increased significantly?
 C. Has women in this city delayed childbirth in the past decade, and has the proportion of older pregnant women increased significantly?
 D. Has the number of floating population in the city increased or decreased in the past decade?
Answer: D


Question:
The Peace Foundation decided to suspend funding for S, on the grounds that such funding may be used in part for weapons research.In this regard, the S Institute promises? All the funding of the Peace Foundation will not be used for any weapon-related research.As a result, the Peace Foundation withdrew the above decision and reached a conclusion; as long as the S Institute kept its promise, the above funding of the Peace Foundation would no longer benefit weapons research.
Question: Which of the following most appropriately summarizes the loopholes in the conclusions of the Peace Foundation?
 A. Ignore this possibility? S Institute does not keep its promises.
 B. Ignore this possibility? S Institute can use weapons from other sources for weapons research.
 C. Ignored this possibility? the funding of the Peace Foundation enabled S Research to have all the ability to switch other funds to weapons research.
 D. Ignore this possibility? weapons research does not necessarily endanger peace.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

The Peace Foundation decided to suspend funding for S, on the grounds that such funding may be used in part for weapons research.In this regard, the S Institute promises? All the funding of the Peace Foundation will not be used for any weapon-related research.As a result, the Peace Foundation withdrew the above decision and reached a conclusion; as long as the S Institute kept its promise, the above funding of the Peace Foundation would no longer benefit weapons research.
Question: Which of the following most appropriately summarizes the loopholes in the conclusions of the Peace Foundation?
 A. Ignore this possibility? S Institute does not keep its promises.
 B. Ignore this possibility? S Institute can use weapons from other sources for weapons research.
 C. Ignored this possibility? the funding of the Peace Foundation enabled S Research to have all the ability to switch other funds to weapons research.
 D. Ignore this possibility? weapons research does not necessarily endanger peace.
Answer: C


Question:
In a cooking competition, the chef is required to make one hot dish and one cold dish, and the results are evaluated as "top grade", "middle grade", and "bottom grade".If each result of the chef is not lower than that of Chef B, and at least one item is higher than Chef B, it is said that "Chef A is more skilled than Chef B".There are a number of existing chefs, none of them is more skilled than the other, and no two people have the same hot dishes and cold dishes.
Question: How many chefs can meet the above conditions?
 A. unconfirmed
 B. 9 people
 C. 6 people
 D. 3 people
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

In a cooking competition, the chef is required to make one hot dish and one cold dish, and the results are evaluated as "top grade", "middle grade", and "bottom grade".If each result of the chef is not lower than that of Chef B, and at least one item is higher than Chef B, it is said that "Chef A is more skilled than Chef B".There are a number of existing chefs, none of them is more skilled than the other, and no two people have the same hot dishes and cold dishes.
Question: How many chefs can meet the above conditions?
 A. unconfirmed
 B. 9 people
 C. 6 people
 D. 3 people
Answer: D


Question:
There is a psychological theory that to be happy, one must maintain an intimate relationship with another.However, the greatest philosophers in the world spent most of their lives in isolation, and had no intimate relationships.Therefore, this psychological theory must be wrong.
Question: Which of the following must be assumed in the above conclusion?
 A. The greatest philosophers in the world prefer to avoid intimate relationships.
 B. People with intimate relationships rarely spend their time alone.
 C. Loneliness is necessary for philosophers to meditate.
 D. The greatest philosophers in the world are happy.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

There is a psychological theory that to be happy, one must maintain an intimate relationship with another.However, the greatest philosophers in the world spent most of their lives in isolation, and had no intimate relationships.Therefore, this psychological theory must be wrong.
Question: Which of the following must be assumed in the above conclusion?
 A. The greatest philosophers in the world prefer to avoid intimate relationships.
 B. People with intimate relationships rarely spend their time alone.
 C. Loneliness is necessary for philosophers to meditate.
 D. The greatest philosophers in the world are happy.
Answer: D


Question:
There are 6 warehouses in a warehouse, in order from 1 to 6.There are 6 kinds of goods F, G, L, M, P, T.Each warehouse stores exactly one of 6 kinds of goods, and different kinds of goods cannot be stored in the same warehouse.The following conditions must also be met when storing goods? (1) The warehouse number for storing G is larger than the warehouse number for storing L.(2) The warehouse number storing L is larger than the warehouse number storing T.(3) The warehouse number storing P is larger than the warehouse number storing F.(4) The warehouse storing T is next to the warehouse storing P.
Question: Which of the following can accurately mark the goods stored in warehouses 1 to 3?
 A. F, M, T
 B. G, M, F
 C. M, L, F
 D. M, T, F
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

There are 6 warehouses in a warehouse, in order from 1 to 6.There are 6 kinds of goods F, G, L, M, P, T.Each warehouse stores exactly one of 6 kinds of goods, and different kinds of goods cannot be stored in the same warehouse.The following conditions must also be met when storing goods? (1) The warehouse number for storing G is larger than the warehouse number for storing L.(2) The warehouse number storing L is larger than the warehouse number storing T.(3) The warehouse number storing P is larger than the warehouse number storing F.(4) The warehouse storing T is next to the warehouse storing P.
Question: Which of the following can accurately mark the goods stored in warehouses 1 to 3?
 A. F, M, T
 B. G, M, F
 C. M, L, F
 D. M, T, F
Answer: A


Question:
In the planning of a new district in a township, it was decided to build a special community in the southeast, northwest, centered on the citizen park.These four communities are designated as cultural area, leisure area, commercial area and administrative service area.It is known that the administrative service area is southwest of the cultural area, and the cultural area is southeast of the leisure area.
Question: Based on the above statement, which of the following can be derived?
 A. Civic Park is north of the administrative service area
 B. The leisure area is southwest of the cultural area
 C. The cultural district is in the northeast of the business district
 D. The business district is southeast of the leisure area
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

In the planning of a new district in a township, it was decided to build a special community in the southeast, northwest, centered on the citizen park.These four communities are designated as cultural area, leisure area, commercial area and administrative service area.It is known that the administrative service area is southwest of the cultural area, and the cultural area is southeast of the leisure area.
Question: Based on the above statement, which of the following can be derived?
 A. Civic Park is north of the administrative service area
 B. The leisure area is southwest of the cultural area
 C. The cultural district is in the northeast of the business district
 D. The business district is southeast of the leisure area
Answer: A


Question:
The researchers divided the subjects into two groups? Group A did their own things for ten minutes but did not engage in things that would lead to lying; Group B was asked to steal test papers and lied during the test.After that, the researchers asked the subjects to put on special electrodes to record the blink frequency of the interrogation.It was found that the blinking frequency of group A increased slightly, but the blinking frequency of group B decreased first, and then increased significantly to 8 times the normal frequency.It can be seen from this? by observing a person's blink frequency, it can be judged whether he is lying.
Question: The answer to which of the following questions would hardly question the conclusion of this study?
 A. Are there significant differences in the psychological qualities of the subjects in groups A and B?
 B. The subjects in group B were told to tell lies, rather than telling lies themselves.Is the correlation between telling lies and blinking reliable?
 C. Are there any abnormalities in the equipment used in groups A and B?
 D. Will telling lies cause a rapid heartbeat and increased blood pressure?
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

The researchers divided the subjects into two groups? Group A did their own things for ten minutes but did not engage in things that would lead to lying; Group B was asked to steal test papers and lied during the test.After that, the researchers asked the subjects to put on special electrodes to record the blink frequency of the interrogation.It was found that the blinking frequency of group A increased slightly, but the blinking frequency of group B decreased first, and then increased significantly to 8 times the normal frequency.It can be seen from this? by observing a person's blink frequency, it can be judged whether he is lying.
Question: The answer to which of the following questions would hardly question the conclusion of this study?
 A. Are there significant differences in the psychological qualities of the subjects in groups A and B?
 B. The subjects in group B were told to tell lies, rather than telling lies themselves.Is the correlation between telling lies and blinking reliable?
 C. Are there any abnormalities in the equipment used in groups A and B?
 D. Will telling lies cause a rapid heartbeat and increased blood pressure?
Answer: D


Question:
The traditional view is that most of the methane that causes the greenhouse effect comes from wetlands and the digestive tract of ruminants.It is not known that green plants that can absorb carbon dioxide also release methane.Scientists have discovered a surprising result? the annual methane emissions from green plants worldwide are between 60 million and 240 million tons, accounting for 10% to 40% of the global annual methane emissions, and about 2/3 of them come from tropical regions rich in vegetation.
Question: The following statements, except which one, can support the scientist's point of view?
 A. If you do not consider green plants, after excluding all other factors, there are still a lot of sources of methane in the world that cannot be explained.
 B. German scientists observed methane clouds appearing over tropical rain forests through satellites.This phenomenon cannot be explained by known global sources of methane.
 C. American chemists analyzed air samples taken from the savanna of Venezuela and concluded that the amount of methane released by vegetation in the area is between 30 million and 60 million tons.
 D. Some scientists emphasized that the recent increase in methane content and global warming have nothing to do with forests, and plants are innocent.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

The traditional view is that most of the methane that causes the greenhouse effect comes from wetlands and the digestive tract of ruminants.It is not known that green plants that can absorb carbon dioxide also release methane.Scientists have discovered a surprising result? the annual methane emissions from green plants worldwide are between 60 million and 240 million tons, accounting for 10% to 40% of the global annual methane emissions, and about 2/3 of them come from tropical regions rich in vegetation.
Question: The following statements, except which one, can support the scientist's point of view?
 A. If you do not consider green plants, after excluding all other factors, there are still a lot of sources of methane in the world that cannot be explained.
 B. German scientists observed methane clouds appearing over tropical rain forests through satellites.This phenomenon cannot be explained by known global sources of methane.
 C. American chemists analyzed air samples taken from the savanna of Venezuela and concluded that the amount of methane released by vegetation in the area is between 30 million and 60 million tons.
 D. Some scientists emphasized that the recent increase in methane content and global warming have nothing to do with forests, and plants are innocent.
Answer: D


Question:
This year, Taifeng, a subsidiary of Huatai Group, set a new annual sales record.This is quite surprising, because Taifeng's potential market is the smallest, and it has always been the lowest sales department of all Huatai Group's subsidiaries.
Question: Which of the following statements points out the problems in the above discussion?
 A. Since Taifeng has the smallest potential market, it is not surprising that it is the lowest sales department of Huatai Group.
 B. If the total sales of Huatai Group increased this year, it is not surprising that the sales of Taifeng Company increased.
 C. Whether the sales of each branch company sets an annual sales record is only the result of the company's self-comparison, and does not need to be compared with other branch companies.
 D. If the other subsidiaries of the group have created annual sales records, it is not surprising that Taifeng has set a new annual sales record.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

This year, Taifeng, a subsidiary of Huatai Group, set a new annual sales record.This is quite surprising, because Taifeng's potential market is the smallest, and it has always been the lowest sales department of all Huatai Group's subsidiaries.
Question: Which of the following statements points out the problems in the above discussion?
 A. Since Taifeng has the smallest potential market, it is not surprising that it is the lowest sales department of Huatai Group.
 B. If the total sales of Huatai Group increased this year, it is not surprising that the sales of Taifeng Company increased.
 C. Whether the sales of each branch company sets an annual sales record is only the result of the company's self-comparison, and does not need to be compared with other branch companies.
 D. If the other subsidiaries of the group have created annual sales records, it is not surprising that Taifeng has set a new annual sales record.
Answer: C


Question:
The grace of today ’s Paris is as beautiful as ever, because the German commander who occupied him decided to disobey when he received Hitler ’s order to “completely destroy Paris before retreating,” and saved an ancient city at the expense of his life.When Liang Shuming's shells of Japanese military aircraft exploded beside him, he was quietly sitting in the garden, continuing to study, thinking about the issues of culture and education in the East and West-insisting on "value" and "order", and destroying this "value" "Order" is resistant to culture.
Question: Which of the following cannot be derived from the meaning of the title?
 A. Being able to read literately does not mean being literate.
 B. Having extensive knowledge does not mean literacy.
 C. Culture means doing something, not doing something? a little intolerable thought is the root of living creatures; a period of inaction is a pillar of support.
 D. Culture is a sign that different people of different nationalities distinguish each other.
Answer:

Choices:
- A
- B
- C
- D

The grace of today ’s Paris is as beautiful as ever, because the German commander who occupied him decided to disobey when he received Hitler ’s order to “completely destroy Paris before retreating,” and saved an ancient city at the expense of his life.When Liang Shuming's shells of Japanese military aircraft exploded beside him, he was quietly sitting in the garden, continuing to study, thinking about the issues of culture and education in the East and West-insisting on "value" and "order", and destroying this "value" "Order" is resistant to culture.
Question: Which of the following cannot be derived from the meaning of the title?
 A. Being able to read literately does not mean being literate.
 B. Having extensive knowledge does not mean literacy.
 C. Culture means doing something, not doing something? a little intolerable thought is the root of living creatures; a period of inaction is a pillar of support.
 D. Culture is a sign that different people of different nationalities distinguish each other.
Answer: D