 Group Characteristics
  ASMD
     Age Gender
Male Ethnicity
Black
Hispanic
Not reported/other
County Riverside
ACG risk category High risk
Rising risk Preexisting conditions
Behavioral
Unweighted (n = 354)
0.34 0.15
0.12 0.17 0.23
0.10
1.00 0.30
0.0


s Patient (n) Events
4 13 16 191
4 10 27 174 28 154
6 8 9 134 7 90 8 58
14 79
103 893 80 682 113 1,720 162 4,206
Event
Per- Per-
           $5,411
           a Among medical claims with this assigned classification, “system-generated recuperative car


 516, ESS = 228)
     Variable Estimate
Intervention
Baseline (intercept) –1.65 PSH enrollment (treatment) –0.26
Demographic characteristics
Age 0.03 Gender: male –0.10 Ethnicity: black 1.31 Ethnicity: Hispanic –0.18 Ethnicity: not reported/other 0.2


pt) –44.40 PSH enrollment (treatment) –6.83
Demographic characteristics
Age –1.24 Gender: male –66.51 Ethnicity: black 72.96 Ethnicity: Hispanic 105.19 Ethnicity: not reported/other 65.63 County: Riverside –23.55
Baseline health characteristics
ACG:


ic Ethnicity: not reported/other County: Riverside
Baseline health characteristics ACG: rising risk
ACG: high risk
Estimate
–325.86 140.34
4.37 148.86 –18.06 –150.52 –243.20 44.23
–11.10 –164.58 –4.70
SD Error t p 245.30 –1.33 0.18
114.02 1.23 0.22
4


gett, Travis P., Samantha S. Liauw, and Stephen W. Hwang, “Cardiovascular Disease and Homelessness,” Journal of the American College of Cardiology, Vol. 71, No. 22, 2018, pp. 2585–2597.
Bossarte, Robert M., John R. Blosnich, Rebecca I. Piegari, Linds


meless Definition,” 2019. As of June 1, 2020: https://files.hudexchange.info/resources/documents/HomelessDefinition_RecordkeepingReq uirementsandCriteria.pdf
Hunter, Sarah B., Melody Harvey, Brian Briscombe, and Matthew Cefalu, Evaluation of Housing


n-021120.pdf
Raven, Maria C., Lina Tieu, Christopher T. Lee, Claudia Ponath, David Guzman, and Margot Kushel, “Emergency Department Use in a Cohort of Older Homeless Adults: Results from the HOPE HOME Study,” Academic Emergency Medicine, Vol. 24, No.


 VIOLENT
 EXTREMISM
 IN AMERICA
Interviews with Former Extremists and Their Families on Radicalization and Deradicalization
RYAN ANDREW BROWN TODD C. HELMUS RAJEEV RAMCHAND ALINA I. PALIMARU SARAH WEILANT ASHLEY L. RHOADES LIISA HIATT
   CORPORATION


t the world. This research was conducted in the Justice Policy Program within RAND Social and Economic Well-Being. The program focuses on such topics as access to justice, policing, corrections, drug policy, and court system reform, as well as other


Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, were grim fore- shadowing of the latest incident.
Given this evolving, ongoing threat, the U.S. government, research institutions, and private-sector partners have made significant investments in attempting to under- stand a


embers, and two friends. Together, these interviews covered 32 separate cases of radicalization and deradicalization. Of all 32 cases, 24 were white supremacists (eight females and 16 males), and eight were Islamic extremists (one female and seven ma


ctor was mentioned in 17 of the 32 cases. Mental health challenges were cited as presenting obstacles throughout the individual’s life. Some identified such symptoms as overwhelming anger as a driver of their join- ing extremist organizations. Trauma


s noted how they felt rewarded for contributions to the cause and group.
Among the 32 cases, many cited instances of an observable behavior change in the early stages of radicalization. Two Islamic extremists showed outward signs of reli- gious conve


ailed Interventions
In 19 cases, interviewees indicated that they experienced interventions that failed. These cases most often involved family members who tried to intervene. Punitive interventions by law enforcement also often led to paradoxical ef


ing in the area are summarized in Table S.1.
Table S.1
Summary of Study Findings and Recommendations
Study Findings
Negative life events are part of, but not
the sole cause of, radicalization. Abuse or trauma, difficult family situations, bullying, a


tudy Findings
Extremist groups nurture a self-reinforcing social milieu. This includes shared purpose, camaraderie, friendship, and joint activities, all of which can involve both risk and emotional rewards.
Recommendations
Community organizations: H


ght place at the right time, can encourage both processes.
Table S.1—Continued
Study Findings
Heavy-handed attempts by formal institutions to deradicalize individuals often fail. Such measures taken by intelligence and law enforcement agencies are un


ill) and Beyond Barriers (led by Jeff Schoep), for entrusting RAND with connections to their members and associates and for all the collaborative work throughout the project. We would also like to thank Katheryn Giglio for her commu- nications expert


ical- ization, No. 6, Spring 2016.
2 As we note later, white supremacists refers to those who espouse the belief that the white race is superior to and should exert control over other races.
 1
2 Violent Extremism in America
number grew to 53 in 2017


2020; Campbell Robertson, Christopher Mele, and Sabrina Tavernise, “11 Killed in Synagogue Massacre; Suspect Charged with 29 Counts,” New York Times, October 27, 2018.
5 Brian Michael Jenkins, “The Battle of Capitol Hill,” RAND Blog, January 11, 2021


 to and Processes Associ- ated with Radicalization and Extremism Amongst Muslims in Western Societies,” International Review of Psy- chiatry, Vol. 27, No. 1, 2015.
Introduction and Background 3
 4 Violent Extremism in America
pile and analyze case st


016: A Review of Data, Methods, and Authorship,” Terror- ism and Political Violence, Vol. 32, No. 5, 2018.
15 Schuurman, 2018.
16 Kamaldeep S. Bhui, Madelyn H. Hicks, Myrna Lashley, and Edgar Jones, “A Public Health Approach to
Understanding and Prev


erable to extremist ideology or violence. Family and friends of individuals who have radicalized may be an especially vulnerable group. Ensuring that families and friends of those who have radicalized are supported after learning that their family me


h suicide and extremism are distinct (though sometimes overlapping) phenomena, they share important attributes. First, they are both relatively rare events. Second, cases are rarely available to be interviewed because they are dead or, in the case of


sample are more common than among a comparable group of individuals who did not join extremist organizations, which prohibits the calculation of risk or identification of risk factors.
There are other biases in our approach, some of which are common


m the relevant body of literature to provide background for our interview analysis. In Chapter Three, we describe how we recruited individu- als to be interviewed, our interview process, and our analysis of the qualitative data (appendixes at the end


tes.
a National Consortium for the Study of Ter- rorism and Responses to Terrorism, Univer- sity of Maryland, Profiles of Individual Radi- calization in the United States, database, undated-a.
b National Consortium for the Study of Ter- rorism and Re


ome studies suggest that individuals with cognitive disabilities or other cognitive issues may be more vulnerable to manipulation or recruitment or be predisposed to engage in extremist behavior.d
• Mental health issues: Mental health issues, such as


 al., 2016.
c Stevan Weine and Osman Ahmed, Building Resilience to Violent Extremism Among Somali-Americans in Minneapolis-St. Paul, College Park: National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, University of Maryland, Augu


ole of pov- erty or material incentives in domestic radicalization. The PIRUS data suggest that low socioeconomic status does not seem to be a major driver of radicalization in the United States, with only about 25 percent of radicalized individuals


t issues with U.S. foreign policy toward and media coverage of Somalia engen- dered feelings of resentment and marginalization among some in the community and contributed to the perceived social legitimacy of violent extremism.11 Another notable theo


view of the Literature 15
 16 Violent Extremism in America
When people perceive themselves as rejected, divested of control, or as victims of injustice, they feel belittled and disrespected; consequently, they are motivated to restore their sense of


lly, married individuals and those who have strong family units (including youth with strong parental supervision and support) tend to be less susceptible to radicaliza- tion and recruitment.19
Demographic Characteristics and Other Attributes of Radi


nstein, “Pre-Radicalization Crimi- nal Activity of United States Extremists,” College Park: National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, University of Maryland, January 2018.
21 Jensen, James, LaFree, and Safer-Lichtenst


A substantial percentage of radical- ized individuals in the PIRUS data and in the groups of former radicalized individuals interviewed in other studies engaged in crime prior to radicalization (in PIRUS, a mean of 39 percent across groups). This su


overnment experiences.27
Processes of Exiting Extremist Organizations
Another set of questions we explored through the literature review concerned pro- cesses of exiting extremism. Our review sought to answer the following questions: What are the pro


rmer White Supremacists,” American Sociological Review, Vol. 82, No. 6, 2017.
29 Bubolz and Simi, 2015, p. 5.
30 Simi et al., 2017.
31 Bubolz and Simi, 2015.
32 Simi et al., 2017.
33 Bubolz and Simi, 2015, quoting R. W. Balch, “When the Light Goes Ou


ture 23
 Push factors
 Pull factors
 • Disillusionment
• Inability to maintain employment
• Experiencing negative effects of violence
• Burnout or exhaustion: According to one study, “some
individuals may begin to burn out because of the demanding li


rmers” or family mem- bers, friends, and others touched by radicalization felt that the experience they went through could have been prevented or minimized, a topic we cover in Chapter Seven. However, there is a limited evaluation literature describi


t Extremism: Toward a Theory of Vicarious Help-Seeking,” Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2016; Frenett and Dow, 2014.
48 Brian A. Jackson, Ashley L. Rhoades, Jordan R. Reimer, Natasha Lander, Katherine Costel


therine Costello, and Sina Beagh- ley, “Building an Effective and Practical National Approach to Terrorism Prevention,” Homeland Security Oper- ational Analysis Center operated by the RAND Corporation, RB-10030-DHS, 2019a.
50 See Ashley L. Rhoades, T


unity members to identify and engage with at-risk individuals
• Build the capacity of positive and influential members or leaders of the community to credibly counter violent extremist ideology
• Create environments accepting of minority groups
• Pro


e environment while amplifying these credible voices via social media and public speaking to improve understanding of this complex issue. Parents for Peace established an independent helpline for people with concerns about a loved one becoming involv


rview data available, but recognize that the focal individuals may otherwise self-identify.
  30 Violent Extremism in America
Table 3.2
Extreme Organization and Group Involvement
 White Supremacist Organizations and Groups
American Nazi Party
Creativ


skinheads, one of whom was also involved with the KKK and NSM.1 Only two of the cases mentioned having been in the military, and a third had military training during adolescence.
Interview Process and Protocol
We conducted most (31) interviews over t


ts (22 percent of the sample) independently, then met with the project leader (Ryan Andrew Brown) to discuss and reconcile codebook development, code definitions, and coding rules.4 Codebook development was discussed in terms of bal- ancing grounded


istics, shifts in social network, and community context. Although a formal check of intercoder reliability was not performed due to time constraints, our team is confident that the coders’ deep involve- ment in both the codebook’s development and its


on processes. Our coding scheme covered these processes from a variety of perspectives—for example, “successful interventions” was one code, as was “role of institutions.” Thus, the lead author (Brown) created a case summary table of common character


ample, one former white suprema- cist explained: “I also have, like, a learning disorder. . . . The military won’t take me. Like, I’ve been denied numerous jobs. . . . That’s, like, something I’ve always struggled
1 National Institute of Mental Healt


Background Characteristics of Radical Extremists 37
the antithesis of what you’d expect until time came and something would just snap in my head where I felt like it was, you know, the fight-or-flight response.”
Traumatic Experiences
We recognize tha


s identified substance use as the primary driver of their radicalization, although former radicals described engaging in violence fueled by substance use.
2 Angela Sweeney, Beth Filson, Angela Kennedy, Lucie Collinson, and Steve Gillard, “A Paradigm


 in which violent intent was either not present or it was impossible to determine from the interviews, only five of them had two or more of the factors listed above (criminal history, mental health, trauma, and substance use).
3 Michael A. Jensen, An


iduals also experienced physical, emotional, or sexual abuse by a family member.4 Three of these five cases were catego- rized as someone with violent intent during their careers as violent extremists. Notably, however, there were also cases in which


as that happened, it’s been Fox News.”
Neighborhood Demographics, Marginalization, and Discrimination
Sixteen focal individuals (13 white supremacists and three Islamic extremists) talked about feeling victimized, stigmatized, or marginalized where t


ts’ accounts. Fewer than half the sample explicitly framed personal substance use, trauma, and physical health as drivers of radicalization, and though mental health and financial hardship were mentioned in many cases, they were inconsistently linked


transcripts and applied codes, it became apparent that such a reorienting event took place in at least a small subset of participants.3
We observed this phenomenon in four Islamic extremist cases and seven white supremacist cases. Across many of thes


ut the whole antisocial nature of [the Third Reich] appealed to me. . . . [I]f I’m so smart and I still can’t even make it, something’s screwed up with the world. . . . And I started checking out different websites and just kind of looking into some


r right-wing extremists, being present in nine individual cases. Specific modes and outlets included YouTube videos, 4chan, the Daily Stormer and the Stormfront websites, and even old-fashioned chatrooms that were prominent in the late 1980s. One for


and contact information for right-wing extremist groups that ulti- mately led him to join the NSM. Another individual highlighted the importance of Third Reich books, including The Life and Death of Adolf Hitler by James Giblin. He noted, “in feeding


ith his speeches, with his sermons . . . and started to talk about strong religion. It was like an orgasm. The young people felt like they existed. They had more power, because there was someone who rep- resented them. And so that’s the notion among


e time of day for us. And now suddenly, you’re here.”
For white supremacists, however, the cases more clearly reverberate as bottom-up. With their constitutional protections, white supremacists and other right-wing groups are free to publicize their


es, negative experiences or conflicts within one group led an individual to leave and join another. One individual who reported making friends in a local book club that was affiliated with the Daily Stormer website ultimately left and transitioned to


tivating him to look up a local Islamic group that advocated violent attacks. Similarly, a white supremacist described his graduation from the neo-Nazi group National Vanguard to the NSM by highlighting that the latter “seemed more official” and that


lieve you can help fix it and we need you.’ And to give that kind of messaging was just, to me at that time, just absolutely intoxicating. And I just went all in really fast.” Another reported: “I just found people of like mind, most
Pathways to Radi


needed people like me.” Another noted how, although miserable, he refused to leave because he was “revered” and had a “huge inflated identity in the movement.” He went on to explain, “I was kind of legendary [in radical group], and in the real world


noticed by his mother. These included being removed from a school field trip for wearing “radical clothes” and lying to his mother about it, drafting Hitler-themed comics, and making racist taunts during schoolyard fights.
Conclusion
Our respondents


 still undergo- ing cognitive and emotional deradicalization. These individuals sometimes expressed a lack of regret over prior involvement or even indicated that their ideological views had not changed.
Of those who had not exited and not deradicali


Violent Right-Wing Extremist,” Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, Vol. 9, No. 2, May 2017.
3 During their time in radical organizations, some individuals described how the stress of involvement in extremism led to suicidal ide


ism. In the other two cases, they experienced betrayal and hypocrisy by other group members, which motivated them to find a way out of the groups.
why I didn’t kill myself was because my kids. I was just like, oh, I’m still going to go to hell but I


vidual
well, or otherwise challenges focal individual’s extremist assumptions
Individual provides (often 11 1 12 unexpected) support and kindness
to focal individual when they are in
difficult circumstances
Individual provides alternate source 3 2 5


mic extremists) was experiencing personal acceptance and emo- tional support. In some cases, this emotional support came as a surprise—that is, the focal individual was expecting hate or rejection and instead experienced the opposite. For example, on


se institutions fell into three categories: religious, law enforcement, and secular nonprofit (e.g., 12-step programs, the Museum of Tolerance, Homeboy Industries). Of these 11 cases that received institutional interventions, nine (seven white suprem


, a lot of time to recap your whole life, he realized that those people steered him in the wrong place. That they convinced him to do something terrible. He felt bad; he felt horrible about it. He wished that he could turn back the hands of time. . .


the Constitution even though I thought, ‘Okay it’s not Islamic but this is a really good document and I really like it.’”
A former white supremacist described how he found God and religion after facing a life-threatening health diagnosis, which event


y knees,” or something like, “You might have given up but I haven’t.” And I regret saying that to this day because of the look that I got. But he tried to get me out at that point as well. No effort could get through to me when I was in there because


. . . . I am very scared that I’m not really deradicalized, that I’m still going to be kind of racist or sexist or something, and that I’ll wind up doing more harm than good. And I’m scared of that.
Similarly, one respondent described how they were a


rom developing extremist ideologies, preventing them from joining extremist organizations, or deradicalizing those who have joined those organizations. It is important to note that their recommendations are anecdotal and based on their own experience


wever, we do convey when recommendations were made by either a single respondent (to indicate interpretive caution) or many respondents (to highlight high- frequency recommendations from our sample).
Respondents’ Perspectives on Preventing Radicaliza


nt white supremacist said: “Schools need to do a whole lot more of educating about what causes extremism, how to notice it, how to identify it in their own schools. . . . And it starts in the schools. That’s where all the propaganda begins, I’m telli


ht have been effective at counter- ing what the former white supremacist heard “growing up in [their] own house”: “That really had a very negative impact on my way of thinking.” A separate theme stressed that schools “have to change that whole mindse


sking the questions and get any kind of answer at all was, you know, leaders of [country’s] largest hate group.
Providing Activities for Youth
Beyond education, at least three respondents mentioned the need for prosocial activities for youth.6 A form


youth access to adult mentorship and provide opportunities for social- ization. See, for example, Amelia Johns, Michele Grossman, and Kevin McDonald, “‘More Than a Game’: The Impact of Sport-Based Youth Mentoring Schemes on Developing Resilience Tow


s just this conversation-stopper where you either have to just shut up and back
7 Todd C. Helmus, Erin York, and Peter Chalk, Promoting Online Voices for Countering Violent Extremism, Santa Monica, Calif.: RAND Corporation, RR-130-OSD, 2013.
8 Paul K


ated: “I don’t think we can address any of these issues without addressing economic inequality, health care, mental health care, the breakdown of the family, drug addiction, and just the broken souls of these people. Like what do they have to live fo


radicalization” section in this chapter), it was specifically mentioned by only two respondents as an important intervention for preventing radicalization. “[I]f I could have been on the medication then that I’m now [Adderall], that would have helped


dents also provided recommendations to facilitate deradicalization. In particu- lar, they spoke of the need to reach extremists at the right time and place and provided recommendations on who delivers the message (e.g., former extremists), social sup


t all with this stuff? Like I could just walk away and I could just never talk about it again. That is an option, and I don’t think anybody would blame me if I took it.
In fact, former extremists have played a critical role in helping to counter viol


these organizations. The father of a former white supremacist explained: “[I]t’s somebody to talk to . . . those individuals are so alone now. They don’t have friends any more because the only friends they had were their comrades or whatever they ca


w individuals discussed the importance of exposures to people of different races or cultures as important for deradicalization. A former white supremacist told us: “I believe that one of the best ways to deal with people during their disengagement is


g else, and that’s why I think kindness is such an important asset.
There is an extensive body of research, stemming from Allport’s “contact hypoth- esis,” originally published in 1954,16 that examines whether intergroup contact, as rec- ommended by


e wrong. I was terrified. I felt like I was stepping on my [family member’s] toes, but you have to be that bigger person to where it’s like they’re not loving theirself right now. They’re not happy with theirself. They need you to be that person to h


.”
Third, there was criticism about the prison environment and the lack of program- ming. A parent of an Islamic extremist in Europe described daily life:
They have an hour of freedom a day. They can get out of their cell three times, 20 minutes each


 going to explode.
Mental Health Interventions
As described in an earlier section, formers discussed the process of deradicalizing as both a very lonely and isolating experience. Some spoke of either formal or informal mental health interventions to


through his own study. He told us: “I’ve worked very, very hard over the years; different kinds of mental health-type stuff. I’ve studied a lot of philosophy and psy- chology on my own. I’ve spent hours and hours reading and listening to podcasts and


of recommendations.
These recommendations should not be viewed as based on formal scientific evi- dence, but it is important to consider them from a citizen science perspective. More importantly, in a field with very few evidence-based interventions


xtremism in America
Main Findings
Our sample was highly heterogeneous, covering cases of radicalization occurring across multiple decades, in multiple geographic regions, and with a wide variety of groups and ideologies. Moreover, we interviewed a mi


tances and priorities.5 Both radicalization and deradi- calization often rely on other key individuals being in the right place at the right time (and having the right relationship with the focal individual) to encourage that individual to radicalize


re review and interview analysis, we believe the following directions in research, policy, and practice are critical for research organizations, poli- cymakers, and practitioners to pursue. We first present critical directions for future research, fo


xposure to “mainstream” contexts after feeling stigmatized or targeted for their beliefs, leading to further radicalization in “niche” information environments. Ongoing work indicates that noncon- frontational challenges to incorrect beliefs are more


environments. The population of the United States is too vast and the base rate of extremism too low to offer geographical conformity in detection and mitigation policies. It will hence be critical to more carefully identify community locales and dem


- ists told us directly that less sensationalistic media coverage and educational approaches that emphasized critical thinking could be helpful in preventing radicalization. Educational efforts may cover the role of rules, codes of ethics, and editor


Efforts that can help at-risk families (or those families residing in locales at high risk of extremist recruitment and activity) identify and quickly respond to markers of extremism and other childhood behavioral problems may help reduce the risk of


f studies,1 we expanded our search parameters slightly to include analyses of the information contained in the PIRUS database and studies based on this database. PIRUS, which is a database of “2,226 Islamist, far-left, far-right, and single-issue ext


do not have the same level of rigor and objec- tivity as the interviews and analysis conducted as part of academic studies. Finally, we excluded studies that drew only on secondary sources and did not include original research; as the bulk of our dat


m.
5 See, for instance, these reports that discuss the methodological issues with interviewing terrorists: John Horgan, “Interviewing the Terrorists: Reflections on Fieldwork and Implications for Psychological Research,” Behavioral Sciences of Terror


ies employed a snowball sampling technique, asking each individual interviewed for additional contact suggestions; this approach helped research teams access more individuals than they would otherwise
On the Importance of Drinking Tea and Other Metho


for inclusion in the dataset. Random sampling techniques were used to maximize (although not guar- antee) the representativeness of the dataset at all points in time that are covered by the project (see question below regarding the representativeness


ique to approximate a fully blocked experimental design. Using the matched data, we then calculate the conditional odds ratio for engaging in violent extremism and estimate
13 Jensen et al., 2016.
14 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and


identify and redirect individuals who might be experiencing similar changes or chal- lenges in their lives.
I would like to stress that your participation in this discussion is completely vol- untary. We can stop at any point or skip any question. Th


g this time?
• Attempts to intervene
– Did any friends, family members, or others say notice these and say anything to you about them? If so, how did you respond to them?
– What sort of help or advice do you wish you had, in retrospect?
• Focalevent


periencing similar changes or chal- lenges in their lives.
I would like to stress that your participation in this discussion is completely vol- untary. We can stop at any point or skip any question. There are no consequences if you decline to partici


arning signals and turning points
– When did you first notice that something had changed in their personality or behaviors? What did you notice? How did you notice this?
– What stands out to you as a sign that something was different about [NAME] dur


: A Multi-Level Analysis of Muslim Community and University Based Student Leaders’ Perceptions and Experiences,” Journal for Deradicalization, No. 6, Spring 2016, pp. 231–271.
Aldrich, D. P., “First Steps Towards Hearts and Minds? USAID’s Countering


, Bryan F., and Pete Simi, “Leaving the World of Hate: Life-Course Transitions and Self-Change,” American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 59, No. 2, 2015, pp. 1588–1608.
Cavanagh, J. T. O., A. J. Carson, M. Sharpe, and S. M. Lawrie, “Psychological Autopsy


411.
Federal Bureau of Investigation, “What Is Violent Extremism?” “Don’t Be a Puppet” website, undated. As of January 17, 2021: https://www.fbi.gov/cve508/teen-website/what-is-violent-extremism
Frenett, Ross, and Moli Dow, One to One Online Interven


s on Fieldwork and Implications for Psychological Research,” Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, Vol. 4, No. 3, 2012, pp. 195–211.
Horgan, John, Mary Beth Altier, Neil Shortland, and Max Taylor, “Walking Away: The Disengagement


n Stevenson, and Herbert Tinsley, Empirical Assessment of Domestic Radicalization (EADR), College Park: National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, University of Maryland, 2016.
Jensen, Michael A., Anita Atwell Seate, a


am-webster.com/dictionary/white%20supremacist
Moonshot CVE, “Mental Health and Violent Extremism,” 2019. As of January 20, 2021: https://moonshotcve.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/ Moonshot-CVE-Mental-Health-and-Violent-Extremism.pdf
Museum of Tolera


ajeev, Enchanté Franklin, Elizabeth Thornton, Sarah Deland, and Jeffrey Rouse, “Opportunities to Intervene? ‘Warning Signs’ for Suicide in the Days Before Dying,” Death Studies, Vol. 41, No. 6, 2017, pp. 368–375.
Renström, Emma A., Hanna Bäck, and


 November 2016.
Singer, Peter W., and Eric B. Johnson, “The Need to Inoculate Military Servicemembers Against Information Threats: The Case for Digital Literacy Training for the Force,” War on the Rocks, February 1, 2021. As of February 10, 2021: htt


itage_Front
Williams, Michael J., John G. Horgan, and William P. Evans, “The Critical Role of Friends in Networks for Countering Violent Extremism: Toward a Theory of Vicarious Help-Seeking,” Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression,


ize the importance of incorporating the voices of those with personal experience and knowledge of ideological extremism into future research designs and efforts
 to prevent radicalization and promote deradicalization.
$22.50
 ISBN-10 1-9774-0679-3
IS


Brian A. Jackson Michael J. D. Vermeer Dulani Woods Duren Banks Sean E. Goodison Joe Russo Jeremy D. Barnum Camille Gourdet Lynn Langton Michael G. Planty Shoshana R. Shelton SiaraI.Sitar AmandaR.Witwer
  THE U.S.
CRIMINAL JUSTICE
SYSTEM IN THE
PANDE


otests in many areas and cities once again raised the issue of criminal justice reform. The responses by the justice system to the pandemic are diffi- cult to fully separate from the changes made during and after the protests. It is also difficult to


pt to large-scale disruptions in the social and physical environments.
Other recent products of the PCJNI that might be of interest are
• Brian A. Jackson, Michael J. D. Vermeer, Kristin J. Leuschner, Dulani Woods, John S. Hollywood, Duren Banks, Sea


. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278 Building Toward a Safer and More Just Future While Weathering the Long-Term
Consequences of the Pandemic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .


ial phase of the pandemic. They endured early spring spikes of the disease and had to wrestle with the effects on their governmental, health, local economic, and criminal justice systems. Spikes in infection and disease burden occurred later in state


em; an individual accused of a crime passes through the different steps with the relevant actions taken and decisions made in sequence.
Although it is frequently thought of as a purely governmental function, effective and efficient criminal justice d


different areas might have very different constraints on how they can manage their populations in custody and under supervision. How these agencies—and the service providers on which they depend—are funded also varies significantly. Some agencies are


nt for taking stock of the responses to the pandemic, planning for the future, and identifying lessons that are useful broadly and those whose value depended much more on the specific circumstances of the agencies or areas where they were used.
The C


ce agencies had to address. Although trends appeared to differ across the country, there were substantial shifts in crime and victimization during the pandemic. Trends also dif- fered with time, with analyses performed early in the pandemic reaching


 because if we don’t get it right, we can set the whole community, state, country back.
– Court system panelist
xviii The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
Tensions Between Justice System Roles and the Groups the Justice Sys


eaning that when change in the justice system must be made—whether because of immediate need to respond to the threat of a global pandemic or because of a desire for longer-term reform—these tensions can make such changes much more difficult to navig


cating the challenge of policing during the pandemic.
Past efforts to explore the potential role of criminal justice agencies in response to a pandemic, and the role of law enforcement agencies in particular, emphasized that close rela- tionships and


RTI International, and the Uni- versity of Denver on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice’s National Institute of Justice (NIJ)—held a virtual summit made up of separate online workshops that explored the justice system’s response to the COVID-19


ives of national organizations, and participants with knowledge of how changes in the sector had affected communities and justice-involved individuals. In the workshop that focused on victim services, we sought out representatives from organizations


end the reader do so as well. Indeed, many of the gener- alizations drawn are useful for further examination of key problems and promising solutions.
Summary xxi
xxii The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
The Response to the


the justice system, the following common themes emerged with respect to successes in dealing with the pandemic and lessons that could be valuable to maintain in the long term:
• Shifts in crime and need that occurred during the pandemic had implicati


more difficult and to continue, although some counseling and rections system, with pandemic recedes. supervisees, increas- and reach crime vic- positive, suggesting person interaction, ing greater contact demic, but provid- ing efficiency, allow- ti


echnology had tions for both super- visees and providing supervision and ser- vice delivery were • Transitions to vir- continue.
tions that already had other institutions did tablets for connectiv- bly, inmate access to invested in digital infrastruc


t their
efforts to connect with
health initiatives very
problematic. Although
doing so effectively
police and the public.
were much more dif-
vention and violence
interruption efforts
and restricted entry
• The national environ-
justice reform protes


Court System
Law Enforcement
the needs of crime crimes—including responded to some it tougher to meet nonarrest or rapid courts in how they individuals—made by police and the release of some • Changes made victims.
Because of backlogs in intense in


more challenging.
filing fees or specific
sure on the funding
These constraints
constraints and have
• Because of pres-
streams on which
of the COVID-19 pan-
nomic consequences
the police—will create
demic, police agen-
tions in budgets. Such
• As a


d.
From one perspective, those challenges raise questions about what the true capacity of existing justice system infrastructure should be and whether it should be much lower than the pre-pandemic approaches of high-density facilities (unless investm


the issue of the digital divide came up across essentially all of our panels. Not every jus- tice agency or supporting organization has invested in technology that will allow it to rapidly “go virtual.”7 Not everyone in every area of the country has


ion stops at the point where a person might be losing [their liberty] over Zoom. . . . [T]here’s something about being in the courtroom that makes the gravity of the situation real.
– Court system panelist
We really hope that the things that have ser


so don’t know the long-term health consequences of COVID. For instance, there seems to be some lasting consequences on heart health, which we already know is a big concern in the law enforcement community. So we don’t know whether survivor benefit cl


nt with the early narrative that the pandemic would pass through the country quickly—they were not enough for a longer-term crisis. Over the course of the pan- demic, strategies of deferral managed the current crisis at the price of a future one, and


ted because of the justice system’s organizational and technological risk aversion. The COVID-19 pandemic changed that, with the pressure to continue operations breaking such barriers and, in the assessment of some of our panelists, causing the syste


 one of the very few things that consistently—in the last five or ten years—has been a bipartisan issue that pretty much everybody can agree that we want to cut back incarceration.
– Institutional corrections panelist
 I think there’s a real opportun


ringing
• Maintain routine virtual
to have improved access
resolved, the value of vir-
efficiency but also appears
ments of in-person pro-
tion and voir dire—would
easier and less costly for
the courts. The ability of
individuals to attend court
indi


ties, provid- tions careers more ing flexible work of corrections. models as part practice must be Although many Institutional Corrections attractive. home were valuable in the pandemic, courts were pur- suing paperless processes for courts. Even bef


s.
            Table S.2—Continued
Sector-specific issues
   Summary xxxix
      Key Research and Evaluation Questions Identified from Panel Discussions
Table S.3
Victim Services
Community Corrections
Institutional Corrections
Court System
Law Enforc


ase-testing policies, or infection- control actions taken of tests, their costs, from the signifi- of that information) or negative result? ferent experiences? infectious disease in that explain the dif- correctional institu- strategies are effec- mo


ent officers be
calls that has been
effective ways to
• Are there more-
Improved disease management (continued)
  xlii The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
  Victim Services
Community Corrections
Institutional Corrections
C


par-
cases are allocated
prioritization to ensure
could be held in the
• Can tools be devel-
distanced or wearing
alternative facili-
effect on case out-
log reduction?
face coverings?
actively identify
community?
and law enforcement
tive work schedu


future
the experience of serv-
court design and secu-
have a different per-
• Could online dispute-
• In virtual proceedings,
appearance options
reduced failure-to-
• Does the potential
• How has the shift
maintaining proce-
maintaining the rep-
do o


efforts arguing for
• Given likely funding
interact with reform
the reallocation of
budgets?
Improving justice
funding models
               delivery of justice Assessing virtual (continued)
services
xlvi The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pand


for justice-involved individuals and their communities and how the intermingling of responses to mental health issues, substance abuse, and crime has affected the system’s overall effective- ness.11 Beyond such concerns, the pandemic made it undeniab


elists talked about the inherent tension that exists between the desire to craft justice interventions that are effective at the individual level and responding uniformly across large categories of people, offenses, or problems. Responses to the pand


iversity of Pennsylvania, and the anonymous NIJ reviewers of the final report. We are also grateful for the contributions of Babitha Balan, Kristen Meadows, Sandra Petitjean, Blair Smith, and Chandra Garber from RAND’s Publications and Research Commu


191 corrections staff members had died from COVID-19, and more than 46,000 staff have been infected.5 COVID-19 fatalities alone exceed the number of cor- rections workers killed in 2018 by between six and 12 times.6
1 See Johns Hopkins University Sch


people in an effort to reduce population density to enable social distancing for infection control. To respond to the spread of the disease, agencies had to make major changes quickly, adjusting what they were doing to balance the risks of the pandem


ng practices and implemented civilian oversight of justice agencies.8 Both the law enforce- ment actions and policy actions taken in response to the protests differed significantly across the country. However, national-level reactions to extremely lo


parate online workshops that explored the justice system’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The goal of our efforts was to focus on the pandemic,
8 See Andrew Welsh-Huggins, “In Cities Across U.S., Voters Support More Police Oversight,” Associated


nts of the justice system
• institutional corrections operations and services (which we abbreviate to the institu- tional corrections workshop), including staff safety and workforce issues, inmate safety and contagion prevention, technology issues, a


tion process, when invitees were unable to participate, substitutes were identified by the research team or alter- nates were suggested to the team by our initial invitees. Where the discussion in the workshops suggested the need to consult with indi


oyees, correctional staff, and others—but also on the broader populations with an interest in the justice system. As a result, this virtual summit, which is made up of our seven separate workshops, included orga- nizations serving victims of crime an


se repeatedly. In some cases, it was because specific actions to reduce infection risk largely focused on one population at the expense of the needs of the others. In many cases, it was because rapid responses in an effort to contain the toll of COVI


cross the chapters discussing each sector’s response to the pandemic. Chapter Eight concludes by summarizing common challenges and innovations across sectors, key research and evaluation needs, and the potential for lessons learned to support broader


se charges were dropped or were acquitted at trial, and there are even more options: Depending on the context and the programs that are available, other paths might be available to divert people from that central flow. For example, there is prearrest


ch larger jurisdictions. Court systems in dif- ferent states have different administrative and management structures, which means that legal options that might be available in one state could be off the table in another. Corrections sys- tems in diff


y endured early spring spikes in case counts and had to wrestle with the effects on their governmental, health, local economic, and criminal justice systems. Spikes in infection and disease burden occurred later in states in the South and Midwest, pu


al in Albany, Georgia, with more than 100 attendees. . . . In the weeks after these events, amplifications in the host loca- tions contributed to increasing U.S. case counts (Anne Schuchat, “Public Health Response to the Initiation and Spread of Pand


Anna Petherick, Toby Phillips, Sam Webster, Beatriz Kira, Noam Angrist, and Lucy Dixon, “Corona- virus Government Response Tracker,” University of Oxford, Blavatnik School of Government webpage, undated; Chris- topher Adolph, Kenya Amano, Bree Bang-J


r week, or only one person can leave at a time). The middle shade indicates a requirement for people to stay at home, with exceptions for daily exercise, grocery shopping, and essential trips. The light- est shade indicates a recommendation for peopl


l Aug Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug
NOTES: The intensity of each color indicates progressively more-stringent implementation of measures (e.g., from a recommendation to a requirement). Data on all
measures except mask mandates are from Hale et al., undated


ime and Service Demand
The pandemic and the measures taken to control it would be expected to have an effect on crime. Changes in the nature of crime—and other behaviors, such as substance use—would be expected to shift the needs of individuals serve


July 2020.
5 For example, some service providers saw drops in calls for service in the first few months of the COVID-19 pandemic, which then rebounded either to similar or higher levels than were observed before the pandemic.
6 Some of our participan


ople who were arrested and brought into the system.
 Our crime that’s associated with juveniles . . . seems to be ticking down. As our calls for services dropped off, our officers had more time to virtually connect . . . with com- munity members. And


ervations of crime shifts during this period, significant local variation appears to apply for violence. In their data collection, IACP and GMU saw almost half of respondents reporting decreases in violent incidents, with a much smaller percentage re


89, September 2020, p. 104241; Mohler et al., 2020; and National Emergency Number Association, 2020.
For analyses showing rates in line with seasonal variation, see Jennifer M. Reingle Gonzalez, Rebecca Molsberry, Jona- than Maskaly, and Katelyn K. J


icle, more control by the male partner, particularly if they’re both involved in a lockdown. I also think some women might think that some services might be best saved for people with COVID . . . particularly hospital services, they may be both fearf


sexual assault, child abuse, physical abuse, who [because of stay-at-home orders] are literally stuck at the scene of the crime with the person who is harming them.
– Victim services panelist
In addition, the pandemic itself was cited as a tool of ab


ies was observed in many analyses. Changes in the timing of crime also occurred, reflect- ing changes in individual behavior.18 Unlike the decrease in burglary, some areas saw increases in theft of and from vehicles, which were used less during lockd


ement operations panelist
[With respect to fraud and identity crime,] we have actually seen a swift and significant increase in the demand for our services, our one-on-one contact center services are up about 20 or 25 percent. And, as far as our web-


perienced anti-Asian hate amid the COVID-19 pandemic.”26 Some academic efforts to assess the level of hate crime occurring during the pandemic saw similar effects: For example, a survey conducted by researchers at Florida State University indicated t


g, decreases in traffic accidents (to which law enforcement generally respond to assist) would be expected. IACP and GMU’s data call showed decreases in crashes and fatalities in the majority of departments, and literature analyses showed the same.30


d getting a “slingshot effect.”
– Law enforcement operations panelist
 28 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
findings in a survey of PSAPs across the country.33 Participants in our law enforcement panel also indicated maj


ysis of multiple cities’ data, Rosenfeld and Lopez found a 41-percent decrease in drug offense rates, although because such effects were deprioritized by many law enforcement organizations during the pandemic, crime data would appear to be less valua


ectious environment, changes in crime and victimization associated with trying to reduce infection risk, or some combination thereof.
 Postmortem toxicology is now through the roof because of the impact that a lot of these opioids and so forth have h


pulations as a result of pretrial detention and the eventual incarceration of individuals convicted of crimes. Other activities, such as the issuance of citations and traffic enforcement, can require individuals to come to court for hearings or pay a


a result, although the smaller num- bers of staff might reduce the risk of contracting COVID-19, the capacity of a forensic lab for specific kinds of investigative analyses could depend on a relatively small number of staff mem- bers, making the func


nd such supporting roles as assisting in securing health facilities or testing centers.3 However, as we described in Chapter Two, the measures a state or locality took in response to the pandemic varied widely, so the context in which a law enforceme


ustice protests triggered by the killing of George Floyd, made law enforce- ment support for the public health response to the pandemic difficult in many jurisdictions. Some law enforcement departments explicitly and publicly rejected the enforcement


ning of the pandemic, uncertainty surrounding COVID-19 and national chaos around such issues as the availability of protective equipment complicated police depart- ments’ planning.7 Our panelists described vastly different assumptions about the likel


ess than one-tenth of agencies reporting that 5 percent or more of their officers were on sick leave as a result of COVID-19. More than half of agencies reported no noticeable officer sick leave because of COVID-19.10
It is clear, however, that COVID


f COVID. We have two that have yet to come back because they have tremendous upper respiratory issues. . . . And then the others . . . are absolutely fine.
– Law enforcement management panelist
 Law Enforcement Agencies, Forensic Laboratories, and Cr


ignificant changes in the early stages of the pandemic. These adjustments affected agencies’ outward-facing inter- actions and their internal management activities.16 In the initial months of the pandemic, several efforts were carried out that sought


artments made significant shifts to virtual service delivery. Although some departments had taken steps toward virtual service delivery before the pandemic, it pushed the changes and increased public receptive- ness to online and virtual police respo


e Public
In an effort to limit the infection of law enforcement officers and to reduce the flow of indi- viduals into the justice system, many police departments made substantial changes to how they did business. These changes were focused on meeting


hone or online.20
In both of our law enforcement panels, participants emphasized that the transition from in-person response to online or telephone options has been important for reducing risk. How- ever, similar to technological initiatives that wer


was we started doing videoconferencing with people so they actually see a police officer taking their report. So that kind of calmed their fears some without actually having an officer respond to take the report.
– Law enforcement management panelist


revention Initiatives 43
oration and trust-building efforts all the more important.24 For example, in a scan of changes made early in the pandemic, Jennings and Perez summarized that
[a]cross the U.S., various community-oriented policing and outreach


 in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
 [I do] regularly scheduled Zoom meetings with members of our business community, key community leaders, community of faith leaders, even our elected officials who still aren’t meeting face to face, keeping [them] plug


n interventions similarly depend on
Law Enforcement Agencies, Forensic Laboratories, and Crime-Prevention Initiatives 45
bringing community organizations and actors together to intervene with groups of individu- als who are at risk of perpetrating vi


c health, counseling, and other service agencies (see discussion in Brian A. Jackson, Ashley L. Rhoades, Jordan R. Reimer, Natasha Lander, Katherine Costello, and Sina Beaghley, Practical Terrorism Prevention: Reexamining U.S. National Approaches to


ed to bring together com- munity actors, service providers, and others with at-risk individuals, constraints for infection prevention can be a major barrier.
31 Irshad Altheimer, Janelle Duda-Banwar, and Christopher J. Schreck, “The Impact of Covid-1


t we can do to limit our interactions with people, to limit the number of people that we were incarcerating. We just had to really tell our officers to use the best discretion they could.
– Law enforcement operations panelist
Anecdotally, I’ve heard


using data collected from departments within single states produced similar results (e.g., Shjarback and Magny,
2020).
35 National Conference of State Legislatures, “Criminal Justice System Responses to COVID-19,” webpage, November 16, 2020.
36 The s


ation efforts there (we discuss these efforts further in Chap- ter Five).
As we discussed earlier, the choices of approach for addressing minor offenses in particu- lar have significant consequences for how the effects of the pandemic on this part of


] creating some addi- tional safety guidelines for performing breath alcohol tests. I will say that since April, we have seen about a 30-percent reduction in evidential breath tests across the state due to less enforcement in that area I think. We’ve


e now more available and familiar to staff.
Agencies, and forensic labs in particular, also made major changes to allow staff to work from home for some portion of their time. Having staff be able to do work while not physically present helped suppor


have an overabundance of rely- ing on paper records. . . . We’ve bought these lockboxes so that people can take case files home with them . . . so that they can do some case review at home. But we really have started moving toward seeing what steps


esult, accessibility and usability limitations to protect data—participants were impressed by how quickly technical change happened.
 The other thing we realized is [about] our virtual meetings. I don’t know for quite some time [whether] we will go b


ges made to allow for the virtual delivery of police services were moti- vated primarily by officer safety concerns; minimizing contacts reduced the probability of an officer encountering a carrier of COVID-19. However, because such contacts could no


intaining a healthy workforce.
– Law enforcement management panelist
[Beyond taking calls completely over the phone,] patrol officers would sometimes use their phone to minimize contact—they still may go to the scene and either observe what’s going o


tom and we didn’t know if it was COVID or not. . . . For several weeks, that was quite a challenge to have to quarantine an officer just because we couldn’t find adequate testing, just because of the hotspot [in our] area.
– Law enforcement operation


ment that publicly prohibited its staff from wearing respira- tory protection while on duty.48 According to an unscientific poll conducted by the publica- tion Police1 of responders in general (although most respondents were police), a high per- cent


emos, But LA Cops Still Aren’t Wearing Masks,” LAist, July 6, 2020.
58 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
 I’m not sure if others have faced this as . . . one of the things that we’ve experienced was just getting officers


ies, and Crime-Prevention Initiatives 59
Providing COVID-19 Infection Data to Police as a Staff Protection Measure
In an effort to protect officers from exposure to COVID-19, some departments also had “dispatchers seek to screen for COVID-19 exposure


utive Order Giving COVID Case Data to 911 Dispatch Centers,” WCCO CBS Minnesota, April 11, 2020).
55 US Department of Health and Human Services, Office for Civil Rights, COVID-19 and HIPAA: Disclosures to Law Enforcement, Paramedics, Other First Resp


 Breach in South Dakota,” Associated Press, August 21, 2020.
61 In a particularly compelling example, an officer involved in a multiagency enforcement operation tested positive,
exposing tens of other officers to the virus and requiring their quarant


ohorts, with two covering a 14-day period with officers working 12-hour shifts (seven days per cohort) while the other two cohorts iso- lated for 14 days. Participants in our panels described similar arrangements, with groups of staff (both sworn and


enforcement and other emergency responder agencies to help manage workload and ensure continuity of response operations.
Although platooning and other models for breaking up the workforce and limiting overall agency risk worked well for larger depart


ispatchers are all confined in a very small area by the nature of their work. . . . Because of the very, very small area they’re in, if one gets sick, you could lose the entire shift. And then what do you do?
– Law enforcement management panelist
We’


eople more stressed out and anxious. . . . It’s stressful for you, stressful for everyone.
– Law enforcement management panelist
Just as schools being closed and other consequences of the pandemic have affected a large portion of the country’s workfo


with new ways and give them a lot more flexibility with their scheduling.
– Law enforcement management panelist
Given the confluence of stresses staff were dealing with during the pandemic, there was an expanded need for mental health support for off


 as possible with all the officers on the patrol squad.
– Law enforcement operations panelist
Agencies [need to] have a good [employee assistance program] that officers know is going to be confidential . . . where they feel that the process is legiti


n you try to put in place things to minimize the risk of that in-person activity.
– Law enforcement management panelist
Recruiting and Training Virtually
Because training programs—both initial academy training and in-service training efforts—bring to


d flexibility they provide.
 The state academy was closed for a time. They’re now open again. But they’ve cut about 80 hours of hands-on training specifically with defensive tactics and training scenarios out of their instruction. So we are now tryin


ning quicker, like within a month or two, once they hit the streets. So I think those critical things we have to do hands on.
– Law enforcement management panelist
[For command-level training from places like the FBI Academy,] we are certainly feelin


- cussed previously, some law enforcement organizations publicly rejected roles in public health enforcement measures,77 while others were more actively enforcing compliance with public health disease control efforts.78 There also have been publicly


t knowing what our authority was if we got backed into a corner. Most of this ended up falling on our state partners, so we would pass those complaints over to state police and they finally stood up some frameworks for dealing with that.
– Law enforc


public health restrictions that did not exempt religious institutions. While most state and federal courts have also rejected challenges to public health orders, an unprecedented number of courts have sided with the challengers and substituted the co


t and would take the burden off of us, but he . . . essentially kicked it back to the local county sheriffs and said, “You do whatever you want. You decide.” So in [the county next to us], they said, they’re not essential. And they went about basical


part of that group. We were present in helping people to avail themselves of testing. And then we had to back off because of the issues related to social unrest.
– Law enforcement operations panelist
Members of our panel cited examples of alternative


ften took on the vernacular of public health . . . and what we found is the relationship—even the perceived rela- tionship—between law enforcement and public health was undermining trust in public health initiatives.
– Community organization panelist


sing concerns about equity in traditional policing activities and use of force, concerns were raised about how law enforcement agencies in different areas were enforcing public health directives and whether they were being enforced fairly in differ-


were] sitting in jail for [an extended period] before they were able to have their day in court. And that’s just not fundamentally what the role that police officers should be put into is to take someone’s freedom away . . . without any type of judic


nd personally, and we will only get through it if we work together.”
– Law enforcement operations panelist
In some cases, police departments relied directly on other agencies for very tangible sup- port. In both of our panels, participants spoke abou


ending people to the hospital. [We should] talk to the hospitals in advance and say, “When people call us, what do we want to tell them?” You know, people call the police for all kinds of things. They may even call when they don’t necessarily have a


espondents expected their police departments to be “significantly impacted.”90 Data, including responses to questionnaires distributed by PERF91 and as part of the IACP and GMU data-collection effort,92 that have been collected directly from groups o


equests “on how your entity demon- strated enforcement efforts” as part of the pandemic response.93
Taking Stock and Moving Forward
In considering the path forward through the remainder of the pandemic and preparation for future public health crises,


in contact with members of the public, and because of variation in the use of such measures as respiratory protection to reduce the chance of infection, the num- bers of current officers who might have long-term consequences from COVID-19 exposure i


on and the poten- tially available evidence of officers’ compliance with those decisions could affect whether an individual claim for compensation is successful.95
Promising Practices from the COVID-19 Pandemic Response
In considering the future stat


se their job for having to make that court appearance. Whereas now, if they can, if they could show up to court remotely for a traffic ticket for a misdemeanor charge. I think that’s a net positive for society.
– Law enforcement operations panelist
I


ement’s roles in communities because law enforcement, much like our school teachers, have been handed a whole lot of problems that are better handled by other agencies and other service sectors.
—Community organization panelist
In spite of the fact t


e implemented a civil citation program for marijuana posses- sion and a few other low-level felonies and city ordinance violations. And, of course, the knee-jerk reaction was . . . “Uh we’re going to see increases in crime.” Just the exact opposite h


’t in many of these cases. . . . So many of the things that from a research perspective, we’ve been asking [about] for dozens of years: Does this work? We have the unfortunate opportunity to really use this as an experiment, to really find out, what


nt Agencies, Forensic Laboratories, and Crime-Prevention Initiatives 87
more-trusted departments been more effective or been provided with access to sensi- tive data or other resources to enable pandemic response? Are there other roles that law enfor


he implica-
tions of the types of programs and initiatives that will be cut? How do such cuts interact with reform efforts arguing for the reallocation of resources from police budgets?
Answers to all of these questions will contribute to moving beyo


 multiple cases are heard in a major courthouse simultaneously, mean that the courthouse is a point where people from different places come together to do the justice system’s business.
Individuals who are affected by the crimes at issue have rights—


VID-19 pan- demic began. In 2016, a task force managed by the National Center for State Courts and the State Justice Institute published a benchbook laying out those legal frameworks.1 However, it
1 National Center for State Courts, Preparing for a P


lity emphasized that considering the changes made is relevant for the longer term and determining what further adaptations will be required for the next phases of the pandemic.
2 The environment surrounding COVID-19 response—which included communicat


s.
• Because virtual hearings are viewed as inappropriate by many for serious felonies and other cases requiring a jury trial, large backlogs of unresolved cases have formed in many court systems, raising concerns about the rights of the accused. Thi


) “the protec- tion of vulnerable people, such as elders, children and those who suffer from disabilities;” (2) “preliminary hearings, bail hearings and arraignments for criminal defendants;” (3) “hear- ings related to quarantine orders and other pub


ld, courts automatically issued continuances,10 and granted extensions on many court deadlines, including extending time to pay fines and fees.11 Some courts suspended the collec- tion of fines and fees entirely, both as a protective measure and as a


gnificantly extend the timeline that an accused individual had to wait before trial, suspending jury trials often required courts to suspend speedy trial requirements.
The Court System 95
 There’s a huge tension, obviously, between defendants who’ve


g the flow of people into jails (e.g., during pretrial detention) or into prisons to serve custodial sentences. Moving through the stages of the process, we explore changes in charging decisions, changes in warrants, reductions in pretrial detention,


thout bail which lim- ited jail populations. Early in the pandemic, California went to a zero-bail schedule across its court system in an effort to relieve stress on jail populations, driven in part because of limits in judges’ situational awareness


5 Comments from Keir Bradford-Grey in Council on Criminal Justice, 2020a.
 Settling Pending Cases
To reduce pressure in the system, focused efforts were made to resolve pending cases, generally prioritizing individuals who were in custody. Many of th


e Court System 99
 The plea bargaining system depends on defendants and everybody believing that, if you don’t take this offer, we’re going to take you to trial and things will get worse. Right now I’m not sure that we have that credible threat [of a


to the survey covered 40 states and the District of Columbia, the respondents were not a representative sample of agen- cies across the country (i.e., the National Association of Pretrial Services Agencies described its results as “purely anecdotal e


 systems helped courts implement alternative ways of assisting people at a distance, which was not unlike the innovations made by police in the use of electronic means of reporting crime or police response via video calls.
 Fortunately, we did alread


 services were a driver to make courts accessible in person during the pandemic. However, as the pandemic continued, some participants reported an increasing drive to move activity onto telepresence platforms.39
In addition to navigating the new tech


tion
These efforts achieved their main benefit for many court systems: cutting in-person activity and reducing infection risk, with participants in our panel reporting that their systems had completed hundreds, thousands, or even 1 million hours of p


or litigants to be present in court; travel time and long waits in a courthouse for a case to be called for a short hearing can essentially be eliminated. One participant in our panel said that in some types of cases, “the number of defaults has kind


wyers in a case might have key files locked in commercial buildings that were closed as a result of the pandemic, and how to sufficiently verify participants’ identities virtually.
Members of the panel also emphasized some issues that are more unique


il on Criminal Justice, 2020a.
 106 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
Florida state attorney, “I do think there has been a silver lining at least for our operations. Necessity has forced our hand. We have a three-year st


lson, state attorney, Florida’s 4th Judicial Circuit, in Council on Criminal Justice, 2020a.
52 Brandon Marc Draper, “And Justice for None: How COVID-19 Is Crippling the Criminal Jury Right,” Boston College
Law Review, Vol. 62, No. 9, E. Supp. I.-1,


observe, to those held in the virtual realm has the potential to eliminate that access and therefore raise questions about whether such pro- ceedings pass constitutional muster. Civil-society actors who are concerned with the implica- tions of reduce


ld happen with public bail hearings . . . if that were to continue after this [pandemic] slows down, I think that would be a serious detriment to the system. And it would cause much more incarceration than we’re currently seeing. . . . And I would be


o get employment and to get housing. And it can brutally impact on people’s families, especially their children. I think there’s a very big difference between the idea that individuals of the public who really want to take trouble to come in and list


ialty and treatment courts, and the requirements to safeguard participant treatment data also meant that those courts’ virtual systems had to be compliant with regulations for protect- ing personal health information.61
Beyond basic technological lim


ed concern that the lack of juror bonding could impact deliberations. In a civil summary jury trial conducted in Collin County, Texas, one juror left to take a phone call. During another civil trial, jurors appeared to sleep, exercise, or tend to the


 it. And we’re not at full capacity.
– Court system panelist
The idea expressed by multiple panelists is that these cases are accumulating behind the choke point of jury trial suspension like water building behind a dam, and the number of cases is ge


ed: Both on our panel and in public news reporting, there were examples of incidents where indi- viduals brought COVID-19 into the courtroom, exposing everyone involved in the process.67
The risk is not just to the public. Multiple panelists pointed


rns also are raised about whether fear of infection will make in-person juries less representative. A participant whose system had resumed in-person proceedings indicated that they had not seen a large increase in no-shows, and the resulting jury poo


hose rooms that are suf- ficiently equipped with filtration devices and reduce court calendars to accommodate the reduced number of courtrooms” (Wisconsin Courts COVID-19 Task Force, 2020, pp. 10–11).
71 For a discussion of federal court modification


move closer to the jury, jury can’t deliberate in a jury room. The public probably can’t watch from [where they would normally] because now the jury is seated there, the courtroom is flipped around backward. It just looks really different, and the q


at level of capacity would not be sufficient to stop the backlog from increasing.
 [If] witnesses [are] in masks, one of the things is jurors can’t size up the facial expres- sions of the person, and [if] lawyers [are] wearing masks and the jurors ca


eard in the virtual space or capacity will be exhausted. This will require con- tinuing case prioritization for in-person action using criteria that are similar to those discussed for prioritizing action in virtual proceedings. According to the Wisco


hat—that everything’s going to be fine. And so when they sit there and hear [the case], it better be something that’s important.
—Court system panelist
So meanwhile, how do I do [thousands of] felony cases when we’ve done six trials in the last six m


tem—like those elsewhere in the criminal justice system and in the country writ large—would have been well matched to a scenario in which the pandemic was a short-term event. Halt- ing operations and building case backlogs for a few weeks would have


 improvements in information technology. Although models that allowed easy work from home were valuable in the pandemic, they also would improve efficiency after the pandemic.
• Continuing virtual elements of in-person processes: Although a return to


will take to at least for the preliminary stages of voir dire, which would include answering the summons, reporting in, doing hardships, and perhaps doing question- naires . . . And I think in terms of customer service for our public, they’ll like t


ll. And that’s the pushback that I’m getting, but things are going to change and we’re going to have to involve the community more. And we’re going to have to reduce the load of the court so that the court can handle the most serious, violent cases t


nelists were clear that, although the outcomes of these efforts appear to be positive now, the ability to maintain them beyond the immediate needs created by the pandemic will require evidence that they are indeed beneficial. Research must also take


 discussion:
• Have remote-appearance options reduced failure-to-appear rates?
• Has the significant reduction in pretrial detention and money bail had an effect on
appearance rates?
• Can the effects of the pandemic on plea bargaining behavior and o


that time in a correctional facility—e.g., prisons, jails, or other custodial facilities (Figure 5.1). Many of these facilities are operated by government departments of corrections at the federal, state, county, or local level, but others are opera


on, so strategies like those adopted in other parts of the justice system to move activities outside are relevant only to a limited extent
• the population density inside some correctional facilities is very high. The scale of incar- ceration in the


ilt over 30 years ago, it’s falling apart.
– Law enforcement management panelist
Early on, we kept hearing talk about, “You need to socially distance your inmates.” Well, I was always asking, how do you socially distance, [thousands of] people in a f


emic. Broad reviews of actions taken across the country show wide variation,8 and exami- nations of the spread of responses echoed the conclusion that differences in response mirrored the fragmentation of the broader national response to the pandemic


ross the country, illness among residents of the corrections system varied over time and in intensity, but COVID-19 accounted for thousands of deaths and hundreds of thousands of cases to date (Figure 5.2). Efforts that have focused on specific popul


riesbach, and Danya Issawi, “States Are Shutting Down Prisons as Guards Are Crippled By Covid-19,” New York Times, January 1, 2021.
 132 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
Figure 5.2
Cases of COVID-19 in Correctional Faci


strategic planning, Law Office of the Cook County Public Defender, in Vera Institute of Justice, “COVID-19 and Jail Releases Webinar,” video, YouTube, April 17, 2020a.
Least fatalities Some fatalities Most fatalities
 134 The U.S. Criminal Justice Sy


was “it’s going to be weeks, or it’s only going to be a few more weeks or a few more months.” And then people start to have that belief in their head. And now we’re having like a COVID burnout in our employees because they’re just tired of having to


ystem in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
 Key Findings from Institutional Corrections Agencies’ Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic
• Corrections facilities are limited by the space they have, and facilities that were overcrowded before the pandemic had gr


rison populations (ranging from 2 percent to just more than 37 percent).18 Other analyses echo these findings, noting more-substantial decarceration in jails than in prisons.19 Some early data suggest that the strategy was effective, likely in part b


Urban Jail in the United States,” Annals of Epidemiology, Vol. 53, January 2021).
21 Wang et al., 2020.
22 National Conference of State Legislatures, 2020.
23 See discussion in Council on Criminal Justice, “Corrections and COVID-19: Challenges and St


OVID-19, more than 7,000 inmates have
24 Anna Harvey, Orion Taylor, and Andrea Wang, COVID-19, Jails, and Public Safety, Washington, D.C.: Council on Criminal Justice, National Commission on COVID-19 and Criminal Justice, updated December 2020.
25 Re


use sending someone carrying COVID-19 out of a facility into the community would not serve public health even if it reduced the correctional population. This required quaran- tine processes before release and added to testing requirements (which, at


lasses is reduced.
– Institutional corrections panelist
One of the issues though, was everything going on in [our city] with violence and national issues around race relations and things like that. So unfortunately we saw our population go right back


he course of the pandemic. In addition, other measures focused on isolating new arrivals and controlling flows of people as much as possible.
 We still do temperature checks and the standard health screening questions at entrances. And whenever we ha


t “I don’t have it at all. I won’t get it.” You could be tested today and be asymptomatic and be negative on the test. But like I said, by the end of the week, you can be positive and it’s some- thing you can’t test every single day for, number one,


l professionals, and inmates themselves for security and other purposes. In a pandemic, each person coming and going becomes a potential introducer of the virus.37 In response, facili- ties sought to limit movement as much as they could. In-person vi


nstituted line staff distributing worksheets to resident youth).39 Furthermore, the cessation of interfacility transfers cut off a path for accessing programs (e.g., moving someone to a different facility that had a program they needed) and managing


re individuals to return to the jail each night to sleep.41
 We reconstituted . . . a work release program for sentenced individuals. . . . There are two forms of electronic monitoring that we stood up. Not everyone released in that pro- gram needs e


ver, doing so successfully required both policy change and implemen- tation by staff in collaboration with incarcerated individuals.
 [A significant change was] the acknowledgment as part of the pandemic that we gave the reins with respect to certain


ay-to-day basis. There is a need for collaborative approaches to overcome these obstacles” (p. 20).
Institutional Corrections: Prisons, Jails, and Other Custodial Facilities 147
Masks and Hygiene Measures Were Central Prevention Strategies for Many F


 New York: New York City Department of Corrections, 2020.
44 See, for example, discussion in Nelson and Kaminsky, 2020.
45 Widra and Hayre, 2020.
46 According to Supreme Court of Georgia Justice Michael Boggs,
The real issue is not how many you’re re


9” in the jail.48 Some facilities that did have dormitory-style portions emptied them as much as possible, enabling inmates to distance and limit contact with one another.49 Others adopted cohorting strategies, grouping a set of staff and a set of re


The way that we started housing people was we had isolation. We then had quarantine, which for us, we basically quarantined any unit that had one to two people come from that tier who tested positive or were symptomatic. Those sick people would go i


s, solitary confinement should be eliminated as a corrections practice, but] isolating someone for public health reasons or infection control is [not] the same thing. . . . The problem or the risk [in] supermax [solitary confinement] practices is arc


m profusely for their contribution to enhancing sanitation and other services, [doing] laundry and other protocols that helped us keep running.
– Institutional corrections panelist
COVID-19 Strained Correctional Health Care Delivery Systems
A major c


at out very quickly once we started testing and as we continue to test.
– Institutional corrections panelist
The importance of testing cannot be overstated. We had the experience where, in our first phase, you just didn’t have the capabilities. The c


s that we do every day in medicine that goes with that. And I’d like to see CDC and others push more to give guidance and things for corrections on that point of care in isolation. Cause it’s going to be a hard winter.
– Institutional corrections pan


takes your temperature. We distributed those to housing units so that people could take their own temperature. And so giving folks in custody back a little bit of autonomy and control over their health and their circumstance. I think was really valu


 The health system was able to bring in some additional nursing staff and medical staff. We were able to put up a couple of different tents and basically operationalize that as being our isolation unit.
– Institutional corrections panelist
Maintainin


a were collected some time ago, a CDC survey done in 2012 indicated that “[f]or inpatient and outpatient medical, dental, and emergency care, most states delivered services using a combina- tion of on-site and off-site care locations” (Karishma A. Ch


hospital.
– Institutional corrections panelist
Because the participants on our panels came from a selection of jail and prison systems, their experiences cover only a fraction of systems across the country. Furthermore, some par- ticipants were purpo


ns among staff about infection.
 A number of correctional facility chaplains [indicated] just not really feeling equipped to address some of these unique mental health needs that have emerged within the correctional facilities. [Asking] how do they a


cing) rather than cancelling,” and to “bal- ance infection control measures (e.g., social distancing, group cancellations) with measures to maintain psychiatric stability, recognizing that in some cases the exacerbated mental illness may pose a great


bilities [for virtual technology for] delivering academic edu- cation. We have many relationships with outside colleges. They’re not coming in yet. We’re looking to leverage our tablet technology, we’ve connected with a secure mes- saging [platform]


s noted that this increased communication—directly from inmates to their families and others—helped control the spread of rumors about conditions within the facility that caused problems in some areas, given trust and other issues that could affect t


cation [for video visits]. So that pushed us to accepting family members being able to [join a video] visit [from] a website or their phone. . . . [The pandemic] forced us to move a little quicker. We would have been apprehensive. We would have been


ing for many years because of the difficulty of the job, compensation, and stress.75 In the COVID-19 pandemic environment, the potential for staff to become infected at work and bring the virus home to their families did not make the career more attr


he pandemic, however, the risk of infection was real, and panel members raised the issue that corrections workers (both before and during the pandemic) are not given the same recognition and respect as other first responders. Contractors within facil


, and issuing PPE.77
Health Screening
One goal of resident intake was to keep COVID-19 out of facilities, and, similarly, processes were put in place to screen staff members for symptoms before entry and to encourage staff who did not feel healthy to


d of forced us to allow more of the staff to work from home. We were issuing laptops right and left, and . . . identifi[ed] employees who had the capa- bility to work from home. I don’t think some of that is [ever] going to go away. I think we’re goi


t now we’re having a hard time with that. It seems like we’re in that struggle where they just don’t want to do things because we’re asking them to do it, and have forgotten about COVID and the importance of wearing masks. . . . So trying to get them


gs that we’re accustomed to doing and have to do, but [dealing with] COVID on top of that. Because COVID is just a full-time job for everybody.
– Institutional corrections panelist
 81 See, for example, Dionne Hart, “Health Risks of Practicing Correc


 Echoing points made by law enforcement, institutional corrections panelists noted that it was inappropriate for an individual officer’s decision to arrest someone to lead to them being detained for a significant period without their day in court.
17


uld feel more educated, informed, more sense of control about what’s going on in the world.
– Institutional corrections panelist
Although external oversight and advocacy are important for catalyzing system change, practitioner participants expressed


It’s nothing different than what hospitals are doing and, yeah, we get the inmates complaining and making phone calls and sending out messages on how cruel we are and how we’re treating them. We have to explain what we’re doing a lot to the courts a


corrections funding based only on short-term reductions in population would sacrifice the chance to make progress on outcomes, and—if progress can be made—to potentially realize more-substantial future efficiencies and cost savings resulting from le


le bit of a phenomenon that occurs when you have this kind of threat to the entire system that I think people—and, when I say people, I mean all staff, all incarcerated individuals—understand . . . the risk. That this virus is not going to differ- en


nit, where we have a lot of folks with . . . really the tougher cases of mental illness, but who can survive in a more social setting instead of just a lone cell or a two-man cell, that’s worked out very well. We can get them services on the floor, e


ly would have never considered it and certainly not to the magnitude that we have.
– Institutional corrections panelist
To the credit of the courts, this has been a great impetus for change, for things that we’ve been pushing for decades: doing more


heir disaster planning pro- cess. . . . If necessary, state governors should compel area hospitals to accept patient transfers when needed.”87
 It seems so obvious to me now that we should be having quarterly meetings with all these hospital administ


 corrections panelist
The broader outcomes of this strategy—beyond enabling more distancing and infection control within facilities—have not yet been fully assessed. However, like in other panels, there was a general view among our panelists, based o


19—will then become a research opportunity.
 A number of states are tracking recidivism rates specifically for those populations that qualified for early release under COVID. So [I] think it will be interesting. I know a lot of states are looking to


riences?
• What have been the mental health effects of the pandemic on both incarcerated popula-
tions and correctional staff, and how long do such effects last?
• What disease-testing strategies are effective in minimizing infectious disease in corr


munity supervision agencies—and service providers both inside government (e.g., departments of public health or other social services agencies) and outside government (e.g., nonprofit service providers, medical and other treatment organizations, fait


l routes to further reform and improve the supervision system.
• Meeting the needs of individuals receiving treatment for substance use or mental health concerns was more difficult, requiring significant changes in models for treatment delivery.
• Co


vely support reentry and desistance from recidivism. Treatment for mental health, addiction, and other concerns often is delivered in group settings, both to make it possible to help more people and because of the group dynamics and support that can


corrections panelist
Panelists from service-provider organizations also identified instances where they were called on to contribute in unusual ways, playing backfill and other roles where needed.
 One of the advantages of being a nonprofit is that a


mem- bers of the community corrections panel noted that, at least initially, the assumption that the COVID-19 pandemic would be a short-term crisis versus a very long-term challenge affected how they planned and responded. For this sector, this diff


y cited totals of practitioners who have lost their lives to COVID-19.9
 The first week, one of my offices had a staff meeting in a courthouse jury room with the entire office in there for four hours. And after the staff meeting, one of the people te


ment on individuals and communities.
Correctional Populations, Agencies, and Service Providers Face Significant Digital Divides
One common problem for both supervision and service delivery was a significant digital divide, which was a challenge acros


enter- ing populations—notably housing instability—were mentioned as contributing to the digital divide: If someone did not know where they would be living from day to day, they would have similar uncertainty about their ability to connect to the int


idth. Increases in use from many government agencies simultaneously swamped net- work capacity in some cases.16
 If you’re paper-based, it’s difficult to telework. If you have, you know, 135,000 files that haven’t been scanned.
– Community correction


 Measures to Coronavirus for Parole, Probation, and Clemency, Brooklyn, N.Y., March 18, 2020.
 190 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
guidance on how to “ration” supervision and time resources in the event that caseloads


, Md., September 18, 2020.
22 ExiT: Executives Transforming Probation and Parole, undated.
23 Swan, Campbell, and Lowe, 2020, p. 4. See also United States Courts, 2020a, for a discussion of virtual home visits
using video streaming apps.
24 National


ent’s home, we made exceptions to those rules so we could maintain the six feet or more social distancing when we saw the clients in the field. That made a huge difference. I mean, if you go in a parole office today, when you would normally have 20 t


and batteries dying—and because they usually must be inspected to ensure that they are still being worn by the individual, have not been tampered with, and are func- tioning as expected—contact might be required to keep a device running even after it


the use of drug test- ing, and the National Partnership for Pretrial Justice data call found similar results.29 In some cases, respondents made infrastructure changes (e.g., adding a window to restrooms) so that collections could be observed while ma


incarcerated populations.35 In both the APPA/Abt Associates and National Partnership for Pretrial Justice data, on the order of half of respondents indicated that their agencies had suspended or reduced revocations of supervision for most violations


2020, the Council of State Governments found that three-quarters of the 126 programs that responded to their call for information had either “stopped providing some services or closed operation entirely.”42 The majority of the respon- dents to the d


act of COVID-19 on the economy and certain occupational sectors, voca- tional service providers have also had to adapt services. For example, distance learning was being used to provide some vocational training as a replacement for transitional jobs.


ction in activity, has reduced the services, and that’s been very significant in terms of counseling, in terms of reentry, in terms of all kinds of things.
– Community organization panelist
What we’re seeing is rising need. We’re seeing rising need a


 continuity, in some cases, institutional correc- tions agencies sent individuals home with a longer supply of needed medications and with a prescription to allow for more time to connect with care as part of reentry supervision.53
 One of the things


sily and safely transitioned back into the community was, for many jails, a barrier to letting people with serious mental illnesses go, even if they met the local juris- diction’s assessment of charge and risk that would have allowed them to be relea


ere using tele- health services for substance use treatment.60 In addition, mirroring the effort to not reincar- cerate people because of technical violations of their supervision, in some areas, there were efforts that sought to limit reincarceratio


nd agility at which governmental systems and regulatory bodies move to respond to conditions on the ground. And many times, we’re seeking guidance—sometimes per- mission—and support to carry out our work or even sometimes broaden our scope of work. A


s. And their skill sets may not be aligned with the new economy as it ramps up, and they’re going to be the last ones hired anyway. So what is that going to do? Our officers are scrambling a little bit about, where do I focus now? . . . But really eq


al things?
– Community corrections panelist
 Community Corrections: Supervision and Service Provision 203
of shelters that had to be shut down because of infection.68 And if people in transitional hous- ing do not have places to which to transition,


ty Struggles to Stop Covid-19’s Spread,” The New School, Center for New York City Affairs, May 5, 2020.
73 Steve Bullock, Governor, State of Montana, “Directive Implementing Executive Orders 2-2020 and 3-2020 Related to State Correctional and State-C


prior to this, we were only spending six minutes of time per offender [in] face-to-face field contacts. Virtually, on average, we were spending 23 minutes of time with these individuals. So obviously, core correctional practices, the more time you s


ommunity corrections leaders could place clients virtually in programs anywhere in their state, which could make it possible to get treatment started much more rapidly.78
Virtual models also had convenience and other benefits for supervisees. Just as


 strengthen some of the relationships that we had with our clients.80
That comfort and the willingness to open up has the potential to make supervision more effective and improve the benefits clients get from the process.
 On the client side . . . we


een able to shower. There are huge things we cannot do. And our dose of contact has diminished dramatically. So there are things we’ve learned. There are things we’re not going to do again, if we can possibly get out of them.
– Community corrections


ll areas, the requirement to minimize risk by distributing the workforce reduced resistance to flexible working models in some agencies.
 People have been pressing us [to be] able to work from home, especially in investiga- tions and that kind of stu


Community corrections panelist
Because of the connections among components of the justice system, virtualization in the courts also affected community corrections. Panelists made similarly positive points about the convenience and savings associated


els.
 We took into consideration appropriate PPE, like everyone else has done, [but] kind of slowly went that way. I remember back in March where like nobody [was wearing] a mask, we tried to follow the CDC guidelines. And then it made us sound like


 also increased work stresses because supervisees calling at odd hours made it more difficult for practitioners to maintain a separation of work and home life.
 We joked, “Hey, telecommuting is fun when it’s your choice, but nobody’s liking it right


nches of the justice system. Immediate actions taken to reduce infection risk (e.g., by increasing releases form jails and prisons) meant that an initial wave of supervisees came to the community cor- rections system. However, in the longer term, the


at midnight that don’t have a place to go. I mean, it’s almost cruel. Not everyone has family to pick them up. Not everybody has transportation. Some of the shelters were shut down. Some of the nonprofits really did take a long time to be able to shi


ppen when the courts open back up and we have to be prepared to absorb those high volume of cases? I think we’ve been around long enough that there’ll be a lot of blue-light specials going on just to move them onto our caseloads. And we certainly hav


 improve the perceived legitimacy of anti-crime efforts.91
Such cuts also have hindered some agencies’ ability to shift to technology approaches that would make it easier for them to continue operating effectively through the pandemic. As a result, t


agues found that the suspension of fee collection was relatively rare, although a larger number of agencies were not issuing violations for late fee payment.93
Our participants emphasized that the consequences of these resource shortfalls could be di


think having a broader swath of concern than your individual agency is really important right now, protecting the services that you rely on is really important.
– Community corrections panelist
Taking Stock and Moving Forward
The effects of the pande


ut . . . pretty much continue [their] work unabated.”
 The best thing about this, it’s made us realize that you have to adapt to situations. Not that you hope for a pandemic, but . . . this has given us an opportunity to do things which maybe should


f virtual models while minimizing potential concerns about efficacy.
 To be able to have the conversations and the connections virtually you have to have had a relationship first. I think it’s much harder to build that first relationship phase virtu-


chool resistance prevailed,” now we’re really considering it. And it could be that it’s the best approach.
– Community corrections panelist
In looking toward the future, participants viewed the cost pressures created by the pan- demic as a likely imp


ments around showing that supervision did not have to be done in a community corrections office or other facility—and that what probation officers and service providers did was about the people being served and not the place where that service was be


rking that way in a . . . lot of places in the United States. And so the big picture for me is post-pandemic we’re not going to try to go back to exactly what we were before. . . . And we’ve learned that there are these populations that were in jail


that the softer side of me is shown when I’m working with people,” because they’re really understanding that not only is it hard for just every- body, but it’s particularly hard for people who have criminal records, for people who have already diffic


re not on the medicines, you’re going to have bad outcomes. So if you can keep the focus on that, they may not need your [community corrections] services. Likewise, somebody who’s got a mental illness but is not getting the help they need for their m


. . . I worry about misuse of data. In New York State [we] have seen major bail reform. And what we’ve seen is misuse of data, blaming rise in violence on bail reform. When the numbers just don’t bear it out, but it works as a story and it works in t


228 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
mental health practitioner, direct provision of food assistance—which was risky for both the individuals needing support and the paid staff or volunteers involved in delivering that


ed many victim needs. Such actions as stay-at- home orders appear to have pressurized domestic violence or family abuse situations; they also made it more difficult to identify cases of abuse and for victims to reach out for help. Such
crimes as iden


forcement agencies within those regions in general.
– Victim services panelist
230 The U.S. Criminal Justice System in the Pandemic Era and Beyond
The actions of the remainder of the justice system are shaped by existing inequalities and structural i