Before exploring the contours and implications of this  working definition, understanding five key dimension of a Black women's  standpoint is essential. The Core Themes of a Black Women's Standpoint  \ ·-All African-An1erican women share the common experience of being  \ Black women in a society that denigrates women of African descent. This  commonality of experience suggests that certain characteristic themes will  ,_be prominent in a Black women's standpoint. For example, one core theme  is a legacy of struggle. Katie Cannon observes, "throughout the hjstory  of the United States, the interrelationship of white supremacy and maJe  superiority has characterized the Black woman's reality as a situation of  struggle-a struggle to survive in two contradictory worlds simuJtaneously,  one white, privileged, and oppressive, the other black, exploited, and  oppressed" (1985, 30). Black women's vulnerabili ty to assaults in the  workplace, on the street, and at home has stimulated Black women's  independence and self-reliance. In spite of differences created by historical era, age, social class, sexual  orientation, or ethnicity, the legacy of struggle against racism and sexism is  a common thread binding African-American women. Anna Julia Cooper,  a nineteenth-century Black woman intellectual , describes Black women's  vulnerability to sexual violence:  [ would beg ... to add my plea for the Colored Girls of the South:-that  large, bright, promising fatally beautiful class ... so full of promise and  possibilities , yet so sure of destruction; often without a father to whom they  dare apply the loving term, often without a stronger brother to espouse their  cause and defend their honor with his life·s blood; in the midst of pitfalls  Defining Black Feminist Thought  and snares, waylaid by the lower classes of white men, with no shelter, no  protection.


At noon, we served lunch, setting out platters and bowls along with a  handdrawn menu that listed the day’s dishes with punny names and colorful drawings of  ingredients. Each day, we served a fourcourse meal with nonvegetarian, vegetarian, and  vegan/glutenfree components in order to meet everyone’s dietary needs. I’d grab a plate,  to quickly eat, either in solitude or with friends, and then spend the rest of the day washing  dishes from the morning’s cooking. I often washed dishes in desolate departmental lounges, abandoned by everyone  who did not want to cross a picket line to get into the building. I now know where the  sinks are in departments I had previously never visited. I know how to quickly soak  and scrub a massive pot to get rice unstuck. I know how to angle a large sheet pan in  a tiny sink to avoid splashing water everywhere. I quickly learned which faces at the  front desks would glare at me as I walked back and forth with my dishes and when to  turn around and find another sink upon hearing staff wondering aloud whether I was  allowed to be there. 10 Over these weeks, I was coming to know  information in ways I might not have been  able to verbalize, but my body knew. This  knowledge, stemming from this manual  practice of patiently repeating something  over and over again, is the transformation  everpresent in organizing. The Kitchen  Committee’s practices of reclaiming and  repurposing offices and “community”  lounges as makeshift kitchens exemplifies  the creativity and imagination that  organizing constantly asks of us. Though  these university spaces were not built for  meal preparation for hundreds, we used  them as though they were. We made it so.   One morning, as I carried two fresh pots of coffee to the picket, I noticed various chalk  drawings around the building. These drawings and messages were strike slogans,  messages of solidarity, and prompts asking people why this strike was important to  them.

Let This Radicalize You Reflections from New Activists and Organizers (Kelly Hayes, Mariame Kaba, Max Canner (design)).pdf


The colonists created  a caste of people who would by definition be seen as dumb because it was illegal to te ach them to read or write, as lazy to justify the bullwhip, as immoral to jus tify rape and forced breeding, as criminal because the colonists made the  natural response to kidnap, flo ggings, and torture—the hum an impulse to d efend oneself or break free—a crime if one were black. Thus, e ach new immigrant—the ancestors of most cur rent-day Americans—walked into a preexisting hierarchy , bipolar in c onstruction, arising from slavery and pittin g the extremes in human pigm entation at opposite ends. Each new immigrant had to figure out how and where to position themselves in the hierarchy of their adopted new land. Oppressed people from around the world, particularly from Europe, passed through Ellis Island, shed their old selves, and often their old names to gain admittance to the powerful dominant majority. Somewhere in the journey , Europeans became something they had never been or needed to be before. They went from being Czech or Hungarian or Polish to white, a political designation that only has meaning when set against something not white. They would join a new creation, an umbrella category for anyone who enter ed the New W orld from Europ e. Germans gained acceptance as part of the dominant caste in the 1840s, according to immigration and  legal scholar I an Haney López, the Irish in the 1850s to 1880s, and the eastern and so uthern Europeans in the early twentieth century. It was in becoming American that they became white.


I was one of his t op  students, o ne of the school's t op students-but all he  could s ee for me was th e kin d of future "in  your place" that alm ost a ll white people see for black p eople. He told m e, "Malcol m, you o ught to be thinki ng about a career. Have you been giving it thought ?"   The truth is, I hadn't. I never have f igure d out why  I told h im, "Well, yes, sir , I've been thinking I' d  like to  be a lawyer." Lansing certainly  had no Negro  lawyers-or do ctors ei ther-in those days, to  hold up an image I m ight h ave aspired to. All I re ally knew  for certain was th at a lawyer didn't  wash  dishes, a s I was do ing. Mr. Ostrowski looked surprised, I  remember , and leaned back in his chair a nd clasp ed his hands  behind his h ead. He kind of half-smiled a nd said, "Malc olm, o ne of life's first n eeds is f or us t o be  realistic. Do n't m isunderst and me, now. We all h ere like you, you kn ow that. But you' ve got to  be  realistic ab out being a n igger. A lawyer-that's n o realistic goal f or a nigge r. You need to think  about something you _c an_ be. You're go od with your  hands-m aking thi ngs. Everybody  admires  your carpentry shop work. W hy don't you pl an on carpentry? People like you as a pers on-you'd  get all kin ds of work."   The more I thought a fterwards a bout what h e said, the mo re uneasy it m ade me. It just k ept  treading around in my mi nd. What made it really begin to  disturb m e was M r. Ostrowski's  advice to  others in my class- all of  them white. Most o f them had told him they were pla nning t o become farmers. B ut those who  wante d to strike o ut on their own, t o try something new, he had encouraged. Some, mostly girls,  wante d to be teachers. A few want ed other pro fessio ns, suc h as one boy who want ed to become  a county age nt; another, a veterin arian; a nd one girl want ed to be a nurs e. They all re ported that  Mr. Ostrowski had encouraged what they had want ed.

The Autobiography of Malcolm X. (Malcolm X, Alex Haley).pdf


The Nature of Medical Racism The Origins and Consequences  of Medical Racism introduction The idea that discredited (and even disgraceful) ideas about racial differ- ences might play a role in medical diagnosis and treatment is a possibility that some doctors ﬁ  nd profoundly disturbing. The racially biased treat- ment of patients would appear to be a grievous violation of medical eth-ics and a direct threat to the dignity of the profession. Yet, in the course of the last two decades, the medical literature has published hundreds of peer-reviewed studies that point to racially motivated decisions by physi-cians either to deny appropriate care to black patients or to inﬂ  ict on them  extreme procedures (such as amputations) that many white patients would be spared. 1  “How are we to explain, let alone justify, such broad evidence of  racial disparity in a health care system committed in principle to providing care to all patients?” the socially active physician H. Jack Geiger asked in 1996. His reply to his own question offered two possible explanations. The  ﬁ rst option was to attribute the observed disparity to “unspeciﬁ  ed cultural  differences” or decisions made by black patients who did not understand that they needed medical care. The second and more discomﬁ  ting explana- tion was, as Dr. Geiger phrased it, “racism—that is, racially  discriminatory rationing by physicians and health care institutions.” Confronting the data that he had felt compelled to present to the medical community, Dr. Geiger could not bring himself to categorize the documented behavior of his medical colleagues as racist. Indeed, he added, “if racism is involved it is unlikely to be overt or even conscious.” 2 For this conscientious physi- cian, medical racism that implied individual culpability was still somehow unreal, a specter to be exorcized rather than a threat to be acknowledged and confronted.

Black and Blue The Origins and Consequences of Medical Racism (John Hoberman).pdf


I  remember a n old lady, grinning a nd saying to my father, "You're scaring th ese white folks t o  death!"   One of the reasons I've al ways  felt that my f ather favored m e was that to the best o f my  remembranc e, it was o nly me  that he sometimes t ook with him to the Garve y U.N.I. A. meetings  which h e held quietly  in different people's h omes. There were n ever more than a few p eople a t  any on e time-twenty  at most. But that was  a lot, packe d into someone's living room. I noticed how  differently  they all ac ted, although sometimes t hey were the same p eople who j umped and  shouted in church. B ut in these meetings b oth they and my father were mor e intense, more  intelligent and down to earth. It made me feel the same way. I can re member hearing  of "Adam driven out of the gard en into the caves o f Europe," "Africa for  the Africans ," "Ethiopi ans, Awake! " And my father would t alk a bout how it would not be much  longer b efore Africa would b e completely run by Negroes-"by black men," was  the phrase he  always  used. "No one knows when the hour of Africa's re demption cometh. It is in the wind. I t is co ming. On e  day, like a storm, it will be here."   I remember seeing the big, shiny  photograp hs of Marcus G arvey that were  passed from hand to  hand. My father h ad a big envelop e of them that he always  took to these m eetings. The pictures  showed what seemed to me millions o f Negroes t hronged in p arade behind Garve y riding  in a fine  car, a big black m an dress ed in a d azzling uni form with gold b raid o n it, and he was wearing  a  thrillin g hat with t all plumes.


When	Sir	William	Blackstone’s	 Commentaries	on	the	Laws	of	England 	laid	down	the	basic structure	of	liberal/capitalist	thought,	this	served	as	a	template	for	future	generations	of lawyers,	so	that	legal	change	thereafter	came	slowly.	Once	the	structure	of	law	and	legal categories	takes	form,	it	replicates	itself	much	as,	in	the	world	of	biology,	DNA	enables organisms	to	replicate.	In	some	respects,	the	predicament	is	the	old	one	about	the	chicken	and the	egg.	It	is	hard	to	think	about	something	that	has	no	name,	and	it	is	difficult	to	name something	unless	one’s	 interpretive	community	has	begun	talking	and	thinking	about	it.

Critical Race Theory  An Introduction (Richard Delgado  Jean Stefancic).pdf


H e did it in sl ow  motion. I got down a nd tried it on his s hoes. I had the pri nciple o f it. "Just got t o do it faster,"  Freddie sai d. "It's a  jive noise, that's all. Cats ti p better, they figure you're kn ocking  yoursel f out!"   By the end of the dance, Freddi e had let me shine t he shoes o f three or four stray  drunks he  talked in to having shi nes, and I had practiced picking  up my speed on Freddi e's shoes u ntil they  looked like mirrors. After we h ad helped the janitors to  clea n up the ballroo m after the dance,  throwin g out all the paper and cigarett e butts and empty liquor bottles, Freddi e was  nice e nough  to driveme all t he way home to Ella's on the Hill  in the secon dhand maroon Buick he said he was  going  to trade in on his Cadillac. H e talk ed to me all the wa y. "I guess it's all ri ght if I tell you, pick  up a couple o f dozen packs o f rubbers, two-bits a piece. You notice s ome of those c ats that came  up to me around the end of the dance? W ell, when some h ave new chicks going ri ght, they'll  come a sking  you for rubbers. Charge a  dollar, gen erally you'll get an extra tip. "   He lo oked across at me. "Some hustles you're t oo new for. Cats wi ll ask you for liquor , some will  want ree fers. B ut you don't need to have nothing excep t rubbers-un til you can dig who's a  cop."   "You can ma ke ten, twel ve dollars a d ance for yourself  if you work  everything ri ght," Fre ddie said,  before I got o ut of me car in front of Ella's. " The main thing you got t o remember is that everything  in the world is a hustle. S o long, Red ."     The next ti me I ran into Fred die I was downtown one night a few weeks lat er. He was  parke d in  his p earl-gray Cadillac, sh arp a s a tack, "cooling  it."   "Man, you s ure sch ooled me!" I said, and he laughed ; he knew what I  meant.


Her hu sband's n ame was Du ane Lathrop. He worked somewhere els e, but he stayed there at  the  detention home on the weeke nds with L ucille. I notice d agai n how wh ite people sm elled d ifferent from us, a nd how th eir food tasted different,  not seasoned like Negro co oking. I b egan to sweep and mop and dust around in t he Swerlins'  house, as I had done with Big Boy at the Gohannases'. They all liked my a ttitude, and it was out of their liking  for me that I soon became acce pted by  them-as a mascot, I know now. They would talk a bout anything an d everything  with m e standing  right there hearing  them, the same wa y people would talk f reely in f ront of a pet canary. They  would even t alk a bout me, or about "niggers, " as though I wasn't there, a s if I wouldn't underst and  what th e word me ant. A hundred times a d ay, they used the word " nigger." I suppose that in their  own minds, they meant no harm; in fact they probably  meant well. It was  the same with th e cook,  Lucille, and her hu sband, Duane. I remember on e day whe n Mr. Swerl in, as nice a s he was,  came in from Lansing, where h e had been through t he N egro sectio n, and said t o Mrs. Swerlin  right in front of me, "I just c an't s ee how those niggers  can be so h appy and be so poor." He  talked about how they lived i n shacks, b ut had those big, shini ng cars out front. And Mrs. Swerl in said, me standing right th ere, "Niggers  are just that way. ." That sce ne always  stayed with m e. It was t he same with the other white p eople, most of them loc al politicia ns, when t hey would  come vis iting t he Swerlins. O ne of their f avorite parlor t opics was "n iggers." O ne of them was the  judge who was in c harge o f me in Lansing. He was a close f riend of the Swer lins. He would a sk  about me when he came, and they would call me in, and he would l ook m e up and down, his  expression approving, like h e was exami ning a fine colt, or a pedigree d pup.


The truth is, far too many people in our  culture do not know what love is. And this not knowing  feels like a terrible secret, a lack that we have to cover up. Had I been given a clear definition of love earlier in my  life it would not have taken me so long to become a more  loving person. Had I shared with others a common un derstand ing of what it means to love it would have been  easier to create love. It is particularly distressing that so  many recent books on love continue to insist that defini tions of love are unnecessary and meaningless. Or worse,  the authors suggest love should mean something different  to men than it does to women-that the sexes should re spect and adapt to our inability to communicate since we  do not share the same language. This type of literature is  popular because it does not demand a change in fixed  ways of thinking about gender roles, culture, or love. I I  ALl ,\BOUT LOVE  Rather than sharing strategies that would help us become  more loving it actually encourages everyone to adapt to  circumstances where love is lacking. Women, more so than men, rush out to purchase this  literature. We do so because collectively we are concerned  about lovelessness. Since many women believe they will  never know fulfilling love, they are willing to settle for  strategies that help ease the pain and increase the peace,  pleasure, and playfulness in existing relationships, particu larly romantic ones. No vehicle in our culture exists for  readers to talk back to the writers of this literature. And  we do not really know if it has been truly useful, if it  promotes constructive change. The fact that women, more  than men, buy self-help books, using our consumer dollars  to keep specific books on bestseller lists, is no indication  that these books actually help us transform our lives. I  have bought tons of self-help books. Only a very few have  really made a difference in my life. This is true for many  readers.


Virtually all previous research focused on the inferences observers draw from de-picted or enacted facial expressions; it did not really examine what was going on in theface itself. This book is the ﬁrst to bring together research that examines facial behaviordirectly. It bears strong witness to the fruitfulness of Ekman’s approach to the study ofspontaneous facial expression. The articles reprinted in this volume date from 1982 to 1995, with the majority (15 of 22) coming from the 1990s. They include an early paper by Ekman, Matsumoto, and Friesen that had not been previously published because it was editorially rejected. Theauthors have good grounds by now for their assurance that this was an editorial mis-take. The reprinted articles appeared in 13 different journals—as Ekman and Rosen-berg note, a range beyond the probable ken of the contributors themselves. They in-volve principal authors from Europe and Canada, as well as the United States. Theenterprise has become worldwide, no longer centered on Ekman’s active Human Inter-action Laboratory at the University of California, San Francisco. Assembling as it does major reports of basic research on emotional expression and applied research on a variety of topics ranging from schizophrenia, depression, and sui-cide to therapeutic interaction and Type A behavior, all approached via FACS or its de-rivatives, the book provides solid evidence for the value of employing this standardizedmethod for the analysis of facial expression. A further feature, which makes for fas-cinating reading, is the informal “afterwords” contributed by the authors of each re-printed article in which the authors describe their subsequent work on the topic of theirpapers, bringing the treatment fully up to date and often speculating more freely aboutthe signiﬁcant issues than the journal format of their original presentations allowed.

What the Face Reveals Basic and Applied Studies of Spontaneous Expression Using the Facial Action Coding System (Paul Ekman, Erika Rosenberg).pdf


This concept is the number -one characteristic  of any high-performance winning team, in any mil itary unit, or ganization , sports team or business team in any industry. When su bordinates aren’ t doing  what they should, leaders that exercise Extreme Owner ship cannot blame the subordinates. They must first look in the mirror at themselves. The leader bears full responsibility for explaining the s trategic mission, developin g the tactics, and securing the training and resources to enable the team to properly and successfully execute. If an individual on the team is not performing at the level requ ired for the team to succ eed, the leader must train and mentor that unde rperformer. But if the under performer continually fails to meet standards, th en a leader who exe rcises Extreme Owner ship must be loyal to the team and the mission above any individual. If underperformers cannot improve, the leader must make the tough call to terminate them and hire others who can get the job done. It is all on the leader. As indiv iduals, we often attribute the success of others to luck or circumstances an d make excuses for our own failures and the fa ilures of our team. W e blame our own poor  performance on bad luck, cir cumstances beyond our control, or poor ly performing subordinates—anyone but ourselves. T otal responsibility for failure is a dif ficult thing to accept, and taking ownership when things go wrong requires extraordinary humility and courage. But doing just that is a n absolute necessity to learning, growing as a leader , and improving a team’ s performance. Extreme Ownership requires leaders to look at an or ganization’ s problems through the objective lens of reality , without emotional attachments to agendas or plan s. It mandates that a leader set ego aside, accept responsibility for failures, attack weaknesses, and consistently work to a build a better and more ef fective team.

Extreme Ownership How U.S. Navy SEALs Lead and Win (Jocko Willink  Leif Babin).pdf


Her mother lay in bed, awake; she was pleading with Gabriel, who had been out drinking the night before, and who was not really sober now, to mend his ways and come to the Lord. And Gabriel, full of the confusion, and pain, and guilt that were his whenever he thought  of how he made his mother suffer, but  that became nearly insupportable when she taxed him with it, stood before the mirror, head bowed, buttoning his shirt. Florence knew that he could not unlock his lips to speak; he could not say yes to his mother, and to the Lord; and he could not say no. ‘Honey,’ their mother was saying, ‘don’t you let  your old mother die without you look  her in the eye and tell her she going to see you in glory. You hear me, boy?’   In a moment, Florence thought with scorn, tears would fill his eyes, and he would  promise to ‘do better.’ He had been promising to ‘do better’ since the day he had been baptized. She put down her bag in the center of the hateful room. ‘Ma,’ she said, ‘I’m going. I’m a -going this morning.’   Now that she had sai d it, she was angry with herself for not having said it the night  before, so that they would have had time to be finished with their weeping and their arguments. She had not trusted herself to withstand the night before; but now there was almost no time t. The center of her mind was filled with the image of the great, white clock at  the railway station, on which the hands did not cease to move. ‘You going where?’ her mother asked sharply. But she knew that her mother had  understood, had indeed long before t his moment known that this time would come. The  astonishment with which she stared at Florence’s bag was not altogether astonishment, but a startled, wary attention. A danger imagined had become present and real, and her mother was already searching for a way to break Florence’s will. All this Florence knew in a moment, and it made her stronger. She watched her mother, waiting.

Go Tell It on the Mountain (James Baldwin).pdf


Hoberman_Ch01.indd   1 Hoberman_Ch01.indd   1 24/01/12   9:12 AM 24/01/12   9:12 AM 2    /    The Nature of Medical Racism Black and Blue  is the ﬁ  rst systematic description of how doctors think  about racial differences and how this kind of thinking affects the treatment of their patients. While some ﬁ  ne studies of medical racism have appeared,  they have not examined the thought processes and behaviors of physicians in any sort of detailed way. In effect, these studies have not seen ﬁ  t to  enter into the physician’s private sphere where speciﬁ  c racial fantasies and  misinformation distort diagnoses and treatments. Nor have they shown much interest in identifying the speciﬁ  c origins of racially motivated diag- noses and treatments of black patients that have ranged across the entire spectrum of medical sub-disciplines, from cardiology to obstetrics to psy-chiatry. It is true that American physicians have been “major perpetrators of racialist dogma,” as a monumental history of American medical racism states. 3 Black and Blue  moves beyond such general claims about racially  motivated medical behaviors and describes how mainstream medicine devised racial interpretations that have been applied to every organ system of the human body. The studies to date have occasionally noted but failed to describe the  oral traditions that convey medico-racial folklore and persist over gen-erations of medical students and doctors. As we shall see, the physician- authors who have taken the trouble to write about the racial dimension of medicine conﬁ  rm that the medical profession has never embarked upon  this kind of self-scrutiny in a serious manner. Interestingly, the medical profession’s lack of interest in confronting the racial complexes of doctors has created little activism among even the most concerned medical observ-ers beyond ritualized expressions of concern.


614 CAROLE CADW ALLADR, Google, Democracy , and the Truth about Internet Search  624 *AGUSTÍN FUENTES, Are W e Really as A wful as W e Act Online?  643 23 WHA T’S GENDER GOT T O DO WITH IT?  651 LAURIE FRANKEL, From He to She in First Grade  654 *FARHAD MANJOO, It’s Time for “They”  660 *DAMON LINKER, Liberals’ Astonishingly Radical Shift on Gender  666 ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER, Why Women Still Can’t Have It All  673 RICHARD DORMENT , Why Men Still Can’t Have It All 694 *HELEN LEWIS, The Coronavirus Is a Disaster for Feminism  715 *SANJANA RAMANA THAN, An End to Sexism in Gaming Communities  723 *MONICA WRIGHT , Why W e Need T itle IX Now More Than Ever  731 CREDITS 739 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 744 INDEX OF TEMPLA TES 759 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND TITLES 779  PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION * * * WHEN WE FIRST SET OUT T O WRITE THIS BOOK , our goal was simple: to offer a version of “They Say / I Say”: The Moves That Matter in Academic Writing  with an anthology of readings that would demonstrate the rhetorical moves “that matter .” And because “They Say” teaches students that academic writing is a means of entering a conversation, we looked for readings on topics that would engage students and inspire them to respond—and to enter the conversations. Our purpose in writing “They Say”  has always been to of fer students a user-friendly model of writing that will help them put into practice the important principle that writing is a social activity. Proceeding from the premise that ef fective writers enter conversations of other writers and speakers, this book encourages students to engage with those around them—including those who disagree with them—instead of just expressing their ideas “logically .” We believe it’ s a model more necessary than ever in today’ s increasingly diverse—and some might say divided—society.

They Say  I Say with Readings Fifth Edition (Gerald Graff (Author) etc.).pdf


The church was not very far away, four block up Lenox Avenue, on a corner not far  from the  hospital. It was to this hospital that his mother had gone when Roy, and Sarah, and  Ruth were born. John did not remember very clearly the first time she had gone, to have Roy;  folks said that he had cried and carried on the whole time his mother was away ; he  remembered only enough to be afraid every time her belly began to swell, knowing that each  time the swelling began it would not end until she was taken from him, to come back with an stranger. Each time this happened she became a little more of a stranger herself. She would soon be going away again, Roy said—he knew much more about such things than John. John had observed his mother closely, seeing no swelling yet, but his father had prayed one morning for the ‘little voyager soon to be among them,’ and so John knew that Roy spoke the truth. Every Sunday morning, then, since John could remember, they had taken to the  Streets, the Grimes family  on their way to church. Sinners along the avenue watched tem — men still wearing their Sunday -night clothes, wrinkled and dusty now, muddy -eyed and  muddy -faced; and the women with harsh voices and tight, bright dresses, cigarettes between  their finger or held tightly in the corners of their mouths. They talked, and laughed, and  fought together, and the women fought l ike the men. John and Roy, passing these men and  women, looked at one another briefly, John embarrassed and Roy amused. Roy would be like  them when he grew up, if the Lord did not change his heart. These men and women they passed on Sunday mornings had spe nt the night in bars, or in cat houses, or on the streets, or  on the rooftops, or under the stairs. They had been drinking. They had gone from cursing to laughter, to anger, to lust. Once he and Roy had watched a man and woman in the basement of a condemne d house. They did it standing up.


And outside my household of origin  I felt genuinely loved by individual family members, like  my grandfather. This experience of genuine love (a com bination of care, commitment, trust, knowledge, respon- 7  i\ L 1 A II () U T l. 0 V F  sibility, and respect) nurtured my wounded spirit and  enabled me to survive acts of lovelessness. I am grateful  to have been raised in a family that was caring, and  strongly believe that had my parents been loved well by  their parents they would have given that love to their chil dren. They gave what they had been given-care. Remem ber, care is a dimension of love, but simply giving care  does not mean we are loving. Like many adults who were verbally and/or physically  abused as children, I spent a lot of my life trying to deny the  bad things that had happened, trying to cling only to the  memory of good and delicious moments in which I had  known care. In my case, the more successful I became, the  more I wanted to cease speaking the truth about my child hood. Often, critics of self-help literature and recovery pro grams like to make it seem that far too many of us are eager  to embrace the belief that our families of origins were, are, or  remain dysfunctional and lacking in love but I have found  that, like myself, most people, whether raised in an exces sively violent or abusive home or not, shy away from em bracing any negative critique of our experiences. Usually, it  requires some therapeutic intervent ion, whether through lit erature that teaches and enlightens us or therapy, before  many of us can even begin to critically examine childhood  experiences and acknowledge the ways in which they have  had an impact on our adult behavior. Most of us find it difficult to accept a definition of love  8  C L A R 1 T Y: C; 1 VEL 0 V E W () R 0 S  that says we are never loved in a context where there is  abuse.


While indirect evidence from several lines of research support this statement, a greater understanding of the prevalence and inﬂ  uence of the processes is needed and should be sought through  research.” 50 Here, as elsewhere, medical liberalism was still treating the  effects of “stereotyping, prejudice, and clinical uncertainty” as hypotheti-cal, and there is the usual call for additional research, an implicit claim  Hoberman_Ch01.indd   15 Hoberman_Ch01.indd   15 24/01/12   9:12 AM 24/01/12   9:12 AM 16    /    The Nature of Medical Racism that the medical status of  African Americans—and the behavior of their  doctors—was still too complicated to understand. Even this tepid call to action was too much for Dr. Sally Satel, whose  response to this document appeared in The Wall Street Journal  under the  title “Racist Doctors? Don’t Believe the Media Hype.”51 The authors’ re- fusal to call doctors racists was irrelevant to this conservative ideologue; the real offense of the Committee on Understanding and Eliminating Ra-cial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care was to have even considered the possibility that American doctors might be capable of racially motivated misconduct on a scale exceeding the misdeeds of a few bad apples. One antidote to tentative medical liberalism and obstinate conserva- tive denial is historical knowledge of the relationship between American medicine and the black population over the past century. The publication of a massive history of modern medical racism in 2002 , while noted in the  press, should have had a greater catalytic effect than it did. 52 That it did not  shows that historical documentation of medical racism is not enough, be-cause these narratives can easily promote the mistaken view that medical racism was a phase that modern medicine has left behind.


Just as in the invasion of Egypt by the Persians, t he invading armies stripped the temples of their  gold, silver and sacred books; and just as in the c apture of Athens by the Romans Sulla carried  off the only library of books which he found; so it  is to be expected of Alexander the Great, in  his invasion of Egypt. One of the first things that  he and his companions and armies would do,  would be to search for the treasures of the land an d capture them. These were kept in temples  and libraries and consisted of gold and silver out of which the gods and ceremonial vessels were  made, and sacred books and, manuscripts kept both i n libraries and in the "Holy of Holies" of  Temples. It is my firm belief that this indeed was the great  opportunity which Alexander gave Aristotle  and enabled him and his pupils to carry off as many  books as they wanted from the Royal  Library and to convert it into a research centre. A part from the Royal Library at Alexandria,  there was also another famous library near by: The "Royal Library of Thebes"; "The  Menephtheion", which was founded by Pharaoh, Setei. The Menephtheion was completed by  Rameses II; but little occurs in history about this  greatest of Egyptian Royal Libraries. However, any invading army would first loot the Roy al Library of Alexandria and then would  turn their attention to the Menephtheion at Thebes. They would also visit the cities of Memphis  and Heliopolis and likewise loot their libraries an d temples. This was the ancient custom and  certainly one of the ways in which the Greeks recei ved their education from Egyptians. (Egyptian Mythology by Max Muller p. 187–189; 205; Diodorus 16, 51; Bunsen I p. 27; Ancient  Egypt by John Kendrick vol. II 56; 432–433). It is therefore an erroneous belief that the Greeks , on Egyptian soil, and through their own native  ability, set up a great university at Alexandria an d turned out great scholars.


We learn to love men more because they will not 18love us. If they dared to love us, in patriarchal culture they would cease to be real “men.” In her moving memoir In the Country of Men Jan Waldron describes a similar longing. She confesses that “the kind of father I ached for I have never seen except in glimpses I have embellished with wishful imaginings.” Contrasting the loving fathers we long for with the fathers we have, she expresses the hunger: Dad. It is a vow against all odds, in the face of countless examples to the contrary. Dad. It does not have the utilitarian eﬀect of Mum or Ma. It’s still spoken as a ballad refrain. It’s a pledge that originates in the heart and ﬁghts for life amid the carnage of persistent, obvious history to the contrary and excruciatingly scant follow-through. Mother love is aplenty and apparent: we complain because we have too much of it. e love of a father is an uncommon gem, to be hunted, burnished, and hoarded. e value goes up because of its scarcity. In our culture we say very little about the longing for father love. Rather than bringing us great wisdom about the nature of men and love, reformist feminist focus on male power reinforced the notion that somehow males were powerful and had it all. Feminist writing did not tell us about the deep inner misery of men. It did not tell us the terrible terror that gnaws at the soul when one cannot love. Women who envied men their hardheartedness were not about to tell us the depth of male suﬀering. And so it has taken more than thirty years for the voices of visionary feminists to be heard telling the world the truth about men and love. Barbara Deming hinted at those truths: I think the reason that men are so very violent is that they know, deep in themselves, that they’re acting out a lie, and so they’re furious at being caught up in the lie. But they don’t know how to break it….

The Will to Change Men, Masculinity, and Love (Bell Hooks).pdf


Craig and his col-leagues (chapter 7) compared spontaneous facial behavior during potentially painfulmovement exercises in people with chronic low back pain with the behaviors shownwhen they were asked to “fake” or suppress their expressions during the same painfulmovement. Their ﬁndings suggest there are great similarities between faked and genuineexpressions of pain, although the occurrence of certain behaviors may reveal the fakeexpression. Prkachin (chapter 8) measured facial behavior across a variety of pain contexts and described a set of facial actions consistently associated with pain. Several chapters in the ﬁrst section of the book deal with the issue of spontaneous versus deliberate facial expressions of emotion. The chapters by Ekman, Friesen, and O’Sullivan (chapter 9) and by Frank, Ekman, and Friesen (chapter 10) both report onstudies designed to distinguish the smile of enjoyment from smiles that occur in othercontexts. Ekman, Friesen, and O’Sullivan used comprehensive facial measurementprocedures to determine whether the types of smiles that occurred during an interviewwhen subjects were encouraged to deceive their interviewer about their feelings dif-fered from the types of smiles shown when they were being honest about their feel-ings. They reported on the morphological differences between honest-condition smilesand deceptive-condition smiles (the presence or absence of contraction of orbicularisoculi, the muscle surrounding the eyes). Frank, Ekman, and Friesen studied videotapesof smiles exhibited during two situations; in particular, they focused on whether tem-poral characteristics of the contraction of zygomatic major differed between smilesthat showed the enjoyment marker (contraction of orbicularis oculi) from smiles thatdid not include the enjoyment marker. Zygomatic contraction during enjoyment smilesshowed smoother contraction and less variable durations of contraction than nonenjoy-ment smiles.


Mostimportant, conference participants had broad-ened the object domain of rhetorical inquiry.“It is imperative,” they concluded, “thatrhetorical studies be broadened to explorecommunicative procedures and practices nottraditionally covered” (Bitzer & Black, 1971,p.238).Theimpactofthisexpansion wasbothdisciplinary and personal. Roadmap #1 Institutional and disciplinary histories are oftenpersonal histories as well. I (Andrea Lunsfordspeaking/writing here) began work toward thePhD at Ohio State in 1972. As a teacher of highschool and community college students in the late1960s with only an MA in English literature, Irealized that while I had a fair idea of how to teachreading of literary works, I had almost no idea howto teach writing. (I wasn’t even thinking of speakingat the time, though I had been fortunate to havesome good speech classes during my undergraduatecareer at the University of Florida.) When I receiveda copy of Edward P. J. Corbett’s Classical Rhetoric for the Modern Student, I read it with amazement:What I had been trying to teach myself how to dowas here described in detail and related to a 2,000-year-old tradition. As soon as I could, I quit my joband applied to graduate school, arriving inColumbus in the fall of 1972 to find that Corbettwas teaching not rhetoric but 18th-centuryliterature and the Bible. He was also, however,editing College Composition and Communication— which he invited me to help out with, and he waswilling to do a series of independent study courseswith me on the history of rhetoric. In addition,he introduced me to his colleagues in speechcommunication, including James Golden andGoodwin Berquist.

The SAGE Handbook of Rhetorical Studies (Andrea A. Lunsford, Kirt H. Wilson etc.).pdf


He was a kind of fill -in speaker, a holy h andyman. Yet he was treated, so far as John could see, with great respect. No one, none of the  saints in any case, had ever reproached or rebuked his father, or suggested that that his life was anything but spotless. Nevertheless, this man, God’s minister,  had struck John’s mother,  and John had wanted to kill him —and wanted to kill him still. John has swept one side  of the church and the chairs were still piled in the space  before the altar when there was a knocking at the door. When he opened the door he s aw that  it was Elisha, come to help him. ‘Praise the Lord,’ said Elisha, standing on the doorstep, grinning. ‘Praise the Lord,’ said John. This was the greeting always used among the saints. Bother Elisha came in, slamming the door behind him and stamping his feet. He had  probably just come from a basket -ball court; his forehead was polished with recent sweat and  his hair stood up. He was wearing his green woolen sweater, on which was stamped the letter  of his high school, and his shirt was open at the throat. ‘You ain’t cold like that? John asked, staring at him. ‘No, little brother, I ain’t cold. You reckon everybody’s frail like you?’   ‘It ain’t only the little ones gets carried to the graveyard,’ John said. He felt  unaccustomedly bold and lighthearted; the arrival of Elisha had caused his mood to change. Elisha, who had started down the aisle towards the back room, turned to stare at John  with astonishment and menace. ‘Ah,’ he said, ‘I see you fixing to be sassy with Brother Elisha  to-night —I’m going to ha ve to give you a little correction. You just wait till I wash my  hands.’   ‘Ain’t no need to wash your hands if you come here to work. Just take hold of that  mop and put some soap and water in the bucket.’   ‘Lord,’ said Elisha, running water into the sink, and talking, it seemed, to the water,  ‘that sure is a sassy nigger out there.


She	resolves	to	sue.	But	on	what	theory?	Suppose	she	sues	for	racial	discrimination—her supervisor	does	discriminate	against	her	because	she	is	black.	But	suppose	it	turns	out	that the	supervisor	does	not	dislike	black	men	and,	in	fact,	treats	them	well.	He	likes	playing basketball	with	them	after	work,	discussing	sports	with	them	on	Monday,	and	engaging	in easy	banter	with	them	about	music	or	popular	entertainment.	Under	current	law,	the supervisor	might	well	successfully	defend	against	a	discrimination	suit,	since	he	does	not discriminate	against	blacks	per	se—just	against	black	women. Suppose,	then,	that	she	resolves	to	sue	for	sex	discrimination.	She	is,	after	all,	a	black woman,	and	her	supervisor	does	discriminate	against	her	because	of	her	sex.	Once	again, however,	she	might	easily	lose.	The	supervisor	might	show	that	he	is	not	biased	against women	as	a	class	and,	indeed,	enjoys	having	white	women	working	for	him.	He	finds	white women	attractive	and	good,	reliable	workers.	He	even	occasionally	dates	one.	White	women remind	him	of	his	sister.	He	finds	the	younger	ones	pretty	and	decorative.	He	likes	having them	around. Our	plaintiff,	then,	will	probably	be	unable	to	prove	discrimination	based	on	either	race or	sex.	Yet	she	suffers	discrimination	based	on	her	black	womanhood.	This	is	one	aspect	of the	intersectional	dilemma.


He was never around, they never got those returns, and he was eventually char ged with fraud for running a Ponzi scheme. Definitely have some loving, long- lasting impressions of capitalists from that whole situation. That same year, I had to haggle with a mortgage servicer that was using deceptive practices to squeeze my family of money. A few years before that, a different lender targeted us with a subprime loan, and they sold our mortgage to the servicer. Like, we didn’t even ask to be in this relationship! We were forced into it. The property values in our part of metro Atlanta took a nosedive, like lots of Black neighborhoods during the Great Recession. We were underwater and getting foreclosure notices even though we were making on-time payments. It took over a decade to recover—and that was mostly because a random pandemic that devastated the rest of the economy had people moving to warmer climates and rushing to buy homes in our neighborhood. I didn’t spend most of my life witnessing any sort of “compassionate” capitalism. I saw a clusterf*ck. The world was a hot mess, and I needed to make sense of what was going on. But the stuff I read frequently seemed to miss something. I disliked how some progressive books about economic injustice and corporate malfeasance were really, really good at identifying the problems, but then concluded with something lame like, “we just need better reforms.” Other books had Marxist theory down to a science, but you would never know from their narratives that there were tons of women and people of color who practiced and preached anti-capitalism, or just how much capitalism was built on slave labor and anti- Blackness. Or even how much socialism was central to the liberation movements of African, Asian, and Latin American countries fighting colonialism and imperialism. The foundational ideas of people like W. E. B.

Its Not You, Its Capitalism Why Its Time to Break Up and How to Move On_Malaika Jabali Kayla E.pdf


One night I took him up to a place. Cat  owed me some bread and I had to collect. Little  poker, little craps. He just watch and when we  through we leave. THE SPOOK WHO SAT BY THE DOOR 35  "Tell you something 'bout that man, though. People don't give him no shit. He move quiet, don't  say nothing, but I seen some bad cats move around  him. This cat owed me the bread. He don't want  to pay it. I don't tell him nothing about-what  you say his name, Freeman ? I don't say nothing  about him being my man. I just took him there  before we make it to the hotel and maybe he want  some action, I get a cut. The cat owed me start  to get a little off the wall about the bread, then  he look at Freeman. He just standing there watch ing the crap game, quiet, ain't bothering nobody,  but this cat owes me the bread look at him and  then look at me and, baby, he give me the bread. And that cat one of the baddest men in D.C. He  make two of Freeman, but he don't want no part  of him. He ain't my man and it wasn't his scene,  but I thought about it and if I had trouble that  night, he be in it. "And he ain't romantic about chicks on the  block. Never comes on like a social worker: 'How  a nice girl like you get into this shit.' 'Let me take  you out of it, baby.' None of that shit. I'm a  whore and he knows it, but he treats me like a  queen. I think he putting me on for a long time  and then I get to like it. He can put me on as  long as he wants. I dig the way he treats me. I'm  a whore. He knows it, I know it, but when I'm  with him, he makes me feel like a queen."  "What about his sexual habits? Anything, well,  unusual?"  She looked at him through narrowed eyes. "So  that your scene? Well, baby, twenty bills ain't  enough for no freaks. Come again. Little more  bread, dig? I know some chicks don't deal in  nothing but freakish tricks, but that ain't my  36 THE SPOOK WHO SAT BY THE DOOR  scene. And don't start no shit about the Man.

The Spook Who Sat by the Door (Sam Greenlee).pdf


Working with the “they say / I say” model can also help with invention, finding something to say. In our experience, students best discover what they want to say not by thinking about a subject in an isolation booth but by reading texts, listening closely to what other writers say , and looking for an opening through which they can enter the conversation. In other words, listening closely to others and summarizing what they have to say can help writers generate their own ideas. THE USEFULNESS OF TEMPLA TES Our templates also have a generative quality , prompting students to make moves in their writing that they might not otherwise make or even know they should make. The templates in this book can be particularly helpful for students who are unsure about what to say or who have trouble finding enough to say , often because they consider their own beliefs so self-evident that they need not be argued for. Students like this are often helped, we’ve found, when we give them a simple template like the following one for entertaining a counterargument (or planting a naysayer , as we call it in Chapter 6 ): Of course some might object that __________. Although I concede that __________ , I still maintain that __________. What this particular template helps students do is make the seemingly counterintuitive move of questioning their own beliefs, of looking at them from the perspective of those who disagree. In so doing, templates can bring out aspects of students’ thoughts that, as they themselves sometimes remark, they didn’t even realize were there.


It's  probably  because Ella a nd I alwa ys were  much closer as basic types ; we're dominant p eople, and  Mary has always  been m ild and quiet, a lmost s hy. Ella was bu sily involved in d ozens o f things. Sh e belonged t o I don't know how many di fferent  clubs ; she was  a leading li ght of local s o-called " black socie ty." I saw and met a hundred black  people there whose big-city talk an d way s left my mouth hanging  open. I couldn't have feigne d indifference i f I had tried to. People talked cas ually about Chicago, Detroit,  New York. I d idn't know the wor ld contained as ma ny Negroes as I saw thronging downtown  Roxbur y at night, e speciall y on Saturdays. Ne on lights, n ightclubs , poolhalls, bars, the cars t hey  drove! Res taura nts m ade the streets s mell- rich, greasy , down- home black c ooking! Juk eboxes  blare d Erskin e Haw kins, Duke E llington, C ootie Williams , doze ns of others. I f somebody had told  me then that some day I' d know them all pers onally, I'd have found it har d to believe. The biggest  bands, like t hese, played at theRosela nd State B allroo m, on Boston's Mass achusetts Avenue-on e  night f or Negroes, t he next night for whites. I saw for the first time occasio nal bl ack-white c ouples strolling  around arm i n arm. And on  Sundays, when Ella, Mary , or s omebody took me to church, I saw church es for black p eople s uch  as I had never seen. They were ma ny times finer than the white churc h I had attended back in  Maso n, Michigan. There, the white pe ople just sat and worshipe d with words; b ut the Boston  Negroes, like a ll other Negroes I  had ever s een at churc h, threw their souls and bodies wholly  into wo rship. Two or three ti mes, I wrote l etters t o Wilfred intended for ever ybody back in L ansing. I said I' d try  to describ e it when I got b ack. But I found I couldn't.


Decent  families didn't let their kids play in the street with no shoes on and  didn't let their kids say "ain't." Little did my grandmother know  that ain't was my favorite word once i got two feet out of her  hearing range. My grandmo ther had a little alley rat right under  her roof and she didn't even know it. Alley rats supposedly lived in  alleys, in run-down shacks, but my grandmo ther would often call  one of my friends an alley rat even if the kid didn't live in an alley. Dutifully, to put some sense in my head, she would take me to  visit "decent children." These decent little souls were invariably the  offspring of Wilmington' s Black doctors, lawyers, preachers, and  undertakers. Schoolteachers, barbershop owners, and the editor of  the "colored" newspaper were also decent. In most of these "de cent" little play sessions, the other kids and I would stand around  looking at each other awkwardly. Sometimes we would get it on  and have some fun. But more often than not, it would be glare-at each-other time or show-and-tell time (the kids showing me their  toys and such while the grownups oohed and aahed). The worst  times were eating at the preacher'S house, where they would take an  hour saying grace, or playing ball with the undertaker' s daughter. She always wanted to play ball and i was scared to death that the  ball was going to roll into the part where they kept the dead people ASSATA  ZI  ASSATA  22 and end up in the mouth of some corpse. My grandmother would  have caught a shitfit if she had known that one of her favorite little  decent kids' favorite game was playing show and tell with his ding a-ling and threatening to pee on everybody. After these visits, my grandmother would chirp for a week  about how nice my little decent friends were and about how nicely  we had played together, while i would groan silently and keep the  expression on my face one shade away from insolence.

Assata - An Autobiography (Assata Shakur).pdf


Reference will aga in be made to these subjects, as part of the  Curriculum of the Egyptian Mystery System. Now that we have outlined the Egyptian theory of sa lvation and its purpose, let us examine  Greek philosophy and its purpose in order to discov er whether there is an agreement between the  two systems, or not. 2. Circumstances of identity between the Egyptian a nd Greek Systems. A. The Indictment and Prosecution of Greek Philosopher s. The indictment and prosecution of Greek philosopher s is a circumstance which is familiar to us  all. Several philosophers, one after another, were indicted by the Athenian Government, on the  common charge of introducing strange divinities. An axagoras, Socrates, and Aristotle received  similar indictments for a similar offence. The most  famous of these was that against Socrates  which reads as follows. "Socrates commits a crime b y not believing in the Gods of the city, and  by introducing other new divinities. He also commit s a crime by corrupting the youth". Now, in  order to find out what these new divinities were, w e must go back to the popular opinion which  Aristophanes (423 B.C.) in the Clouds, aroused agai nst him. It runs as follows: "Socrates is an  evildoer, who busies himself with investigating thi ngs beneath the earth and in the sky, and who  makes the worse appear the better reason, and who t eaches others these same things (Plato's  Apology C. 1–10; Aristophanes' Frogs, 1071; Apology  18 B.C., 19 C. Apology 24 B). It is clear then that Socrates offended the Athenia n government simply because he pursued the  study of astronomy and probably that of geology; an d that the other philosophers were  persecuted for the same reason.


I am hopeful that  the initial pri nting  of 100 millio n sta mps will be some inspira tion t o those who collec t them or pass  them on as gi fts to represe nt or e ncourage o ne's personal e nlighte nment and triu mph. What my father a spired to be and what Allah had destin ed for him was  nurtured chiefly by the  fertile t utelage o f his p arents while  his family was still together an d thriving as a unit. This was  before his father's murder by  the Kla n, his mo ther's emotional br eakdown, an d the subseque nt  scattering  of his siblings  and himsel f into an inadequa te and inattentive foster care syste m. My grandmother ha d a direc t hand in the cultural, social, and intellectu al ed ucation of her  childre n. The attitude of people o f color during t he '20s a nd '30s festered with racial te nsion that  produce d var ying degrees o f misguid ed social a nd perso nal p araly sis. K nowin g this an d being  globally educated me mbers o f the G arvey move ment cognizant o f the true origins o f the African in  the Western He misph ere, b oth my g randmother a nd her h usband were int ent on equip ping their  childre n with a clear aware ness o f the seed of their orig ins and it's a nces tral power. They knew  that this would pr ovide a base of strength for their childre n. My  gran dmother knew  that in spite of  America's soci al climat e, her childre n would b e able to discern f or themselves  when an act was  genera ted by pure racism, or sim ply by ignora nce. For exam ple, there ar e ma ny who k now the story  about when my f ather, while  on the honor roll  and the eighth-g rade cl ass presi dent, was  told by his wh ite teacher that his dream to be a lawyer  was unrealistic  for a "colored b oy." Maybe he should consi der carp entry. He sh ared this s tory  with us directly. The teacher act ually admire d my f ather grea tly and didn't want to encourage him  to enter a field of study that he believed would n't allow  my father to excel.


He says he knows how terrible i must feel and  makes a big deal of protesting that i am chained to the bed. He  keeps on talking and, after a while, pulls a chair close to the bed. Then he starts to ask friendly little questions. The conversation  goes something like this:  "Those guys on the turnpike are rough. They'll give you a  ticket for anything. I take the turnpike every day. You live in jersey?  I live in Newark. You ever been there? You must really be lonely up  here. I'll bet you really need someone to talk to. I went to medical  school in New York. You're from there, aren't you?"  I get suspicious and say nothing to him. I tell him i want to go  to sleep and he leaves. I never saw him again, but to this day i'm  convinced he was some kind of police or FBI agent. On the third or fourth day, most of my troubles came to an end. Well, not really, but the punch, bang, poke, and prod part of my  troubles ended. A nurse with a German accent came to my aid. She  was one of the morning nurses, very professional and exacting, to  the point that she could be a pain in the neck. But she was a  lifesaver. It was she who had first protested the tightness of the  handcuff on my leg. My leg had begun to swell and she had  insisted they loosen it and that the cuff be covered with gauze. Of  course, as soon as she was gone they tightened it again, but the  gauze helped somewhat. I could tell by the little things she said and  did that she knew what was going on. One morning she came in as  usual and, after she had finished her normal routine, she reached  behind the bed, pulled at something, and then handed me an  electric call button on a cord. "Anytime you need me or need anything from the nurses, just  press this button," she said. "Don't be afraid to use it," she added,  giving me a knowing look. I could have kissed her. Later, when she returned to the room,  after the troopers realized i had the call button, one came in behind  her.


The course was “The History of Colonialism in Africa.” The presence of two or three Blacks in the class, while obviously uncomfortable to some, was generally ignored, For African studies were of long standing as an integral part of the imperial system. They were not planned for Africans at all, buc for the future administrators of the Empire in Africa. So Professor Madden was pointing out in his lecture how difficulr—and even impossible—it was to rule Africans in view of their “wild and most primitive system of democracy.” For just as fast as African kings or chiefs undertook to carry out British laws which displeased the people, “the people would remove them from office,” therefore, this “primitive African democracy had to be de- stroyed” before the British system of Indirect Rule could be ef- fective. The point here is that these sneering remarks by an eminent British historian revealed to me an entirely new field of research. That lecture led me into the study of one of the most significant developments in the entire history of the Black race; an ancient   Sw  a ee  ‘  The Preview 27  system of democracy (existing before Greece), evolved from a continent-wide constitution that governed the whole African peo- ple as a single race, This all-important finding was arrived at by comparative studies of African customary laws in every region of the continent, The Europeans were confronted with a real social democracy that existed long before the terms “socialism” and “de- mocracy” were invented in the West. For Dr, Madden it was “sav- age” because the people were the real rulers in fact, and not merely in theory.

The Destruction of Black Civilization Great Issues of a Race from 4500 B.C. to 2000 A.D. (Chancellor Williams).pdf


I thanked her and  went ou t in front to Mr. Allen , who to ok m e over t o the Lyons'. Mr. and Mrs. Lyons , and their c hildren, d uring th e two mo nths I lived with t hem-while fi nishing  eighth grade-also tri ed to get m e to tell them what was w rong. B ut somehow I couldn't tell them,  either. I went every  Saturday  to see my br others an d sist ers in Lansing, a nd almost every other day I  wrote to Ella in B oston. Not s aying why, I told Ella t hat I want ed to come there a nd live. I don't know how sh e did it, b ut she arrange d for official cus tody of me to be transferred from  Michi gan to Massac huse tts, a nd the ver y week  I finished the eight h grade , I ag ain b oarded the  Greyhou nd bus for Boston. I've thought a bout that time a  lot since then. No p hysical m ove in my li fe has been m ore pivotal or  profound in its re percussio ns. If I had stayed o n in Michi gan, I would probably  have m arried o ne of those N egro gir ls I knew  and  liked in Lansing. I might h ave be come o ne of those s tate capitol b uilding sh oeshine b oys, or a  Lansing Cou ntry Club waiter, or got ten one of the other me nial jobs which, in those d ays, am ong  Lansing Negroes, would have b een consider ed "successful"-or eve n become a carpenter. Whatever I  have d one sinc e then, I have driven mysel f to become a success at it. I've o ften  thought that if Mr. Ostrowsk i had encourage d me  to become a law yer, I would t oday pro bably be  among s ome city's pr ofessio nal bl ack b ourgeoisie, sipping cock tails an d palming mysel f off as a  community  spokesman for and leader of the suffering  black m asses, while my  primary concern  would be  to grab a few more crum bs from the groaning bo ard o f the two-faced whites with who m  they're b egging to "integrate."   All praise is due to Allah that I went to Boston when I  did. If I hadn't, I'd probably still be  a  brainwash ed bl ack Christian. CHAPT ER THREE "HOME BOY"   I looked like Li'l Abner.


Vonderlehr, a participant  in the Tuskegee scandal, commented in 1936 : “The average negro is a most  congenial person and he has a tendency to agree with almost everything that one wishes him to agree with.” 14  Hoberman_Ch02.indd   22 Hoberman_Ch02.indd   22 24/01/12   9:14 AM 24/01/12   9:14 AM The African American Health Calamity    /    23 A sometimes fatal consequence of this disconnect between doctor and  patient has been a tendency among blacks to neglect symptoms and delay visits to the doctor. “The average negro,” an Arkansas doctor wrote in 1926 ,  “does not call for medical aid until he thinks himself seriously ill. He ﬁ  rst  tries all kinds of charms, herbs and teas, thereby cheating himself of his best opportunity of recovery.” This doctor also notes “much confusion in medical terms. They have no such words as stools, urine, etc., in their vo-cabulary.” 15 A cardiologist comments in 1927  on how differently blacks  and whites describe chest pain: “That which the white man speaks of in a striking, graphic manner, the negro refers to as ‘misery in the stomach’ or ‘misery in the chest.’” 16 Speaking a medical language of their own, such  black patients appear to have received little sympathy from the white phy-sicians who could not understand them. Today such problems persist but are wrapped in a depersonalizing jargon that speaks of “the complex in-teraction between physician and patient” or “problems in communicating with their physicians.” This terminology can make physicians and patients equally disoriented participants in a process that may seem beyond remedy or the responsibility of either party. Comments about the black patient’s tendency to ignore symptoms and  delay treatment have appeared in the medical literature for the last cen-tury. But the tone in which such behaviors are described in today’s medi-cal journals has changed from one of impatience and contempt to a more politically correct humane understanding of circumstances and motives.


Conten ts  Preface / ix  Introduction  Grace: Touched by Love / xiii  One  Clarity: Give Love Words / I  Two  Justice: Childhood Love Lessons / 15  Three  Honesty: Be True to Love / 3 I  Four  Commitment : Let Love Be Love in Me / 5 I  Five  Spirituality : Divine Love / 69  V I I  CONTENTS  Six  Values: Living by a Love Ethnic / 85  Seven  Greed: Simply Love / 103  Eight  Community: Loving Communion / 127  Nine  Mutuality: The Heart of Love / 145  Ten  Romance: Sweet Love / 167  Eleven  Loss: Loving into Life and Death / 189  Twelve  Healing: Redemptive Love / 207  Thirteen  Destiny: When Angels Speak of Love / 223  VIII  Preface  W. N I WAS achild, it was c1earto me that life  was not worth living if we did not know love. I wish I  could testify that I came to this awareness because of the  love I felt in my life. But it was love's ahsence that let me  know how much love mattered. I was my father's first  daughter. At the moment of my birth, I was looked upon  with loving kindness, cherished and made to feel wanted  on this earth and in my home. To this day I cannot re member when that feeling of being loved left me. I just  know that one day I was no longer precious. Those who  had initially loved me well turned away. The absence of  their recognition and regard pierced my heart and left me  with a feeling of brokenheartedness so profound I was  spellbound. Grief and sadness overwhelmed me. I did not know  what I had done wrong. And nothing I tried made it right. I X  PREFACE  No other connection healed the hurt of that first aban donment, that first banishment from love's paradise. For  years I lived my life suspended, trapped by the past, un able to move into the future. Like every wounded child I  just wanted to turn back time and be in that paradise  again, in that moment of remembered rapture where I felt  loved, where I felt a sense of belonging. We can never go back. I know that now. We can go  forward.


The applied portion presents studies in which facial mea-sures were examined in relation to mental or physical health variables. Many of thestudies in the “applied” section show that facial expression variables prove to be usefulin discriminating among diagnostic groups. Within each section, each chapter consistsof a reprinted article, followed by a brief afterword by the author(s) of the originalpiece. In their afterwords, the authors explain how their work on the topic has pro-gressed since the time of original publication of their article, reﬂect on the utility ofmeasuring the face in their research, and speculate on what they might have done dif-ferently in their research in light of what they have learned since. This book concludes with a chapter by Paul Ekman, in which he integrates what we have learned by measuring the face, comments on the speciﬁc contributions to vari-ous ﬁelds by the studies reprinted in this volume, and offers suggestions for future re-search. The remainder of this introductory chapter includes an overview of thereprinted research articles, a brief history of the study of the face in modern psychol-ogy, and a discussion of facial measurement procedures.4 Introduction Overview of the Original Research Articles Basic Research on Emotion The ﬁrst section of the book includes studies that can be roughly grouped as relevant to basic research on emotion. These studies cover such topics as expressive or behavioralcorrelates of emotional experience, the neurological control of facial emotion, and thedistinctions between deliberate and spontaneous facial behavior. Ekman, Friesen, and Simons (chapter 1) studied the startle reaction, in order to de- termine if it behaved like a reﬂex or an emotion. This measured facial behavior as wellas head, neck, and trunk movements when subjects were told to expect a very loudnoise and when they were not warned about the noise. They also tested whether peoplecould inhibit the startle reaction.


Shorty had dropped out of first-year  high school in L ansing,  lived awhile with an  uncle  and aunt in D etroit, a nd had spent the last six  years liv ing with his c ousin in Roxbury. But when I  mentioned the names of Lansing people and places, he remembered ma ny, and pretty soon we  sounded as if we ha d been rais ed in the same block. I could sens e Shorty's  genuine gladness,  and I don't have to  say how lucky I felt to find a friend as hip as he obviousl y was. "Man, this is a swinging town i f you d ig it," Shorty  said. "You're my homeboy-I'm going  to sc hool  you to the happenings." I stood there and grinne d like a  fool. "You got to go anywhere n ow? W ell,  stick aro und until I get off."   One thing I liked immediately  about Shorty  was his frankness. When I told him where I lived, h e  said what I alr eady  knew- that nobody in t own could stand the Hill Negroes. But he thought a  sister who gave  me a "pad," not charging  me rent, not eve n run ning me out to find "some slave, "  couldn't be all ba d. Shorty's slave in t he poolroo m, he said, was just to keep ends toget her whi le he learn ed his hor n. A couple o f years b efore, he'd hit the numbers an d bough t a saxoph one. "Got it right in there in  the clos et now, for my less on tonight." Shorty was  taking lesso ns "with s ome other s tuds," and he  intended one day t o organize  his own s mall ba nd. "There's a lot of bread to be made gig ging right  around here in Roxbury ," Shorty explain ed to me. "I don't dig joining some big ba nd, one-nighting  all over  just t o say I played with  Count or Duke or somebody ." I thought t hat was smart. I wished I  had studied a horn; but I never h ad been expos ed to one.


The books were used and torn, handed down  from white schools. We received only a fraction of the state money  allotted to white schools, and the conditions under which many  Black children received an education can only be described as  horrible. But Black children encountered suppport and understand ing and encouragement instead of the hostile indifference they often  met in the "integrated" schools. There was a big dirt yard next to the school where we would  play and fight. We grew up fighting; it was really hard to get  through school without a few fights, just to survive. But i always  wondered what made people fight. Especially after we learned  about wars. I used to look out on the remains of the sunken ship  that tilted up in front of our beach and wonder how people had  died in it. It was covered with green moss and i imagined skeletons  floating around inside. The ship had been sunk during the Civil  War and i always wondered if it carried Northerners or South erners. Back in those days i used to think the Northerners were the  good guys. But I never could make much sense out of war. I remember  being taught that World War I was the war to end all wars. Well, we  know that was a lie because there was World War II. I remember a  teacher telling us that World War I was started because Prince  Ferdinand, somewhere in Austria, got killed. (When we learned  history, we were never taught the real reasons for things. We were  just taught useless trivia, simplistic facts, key phrases, and mis cellaneous, meaningless dates.) I couldn't understand it. What were  people all the way in amerika doing in a war because some prince ASSATA  29  ASSATA  30 got killed in Austria? I could just imagine going home and telling  my grandmo ther that i got in a fight because some dude in Europe  got killed. They made war sound so glorious in school, so heroic. But the  wars we had on the way home from school and in the playground  were anything but glorious.


M1A2 A brams tank in the middle of the road up ahead, its turret rotated with the huge main gun trained on a building at almost p oint-blank range. Thro ugh the particle-filled air , I could see a smoky-red mist,  clearly from a red smoke grenade used by American forces in the area as a general signal for “Help!” My mind was racing. This was our first major operation in Ramadi and it was total chaos. Beyond the literal fog of war impeding our  vision, the figurative “fog of war ,” often at tributed to Prussian military strategist Carl von Clausewitz,1 h ad descended upon us, and it was thick with confusion, inaccurate information, broken communications, and mayhem. For this operation, we had four separate  elements of SEALs in various sectors of this viol ent, war -torn city: two SEAL sniper teams with U.S. Army scout snipers and a contingent of Iraq i soldiers, and another element of SEALs embedded with Iraqi soldiers and their U.S. Army combat advisors assigned to clear an enti re sector building by building. Finally , my SEAL senior enlisted advisor (a noncommiss ioned of ficer) and I rode along with one of the Arm y company commande rs. In total, about three hundred U.S. and Iraqi troops—friendly forces—were operating in this dangerous and hotly contested neighb orhood of eastern Ramadi known as the Ma’laab District. The enti re place  was crawling w ith muj  (pronounced “mooj”), as American forces called them. The enemy insur gent fighters called themselves mujahideen , Ar abic for “th ose engaged in jihad,” which we shortened for expediency. The y subscribed to a ruthless, militant version of Islam and they were cunning, barbaric, and lethal. For years, the Ma’laab had remained firmly in their hands. Now , U.S. forces aimed to change that. The ope ration had kicked of f before sunrise, and with the sun now creeping up over the horizon, everyone was shooting. The myriad radio networks (or nets) used by the U.S.


But he  did not long for the narrow way,  where all his people walked; where the houses did not rise, piercing, as it seemed, the unchanging clouds, but huddled, flat, ignoble, close to the filthy ground, where the streets and the hallways and the rooms were dark, and where the unconquerable odor  was of dust, and  sweat, and urine, and home -made gin. In the narrow way, the way of the cross, there awaited  him only humiliation for ever; there awaited him, one day, a house like his father’s house, and a church like his father’s, and a job like his father’s, where he would grow old and black with hunger and toil. The way of the cross had given him a belly filled with wind and had bent his mother’s back; they ha d never worn fine clothes, but here, where the buildings contested  God’s power and where the men and women did not fear God, here he might eat and drink to his heart’s content and clothe his body with wondrous fabrics, rich to the eye and pleasing to the t ouch. And then what of his soul, which would one day come to die and stand naked  before the judgment bar? What would his conquest of the city profit him on that day? To hurl away, for a moment of ease, the glories of eternity!   These glories were unimaginab le—but the city was real. He stood for a moment on the  melting snow, distracted, and then began to run down the hill, feeling himself fly as the descent became more rapid , and thinking: ‘I can climb back up. If it’s wrong, I can always  climb back up.’ At t he bottom of the hill, where the ground abruptly leveled off on to a gravel  path, he nearly knocked down an old white man with a white beard, who was walking very slowly and leaning on his cane. They both stopped, astonished, and looked at one another. John struggled to catch his breath and apologize, but old man smiled. John smiled back. It was as though he and the old man had between them a great secret; and the old man moved on. The snow glittered in patches all over the park.


But imagine that things could actually be better. Think about what you’ve probably had to endure to get to this point of the relationship. Maybe you have a job with super intense hours, or you work multiple jobs. It took years to pay off thousands of dollars (or hundreds of thousands of dollars) of debt to get that job. You’re tired and get more excited about dryer balls than clocking in. But instead of being told that this relative lifelessness is how capitalism works, we’ve been convinced that we’re just not trying hard enough in the relationship. We need to hustle more, sacrifice more hours and more time, find more streams of income, and we’ll finally see how good our lives can be. You’re doing everything you can to make this relationship work. But I can assure you, it’s not you, it’s capitalism. So it’s time to have an honest conversation about what capitalism is doing to us. For most of us, we have a one-sided, friends-with-(occasional)- benefits situation; not a life partner. If you’re already reading this book, you might be the patient friend in the group chat trying to convince your homies, or your family, that we need to start branching out and looking for a better alternative. This book is a guide to help you out with this. If you’re the one who needs convincing, this book is to help you avoid further heartbreak. A lot of us have seen what capitalism has done to people (and the planet!), and I just want us to do better. To understand why we should break up and move on, it’s important to get some background. You know how some friends turn into a CIA agent when they’re trying to get intel on someone before their first date? I’m going to be that friend for you, before you fully commit to capitalism. Spoiler alert: It’s catfishing you.6:06AM 6%0•  eooo  M LOOKING FOR: the best path to  our bank account FACT ABOUT ME  T SURPRISES PEOPLE: I've been to  ozens of countries ...


I, on the other hand, thought all my grown-up attempts  to write love poems were mushy and pathetic. Words  failed me when I tried to write about love. My thoughts  seemed sentimental, silly, and superficial. When writing  poetry in my girlhood, I had felt the same confidence I  would come to see in my adult life only in male writers. x X 1  INTRODUCTION  When I first began to write poetry in girlhood, I thought  love was the only topic, the most important passion. In deed, the first poem I published, at age twelve, was called  "a look at love." Somewhere along the way, in that pas sage from girlhood to womanhood, I learned females re ally had nothing serious to teach the world about love. Death became my chosen topic. No one around me,  professors and students alike, doubted a woman's ability  to be serious when it came to thinking and writing about  death. All the poems in my first book were on the topic  of death and dying. Even so, the poem that opened the  book, "The woman's mourning song," was about the loss  of a loved one and the refusal to let death destroy mem ory. Contemplating death has always been a subject that  leads me back to love. Significantly, I began to think more  about the meaning of love as I witnessed the deaths of  many friends, comrades , and acquaintances, many of them  dying young and unexpectedly. When I was approaching  the age of forty and facing the type of cancer scares that  have become so commonp lace in women's lives they are  practically routine, my first thought as I waited for test  results was that I was not ready to die because I had not  yet found the love my heart had been seeking. Shortly after this crisis ended, I had a grave illness that  was life threatening. Confronting the possibility of dying,  I became obsessed with the meaning of love in my life and  x XII  INTRODUCTION  in contemporary culture.


It was for reasons of security that so many of these groups— later called tribes or societies—sought the most hidden and isolated areas they could find, This permanent separation from their kins- men in other groups was generally quite contrary to their hearts’ desires. The original splintering off and parting was often in tears, But breaking up into smaller units seemed to be the only route to survival in a permanent crisis situation—apparently permanent, since the movement of people over the continent had been going on so far beyond the memory of each generation that migrations and temporary settlements were among the most significant facts in the oral tradition of each society. Fragmentation and isolation had two momentous consequences. The first was that the isolation of various groups led to the develop- ment of over two thousand different dialects and languages. The second fateful outcome was that the rise of all these tongues widened the gulf between the blacks that territorial distances had already achieved. One should pause here for reflection if there is any serious attempt to really understand what happened to the African people and why. For even without the aid of Western writers in emphasizing the language differences and the cultural variations and attempting to show how unrelated the blacks are, they them- selves came in time to consider themselves unique and each society not only independent of the other but its enemy, if only potentially. Disunity and mutual suspicion became an African way of life. Small chiefdoms sprang up everywhere, often no more than a single village of one of two hundred people. Africa, therefore, presented itself to Asia and Europe as the ideal land for exploitation, en- slavement and conquest. The history is complex and many-sided, and would be so if we were discussing just one nation and not an entire continent.


He de nounced Christianit y as a religion d esigne d for  slaves and the N egro clergy as the curse of the black man, exploiting  him for their own pur poses  instead of seeki ng to liber ate h im, and acting  as handmaidens o f the white community in its  determi natio n to keep the Negroes in a subservient p ositio n. During  this first e ncounter Malcolm also sought to enlighte n me about the Negro me ntality. He  repeatedly cautio ned me  to beware of Negro affirmations of good wi ll toward t he white man. He  said that the N egro had been train ed to diss emble a nd conceal h is real t houghts, a s a matter of  survival. He argue d that the Negro only tells th e white m an what h e believes  the white m an  wishes t o hear, and that the art of dissembling  reached a point where even Negroes cannot  truthfully say they understa nd what t heir f ellow Negroes b elieve. The art o f deceptio n practiced by  the Negro was  based on a thorough un derst anding of the white ma n's m ores, he said; at the  same ti me the Negro ha s remain ed a closed book to the white ma n, who ha s never dis played any  interest in underst anding the Negro. Malcolm's exp osition of his soci al ideas was  clear an d thoughtful, if somewhat shocking  to the  white initiat e, but most disc oncerti ng in our talk was  Malcolm's b elief in Elijah Muhammad's  history of the origins o f man, and in a gene tic theory devised to prove t he superiority of black over  white-a theory stunning to me in its s heer absurdity. After this first encounter, I realized  that there were two Malcol ms-the private and the public  person. His public p erformances o n television and at meeting halls pr oduced an almost terrifying  effect. His implac able mars haling  of facts and his logic had something of a new dialectic, d iabolic  in its f orce. He frighte ned white television a udiences , demolished his Negro o pponents, but  elicited a remark able res ponse f rom Negro audiences.


A police commander in southern New Jersey talked about mowing down African- Americans and complained that the woman candidate, the Demo crat, would “ give in to all the  minorities.” That September , he beat a handcu f fed black teenager who had been arre sted for swimming in a po ol without authorization. The commander grabbed the teenager ’ s head and, witnesses said, ram med it “like a basketball” into a metal doorjamb. As the election drew near , the commander told his of ficers that the reality television star “is the last hope for white people.” Observers the world over reco gnized the significance of the election. Onlookers in Berlin and Johan nesbur g, Delhi and Moscow , Beijing and T okyo, s tayed up late into the night or the next morning to watch  the returns that first T uesday in Novembe r 2016. Inexplicably to many outside the United States, the outcome would turn not on the popular vote, but on the Electoral College, an American  invention from the founding era of slavery by which each state has a say in declaring the winner based on the electoral votes assigned them and the outcome of the popular ball ot in their jurisdiction. By then, there ha d been only five electio ns in the country’ s history in which the Electoral College or a similar mechanism had overruled the popular vote, two such cases o ccurring in the twenty-first century alone. One of those two was the e lection of 2016, a collision of unusual circumstance. The election would set the United States on a course toward isolationism, tri balism, the walling in and protecting of one’ s own, the worship of wealth and acquisit ion at the expense of others, even of the planet itself. After the votes had been counted and the billionaire declared the winn er , to the shock of the world and of those perhaps les s steeped in the coun try’ s racial and political history , a man on a golf course  in Geor gia could feel freer to express himself.


7 Being a more active collaborator in my community has also provided me with the  space to express many of my formerly repressed emotions. I have cried a lot during  my time working with community groups. I cry when attempts to make change fall  short of our expectations, and I cry when they surpass them as well. The groups I  have connected with are, on a base level, about this sort of openness. They are all  trying to show our true needs and those of our neighbors  to express those needs  unabashedly, with the courage it takes to be vulnerable. The needs of our society have  been hushed and hidden for too long, while the needy have been harmed and turned  away by the city, state, and national officials promising to protect them. Before I started organizing, I could barely speak without being so overcome with  sadness, shame, and despair that I cried before I got my message across to others. This still happens sometimes  I was set to speak in front of the New Mexico Capital  Building about reducing funding to our state and city police forces. I started to speak,  and I started to cry. I didn’t feel strong or like I had anything important or impassioned  to share with the public. But as I stumbled through my short speech, overcome with  emotion, I did feel purpose, one empowered by my tears. I have been able to use my organizing not only to help and connect with others,  but to also connect with myself  to help myself to grow from the trauma that led  me to organizing in the first place. I have been able to transform my thinking from  lofty fantasies and desires for our world to creative solutions that are effective and  achievable. While I still believe that abolition is possible and will happen at some  point in the future of humankind, I don’t get hung up on waiting for it to happen today. I spend my time picking apart the stones that built the walls of our police state to  begin with.


Though often highly  satisfying to academic s, this definition excludes those who do not speak  the language of elites and thus reinforces social relations of domination. Educated elites typically claim that only they are qualifie~ to prQduc~  the~ry and believe that anly they can interpret not only their own bu!. everyone else's experiences. Moreover, educated elites often use this belief  to uphold their own pnv1Iege. I felt that it was important to examine the complexity of ideas that exist in  both scholarly and everyday Life and present those ideas in a way that_ made  them not less powerful or rigorous but accessible. Approaching theory in  this way challenges both the ideas of educated elites and the role of theory  in sustaining hierarchie s of privilege. The resulting volume is theoretical in  that it reflects diverse theoretical tradition s such as Afrocentric philosophy,  feminist theory, Marxist social thought, the sociology of knowledge , critical  theory, and postmodern ism; and yet the standard vocabulary of these  tradition s, citations of their major works and key proponent s, and these  terms themselves rarely appear in the text. To me the ideas themselves are  important , not the labels we attach to them. Second, I place Black women's experiences and ideas at the center of  analysis. For those accustomed to having subordinate groups such as  African-American women frame our ideas in ways that are convenient  for the more powerful , this centrality can be unsettling. For example,  white, middle-class , feminist readers will find few references to so-caJled  white feminist thought. I have deliberately chosen not to begin with feminist  tenets developed from the experiences of white, middle-class, Western  women and then insert the ideas and experiences of African-American  women.

Black feminist thought Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (Patricia Hill Collins).pdf


The colonies farther south were suited fo r sugarcane, rice, and cotton—crops with which the English had little experience, but that Africans had either cultivated in their native lands or were quick to  master. “ The colonists soon realized that without Africans and the skills that they brought, their enterprises would fail,” wrote the anthropologists Audrey and Brian Smedley. In t he eyes of  the European colonists and to the African s’ tragic disadvantage, they happened to bear an inadvertent birthmark  over their entire bodies that should have been nothing more than a neutral variation in human appearance, but which made them stand out from the English and Irish indentured  servants. The Europeans could and did escape from their masters and blend into the general white population that was hardening into a sin gle caste. “ The Gaelic insurrections caused the English to seek to replace this source of servile labor entirely with another source, African slaves,” the Smedleys wrote. The colonists had been unable to enslave the native populatio n on its own turf  and believed themselve s to have solved the labor problem with the Africans they imported. W ith little further use for the original inhabitants, the colo nists be gan to exile the m from their ancestral lands an d from the emer ging caste system. This left Africans firmly at the bottom, and, by the late 1600s, Africans were not merely slaves; they were hostages subjected to unspeakable tortures that their captors docum ented without remorse. And there was no one on the planet willing to pay a ransom for their rescue. Americans are loath to talk about enslavement in part because what little we know about it goes against our perception of our country as a just and enlightened nation, a beacon of democracy for the world. Slavery is commonly dism issed as a “sad,  dark chapter” in the country’ s history.


Additionally , one question invites students to write and often to respond with their own views. Two books in one, with a rhetoric up front and readings in the back. The two parts are linked by cross-references in the margins, leading from the rhetoric to specific examples in the readings and from the readings to the corresponding writing instruction. T eachers can therefore begin with either the rhetoric or the readings, and the links will facilitate movement between one section and the other. A chapter on reading  (Chapter 14 ) encourages students to think of reading as an act of entering conversations. Instead of teaching students merely to identify the author ’s argument, this chapter shows them how to read with an eye for what arguments the author is responding to—in other words, to think carefully about why the writer is making the argument in the first place and thus to recognize (and ultimately become a part of) the larger conversation that gives meaning to reading the text. We hope that this new edition of “They Say / I Say” with Readings will spark students’ interest in some of the most pressing conversations of our day and provide them with some of the tools they need to engage in those conversations with dexterity and confidence. Gerald Graf f Cathy Birkenstein Russel Durst  PREFACE Demystifying Academic Conversation * * * EXPERIENCED WRITING INSTRUCT ORS have long recognized that writing well means entering into conversation with others. Academic writing in particular calls on writers not simply to express their own ideas but to do so as a response to what others have said.


He was  a real Ge orgia Negro, and he believed in eating plenty of what we  in Harle m today call  "soul food."   I've said t hat my mo ther was  the one who whipp ed m e-at leas t she did whenever sh e wasn't  ashamed to let the neighb ors think sh e was  killing  me. For i f she even a cted as though s he was  about to raise h er hand to me, I would o penmy mouth and let the world kn ow ab out it. If anybody  was passing by  out on the ro ad, she would eit her c hange her m ind or just give me a few licks. Thinking a bout it n ow, I feel definitely  that just as my f ather favore d me  for being lighter t han the  other c hildren, my m other gave me  more h ell for the same reason. S he was very  light herself but  she favored the ones who were d arker. Wilfred, I know, was p articularly  her angel. I  remember  that she would tell me  to get o ut of the house and "Let the sun shine on you s o you ca n get s ome  color ." She went o ut of her wa y never to  let me become a fflicted with a sense of color- superiority. I am sure that she treated me  this wa y partly because of how she came to be light h erself. I learned early  that crying out in pr otest could a ccomplish t hings. M y old er bro thers a nd sister h ad  started to school when, sometimes, they would come in and ask for a buttered biscuit o r  something and my mo ther, impatiently, would tell t hem no. But I would cry  out and make a fuss  until I got what I want ed. I remember well  how my m other a sked me  why I couldn't be  a nice boy  like W ilfred; but I would t hink t o mysel f that W ilfred, for being so n ice a nd quiet, often stayed  hungry. So early  in life, I had learn ed that if you want s omething,  you had better ma ke some  noise. Not o nly did we  have o ur big garde n, but we raise d chicke ns. My  father would b uy some baby  chicks a nd my mother would raise t hem. W e all loved chick en. That was one dish t here was  no  argum ent with my f ather about.


In 1949, the Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC)provided an opportunity to bring those inEnglish and in communication together.Despite this effort, teachers of writing and ofspeaking were nearly entirely unaware of eachothers’ work, as they have remained until veryrecently. In the 1960s, however, more cross-fertilization seemed possible with the foundingof The Rhetoric Society of America (RSA),whose first newsletter (December 1968) listsas members of its founding board of directorsEdward P. J. Corbett, Wayne C. Booth, JohnRycenga, William Irmscher, Ross Winterowd,Henry Johnstone, Richard Larson, RobertGorrell, Joseph Schwartz, Richard Hughes,Harry Crosby, Owen Thomas, and Donald C.Bryant. These scholars came from English,speech, philosophy, and linguistics, a virtualreuniting of the groups that had splintered intheearly20thcentury.Whilethisaugustboardof intellectuals reflected the creative spirit ofinquiry that marked the 1960s, it failed torepresentwhatwas,perhaps,themostenduringchallenge to the post–World War II academy,the inclusion of women and minorities. Thisgroup was diverse in some ways but not inothers: As was all too common at the time, nowomen or people of color appeared among theleaders. Thus, at the end of the tumultuous 1960s, rhetoric stood at an important crossroads.In communication, the methods of Neo-Aristoteliancriticismwerenolongerviable,andadministrators and department chairs began towonderwhetherrhetoricmightbenefitfromthemethodologiesthattheircolleaguesinthesocialsciences had embraced. In English, scholarsexpressed a renewed interest in rhetoric notonly as a forgotten tradition but also as apotential resource for intellectual inquiry.Simultaneously, students across the academychallenged their professors to explain how twoand a half millennia of rhetorical historymattered to the political issues that animatedtheir private and public lives.


I am thinking about living, about surviving,  thinking about what is going to happen next. They are gonna do  what they are gonna do and there isn't much i can do about it. I  just have to be myself, stay as strong as i can, and do my best. That's  all. There is nowhere to run and i am in no shape to try. I realize  how isolated and vulnerable i am. What if i really do need an  operation? I need help from the outside world. I have to try to get  word out to someone. The Black nurse has been back and forth,  asking me the same questions. Each time i have closed my eyes until  she goes away. I decide to ask her to get in touch with my people  the next time she comes by. Maybe she will be cool. She is my best  shot; the guard is long gone. I doze off for a little while. When i wake up, a nurse and a  priest are standing over me. The priest is mumbling and seems to  be rubbing something on my forehead. At first i don't understand  what he is doing. Then it dawns on me. Last rites. Last rites are for  the dying. "Go away," i say out loud. I don't have the strength to say  anything else. But i know i don't want anybody' s last rites. I am not  going to die, and even if i do die, i'm not going to die nobody's  hypocrite. The Black nurse comes back and starts her questions again. Before she can get started good, i beckon her to come closer. There  is no one else ar ound. I ask her to get in contact with my lawyer  (who is also my aunt). I give her my name and ask her to make the  call herself. She has a hard time understanding me and keeps  asking me to repeat my name. I can barely talk, and each time she  asks me to repeat myself, i feel like screaming. Then it occurs to me  that Assata is foreign to her ears. She has probably never heard the  name before. So i give her my slave name. Then i give her the  number and she is off and running. Two minutes later the detectives are on me like white on rice. They threaten and plead, reason and offer me the world.