Instruction: References

Response: Allot, N. (2003). Key terms in pragmatics. Retrieved from http//www.scribid.com/doc/305592132/key-terms-in-pragmatics As-Safi, A. B. (2011). Translation theories: Strategies and basic theoretical issues. Jordan: University of Petra. Baker, M., & Malmkjčr, K. (Eds.). (1998). Routledge encyclopedia of translation studies. Amsterdam & Pihiadelpia: Routledge. Bandia, P. F. (1993). Translation as culture transfer: Evidence from African creative writing. TTR: Traduction, Terminologie, Rédaction, 6(2), 55-78. Bassnett, S. (2002). Translation studies (Rev. Edn.). London: Routledge. Bell, R. T. (1991). Translation and translating: Theory and practice. New York: Longman. Ghaemi, F. & Benyamin, J. (2010). Strategies used in the translation of interlingual subtitling. Journal of English Studies, 1(1), 39-49. Gottlieb, H. (1992). Subtitling: A new university discipline. In C. Dollerup, & A. Loddegaard (Eds.). Teaching translation and interpreting: training, talent, and experience (Vol. 5) (pp. 161-70). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Gottlieb, H. (2004). Language-political implications of subtitling. In P. Orero (Ed.). (2004). Topics in audiovisual translation (pp. 83-100). Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Gutt, E. A. (2014). Translation relevance: Cognition and context. London & New York: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Hermans (1985). Full text of "System Theories". Retrieved from http//archive.org/stream/system Theories/system%20 theories.djvu.txt. Hervey, S. & Higgins, I. (1992). Thinking translation: A course in translation method: French-English. London: Routledge. Kelly, N., DePalma, D. A., & Vijayalaxmi, H. (2012). The need for translation in Africa. Massachusetts: Common Sense Advisory Inc. Lapajian, B. (2010). Translation, language and fiction publishing in Africa: The case of Uganda (MA Thesis, Utrecht University). Lavault, E. (1966) cited, in Shuttleworth, M. & Cowie, M. (2014). Dictionary of Translation Studies. New York: Routledge. Malone, S. (2013). Malone's translation strategies. Retrieved from http//:www.scribid.com/document/379899775/malone-s-translation strategies. Munday, J. (2001). Introducing translational studies: Theories and applications. London: Routledge. Natukunda, E. & Asiimwe, A. (2012a). ACCLAIM Men's Questionnaire. Translated 3rd October 2012. Natukunda, E. & Asiimwe, A. (2012b). ACCLAIM Women's Questionnaire Translated Oct-01-2012. Nida, E. A. (1976). A framework for the analysis and evaluation of theories of translation. In R. W. Brislin (Ed.). (1976). Translation (pp. 66-79). New York: Garden Press. Nida, E. & Taber, C. (1969). The theory and practice of translation. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Nord, C. (2007). Translating as a purposeful activity: Functionalist approaches explained. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Palumbo, G. (2009). Key terms in translation studies. London: Continuum. Schwarz, B. (2003). Translation in a confined space: Film sub-titling with special reference to Dennis Potter's 'Lipstick on Your Collar' (part 2). Translation Journal, 7(1). Retrieved from http://accurapid.com/journal/23subtitles.htm. Shuttleworth, M. & Moiro, C. (2007). Dictionary of translation studies. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Steiner, G. (1975). After Babel: Aspects of language and translation, 1992-538. London: Oxford University Press. Taylor, C. (1999). Sacrifice as terror: The Rwandan genocide of 1994. Oxford: Berg Publication.


Instruction: Footnotes

Response: 3 3 The fifth period was added by the author of this chapter. ↩


Instruction: Introduction

Response: Orthography is a set of rules or conventions put in place to prescribe how a language should be written. In other words, orthography is the system of representing the sounds of words by written symbols (Fromkin et al., 2003). The rules include how words that are in a spoken form should be spelt, punctuated and capitalized. Runyakitara, like any other human language, manifests itself in two forms: spoken and written. In the opinion of Fromkin and his colleagues (2003), these two forms are distinct in the following ways: The spoken language is the natural form of language while the written language is artificial. By referring to the spoken language as being natural, it means that it is innate (inborn) to human beings because when a child is exposed to it, that child will have the ability to communicate in that spoken medium. There is therefore, no teacher or instructor required to teach a child his/her mother tongue. On the other hand, written language is artificial because those who know it have to learn it in order to communicate using it. Written language is therefore, an invention of man that helps him to store information and disseminate it. Secondly, written language is not the original form of language. This is because it is a representation of the spoken form where human vocal symbols made by speech organs are represented on a piece of paper by graphic symbols. Because of that, it is impossible to find a written language which is not spoken, although it is possible to find a spoken language that is not written, especially if that language's orthography has not been developed. Thirdly, although a written language changes over time because the process of change is very slow, the spoken language easily changes. The written form of language is more conservative and resistant to change than the spoken form. Therefore, a written word is not only more permanent than a spoken one but is also rarely subjected to linguistic changes. Fourthly, in a written language, the user has a relatively wider range of graphic symbols which she/he uses. For example, there are more than 12 vowel sounds that are represented by only five vowels; a, e, i, o, and u. Written language is also uniform with all varieties of dialects of a language; for example, while the American English pronunciation is different from that of the British, the two forms do not significantly differ in spelling. This is not the case with the spoken form. Finally, spoken language cannot be informative per se mainly due to repetitions. This is because the spoken language does not have to follow the rules of grammar while the written language follows the rules as specified.


Instruction: Principles of a good orthography

Response: Fromkin et al. (2003) explain different principles that make a good orthography. The first principle explains that a good writing system should accurately reflect the sound system of a language. It must be based on thorough analysis of the sounds of that language. It is not possible to make an accurate orthography without first analysing the sounds of that language. All contrastive sounds in a language should be represented and non-contrastive variations should not be represented. When the system is inaccurate, the reader is faced with a problem of guessing the meaning of the word. The orthography of Runyakitara has followed this principle as most sounds are represented by one symbol. The problem is on homonyms where more than two words are represented by one sound. A good orthography of a language should be consistent; there should be no contradictions within the system. This means that: a) The same sound should be represented by the same symbol. b) The symbol should never represent anything else except that sound. c) There should be no silent letters or letters that are without function. This is one of the principles that Runyakitara orthography adhered to. There are no two sounds that are represented by the same symbol The third principle is that a good orthography should be convenient to the extent that it is easy to write and symbols are easy to make. The symbols are also easy to print and type. Another principle of a good orthography is that it should conform to the orthography of the other languages in the region. It is not good for the orthography of a language to differ much with that of its neighbours. In the case of Runyakitara, the orthography conforms to all the neighbouring languages as they all use alphabetic writing system. The last principle of a good orthography is that it should be acceptable to the people who are going to use it. Often, people have strong opinions especially if there has already been an older orthography in use. Time must be taken to consult local opinion and to explain carefully the reasons for any proposed change. This was done in 1954 where disagreements emerged and Runyoro-Rutooro ended up writing their own and another conference was organised for Runyankore-Rukiga that got her orthography in 1964.


Instruction: The Need for Writing Uganda Indigenous Languages

Response: The history of writing dates as far back as 3000 BC when the Egyptians developed hieroglyphic writing for recording events in their lives. Although many languages all over the world have been written, there are still many African languages are not yet written. In Uganda, there are about 15 languages that are not yet written. The main question is, why do we need to write our languages? There are several reasons for that. These include the following:


Instruction: Preservation of Information

Response: For many traditional societies, the major form of transmission and preservation of information is by word of mouth (oral transmission). However, this method has proved very inadequate because as the information is passed from one source to another, it undergoes considerable transformations. In some instances, more information is added while in others, it is reduced or adulterated. Consequently, by the time the message gets to the intended recipient, it is no longer in its original form. Furthermore, for purposes of preservation of information, sometimes the only source of information might die without leaving any recording of his or her knowledge behind. Such occurrences confirm the West African saying that "when an elder dies, a library burns". Therefore, with such poor record-keeping methods, it is imperative that we write our languages.


Instruction: Coverage

Response: Whereas the word of mouth needs face-to-face interaction and can only serve those people who are physically present, the written word can even be received by those who are not physically present. True, with modern technology, tape-recorded information and radio transmissions can cover a wider distance but given our Ugandan standard of living, few people can afford to buy radios and maintain their running as well. Furthermore, the radio has a schedule which the listener must follow. If he tunes at a wrong time, he/she will miss the programme. Yet with written material, it can be read at the recipient's will and can be referred to anytime one wants.


Instruction: Education

Response: The most important factor with written materials is that people can be availed with education materials which can help them improve their lives. These written materials are of various disciplines and can be used for both academic and non-academic purposes, and may remain relevant for a long time. For instance, books on hygiene that were written in 1935 by the White Fathers Mission are still relevant and can be utilized to date to educate people on how they can improve their hygiene. With the availability of written materials in various fields in Ugandan indigenous languages, Ugandans can understand developmental issues better and participate meaningfully in their governance. For example, the provision of HIV prevention information in the local languages has created substantial awareness about HIV prevention and transmission among Ugandans.


Instruction: Preservation of a language

Response: A language can best be preserved if it is written. When a language is unwritten, many indigenous words are lost while it is not easy to document words that have been incorporated. It is difficult to preserve a language in its oral form.


Instruction: Cultural preservation

Response: Culture can best be preserved if it is written. Norms, roles, sanctions, beliefs and customs are easy to pass on from one generation to another if the culture of a specified language is written. However, with the ever-increasing socio-economic changes, it is easy to lose important components of culture, if it is not documented.


Instruction: Historical Developments in the Orthography of Runyakitara

Response: It should be noted that at the end of the 19th 19 th Century and during the early years of the 20th 20 th Century, practically all the indigenous reading materials available in Uganda were in Luganda. At that time, it was even thought that Luganda would be the major language of communication and instruction throughout the region. However, the reality was that very few people understood Luganda in the whole of Western Uganda at that time. Furthermore, with the consolidation of the reinstated monarchy in Tooro (reinstated by the British in 1891) and the rise of nationalism in both Tooro and Bunyoro, it was felt more and more that Luganda should be replaced by Rutooro and Runyoro as the major language for communication in the two kingdoms respectively. The writing of Runyakitara (Rubongoya, 1965), started with the Runyoro-Rutooro dialects before it spread to Runyankore-Rukiga. The Protestant Missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) spearheaded the writing of our languages in Tooro. The first version of the New Testament was translated into Rutooro by the missionary H. E. Maddox during the early years of evangelisation, around 1900. The same author produced the first grammar of the language in 1902 called An Elementary Lunyoro Grammar which was based on the Runyamwenge (essentially using the Runyamwenge sub-dialect of Rutooro). The year 1913 was very important in the history of Runyakitara when Maddox produced the full bible translated in Rutooro, also based on Runyamwenge dialect. The first bible was used in the whole of Western Region and some areas of the present-day Democratic Republic of Congo. Other books were subsequently written by both the CMS missionaries and the RCM (Roman Catholic Missionaries) but were generally in the Runyamwenge subdialect. These included the well-known Grammar Ey'Orunyoro by the Rev. Fr. A. Caumartin which is still of much value up to this day. Books and manuals produced at this time were usually for schools or for religious purposes. Some written work also appeared during the early years in Runyankore, e.g Omuntu na Hygiene published by the White Fathers Mission, Mbarara in 1935 and was intended for primary schools. The full translated version of the bible in RunyankoreRukiga came out in the 1950s.


Instruction: Efforts to Standardise the Orthography of Runyakitara

Response: It was, according to Rubongoya (1965), R. A. Snoxall, the then Acting Director of Education, who in 1946, after consultations with A. N. Tucker, an expert on Bantu languages at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, who decided to introduce a new orthography. After discussions with missionaries and other educators in Buganda, the new orthography was adopted for Luganda. That very year, 1946, Snoxall organised another conference for the Western Region at Virika, Fort Portal, to discuss a standard orthography for the Runyoro language. It is in this conference that the representatives of Ankore and Kigezi stated categorically that their language was different from Runyoro and that accepting this new orthography would bring about the demise of their language which was already developing written materials. They added that the people in their areas were not prepared to read any book or newspaper written in Runyoro. According to Taylor (1960), the Virika Conference therefore, broke up without any decision being taken on the new orthography. However, from this period, as Betungura (1960) notes, Runyankore continued developing and came up with the first Runyankore-Rukiga orthography in a conference at Mbarara in 1954. This conference was chaired by Prof. A. N. Tucker and the secretary was K. S. M. Kikira. Thereafter, the colonial authorities started recognizing its importance in Ankore and Kigezi. In 1947 for instance, the Education Department of the Uganda Colonial Government authorized the use of Runyankore as a medium of instruction in Primary 1 and 2 in Ankore and Kigezi. This policy was clearly stated in the 1948 Education Report which recognized six vernaculars as media of instruction in Primary School. These were: Luganda, Lunyoro, Luo, Ateso, Lugbara and Swahili. The Education Report (1948) further explains that the limited production of literature made it clear that no further vernaculars can justify a claim to be regarded as media throughout the primary school system, but noted that the use of Runyankore dialect of Runyoro had been conceded for the first two years of primary school in Ankore, and would continue to be used only up to that level until when there would be sufficient materials written in Runyankore. This policy remained valid until the Castle Report of 1963 when RunyankoreRukiga was recognized as one of the six major vernaculars to be used in the school system (Swahili had ceased being recognized as a vernacular in Uganda in 1956). By this time, Runyankore-Rukiga had developed considerably and by the 1970s, it was somewhat in better position than Runyoro-Rutooro. After the break-up of the Virika meeting of 1946, the Banyoro and Batooro reconvened in Hoima in 1952 (six years later) to discuss again the problems of harmonizing the orthography, this time for Runyoro and Rutooro, which at this meeting had adopted the name Runyoro-Rutooro (rather than Runyoro) to cover the two dialects. At this meeting, the harmonization work involved such aspects as taking a common stand particularly concerning some of the symbols and signs used by the CMS missionaries and those used by the RCM. For instance, while CMS missionaries used the diacritic sign (-) to mark length on top of a vowel, the RCM (White Fathers) used (^) on top of the vowel. In accordance with the recommendations of the International African Institute, it was agreed that vowel length would be marked by two vowels. Some harmonization was also effected at the level of grammar to reflect the language usage of the Banyamwenge. We produce here some recommendations made at the Hoima meeting as reported by Rubongoya (1965). Many of the recommendations made in fact reflected both orthography and language (grammatical) usage. In the elaboration of standard orthographies, the authors were guided by the recommendations of the International Institute for African Languages and Culture which was formed in London in 1925. This later became The International African Institute. One of their pre-occupations was to elaborate workable orthographies in African languages. Because of the many sounds in African languages which did not exist in European languages, the tendency had been to utilise diacritical marks such as (, - - ^ .. : ) and many others on top, below or beside a given symbol so as to account for a given sound, e.g.: the (-) mark for the long vowel as seen earlier. For these orthographies to be workable, the Institute wanted, as much as possible, to have every sound represented by one symbol and to reduce to the minimum the use of diacritical signs or marks. Their work was somewhat simplified by what had already been done by the International Phonetic Association which was formed in Paris in 1886 and whose original name was L'Association Phonetique Internationale. This Association from its inception was made up of eminent linguists and phoneticians from various European countries such as Otto Jespensen from Denmark, Paul Passy from France (Ferender), and Henry Luncet from Britain. One of the major tasks of the Association was to identify all possible speech sounds as they exist in human languages. They then came out with the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) where an effort was made to include as many of these sound symbols as they could imagine. The symbols used are basically Roman letters with a few from Greek. The International African Institute also made its own alphabet known as the International African Alphabet (IAA) to cater for sounds in African languages. Its authors borrowed heavily from the International Phonetic Alphabet although they made some modifications. For instance, whereas in the IPA, the palatal nasal is usually written as /n/, in the International African Alphabet it is written as /ny/. It is this latter alphabet that was the basis of the standardised orthographies of Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga. Meanwhile, the Banyankore and Bakiga who had broken away from the Runyoro-Rutooro orthography conference in 1946 organised their own orthography conference in Mbarara in 1954. The conference, which was attended by prominent writers and religious leaders from Ankole and Kigezi, was chaired by Professor A. N. Tucker. A report on standardisation of Runyankore-Rukiga orthography, which was being worked out after the breakup of the Virika Conference was presented in this conference, discussed and adopted with the necessary amendments and became the basis for the language's writing system. The rules of orthography adopted, according to Taylor (1960) were published with commendable speed and enabled the translation of the Bible to proceed. They also provided the writers with a stable and consistent orthography to write their texts. It was the basis for Taylor's A Teachers' Handbook of Runyankore-Rukiga orthography of 1960.


Instruction: Current Situation of the Orthography of Runyakitara

Response: The four dialects of Runyakitara (Runyankore-Rukiga and Runyoro-Rutooro) are being taught in the school curriculum at lower levels of primary education. Runyakitara is also being taught at secondary level as Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga but taught at University as Runyakitara, to produce language scholars and researchers. One of the areas that needs serious consideration is orthography, because a proper orthography of the language has not been reached despite several revisions. Currently, there are five official versions of the orthography of the language, namely: i) Runyankore-Rukiga Orthography (1960) by C. Taylor ii) Runyoro-Rutooro Orthography Rules (1963) by L. Rubongoya iii) Empandiika y'Orunyankore-Rukiga Egufuhazibwe (2005) by F. Karwemera iv) Runyoro-Rutooro Orthography (2002) by O. Ndoleriire et al. (Eds.) v) A Unified Standard Orthography of Runyakitara (2007) by O. Ndoleriire et al. While we may say that the five orthographies above are satisfactory to a certain extent, there is still need for more revisions for purposes of standardisation. The orthographical gap that still exists is mostly along dialectical differences and improper linguistic arguments. The main principle of Runyakitara orthography is that words are written the way they are pronounced or the way one hears them. The writing system adopted follows the principles of a good orthography that include accuracy. In this standardised orthography, all sounds are represented by symbols that do not leave any room for guesswork in pronunciation. The second principle followed is consistency where the same sound is represented by the same symbol with no silent letters. Convenience is the third principle that was followed. The symbols used to represent the sounds follow the alphabetic writing system. The fourth principle that was followed is conformity. The standardisation of this orthography ensured that it conforms to the orthography of other languages around the Runyakitara speaking area. The fifth principle is acceptability. Since the beginning of this writing system in 1954, it has been fully accepted by the users as required in linguistics. Following the linguistic requirements, what shall be considered as a unified standard Runyakitara orthography is as follows:


Instruction: (a) The voiced bilabial plosive

Response: The voiced bilabial plosive /b/ except when preceded by a nasal (nasal compound) is written as /bb/. In Runyankore-Rukiga, this usually occurs in loan and onomatopoeic words. The onomatopoeic words only exist in Runyoro-Rutooro as shown in the following examples:


Instruction: (b) The nasal

Response: When an object is expressed followed by a verb stem starting with /n/ /n/ or /m/ /m/, the nasal is doubled. Examples of words with /m/ /m/ and /n/ /n/ include the following: i) Rn/Rt Rn/Rt akammanya ammigire alimmara araammamirira nibannuga bannigire he/she knew me he/she has squeezed me he/she will be sufficient for me he/she will spray me they look at me with disgust they have strangled me As a general rule, a vowel that occurs before a double nasal is pronounced long. However, if this lengthening of the vowel is predictable, it is written as a single vowel, for example: akammanya is pronounced akaamanya but it is written: akammanya. When a subject is expressed followed by a verb stem starting with a nasal, there is doubling of the nasal, for example:


Instruction: Nasal compounds

Response: There is another category of nasals that exists in Runyakitara. These are nasals that include the following: Like in the case of /mm/ /mm/ and /nn/ /nn/, they are also predictable and wherever one meets them, there is no need of writing a double vowel before them. Examples include the following: (c) The Vibrant (r) In Runyoro-Rutooro when /r/ /r/ is rolled, it is written doubled, for example: Note that if a double /rr/ /rr/ is replaced by a single r in a word, there is generally change in meaning, for example: Minimal pair It should also be noted that if a vowel preceding double /rr/ /rr/ is pronounced long and the word can attain a different meaning, a double vowel should be written, for example: As a general rule, the long vowel before /rr/ is predictable. So, it will be written as a single vowel, for example: However, there are cases, especially with the word kurra (to weep or to cry) when the lengthening of a vowel can bring about a grammatical change. In that case, the long vowel shall be repeated with a double vowel as in the following examples: Amaiso gange garra Gaarra sente zange 2. Abaana bange barra Baarra abaana sente zaabo 3. Kurra kintu kibi muno Kuura ebintu obireete kunu 4. Bunu obwana burra muno Buurra oyetegereze eki ngambire 5. Abakazi barra obu babiihirwa My eyes cry (ooze) with tears. Bring back my money My children cry Count for the children their money Crying is very bad Drag the things and bring them this way These small children cry a lot Open your eyes and understand what I have said Women cry when they are angry Abakazi baarra obunyansi ha bugenyi Women spread grass (on the ground) during festivities. One notes, however, that the above expression does not exist in minimal pairs. For example, in amaiso garra, we have the verb ku-rra while in gaarra sente zange, we have the verb ku-garra. It is the same with all the other examples. Despite the above scientific fact, it is agreed that in order to avoid ambiguities and reading misunderstanding, we maintain a double vowel in the above rare exceptions, which generally involve the verb kurra "to cry or to weep".


Instruction: Vowel Length

Response: (a) Double vowels are written when they appear pronounced long across morpheme boundaries, for example: (b) When they are naturally long, for example: Long vowels often can be contrasted with short vowels as in the following minimal pairs: Rn/Rt kusaara noise made by water before boiling kusara to cut kusiika to fry kusika to pull kukuura to up-root kukura to grow kusiiga to anoint/cover with oil kusiga to sow seeds Ry/Rk Ry/Rk kuhiiga to hunt kuhiga to push aside kuhiika of sky showing signs of rain kuhuura to arrive/reach kuhura to hit, thresh kuteega to detect a smell kutega to resist in a place kushaara to trap kushara of noise made by water when about to boil to run mad (c) A vowel is often pronounced long but written single at the beginning of a word, especially in fairly short words of not more than three syllables, for example: However, relatively long and long words usually have their initial vowel pronounced long: (d) A vowel is usually pronounced long but written single in /w/ and /y/ compounds. In Runyankore-Rukiga, however, in the case of /ky/ /ky/ and /gy/ /gy/ compounds, there are words where the vowel following them should be either single or double because of the presence of minimal pairs with these compounds: It should be noted that the Runyankore-Rukiga's /ky/ /ky/ is in reality /c/ /c/. In the same way, ky and gy are not followed by /i/ because /y/ and /i/ are palatals. If they are followed by /i/ /i/, this would be a repetition. They shall therefore, be written as /ki/ /ki/ or /gi/ /gi/. (e) A vowel appearing before a nasal compound is usually pronounced long but written single, for example: Note that the palatal nasal usually written as /ny/ /ny/ is in reality a single consonant [p] [p]. There is therefore no need to apply the above rule to vowels appearing before /ny/, for example: (f) Diphthongs are written with two different vowels and their length is generally that of a long vowel (doubled generally in writing in the conditions indicated above). The diphthongs in Runyakitara are: /ai/, /ei/, /oi/: omushaija man Note that in Runyankore-Rukiga, /ai/ is usually pronounced as /ei/ or /ii/ but it is recommended that the spelling remains /ai/, as indicated in the words below: In Runyankore-Rukiga, it is usually accepted to make a differentiation in spelling especially where sounds that are similar to /ai/ have been used; for example: In Runyoro-Rutooro, baitu is for both: "ours" and "but", while /oi/ is found in words below: /ei/ is used in words like beitu or nouns of the li-ma class such as: (e)icumu spear (e)ibanja debt where the initial /e/ has had a tendency of being differed. Another diphthong that could be mentioned is /au/ which is found in only the Runyoro-Rutooro word: mau (my mother). (g) In Runyoro-Rutooro, a vowel preceding the rolled /r/(rr) /r/(rr) is usually pronounced long but written short because of its predictability, for example: Note that the Runyankore equivalent is sometimes pronounced as follows in rapid speech: The difference with Runyoro-Rutooro is that the vowel preceding /rr/ /rr/ is short in pronunciation. On the other hand, in spelling the rolled /rr/ is written rura, rira, rara, etc.


Instruction: The Relative

Response: The object relative is to be written separately from the word it precedes, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt abaana abu turukuliisa ekisoro eki turukubaaga emiti ei twatemere amata aga twanywa ente ezi muguzire Ry/Rk Ry/Rk abashaija abu turikureeba enyamaishwa ei twisire ebitabu ebi ashomire ebitakuri ebi twarya akaana aku mureesire the children whom we are feeding the animal which we are skinning the trees that we cut the milk that we have just drunk the cows that you have bought the men that we are seeing the animal that we killed the books that he read the potatoes that we have eaten the child whom you brought On the other hand, the relative subject is attached to the word it precedes, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt omwana owaarukwerunga ente eziriire muhogo omuti ogutiire omusaija emisiri eyeerumu oburo Ry/Rk Ry/Rk omukazi owaareebire omwana embuzi eyaariire ebitookye oburo oburikutundwa gye ebikooko ebitaine mugasho amaarwa agarimu nigaguzibwa - the child who is playful and disobedient. the cows that have eaten cassava. the tree that has fallen on the man the gardens that contain millet. the woman who saw the child the goat that ate the bananas the millet that sells well. the animals that are useless. the beer (brew) which is being sold.


Instruction: Prepositions and Conjunctions

Response: Prepositions and conjunctions are usually to be separated from the words they precede (except in cases that will be indicated later), for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt ente eri mu rugo omu nju yaawe omu nda yakyo tuli mwa Kaikara bagenzire ha rusozi ha nju eruguru Mmutumire owa Petero omwisiki nka Maria Kiiza na Nsungwa oburo rundi ebitakuli emiti hamu n'ebinyansi Ry/Rk Ry/Rk omu kereeziya aha rwigi aha muti aha nsi omu musiri enkoko n'enkanga okushemererwa nari okushaasha the cow is in the kraal in your home inside it we are at Kaikara's home they have gone to the hill on top of the house I have sent him to Petero's place. a girl like Maria. Kiiza and Nsungwa millet or potatoes trees and grass. in the church at the door on the tree on the ground in the garden the hen and the guinea-fowl happines or sadness/pain. However, both prepositions and conjunctions are linked to the following word when they form one lexical meaning, for example:


Instruction: The Possessives

Response: Like the prepositions and conjunctions, possessives preceding or following other words are written separately, for example: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt ali omu ka ye he is in his home ibara lya Kahogo obwana bw'embeba amata g'ente abantu ba ira orumuli rw'orubingo Ry/Rk Ry/Rk eihuri ry'enkoko omushaija w'embabazi omu maju ge abantu b'aha the name of Kahogo the young of a rat/mice. cow's milk people of old/long ago a torch made of reed. a chicken's egg a kind man in his houses the people of this place. However, possessives form part of the word preceding or following it in the following cases: i) Where there is one lexical meaning Rn/Rt Rn/Rt oweekitiinisa owiisaza ebyokulya ebyokweshweka ebyensoni Days of the week ii) When the possessive precedes a pronominal pronoun


Instruction: Writing Peculiarities

Response: Writing of /ki/,/ky/,/c/,/gi/,/gy/,/g/,/1/ /ki/,/ky/,/c/,/gi/,/gy/,/g/,/1/ and /r/ /r/ There are marked differences in the pronunciation and writing of the above in Runyoro-Rutooro viz-a-vis Runyankore-Rukiga; examples: On the other hand, the following words have c‾ c  in both Runyankore-Rukiga and Runyoro-Rutooro: In the same manner, /ge/,/gi/ /ge/,/gi/ and /g/ /g/ and /j/ /j/ have marked differences, for example: From the above examples, one can conclude that the letter /k/,/g/ /k/,/g/ and /j/ /j/ tend to reflect their pronunciation in Runyoro-Rutooro whereas in Runyankore-Rukiga, the situation is as follows. k+i=cik+y+v=ca,ce,co,cu( excluding i) k+v=ka,ke,ko,ku( excluding i) g+i=ji g+y+v=ja,je,jo,ju( excluding i) g+v=ga,ge,go,gu( excluding i) j+v=3a,3e,3i,3o,3u.  k+i=ci k+y+v=ca,ce,co,cu( excluding i) k+v=ka,ke,ko,ku( excluding i) g+i=ji g+y+v=ja,je,jo,ju( excluding i) g+v=ga,ge,go,gu( excluding i) j+v=3a,3e,3i,3o,3u.  Whereas in Runyoro-Rutooro, /k/,/c/,/j/,/g/ /k/,/c/,/j/,/g/ have clear differences in orthography and in pronunciation, in Runyankore-Rukiga, /k/ /k/ can be confused with /c/,/g/ /c/,/g/ can be confused with /j/ /j/, while /j/ /j/ can be confused with /gy/ /gy/. The most confusing (in oral and written language) are /k/ /k/, and /c/ /c/ since some words always have /c/ /c/, for example: While others have /k/ /k/ in written form, others have /c/ /c/ is spoken as shown above. It is suggested that the present orthography of Runyankore-Rukiga in this respect be maintained for the sake of harmonizing the orthography with that of Runyoro-Rutooro. However, for the future, the following suggestion could be made for Runyankore-Rukiga:


Instruction: L and

Response: r


Instruction: r

Response: The problem of /l/ /l/ and /r/ /r/ is especially important for Rukiga and to a lesser extent for Runyoro. In the Runyankore-Rukiga orthography, there is officially no /l/ simply because, generally speaking, Runyankore has no literal /l/. On the other hand, Rukiga uses /l/ /l/ in the same conditions as Runyoro and Rutooro (see chapter on Phonetics and Phonology).


Instruction: Examples in Rukiga

Response: It is therefore suggested that the Bakiga follow the Runyoro-Rutooro orthography in this respect by writing l l where it is pronounced and r r where it is pronounced. In the case of Runyoro, the problem is with the rolled /r/ (rr). Compare:


Instruction: Reduplications

Response: Reduplicated forms are written as one word. This is because they represent single lexical items. In that case therefore, they are written without a hyphen or space in between them. For example:


Instruction: Compounds

Response: Compounds are words that repeat themselves but or come from two words that are not related but mean something different from either of the words that have been combined. Such words shall be written as a single word because they represent single lexical items, for example ( Ry/Rk Ry/Rk ):


Instruction: Interjections

Response: These are words that show surprise or fear. They are written the way they are spoken. Examples include the following: Ai! Mawe! Is that possible! Oh my God!


Instruction: Borrowed Words

Response: Borrowed words, which have been naturalised, shall be written as they are commonly pronounced by the native speakers, as indicated below:


Instruction: Names of Persons and Places

Response: Names of persons shall be left to be written in a similar way from the time such names were recorded because adjusting their spelling has legal implications. It should be noted that adjustment in the spelling of a name requires swearing an affidavit to legalise such a name, because legally, that would be another person. This is in agreement with the 1954 Runyankore-Rukiga conference whose agreement was that the spelling of personal names shall be left to the individuals (Morris & Kirwan, 1972, p. 217). All personal and place names shall begin with a capital letter at all times. Examples of personal names include Gumoshabe, Ndoleriire, Yozefu, Yuda, Yoweri, Joel, John, Baguma, Yohaana, Yowaana. Place names shall be spelt using the standard orthography. However, in case a name is already gazetted and appears in government and educational records such as maps, government has to be notified to enable the taking care of the legal issues associated with the adjustment. Examples of place names include Bushenyi, Kasese, Kashenyi, Uganda.


Instruction: Titles

Response: Titles preceed the first name in situations where more than one name is used. However, when the sir name is used alone, the title is used on that name alone; for example, Dr Gilbert Gumoshabe or Prof. Ndoleriire. Titles have a full stop if the word is abbreviated e.g. Prof. while there is no fullstop if the title is abbreviated with the first letter and the last letter. For example, Dr,Mr,Mrs Dr,Mr,Mrs have no full stop because they have both the first and the last letters.


Instruction: Miscellaneous Issues

Response: (a) /nio/ and /nia/ Because of the fact that in Runyakitara orthography as a whole, /ny/ represents the palatal nasal which is often represented by the symbol by phoneticians, a distinction had to be made between words with the sound [ n ] and those with the compound sound [ny] or [nj]. The following solution was proposed: (i) The sound [n] The letters /ny/ were therefore adopted. ii) The sound /ny/ or/nj/ Examples:


Instruction: (b) The affricate sound/ts/

Response: This sound is clearly pronounced in the Ruhima subdialect of Runyankore and is used where other dialects pronounce it as /s/, as shown in the following examples: Where the Bahima use /ts/, the rest of Banyankore and Bakiga use /s/ while the Banyoro and the Batooro use /k(y)/,/s/ /k(y)/,/s/ or /h(y)/ /h(y)/ as the case may be. Given the fact that those who use /ts/ in Runyakitara are a small minority, it is suggested that Runyankore-Rukiga replace /ts/ with /s/, the latter being used by the great majority of Runyankore-Rukiga speakers.


Instruction: (c) The copula

Response: ni− ni− This copula /ni/ - (progressive aspect before verbs) should be attached to personal pronouns and verbs but not to nouns: But: Rn/Rt Rn/Rt


Instruction: (d) Pluralization of proper nouns

Response: Examples:


Instruction: Ry/Rk Orthography

Response: For reasons of economy, it is suggested that the Runyoro-Rutooro form be used also in Runyankore-Rukiga.


Instruction: (e) The

Response: ka ka - particle This particle is used either to mean "let" or to express some surprise/contrast. It is usually separated from the noun or verbs it precedes when it expresses surprise, wonder, contrast as in the following examples: When /ka/ means a desire or a notice to do something, it is usually connected to the word it precedes, usually a verb.


Instruction: Punctuation

Response: Punctuation, as defined by Babcock (2002, p. 1843) is "the act, practice, or system of inserting various standardised marks or signs in written or printed matter in order to clarify the meaning and separate structural units of a sentence". In other words, it is the usage of spacing, conventional signs, and typographical devices that aid in the understanding and correct reading, in both silently and aloud, of written and/or printed materials. There are a number of punctuation marks that can be used in the writing of Runyakitara. They include the following:


Instruction: Apostrophe [']

Response: This punctuation mark that Mubangizi (1963, p. 47) calls akahinguza in Runyakitara is used when two words are joined together especially during the process of showing possessiveness. In Runyakitara, this happens when a word that ends with vowel /a/ or /i/ is followed by a word that starts with another vowel within the same sentence. The vowel that ends the possessive is assimilated and, in its place, an apostrophe is written. For example, Yaija n'omwana [Yaija na omwana] Ry/Rk Aizire n'omwana [Aizire na omwana] Rn/Rt Egi n'enju [Egi ni enju] Ry/Rk Ogu n'omuhara [Ogu ni omuhara] (Ry/Rk) He has come with a child He has come with a child This is a house This one is his/her daughter On some occasions, an apostrophe may be used when more than two words are combined. For example, Ebyokurya n'eby'abeereere [ebyokurya ni ebya abeereere] Ry/Rk The food is for babies N'ahabw'ekyo kiina [ni ahabwa ekyo] Ry/Rk It is because of that pit The apostrophe in the above sentences represent sounds /a/ and [i] which have been assimilated.


Instruction: Question Mark [?]

Response: The question mark, which, according to Mubangizi (1963, p. 64), is called akabuuzo in Runyakitara, is one of the punctuation marks that is placed at the end of a sentence to indicate that it is demanding an answer or is an interrogation. It may also be used to indicate that the expression which has been made is not clear. It is mainly used when a word that is interrogative in nature appears in a sentence. For example, N'oha owaareeta ekitookye eki? [Ry/Rk] Who has brought this banana? Nookora ki? [Ry/Rk] What are you doing? N'ogu oizire nawe? [Rn/Rt] You have come also with this one? Interrogation in Runyakitara does not have specific words that determine it. This is because some words are purely interrogative while in certain times interrogation is determined by the intonation. This is strengthened by Mubangizi (1963) when he notes that interrogation can also be used when one is trying to get confirmation. In such a situation, the interrogation words do not appear but are only heard, seeking confirmation. For example, Ogu yaarya? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Waareeta abaana? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Waarya? [Ry/Rk] [Ry/Rk] Kiki ekikuleesire? [Rn/Rt] [Rn/Rt] Oizire di? [Rn/Rt] [Rn/Rt] Has this one eaten? Have you brought the children? Have you eaten? What has brought you? When did you come?


Instruction: Fullstop [.]

Response: The fullstop, which in Runyakitara is called akatoonyolakamaliriza (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 53; Caumatin 1938, p. 178), is the punctuation mark placed at the end of a sentence that is in a statement or declarative form. When placed at the end of a word in a sentence, it means that the sentence is complete. Mubangizi (1963) indicates that a fullstop happens at the end of a sentence that is declarative or advisory, or at the end of a statement of request. For example, Yaagura enyama. [Ry/Rk] He/ He/ she has bought meat. Ente baaba baziriisize. [Ry/Rk] Cows were being grazed. Orwigi yaarwigura. [Ry/Rk] He/she has opened the door. Ahikirege rwebagyo. [Rn/Rt] He arrived last evening. Turaakusangayo. [Rn/Rt] We shall find you there.


Instruction: Hyphen [-]

Response: This punctuation mark is called akanywanisalakateeraniza in Runyakitara (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 49; Caumatin, 1938, p. 178). It is used when words are joined to bring about a meaning that is sometimes not related to the meaning of either words. In other words, it applies when two or more words are joined together to make one meaning. It may also be used to separate syllables of a single word. In Runyakitara, it is commonly used in compound words. For example, entema-muhoro/kongora-mabeere praying mantis burugwa-izooba east rwata-migongo artillery ekifa-matu deaf person It should be noted that a hyphen is a convention that may not be penalised as an orthography mistake. This is because most compound words are regarded a single word. A hypen is also used when a word is broken at the end of the line and it is going to another line because it is long and it cannot fit or because of paper margin requirements. There is also another type of hyphen called En Dash (-) This type of dash gives a range that is not definite but just approximates. It is commonly used in estimating distances. For example, Kuruga hanu kuhikayo ni mailo eziri ahagati ya 50-60. [Ry/Rk] From here to that place its between 50-60 miles. Another type of hyphen is called Em Dash. This is used to indicate that there is more emphasis being added to the sentence. It is used in the middle of the sentence by giving the emphasis required, before the sentence gets completed. For example, Omushaija ogwo - owaatwire esente zangye akaremwa kuzishashura - takaagura ente egyo. That man - who took my money and failed to refund it - cannot buy that cow. Abantu nk'abo - abatutarukwendera kimu - tibaakwizire hanu. [Rn/Rt] People like those - whom we don't like at all - should not come here.


Instruction: Inverted Commas [" "]

Response: Inverted commas, which in Runyakitara are called obujurizo (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 63), are punctuation marks used in pairs to show a quotation or direct speech. The pair consists of an opening quotation mark placed at the beginning of a word in a superscript form and a closing quotation mark also placed at the end of the word that marks the end of a quotation. For example, Yaagira ngu, "Jwara esaati." [Ry/Rk] He said, "Put on a shirt." Akabagarukamu ati, "Tindukukwetaaga". [Rn/Rt] He replied, "I don't need you". It should be noted that inverted commas can be made up of one quote symbol (' ') but this depends on the emphasis the writer is giving.


Instruction: Brackets [( )]

Response: A bracket, which in Runyakitara is called akago (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 64; Caumatin, 1938, p. 181), is a punctuation mark that is used to match pairs within text or set apart another text. In most cases, it shows the simplified version of what the writer intended to communicate. It can appear in the middle of the sentence or at the end. For example, Naaba ngiire Buganda (Kampala). [Ry/Rk] I had gone to Buganda, (Kampala in particular). Owaareeta embuzi ni mukuru wangye (owa maarimi) orikutuura Bushenyi. [Ry/Rk] The person who brought the goat is my cousin (maternal uncle's son) who stays in Bushenyi. Brackets are sometimes used to show another word or name that means the same thing. For example, Abantu nibakunda Ruhanga (obumwe orikwetwa Omuhangi). [Ry/Rk] People love God (who is at times called The Creator).


Instruction: Comma [,]

Response: The comma, called akashare/akasale in Runyakitara (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 57; Caumatin, 1938, p. 178), is a punctuation mark that is used basically for separating parts of a sentence. For example, Ku baabaire nibagyenda, enjura yaagwa. Enjura egyo ekaba einemu omuyaga, orubaare hamwe n'emirabyo. [Ry/Rk] When they were going, it rained. That rain had wind, hailstones and lightning. Omu kasumi ako, enjara ekagwa nyingi. [Rn/Rt] During that time, there was a lot of famine. A comma is also used in separating words that are used in exemplifying a concept that is within the same sentence. For example, Embuzi, obume, entaama, n'ente goona n'amatungo. [Ry/Rk] Goats, rabbits, sheep and cows are all domestic animals. Bakatugurra esaati, empale, enkaito hamy n'ebitambaara. [Rn/Rt] They bought for us shirts, trousers, shoes and handkerchiefs.


Instruction: Exclamation Mark [!]

Response: The exclamation mark, known in Runyakitara as akatangaaro (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 55), is a punctuation mark that is in most cases used after an interjection or exclamation for the purpose of indicating a strong feeling, happiness, extreme sadness and sometimes questioning in form of a surprise. It is often placed at the end of a sentence. For example, Ai nuипи! Nyabura enanansi egi yaanura! [Ry/Rk] Alas! This pineapple is very sweet! Ruhanga wange! Obaire ki? [Rn/Rt] Oh my God! What has happened to you?


Instruction: Colon [:]

Response: The colon, which in Runyakitara is called akategyerezo/akategerezo (Mubangizi, 1963, p. 47; Caumatin, 1938, p. 181), is a punctuation mark that is used to explain or start an enumeration. For example, Uganda eine yunivasite za Gavumenti itaano: Makerere, Mbarara, Gulu, Busitema na Muni. [Ry/Rk] Uganda has five Government universities, namely: Makerere, Mbarara, Gulu, Busitema and Muni. Buli kiro osome esaara zinu: Isiitwe ali mw'iguru, Mirembe Maria n'Ekitii nisa kibe hali Isiitwe. [Rn/Rt] Everyday say the following prayers: Our Father, Hail Mary and Glory be to the Father. A colon is also used with ratios in mathematics, For example, Abaishiki nibakira aboojo n'omubaro gwa 5:3. Girls outnumber the boys to a ratio of 5:3. A colon can also be used in titles and subtitles of books. For example, Mubangizi, B. (1981). Kanyarurimi II. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. A colon is further used in indicating hours and minutes, for example, Omukoro niguza kubaho shaaha 11:15 z'omwabazyo. The function will take place at 5:15pm 5:15pm.


Instruction: Semi-colon [;]

Response: The semicolon, which in Runyakitara is called akashuminkanya, is, according to Mubangizi (1963, p. 59), a punctuation mark, which separates a sentence that has elements with two closely related clauses. Mubangizi (1963, p. 59) cites an example of: "Okuzaara kwita abakazi; okugyenda kwita abashaija". "Giving birth kills women; travelling kills men". Ente baaziriisa akasheeshe; omuriisa tiyaarya kyansya. [Ry/Rk] Cows were grazed in the morning; the herdman did not eat breakfast. Agonza muno kulya oburo; ebitooke ebi abiriisibwa muhito. [Rn/Rt] He/she likes very much eating millet; he only eats bananas when there is real need.


Instruction: Slash [/]

Response: This punctuation mark, which can in Runyakitara be refered to as akasharo, is used to separate terms that are similar or words that mean more or less the same thing although the words are written differently. For example, Runyankore-Rukiga. This means that the two languages are more or less the same, or has that as the name for both languages. It is also used to indicate equivalent alternative words that mean the same thing in related dialects or languages. For example, akanywanisa/akateeraniza which are Ry/Rk Ry/Rk and Rn/Rt Rn/Rt words that both mean a hyphen. A slash may also be used to indicate alternatives. For example, John agyende na James naingainari na Richard. John should go with James and/or Richard A slash may also be used to separate dates. For example, Eriizooba n'ebiro 19/2/2019. [Ry/Rk] The date today is 19/2/2019. Aligaruka ebiro by'Okwezi 13/5/2018. [Rn/Rt] He/she will return on 13/5/2018


Instruction: Summary of Runyakitara Orthography

Response: Below are the general rules for spelling in Runyakitara: All words in Runyakitara shall be written the way they are pronounced and heard. Runyakitara has only five short vowels, namely: /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/ and /u/. Runyakitara also has five long vowels which are represented by writing the vowel twice. These are: /aa/, /ee/, /ii/, /oo/ and /uu/. All short vowels shall be written with one letter while all long vowel shall be doubled to represent a single sound. At any time, if the vowel length is predicted, a single vowel shall be written. No double vowel shall be written at the beginning of the word even when the vowel is pronounced long. For example, Ego though heard to be long, shall not be written as eego. All Runyakitara words shall not have a double vowel at the end of the word. There are situations when two different vowels combine in words. These are called diphthongs. The rule shall be that speakers write the way they pronounce those diphthongs. The most common diphthongs are the following: /ai/, /ei/, /oi/. Examples are found in words like amaizi (water), amaino (teeth), eicumu (spear), kubeiha (to lie), kuboigora (to bark). The diphthong /au/ exists in rare cases such as in a word mau (mother) in Runyoro-Rutooro. The writing system of Runyakitara shall use simple alphabetic letters. This enables the orthography to avoid complicated phonetic symbols such as. β,ȷˉ β, ˉ  and diacritic signs e.g. ∼∼ ∼∼ . Runyakitara shall use the following consonants: / l/ shall be used in Runyoro-Rutooro only and before ya, ye and yo as in okulya (to eat), omulyango (doorway), okulyeryesa (to entice), lyona (all) and before e or i in examples such as okuleeta (to bring) and okulinda (to keep). In all other instances, /r/ /r/ shall be used. Some Runyakitara consonants are formed by combining them with m m or n n at the beginning to form a single sound. These are called nasal compounds, and they include the following: /mb/ /mp/ /nc/ /nd/ /nf/ /ng/ /ngy/ /nj/ /nk/ /nky/ /ns/ /nsh/ /nt/ /nts/ /nv/ /nz/ The rule shall be that in words where they exist, they shall not be preceded by a double vowel. Examples include the following: omuhanda, ebihimba, esente, ekijenjegyere, ekipumpuriya. Another category of consonants that are combined to form a single sound are those that combine with w w in a word. These are called w w-compounds and they include the following: The rule shall be that all words that have these sounds shall not have a double vowel in front of them within a word. Examples include the following: There is also another category of simple sounds that are combined with y y at the end to form a single sound. These are called y y-compounds, and they include the following: /by/ /dy/ /gy/ /hy//ky/ /ly//my//ny//py/ /ry/ /sy//tsy/ /ty//zy/ The rule shall be that all words with that sound within them shall not have a double vowel in front of them. They include the following examples: /ky/ and /gy/ are not followed by /i/ because /y/ and /i/ are palatals. If they are followed by /i/ /i/, this would be a repetition. They shall therefore, be written as /ki/ /ki/ or /gi/. 14) Runyakitara also has the following consonants that are formed after combining with other simple consonants but representing one sound: /bb/ /mm/ /nn/ /gy/ /ky/ /ny/ /rr/ /sh/ /ts/ 15) bb: Double b b shall be used whenever we have a bilabial plosive. This usually appears in loan words or onomatopoeic words. Examples include: ebbinika (kettle), ebbiafu (basin), ebbaruha (letter), ebbahaasa (envelope), kubbomoka (to crash), kubbuukura (speak with energy and confidence) (Rn/Rt). 16) mm mm and nn nn : If the subject or object is followed by a verb beginning with m m or n n, then m m or n n shall be doubled, for example: The examples above reflect the subject. Those reflecting the object include the following: Bammanyire they know me mmugambiire I told him/her or I have told him/her nikinakanniga he strangled me mm mm or nn nn is also to be written if the subject expressed by /m/ /m/ or /n/ /n/ is followed by the object mu, for example: mmumanyire I know him/her mmugam- biire I told him/her or I have told him/her mmusing- ire I have beaten him/her or I beat him/her 17) rr: Whenever a vowel precedes /rr/ /rr/, the vowel shall always be pronounced long. However, it shall be written with a single vowel, for example: omurro (fire) kukurra (to drag). 18) ny and gy: These are classified as semi-vowels. The rule shall be that in words where they appear, if a long sound is heard, double vowels shall be written in front of them. If the sound is heard to be short, they shall be followed by a single vowel. Examples include the following words: enyaanya (tomatoes), enyama (meat), enyungu (pot), etc. gy is usually heard in Runyoro-Rutooro in words such as kugya (to go), kugyanga (to refuse it), kucwangya (to tell lies). Words that are spelt with /gy/ in Runyankore-Rukiga are pronounced with j j but shall continue being written with /gy/ /gy/ as in the following examples: kugyenda instead of [kujenda] (to go) ebyangye instead of [ebyanje] (mine) egyo instead of [ejo] (that) omugyera instead of [omujera] (river) Loan words may continue being written with /j/ /j/ instead of /gy/ /gy/ such as in the following examples: amajaani instead of amagyaani (tea) omujaasi instead of omugyaasi (soldier) 19) gi: Although this compound is not highlighted above, its pronunciation follows the same pattern as that of /gy/. Runyoro-Rutooro speakers will continue to write /gi/ in words such as omugimba (bunch), omugigi (catechism class), omugisa (luck/blessing), etc. Runyankore-Rukiga speakers shall also continue to write /gi/ although in pronunciation /ji/ /ji/ is heard as in the following examples: omugiigi pronounced as omujiiji (catechism class) engingo pronounced as enjingo (joint) omugisha pronounced as omujisha (luck) 20) ts: This a sound that is commonly heard among the Runyankore speakers who speak the Ruhima sub-dialect, although many Banyankore that are non-Ruhima speakers pronounce it as well. In all cases where it is heard, the other speakers of Runyankore pronounce it as /s/. The rule for it shall be that speakers write what they pronounce. Prepositions and conjunctions: Ndoleriire et al. (2007) note that prepositions and conjunctions can be written separately from the words they precede with an exception of words that start with omu and aha/ha. The simplest way of noticing how to write them is that whenever a preposition or conjunction follows a word that starts with a consonant, the preposition or conjunction shall be written separately from the word it follows. The writing shall thus be; owa Bakyenga at (Bakyenga's residence), aha rutookye (at the banana plantation). aha and omwa also have to be written separately from the words they precede, as in: omwa Ndoleriire (in Ndoleriire's home) or aha muhanda (on the footpath). On the other hand, prepositions and conjunctions are joined when combined to form a single lexical item, for example: omuka (at home), omunda (in the stomach) ahansi, (on the ground). 22) Apostrophe: In Runyoro-Rutooro, if it happens that a preposition, possessive, demonstrative or conjunction is followed by a word that starts with a vowel, both words shall be combined together by doubling the vowel rather than replacing the last sound with an apostrophe. However, in Runyankore-Rukiga, the apostrophe shall replace the last vowel of the possessive. The simplest way to identify how to use an apostrophe in Runyankore-Rukiga applies when a preposition, possessive, demonstrative or conjunction follows a word that starts with a vowel. In such a case, the vowel at the end of that preposition, possessive, demonstrative or conjunction is replaced or assimilated by an apostrophe. Examples include the following:


Instruction: References

Response: Babcock, P. (Ed.). (2002). Webster's third new international dictionary of the English Language. Springfield, Merriam-Webster Inc. Publishers. Betungura, A. (1960). Runyankore-Rukiga orthography as adopted from the Report of the Runyankore-Rukiga Orthographic Conference of 1954, Mbarara. Caumartin, A. (1938). Grammar ey'Orunyoro. Rwenzori: White Fathers Mission. Hansen, H. B. (1984). Mission, church and state in a colonial setting: Uganda, 1890-1925. London: Heinemann. Fromkin, V., Rodman, R., & Hyams, N. (2003). An introduction to language (7th Edn.). Boston: Thomson Wadsworth. Karwemera, F. (2005). Empandiika y'Orunyankore-Rukiga egufuhaziibwe. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. Morris, H. F., & Kirwan, B. E. R. (1957). A Runyankore grammar. Kampala: East African Literature Bureau. Mubangizi, B. (1963). Kanyarurimi I. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. Mubangizi, B. (1981). Kanyarurimi II. Mbarara: Omuhanda gw'Okumanya. Ndoleriire, O., Miirima, F., & Kintu, J. (Eds.). (2002). Runyoro-Rutooro orthography. Kampala: New Vision Printing & Publishing Company. Ndoleriire, O., Muranga, M. J. K., Gumoshabe, G. & Kintu, J. (2007). A unified standard orthography of Runyakitara. Cape Town: CASAS. Rubongoya, L. T. (1963). Runyoro-Rutooro orthography rules. Entebbe: Uganda Printing & Publishing Corporation. Rubongoya, L. T. (1965). Orulimi rwaitu omu mabara agatali gamu. Kampala: East African Literature Bureau. Taylor, C. (Ed.) (1960). Report of the Runyankore-Rukiga conference of 1959. Kampala. Taylor, C. (1978). A teacher's handbook of Runyankore-Rukiga orthography. Kampala: Uganda Literature Bureau. Wikipedia (2018). Punctuation. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Punctuation.


Instruction: INTRODUCTION TO A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF RUNYAKITARA TEXTS: A GENRE APPROACH

Response: Levis Mugumya


Instruction: Introduction

Response: In this chapter, we analyse and describe different kinds of written texts, mainly stories in Runyakitara. This description entails examining how these stories are constructed, interpreted and used and the defining characteristics that written Runyakitara texts exhibit. In addition, the chapter explores the lexico-grammatical (lexical and grammatical) properties that define Runyakitara texts and their organisational features. In other words, it explains the kind of linguistic resources/tools that writers of Runyakitara use to write these texts, that is, the words and the grammar that go into a text, and how the text is organised. These will not only enable you to understand deeper a Runyakitara text but also will equip you with appropriate skills that will enable you to eventually write effective Runyakitara texts in an acceptable and conventional manner. By the end of the chapter, you should be able to describe different written text types in Runyakitara; define the features that characterise these texts; and in due course write similar Runyakitara texts. Admittedly, there are many types of written texts in Runyakitara; and we cannot exhaustively explain each one of them in this chapter. Therefore, we confine ourselves to examining narratives. However, we provide examples of other texts to illustrate the criteria and steps that are observed in the analysis of texts in general. In the narratives, we analyse traditional stories and contemporary stories (news stories). In order to understand Runyakitara written texts, you will be introduced to an analytical approach which will assist you to analyse a variety of other Runyakitara texts. This analytical approach is known as genre analysis. This approach is derived from a popular theory known as genre theory. It is a simple method that you can use to analyse a group of texts that share similar linguistic characteristics. The genre analysis also enables you to examine other texts that will not have been explored in this chapter. The analysis will further illustrate how the elements you have studied in the previous chapters (adverbs, adjectives, semantics and Runyakitara lexis) are manifest in these written texts. Note that genre analysis is one of the many methods used to analyse texts, and one of the analytical approaches employed in the analysis of linguistic discourses. The chapter begins by providing a brief definition of discourse analysis. It then defines the various methods used to analyse linguistic texts. This is followed by an overview of the concept of genre since it is important to study genres. The chapter then delves into genre analysis by detailing the characteristics that enable one to identify a genre and the procedure followed in analysing genres. We then examine narrative genres in general and zero down on the properties and generic structure of Runyakitara traditional stories; and finally, we examine the contemporary news story. Since this is one of the first discourse analyses of Runyakitara texts, we rely heavily on studies that have been carried out on other languages, particularly English. It is, however, anticipated that, in due course, further research in discourse analysis in Runyakitara and other Ugandan Bantu languages will avail more technical terms and examples for future use. We will now briefly look at discourse analysis before we explain the details of genre analysis.


Instruction: What is Discourse Analysis?

Response: Before we define 'discourse analysis', it is necessary to understand the term 'discourse'. This term is usually used in different academic contexts by different people to refer to specific meanings. 'Discourse' can refer to the sequence of sentences, how "sentences connect and relate to each other across time in speech or writing" (Gee, 2014, p. 18). In this case, the analysis focuses on the structure and organisation of sentences. It can also be understood as "a particular way of talking about and understanding the world" (Jørgensen & Phillips, 2002, p. 1). Another meaning of discourse is language in use; it is concerned with how people use language in different specific contexts, which at times, is referred to as 'pragmatics'. Discourse analysis has been defined as the analysis of written and spoken language beyond the sentence level. Some scholars have defined it as "the analysis of linguistic behaviour, written and spoken, beyond the limits of individual sentences, focusing primarily on the meaning constructed and interpreted as language is used in particular social contexts" (Bhatia, Flowerdew, & Jones, 2008, p. 1). It is also understood as "the study of the relationship between language and the contexts in which it is used" and involves analysing different written texts as well as verbal communication in various forms (McCarthy, 2001, p. 5). Recently, discourse analysis has embraced other forms of communication including visual images, sounds, icons, etc. which we shall briefly explain below. Discourse analysis therefore, involves the analysis of lin-


Instruction: Methods used in Discourse Analysis

Response: Discourse analysis makes use of various analytical approaches using different types of materials to achieve a wide range of goals (Bhatia et al., 2008). Discourse analysis cuts across different fields of study which use different discourse analytical methods to analyse written and spoken texts. Some of these include conversational analysis (CA), critical discourse analysis (CDA), corpus-based discourse analysis, mediated discourse analysis, multimodal discourse analysis, and genre analysis. Let's briefly look at each of these approaches. Corpus-based discourse analysis involves the use of big amounts of texts which can be read by different types of technologies. The method avails information about the patterns of language as far as grammar and vocabulary are concerned; the analysis is applied to large texts rather than sentences or short texts. In English language, for example, the analysis has revealed that the word 'glass' "occurs with ... a set of words related to drinks: "lemonade, water, milk" while 'cause' occurs with such negative words as "accident, damage, death or trouble" (Bhatia et al., 2008, pp. 7-8). Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is concerned with the use of language in society in relation to social injustice, inequality, unfairness, power abuse and ideological imposition, etc. (Fairclough, 1995; Richardson, 2007). Fairclough (2001) has described CDA as an approach that is concerned with how language is linked to the social elements such as exploitation and domination of people by other people. It is mainly concerned with power and its control. It aims to find out how ideologies become entrenched in language and how they can be freed; it helps society to be aware of social injustices as well as trying to establish the communicator's purpose and attitude in constructing communication. The context of communication within which the communication takes place is central to CDA. Conversational analysis refers to how members of a society interact and interpret their experiences. The analysis involves looking at the procedures and rules that govern conversations. The analysts study those interactions that unfold in natural contexts which have been transcribed. Another recent analytical approach is known as multimodal discourse analysis. Note that the examples we have given above use written or spoken texts as their primary resources for analysis. Multimodal discourse analysis however, is concerned with the analysis of other forms of social interaction. These include gestures, posture, images, graphic representations, text layout, music, icons, etc. Most analyses using the multimodal approach have focused on TV images, and newspaper and film pictures. Another approach is genre analysis which will form the basis of this chapter. Genre analysis derives from the study of English in academic environments. It is concerned with examining linguistic behaviour in academic or professional contexts (Bhatia et al., 2008). The above approaches have been largely applied to texts and other resources in English and other European languages as well as Asian languages. However, very little has been done to apply, for example, genre analysis to African languages. The purpose of this chapter therefore, is to apply this particular discourse analytical approach to written Runyakitara texts. Since no discourse analytical approach has been explored in Runyakitara, we shall base our analysis on the principles that have been used to analyse mainly English texts.


Instruction: What is genre?

Response: In everyday life, you encounter several communication contexts in both written and spoken forms. These range from emails, conversations with friends or relatives, informal and formal letters, telephone exchanges, text messages to newspaper or magazine articles, novels, textbook readings, advertisements, noticeboard announcements, etc. These different texts possess individual characteristics that differentiate them from other texts. These differences are known as linguistic features that define each text (Eggins & Slade, 1997). For example, a telephone exchange cannot begin with the following utterance: (1) Ahari Ateenyi wange omugonzibwa типо, Similarly, a story cannot end with the following proposition: (2) Nyowe, Yohaana Rutamirike naaguza Petero Kayonjo ekibanja kyangye kirikwingana hiika ibiri. These two examples (1 and 2), though culled from their actual communicative contexts, demonstrate linguistic differences that characterise and define specific texts in Runyoro-Rutooro and Runyankore-Rukiga, respectively. These linguistic differences are very important in the analysis of different texts in Runyakitara. The linguistic differences vary from lexical elements, grammatical elements, style used to how a given text is organised from its beginning to the end. The concept of genre therefore, is defined on the basis of the similarity or distinctive features a text has. It has been defined as a group of texts that demonstrate specific similar linguistic and functional properties (Lee, 2001). For example, sports articles or obituaries that appear in newspapers possess specific linguistic features that distinguish them from editorials or advertisements. Similarly, recipes, novels, and news articles can be identified because of their distinctive features. In simple terms, genre can be defined as a group of texts that exhibit similar linguistic properties. However, the term 'genre' has different meanings and is interpreted in varied ways by different scholars within their individual fields of study. Therefore, the definition of genre is rather abstract and problematic to understand and as you progress in your linguistic studies, you will encounter other explanations of genre, which we have not explored in this chapter. Because this concept has, over time, traversed other disciplines gaining deep ground in linguistics, discourse analysis, academic and professional English, and first and second language (L1 and L2) learning and teaching. For example, in literary studies, 'genre' has been traditionally associated with such literary genres as sonnet, epic, epitaph, tales, legends, novels, or proverbs, which are identified in terms of structure, subject matter, language use, and how they are produced (Kress, 1993; Freedman & Medway, 1994). We shall, later on, discover that some of the literary genres attributes of form and content have persisted in genre as a discourse/linguistic term. Other scholars such as Martin (2009) and Martin and Rose (2003, pp. 7-8) define it as "a staged, goal-oriented social process. Social because we participate in genres with other people; goal-oriented because we use genres to get things done; staged because it usually takes us a few steps to reach our goals". The stages or moves are the steps or phases that a genre writer goes through. Therefore, while analysing genres, we pay attention to how a text develops in specific unique steps. Other scholars have explained genre in terms of the cultural and social contexts where people use genre to describe the different ways in which they use language to accomplish things repeatedly, and in the process validating more genres that are a result of new societal requirements and abandoning those that are not useful. They argue that genres fulfil the social function within various cultural communities, for example, whenever people meet on a regular basis to carry out certain activities, these activities become standardised. Genres are realised via the means of language. Therefore, genre as a social process arises out of people meeting on a regular basis and using language (Kress, 1993; Martin, 2009). We are always engaged in genres on a daily basis and these genres include buying or selling items, seeking and giving information, telling a story, gossiping, making an appointment, exchanging opinion, conversing with a friend (Eggins, 1994), etc.


Instruction: Why is it Important to Acquire Genre Knowledge?

Response: Analysing discourse is significant because it explains what language is used for. It helps to understand how language is used in different settings such as academic, workplace and professional settings. Genres are the media through which scholars and scientists communicate with each other. The study of genre therefore, is critical for many scholars, researchers, and professionals including linguists, political scientists, philosophers, anthropological, sociologists, business people, and communication experts. Therefore, to participate or understand the scholarly and scientific discourse, they need to be aware of the underlying functions and features that genres in such fields possess. For example, it is necessary to possess sound knowledge of genres used in law, academics, and journalism in order to produce such genres as contracts, research articles, and features, respectively. To this end, genre study is instrumental and aims to help a writer accomplish writing tasks in an acceptable manner once s/he has understood how genres work as well as telling whether the texts produced are wrong or right and if they conform to acceptable standards of a given profession (Berkenkotter & Huckin, 1995; Bazerman, 2004). Genre knowledge also enables us to understand the customs, knowledge, and beliefs of genre users, which are inherent in their cultures, and the daily activities they are involved in. For example, the study of the narrative genre (ebigano, emigani, enganikyo) in Runyakitara reveals the beliefs, behaviours, food and ways of living of Bakiga, Banyankore, Batooro and Banyoro. The analysis of texts is also important because it enables us to learn about texts that were not acquired within the home or community environment. These texts possess "linguistic structures and patterns" that "students must learn... to recognise and interpret" (Biber & Conrad, 2009, p. 3) and later on be able to produce. It is not necessary for you to learn how to greet or talk to your mother or brother, or even write a text message on a mobile phone to a friend today. However, it is important to learn how to write an application letter, or how to write an examination paper. In this regard, as Biber and Conrad (2009) argue that there is need to teach genres to university students in order to succeed, it is equally important to explore the hitherto unknown construction and linguistic features of Runyakitara texts given the significance of the language in academic and socio-political contexts. A similar significance to the above relates to genre-based language teaching and learning, which has been the major field of language teaching and learning in Australia, America and recently in South Africa. The genrebased pedagogy is concerned with the textual structures and linguistic resources that characterise quality writing of various genres in the school system (Visser, 2013). Genre-based pedagogy enables both teachers and learners of African languages, particularly those from underprivileged communities, to handle written and spoken tasks required at secondary school and tertiary levels of education. Visser (2013, p. 5) further argues that it also "equips language teachers of African languages to facilitate the literacy development of learners in their respective first languages[s]". In fact, genre-based teaching and learning enables learners to acquire text-linguistic competencies that would lead them to produce quality academic written texts (Visser, 2013; Hyland, 2002, 2003). The knowledge of genre will help you understand educational genres including lectures, tutorials, reports, essays, seminars and workshops, examinations, textbooks, etc. The teaching of genre enables students to master these genres thus gaining empowerment at school, later on at the workplace and be able to participate in various ways of social life (Cope & Kalantzis, 1993; Gillearts & Shaw, 2006).


Instruction: Genre Analysis

Response: Genre analysis is an approach used to examine linguistic behaviour as it is manifested in academic or professional settings (Bhatia, 2004). The choice for genre analysis relates to the inadequacy of the previous discourse approaches to address pedagogical needs, explain textual analysis, and categorise texts based on their similarities and differences (Hopkins & Dudley, 1988). Swales (1990) has equally argued that traditional analysis of texts did not offer reasons to explain why 'genre texts' appear the way they do. Genre analysis therefore, is a result of the inadequacy of previous approaches (register analysis, grammatical-rhetorical analysis, and interactional analysis) to provide sufficient information for deep structure analysis or explain the reasons why certain texts appear the way they do. Bhatia argues that genre analysis (applied genre analysis) combines the socio-cultural, institutional and organisational explanations for English for Specific Purposes and applied linguistics in general. This is "a thicker description" of both lexico-grammatical properties and organisational features, which borrows from several disciplines in order to arrive at a deeper and insightful analytical description of texts and explanation of language use in professional and academic genres (Bhatia, 1993, p. 5-10, 2004, 2008). Genre analysis is significant because it allows one to "understand how members of specific discourse communities construct, interpret and use genres in order to accomplish a communicative purpose and why they write them the way they do" (Bhatia, 2004, p. 10). It also facilitates the comprehension of the "the social and cultural contexts in which genres are located" and understanding how such factors relate to the "language choices" that users make (Paltridge, 2002). The analysis of genres requires acquisition of linguistic competencies related to syntax (grammar), lexicon (vocabulary), and the organisational structure of a given genre. The knowledge of genre responds to such writing needs and skills as description, explanation, argumentation, persuasion, entertainment, instruction, responding, or recording events. These skills are not only crucial to accomplish academic tasks in the education system but also significant to one's life at the place of work. For this reason, "genre teaching should emancipate students by giving them the possibility to live up to the expectations of the professional world" (Gillearts & Shaw, 2006, p. 8).


Instruction: Identification of Genres

Response: Genres possess easily recognised characteristics that when we come across them, we know what kind of genre a given text is. These properties lead us to identify what kind of message to expect in the text. In a simple example of the lost and found texts in a newspaper, we expect to find the identification of the person who lost the item, the description of the lost item, contact details, and perhaps a reward for whoever finds the item. Alternatively, if an examination paper and a letter are placed before us, we are able to distinguish one from the other because of the uniqueness that each one of them possesses. The words and grammar, the interlocutors (writers and speakers), the steps/stages the interactants go through, the purpose of interaction, the medium of interaction (spoken or written), etc. help us to recognise what genre the text in question is about. The knowledge of the culture within which a genre is located is equally important for us to identify a genre because different cultures use language differently. For example, the exchange in Example 3 below reveals a lot (Ry/Rk): (3) S1: Okabura! S2: Naiwe waabuzire. S1: Ndamutsya tureebe. S2: Buhooro, buhooro, buhooro gye. S1: Hmmm, hmmm, mmmm. S2: Muraara muta? S1: Turiyo... The exchange tells about an encounter between two adults who have not seen each other for a long period (demonstrated in the greeting using propositions like okabura and buhooro). It is a face-to-face encounter involving two people of unequal social status or different ages. The begging of ndamutsya tells us that this interlocutor cannot initiate a greeting; he/she begs the other person to greet first. Among the Banyankore-Bakiga, a young person is not supposed to initiate greeting an elder, especially when they have not seen each other for a long time. Similarly, certain social ties demand that a person of higher social status (father-in-law, an uncle, and mother-in-law) initiates the greeting, no matter the age. In accomplishing a given task using language, social conventions require that we do so systematically. These steps or stages are known as the schematic structures of a genre (Eggins & Slade, 1997). A genre is composed of stages/steps which are regarded as its constituent parts or constituent structure. The stages enable us to communicate effectively since we cannot make meaning at a go. These stages are related to each other in order to fulfil the function of the text and achieve the overall communicative goal of the genre. In other words, the stage fulfils a given function in a genre. Note that in some of the genres, these steps/stages are optional while in others they are obligatory. Although these elements can be left out, the text remains the same; in other words, the genre does not change. It should also be noted that some of these elements are recursive, that is, they appear more than once in a genre. The stages in the written genres usually occur as separate paragraphs. The stage is normally recognised by similar grammatical and lexical properties. The steps can be clearly identified because of their peculiarity. For example, in English, the phrase 'once upon a time' is associated with a narrative genre while 'Nyowe Kanyamunyu naaguza ekibanja kyangye...' in Runyankore-Rukiga is typical to a transactional genre of a legal nature. In recipe and instructional manual genres, there is the use of imperatives in the Method stage while the Ingredients Stage is characterised by numbers or measuring words. In a business letter, the Complimentary Close stage is conveyed via polite expressions. The use of temporal conjunctions such as 'and', 'then', 'after', 'before', and temporal circumstances such as 'until the age of', 'at that time', 'at the mission', 'in the early 1970s', 'in those years', 'during the 1980s', etc. reveals different stages in an English narrative genre (Martin & Rose, 2008). Genres are recognised because of 'repeated textual patterns' or 'easy to notice features' (Bazerman, 2004, p. 322). For example, stories usually begin with the following phrase: "once upon a time", while business letters are characterised by inside addresses. A close examination of traditional stories in Runyakitara reveals the following beginnings: Hakaba hariho omushaija ... or Obundi.... However, not all Runyakitara narratives begin in a similar manner. Language plays a central role in analysing genres, after all, genres are realised through language. In this regard, genre can also be identified based on typical patterns in a text; for example, the grammatical items or the graphical elements used. Different genres possess different words and grammatical structures. Even within a genre, the words and structures used across stages will differ. In an application letter, the words and grammatical choices in a Complimentary Close differ from those in an introductory stage. These grammatical patterns enable us to demarcate the stage boundaries and identify the number of stages of a genre (see Text 1). The stages are given genre-specific labels rather than the traditional designation such as beginning, middle, end or even Introduction, Body and Conclusion (Eggins, 1994; Bhatia, 2004). Text 1: GENRE LABELS OF A RUNYAKITARA NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENT (Ry/Rk) Headline - to attract the reader OKUGAASHUURA N'OWA BAGUMA Locating the service Baguma Restaurant ebeire neeshangwa ahari Mayoba Inn efurukire yaaza omu mwana gw'omurembe ogurikushangwa haihi na KASH Hard Ware Detailing the service - positive evaluation Manya omwanya nigwaka kandi gwine paakingi y'omurembe n'amabeho marungi waaba noohuuta supu Offering incentives Manya hati bashazire aha kabeeyi aka buriijo Detailing the service - positive evaluation Abarikwenda kureeba emipiira ya Bungyereza mwarymmu beine sikuriini z'omurembe Pressure tactics Otafeerwa omugisha ogu Establishing rapport Ahandi Mukama abandindire mwena mwije owa Baguma mugaashuure Soliciting response Noobaasa kubahikira aha simu 07067890000/0771777111 (Source: Entatsi, September 24-30, 2013, p. 1) It is important to point out that genres are dynamic: they go through stages; they appear on the scene, they grow, and they may die (Devitt, 2004; Bhatia, 2004). Although genres are relatively stable texts because they arise from stable discourse communities whose discursive practices are stable for a given period, they never remain so (Myers, 2000). Once the communicative needs change, so do the genres (Ramanathan & Kaplan, 2000). Genres are dynamic because they are embedded in cultural practices and these are never stable (Muntigl & Gruber, 2005). Speakers/writers often stray away from the standard form; others produce the socially recognised types while others create complicated ones. Several other studies regarding genre change have been carried out particularly on the changes that scientific research articles have undergone since they appeared on the academic scene (Swales, 1990; Berkenkotter & Huckin, 1995; Bhatia, 1993; Ayers, 2008). Other genre changes have been observed in other fields. For example, the use of Power Point presentations that were designed for business-related purposes, have been adopted by academics (Myers, 2000). Another genre change study shows how an electronic mail has created a 'new sub-genre' of letter writing which excludes the recipient's address and date, the latter being generated automatically (Ramanathan & Kaplan, 2000). Gillaerts and Shaw (2006) also observe that the letter genre has been overtaken by email and fax pushing the former to the periphery. In this regard, we shall also point out how some of texts in Runyakitara are undergoing changes, for example, the news report. Another significant aspect in the study of genre is genre mixing. Genre mixing involves the inclusion of some other elements in a specific genre, for example, the intrusion of advertising features in news editorials and company reports (Hyland, 2002; Bhatia, 2004). Another observed form of genre mixing occurs in academic in- troductions such as preface, foreword and acknowledgment. Although their communicative purpose is to introduce, other hidden promotional purposes are exhibited (Bhatia, 1997; 2004), they use descriptive adjectives and linguistic features that are common in advertising genres. In this regard, we discover genre mixing whereby the genres of textbook introductions possess two communicative goals, that is, to introduce and to promote the book. Genre mixing has also been identified in job advertisements. The construction of job adverts contains persuasive elements which are intended to appeal to the post-modern job advert as well as the traditional formal conventions of a job advert genre (Norlyk, 2006). Because of the consumerism culture in our societies today, documents of most companies and organisations comprise promotional elements (Bhatia, 2000). Another basis for genre identification is 'variation'. This involves analysing many texts to determine how similar or different the texts are. For example, sales agreements would vary between those of land and those of other properties like cars. The variations usually occur across disciplines. The textbook genre cuts across such disciplines as Mathematics, History, Science, Law or Economics. However, a textbook in each of these will exhibit unique discipline-based features. Science textbooks will use diagrams, pictures and tables while knowledge presentation in literature textbooks is likely not to contain such visual materials. While Law and Economics texts will refer to other scholars, it is not the case in Mathematics texts (Bhatia, 2004).


Instruction: Analysing Genres

Response: In analysing unfamiliar genres, Bhatia (1993,2004) (1993,2004) recommends that one should first consider his/her experience and knowledge about the field in which the genre-text belongs. If you do not possess this knowledge, then you examine the existing literature on that genre in order to learn more about it. Secondly, you consider the situational context which enables you to define who the speaker or writer of the text is and the target audience. It also reveals the history, sociocultural beliefs of the community in which the text is used. It is also important to identify which other texts are similar or related to the text in order to provide the background. If the genre you are analysing falls within a specific institution, there is need to study the institutional context, such as the rules and conventions that govern the writing of texts. For example, the analysis of sale agreements requires knowledge of rules and language that lawyers use to construct these agreements while writing the genre of a business order requires good knowledge of business communication. This stage is followed by linguistic analysis. Linguistic analysis involves the analysis of text patterns which reveal linguistic use of the members of the community that use that genre. The analysis entails looking at the lexico-grammar; i.e., both the vocabulary and grammatical elements of the text. The text patterns revealed by this analysis will provide answers to why things are done the way they are done. For example, the presence of adjectives in advertisements is intended to facilitate positive description of the product. Structural analysis is also significant in analysing genres. It provides different ways of how language is organised while communicating a specific message. Because of the regularity of a genre, genre writers usually follow a regular systematic way in communicating the general message in a specific genre. Structural analysis therefore, is concerned with the consistent and preferred ways known as moves/stages/steps. As noted above, each move has a specific communicative purpose it fulfils via different linguistic or rhetorical techniques available to the writer (Bhatia, 1993). Examining the linguistic and organizational features across a collection of similar texts reveals similarities and differences as well as consistencies or inconsistencies of a given genre (Bazerman, 2004). Although it is quite challenging, it is advisable that at the end of the process, the genre analyst should seek expert knowledge from members of a community that are involved in the production of those texts or the institution that produces that genre s/he is analysing for cross-checking the findings and clarifying some issues (Bhatia, 1993). This is also done because certain professions, e.g., law or journalism, prescribe what should or should not go into a text and how this text is supposed to be used or interpreted. The specialists can identify the kinds of texts they work with and provide expert interpretation of how they are created and used. They can also provide reasons and factors attributed to deviations (variations) in a given genre. Lastly, genre identification can also be carried out through ethnographic research, which involves interacting with people at their workplace and regularly collecting and studying the texts they produce. In this way, the researcher observes the reasons for using the texts, how they are written, used and interpreted. In the next section, we apply genre theoretical principles examined above to three different genre texts in Runyakitara. First, we shall begin by reviewing the genre analysis of English narratives and relate it to Runyakitara narratives. Next, we analyse a contemporary news story and argumentative writing in the print media; and finally, we shall apply genre analysis to semi-legal writing in Runyakitara by examining a will and a sale agreement.


Instruction: Narrative Genres

Response: Stories are significant in our lives; they "are central genres in all cultures.... They are told in all social groupings to interpret life's chaos and rhythms, to evaluate each other's behaviour, and to educate and entertain our children" (Rose & Martin, 2008, p. 49). Martin and Rose further argue that the stories' power to grip the attention of both children and adults is inexplicable. They exist across different domains of life, for example, movies, novels, short stories, news stories, plays, etc. (Macken-Horarik, 2002), and they have been comprehensively studied (Martin & Rose, 2008). You will have learnt that in English language, narrative writing mainly serves to tell in detail a story that has one main point. The narration process requires looking at and examining events in a chronological order. It tells what has happened in a story. The composition follows a chronological ordering (start at the beginning and go on until you come to the end, and then you stop). For example, a story about a memorable ride on a bodaboda [motorcycle] would perhaps begin by telling the reader/listener the place where the motorcycle was located. It would then go on to indicate price negotiation and the time when it was taken, the exciting events along the itinerary, the most exciting event, which would mark the peak of the ride - the best moment, and finally the destination. The climax could however, entail a crisis point, for example, an accident, fuel shortage, a brush with a traffic officer, or hijacking the protagonist. In this regard, the narrative would then go on into another phase of recounting how this problem is resolved. In such a story, a chronological order of how events unfold is observed. However, the order can be subverted depending on the narrator's choice. The narrator can choose to plunge into the middle of the story with a startling, amusing, or dramatic event so as to grab the reader's attention. The typical examples of narrative writing include novels and short stories, biographies and autobiographies, diary, some newspaper articles, radio and TV news reports, conversational anecdotes, etc. Besides narrative genres, other story genres also trace a series of events of personal recounts. They are categorised into four text types: recounts, anecdotes, exemplums, and observations (Martin & Rose, 2008). In brief, recounts entail narrating events in a sequence having no significant problem while anecdotes recount humourous events that are out of the ordinary. The adventures of Ishe-Katabaazi provide good examples of anecdote stories. Exemplums recount events which entail moral assessment. Observations recount events in which the narrator provides a negative or positive judgement. Note that the narrative differs from the others in that it exhibits a disrupting event (complication), which is then resolved and the story returns to the hitherto social stability. The story genre has been found to exhibit the following generic staging: Abstract, Orientation, Complication, Evaluation, Resolution and Coda (Macken-Horarik, 2002; van Leeweun, 2008; Martin and Rose, 2008). The Abstract comprises the topic of the story and is intended to attract the attention of the listener/reader; it tells the listeners/readers what the story is about. The Orientation stage entails the setting, that is, the people (characters) who are involved, the place and time of the story. It also provides the first incident of the story. The Complication involves the main event of the narrative, a problem. This is usually a destabilisation of social harmony, which could be a family order or a hunting expedition order. In fact, the narrative genre aims to resolve a problem. In an extended narrative (macro genre), there might exist several complications and resolutions. The Evaluation stage comprises the significance and relevance of the event(s) for the character(s). The Resolution, which is usually the last event, provides the solution to the problem. It attempts to restore the hitherto existing social harmony. The Coda is a stage in which the storyteller/writer signs off. It serves to bring back events to normalcy, that is, the status quo of events before the complication set in. It acts as a bridge between the story world and the moment of the narration. Both the Abstract and Coda are optional while Evaluation can occur several times during the progression of the story. In the next section, we apply these stages to establish whether they equally apply across Runyakitara stories.