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750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
a belt-operated CVT with an auxiliary two-speed transmission. The CVT raises the transmission ratio by more than 20% compared to other CVTs in its class, providing enhanced responsiveness on starting and acceleration and improved quietness during high-speed driving. With the auxiliary transmission, the size and weight of the CVT unit is significantly reduced. Friction is reduced by about 30% compared to other CVTs in its class, achieved by the increased transmission ratio, reduced pulley size and weight, and reduced oil agitating resistance – helping improve fuel economy. An electric oil pump is adopted in vehicles equipped with Idling Stop. Quicker oil pressure response improves startup performance | 16,800 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
and thus contributes to an improvement in fuel economy. While Idling Stop is in operation, pulley rotation is temporarily locked inside the CVT and is slowly unlocked when the engine starts again. This prevents reverse movement during a hill start and enables smooth startup.
Nissan announced that the Mexico-made Micra available in Canada will have a 4-speed automatic option from 2015 onward, with the DOHC 1.6 engine.
Nissan Micra’s new-generation (K13) has 5-speed manual transmission. The manual transmission use up to 15% less fuel than Xtronic CVT depend on driving condition and style of driving. It also has better durability and It can support more horsepower and torque.
The manual transmission | 16,801 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
ratio and the maximum speed in each manual transmission gear (in Thailand spec).
- 1st – 3.727 Max speed at 43 km/h
- 2nd – 2.048 Max speed at 79 km/h
- 3rd – 1.393 Max speed at 118 km/h
- 4th – 1.029 Max speed at 157 km/h
- 5th – 0.821 Max speed at – km/h
- Reverse – 3.545
- Final drive 4.055
The manual transmission is easy to do its maintenance. It requires Genuine NISSAN Manual Transmission Fluid ( MTF ) HQ Multi 75W-85 or other SAE 75W-85.
### Safety.
EuroNCAP tested this model of the Nissan Micra as a standard equipment LHD, 5-door hatchback, registered in 2010. They scored it accordingly:
- Overall
- Adult Occupant , 30 points
- Child Occupant , 39 points
- Pedestrian , 21 | 16,802 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
points
- Safety Assist , 4 points
The Micra scored well in the test and received 4 stars from a possible 5, although the car was penalised for "loading the dummy in an unrealistic way" and increasing chest damage to the driver and passenger. Despite this the results were decent for a hatchback and the car offers good protection for side and front end impacts.
### Production.
Nissan has stated that the model will be built in five countries, but only four are confirmed so far: Thailand for the Japanese, Hong Kong, Macau, Southeast Asian and Australian markets; India for the Indian, European, Middle Eastern and African markets; China for the Mainland China market; Mexico for Mexican, Canadian, | 16,803 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
Central American, South American and Caribbean markets.
On 12 March 2010, Nissan Motor (Thailand) Co., Ltd. (NMT) celebrated the start of production of the Nissan March.
On 24 May 2010, Nissan Motor India Private Ltd. (NMIPL) celebrated the start of production of the Nissan Micra from its manufacturing plant at Oragadam, near Chennai. Car display at showrooms and Pre-order began from 25 May 2010, with sales began in July 2010, exports began in September 2010.
On 30 June 2010, Nissan Motor Co., Ltd. announced Nissan Motor (Thailand) Co., Ltd. (NMT) began production in its vehicle assembly plant at 20 km east of Bangkok.
As of 13 September 2010, Nissan March/Micra has exceeded 54,000 customer | 16,804 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
sales orders. Export of European version of Micra-badged vehicles from Chennai Plant began in October 2010.
Production of Nissan March hatchback began in Aguascalientes, Mexico in 2011.
At the end of May 2011, global sales of the Nissan Micra/March has surpassed six million units.
As of June 16, 2011, Renault Nissan Alliance plant in Chennai, India had produced 100,000th Nissan Micra in just over a year. The Renault Pulse was built in the Renault Nissan Alliance plant in Chennai.
### March Nismo (2013–present).
March Nismo went on sale in Japan on sale in December 2013. with the Nismo S unveiled at the 2014 Tokyo Auto Salon.
The March Nismo includes special exterior design features including | 16,805 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
front and rear bumpers, LED hyper daytime running lights, 16-inch aluminium wheels and includes Vehicle Dynamic Control (VDC), but retains a standard 1.2-litre engine producing .
The Nismo S version include additional tuning to the HR15DE 1.5-litre engine to produce , with a special tuning computer (ECM), exhaust system, customized suspension (stabiliser) brake system and quick steering gear ratio.
### Nissan New Micra (2013–2016).
Changes to the Nissan Micra include new exterior styling front and rear (new grille with Nissan badge 'held' within a chromed extended V-shaped motif, new bonnet, wings, headlamps and front bumper; front fog lamps and chrome surround, a new bumper, new LED tail | 16,806 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
lamps and a new infill panel at the bottom of the tailgate), new 15-inch alloy wheel design (optional machine-finished 16-inch alloy wheels), two new body colours (pearl metallic Pacific Blue (predominantly turquoise shade), metallic Platinum Sage), instrument graphics ahead of the driver have been improved for greater clarity, a new centre console with restyled air vents, gloss black finish on the centre console, a silver look to the gear selector finisher, textured door armrests, new seat and door pad fabrics, Visia and Acenta grades include a durable tricot/tricot mesh woven fabric, Tekna models includes a suede-like fabric with double stitching, dash-mounted Aux-in and USB slots linked to | 16,807 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
all audio units, added a 12v socket, Visia models include audio equipment better integrated into the centre console with matching gloss and matt black finishers, optional NissanConnect navigation and communication system (5.8-inch screen) with chromed controls, revised navigation system (eco-routing with eco-scoring table, larger colour touchscreen, Google Send-To-Car technology, Google's Point of Interest (POI) with motorway 'exit view'), optional advanced parking aid, all models with DIG-S engine produce emissions of 120g/km or lower.
Visia model includes remote central locking, front power windows, electric power steering, 14-inch wheels and a full complement of safety equipment including | 16,808 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
driver and front passenger airbags, side airbags and curtain bags, ABS and ESP.
Acenta adds chrome accents, body colour door mirrors and handles, 15-inch wheels, roof spoiler, manual air conditioning, driver's armrest, leather covered steering wheel and a CD player with Bluetooth connectivity. Options include preferred colour of wheel centre caps and door mirrors handles on the exterior, personalised gear knob, air-vent, gear stick surround and velour mats.
Tekna adds automatic air conditioning, NissanConnect, rear parking sensors, Parking Slot Measurement, 15-inch alloy wheels (optional 16-inch alloys), suede-like seat fabric, front fog lamps plus automatic control for the headlamps, wipers | 16,809 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
and folding door mirrors. Options include a panoramic roof, Intelligent Key with start button.
The vehicle was unveiled at the 2013 Frankfurt Motor Show.
### 2014 Nissan Micra.
The Canadian model was based on the Nissan New Micra for the European market, with ducts for rear-seat heating, 60/40 split folding rear seat, heated side mirrors, and front and rear sway bars for the suspension.
The Canadian model was announced at the 2014 Montreal Auto Show.
The Canadian model was set to go on sale as 2014 model year vehicle. Early models include 1.6-litre four-cylinder engine from Nissan Versa, four-speed automatic or five-speed manual transmission, 15 and 16-inch wheels.
### Production.
The | 16,810 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
Canadian 2015 Nissan Micra is built at Nissan's Mexican plant.
# Fifth generation (K14; 2017–present).
The fifth generation Micra, the K14, was unveiled at the 2016 Paris Motor Show. It has all-new exterior and interior design and shares the same platform from its predecessor. Like most new superminis, the car has many colour customizations. The fifth generation Micra comes with a system called trace control, which prevents understeer by softly pinching the brakes. It borrows its range of engines from the Mark IV Renault Clio. Currently, it is offered with a 1.5 diesel engine that produces and a 0.9 petrol engine that produces ( with its overboost function). An entry level, 1.0 petrol that | 16,811 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
produces is intended to join the engine lineup in the future. The fifth generation Micra is only available in Europe and South Africa. Sales in Europe began in March 2017. In South Africa, the fifth generation Micra is sold alongside the fourth generation Micra Active and sales began in June 2018.
# Marketing by country.
## Australia.
The UK-built Micra K11 was briefly exported to the Australian market beginning in 1995 with a three model line up, base 3-door LX, 5-door SLX and 3-door Super S (of which only
303 were ever sold in Australia and demand a hefty price premium over the other models). Class leading performance, a surprisingly dynamic chassis with well sorted suspension, roomy interior | 16,812 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
and above average build quality were the Micra's strengths in comparison to its Korean competitors like the Hyundai Excel, Daewoo Cielo and Ford Festiva. A poor exchange rate between the UK and Australia meant the Micra's pricing was rather steep and Australian buyers saw the cheaper Koreans and more established Japanese-sourced superminis, such as the Suzuki Swift and Daihatsu Charade, as offering better value for money. Also, the Micra received the lowest possible rating (one star) in Australian crash tests. The Micra was dropped from Nissan Australia's line-up in 1997.
Nissan re-introduced the Micra to Australia in 2007, being sold only as a 5-door hatchback, and coming from Japan and not | 16,813 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
the UK. The fourth generation Micra was introduced to Australia in October 2010, with sales began in late 2010, and imported from Thailand. Nissan dropped the Micra from the Australian market on 29 April 2016.
## Canada.
In Canada, the K10-J was sold and branded as the Nissan Micra. It came standard with the larger MA12S inline 4-cylinder OHC 1.2 L (1235 cc) engine. The Nissan Micra was finally discontinued in Canada in 1991, replaced by the Nissan Sentra Classic, but many K10s are still running on Canadian roads today.
In 2007, Nissan introduced the substantially larger Versa to the Canadian line up as the new entry-level model.
On 9 January 2014, Nissan Canada Inc. announced the return | 16,814 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
of the Micra back to the Canadian market after 21 years of absence. Sales started in spring 2014 as a 2015-year model, taking the place of the slow-selling Versa sedan. The car was not sold in the United States.
The company revealed the car's starting price of $9,998 for the base, 5-speed manual transmission model at the 2014 Canadian International Auto Show in February. The price made it the least expensive new car in the country by a significant margin.
## China.
In China, Dongfeng Nissan released the Micra K13 on 30 August 2010. Four trims with 1.5-liter engines (HR15DE) are available, priced between 69,900 and 92,900 yuan.
## India.
One of the four factories which produce the Nissan | 16,815 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
Micra K13 is located in India.
Nissan Micra is available in India with four petrol and two diesel variants. The four petrol variants of Nissan Micra are: Nissan Micra XE, Nissan Micra XE Plus, Nissan Micra XL and Nissan Micra XV. All the four variants are powered by the 1.2 L, 1198 cc, petrol engine with five-speed manual transmission that delivers at 6000 rpm with of torque at 4000 rpm. These variants are differed from each other by the interior comfort, luxury and safety features. Notable feature includes a standard air bag across the range although ABS is available only on the top variant.
The diesel variants of Nissan Micra are Nissan Micra Diesel XV and Nissan Micra Diesel XV Premium. | 16,816 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
The Nissan Micra diesel is loaded with a 1.5-litre, 4-cylinder, 8-valve, SOHC, 1461 cc, common rail powertrain that is capable of developing maximum power of at 4000 rpm and of highest torque at 2000 rpm with the same 5-speed.
A rebranded variant of Micra named "Pulse" is sold by Renault in India. It has the same interiors as the Micra though the styling on the exterior is slightly modified. Having same specifications, features and engines as the Micra it's similarly priced.
## Mexico.
One of the four factories which produce the Nissan Micra K13 is located in Mexico.
The Nissan Micra K13 is called the Nissan March in Mexico and went on sale in late March 2011, it began production at the | 16,817 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
Aguascalientes plant in early March. The Nissan March is sold in 4 trim levels: Drive, Sense, Advance and SR. The base Drive trim level does not have air conditioning and rear window wipers and has black mirrors; this trim level also lacks a radio and comes with 14-inch steel wheels with wheel covers. The Sense trim level adds air conditioning, Mp3 radio player, colour-coded mirrors and a rear window wiper. This model also comes with 14-inch steel wheels with wheel covers. The Advance trim level adds 15-inch alloy wheels an optional 4-speed automatic transmission and also adds 2 front airbags for the driver and passenger. The SR trim adds side skirts and a rear spoiler for a more sporty appearance | 16,818 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
and has the same alloy wheels only with a darker color. All trim levels come standard with a 5-speed manual transmission and with the 1.6-litre engine with . It replaced the Nissan Platina in its assembly plant and lineup, plus the previous-generation Micra was sold in Mexico using the Micra name.
Even though the March was meant to replace the Platina sedan, the Juke (using the same Micra platform) took the Micra's Mexican place after the 2011 model year.
## Taiwan.
In Taiwan, the K11 March was sold from 1993 to 2007. It was sold in three generations. The last generation was a facelifted and improved version called the Super March. It had a digital instrument cluster, LED rear light clusters, | 16,819 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
side mirror indicators, and an updated front end with crystal headlights. It also came with a semi leather interior with rear headrests. Another more upscale K11 variant, known as the Nissan Verita, was produced. This featured retro styling inside and out. Notable differences included rounded headlights and taillights, a distinctive front end, along with a chrome and faux wood trimmed interior. All Taiwan K11s came with the CG13DE engine. There was also a three-box sedan called the "March Cubic" designed exclusively for the Taiwanese market by Nissan Yulon; its taillights, trunklid, and rear bumpers were different from those used in Japanese market versions.
At the end of 2011, the Nissan March | 16,820 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
returned to the Taiwanese market as the K13. The HR15DE is currently the only engine available. A 4-speed automatic is the only transmission option as well.
## Thailand.
One of the four factories which produce the Nissan Micra K13 is located in Thailand.
In Thailand, the Micra K13 was launched, as Nissan March, at the Bangkok International Motor Show on 26 March 2010, priced from 375,000 baht ($11,600) to 537,000 baht. By early July 2010, the company has received about 8,000 sales order and said new buyers would have to wait for five months. The company expects to produce 90,000 units in 2010.
In April 2013, the facelifted version of March are revealed, with some upgrade on equipment include | 16,821 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
LED rear lamps, redesigned grille, headlamps, wheels, improved interior and addition of front airbags in all version.
## Republic of Ireland.
Trim levels for the Nissan Micra were aligned with mainland Europe. It remains a common sight on Irish roads today.
## UK.
From 1992 Micras were built in the UK at the NMUK plant in Sunderland, Tyne and Wear, where a total of 2,368,704 were built at its close in July 2010.
### K10.
The Micra K10 first went on sale the UK over the summer of 1983, and it was an instant sales success. In its best year, 1990, it was the eleventh most popular new car in the UK with just under 50,000 sales. It was a popular choice with driving instructors and undemanding | 16,822 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
motorists thanks to its ease of driving, solid build and durable mechanical components. 343,411 were sold in nearly a decade. As recently as early 2007, almost 15 years after the last examples were sold, 96,421 examples were still reported to be in circulation, and four years on, as the 20th anniversary of its demise approaches, the number remaining on Britain's roads is likely to be still well into five figures. It compares particularly well to many other popular small cars in Britain of its era, particularly the British-built Austin Metro and Italian Fiat Uno.
### K11.
The second incarnation of the Micra, the K11, was launched in the UK at the end of 1992, with production taking place in | 16,823 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
Britain at the Sunderland plant rather than in Japan. It was available with a limited range of engines: 1.0 and 1.3 petrol units. A facelift over the summer of 2000 saw the 1.3 shelved and replaced with a 1.4 unit. This upgrade, after a previous makeover in 1998, enhanced the Micra's appeal and it was still fairly popular on the launch of its successor in December 2002.
The Micra K11 (as it is known in Europe), was the third model after the Nissan Bluebird and Primera built in Nissan's NMUK plant in Sunderland, Tyne and Wear.
In 1998, the Sunderland, plant produced its millionth Micra, becoming the first Japanese manufacturer in Europe to achieve the milestone.
On 16 January 2013, popular | 16,824 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
YouTube stars Vsauce and FastFuriousAndFunny held up a Nissan Micra K11 with 180 rubber bands. They later smashed the car.
### K12.
Like the previous version of the Micra, the third generation model, the K12, was made at the Sunderland plant. It had a wider range of engines, including 1.2 petrol and Renault-sourced 1.5 direct-injection diesel powerplants, and offered an improved driving experience. Its chassis would form the basis of the next Renault Clio, launched in 2005 but still built in France. This stylish, all-new Micra helped Nissan bolster its market share of the supermini sector, which had been declining in the final year or two of its predecessor's life. Although it has never featured | 16,825 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
in the SMMT's official top 10 best-selling cars in the UK, it has been among the best-selling 10 cars in Britain among private buyers for virtually all of its production life.
In 2003, the BBC's "Top Gear" programme featured a segment on cars that gave value for money, highlighting specification that could be purchased for £9,000. The Micra K12 was selected and tested by presenter Richard Hammond, who gave it a positive review. This was despite comparing its qualities to those of a Boeing 737, concluding that the Micra "had all the toys". However, when Hammond tested the Micra C+C in 2006, he was less than enthusiastic. This was because his model was coloured pink and as a result, he spent | 16,826 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
most of the segment driving it with a paper bag over his head.
The pink C+C was one of only five, made specifically for Nissan's sponsorship of the C+C TLC Tour in 2005–06, in support of the Breakthrough Breast Cancer charity. Such was the public's response that Nissan subsequently announced the launch of the Micra C+C Pink, limited to 100 models. These quickly sold out and another production run was announced in August 2006, this time limited to 175 cars.
In July 2004, Nissan announced that a Coral Blue K12 Micra had become NMUK's one millionth car for the UK market, and that its Sunderland plant had produced over 250,000 K12s since the model's launch, for sale in up to 45 markets.
In August | 16,827 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
2006, the K10 was still receiving credit for its impressive durability. An "Auto Express" survey revealed that of the 340,000 K10 Micras registered in the UK between 1983 and 1992, 96,000 were still on the road – nearly 30%, an impressive figure for a car which had been out of production for 14 years. This gave it a far higher rating than the Fiat Uno and the Austin Metro, both of which had dwindled away to less than 3%.
In 2007, with the Micra K12C, the model grades were brought into line with the rest of the Nissan UK range, namely Visia, Acenta, Tekna, 160 SR and Active Luxury.
The Micra C+C convertible was available in Visia, Acenta, Tekna and Active Luxury grades. However, the 1.6-litre | 16,828 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
engine is available for all models, save the Visia.
# Reputation and popularity.
The K10/K11 generations of Micra were known for reliability, excellent build quality, and user friendliness. The K12 model has received consistently good reviews, with the main criticisms being the lack of head room and luggage space in the rear.
There are numerous tuning parts available for the car. Engine transplants are not new for the Micra, as many owners with mechanical skills have installed the SR20DE and more commonly, the GA16DE into their K11s. Turbocharger kits are a popular choice for the K11 and K12s.
The insurance company Folksam rated it as a dangerous car in the event of a crash for the models | 16,829 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
produced between 1988 and 1995. However, safety specification has improved with successive models. The Micra's Euro NCAP ratings are two stars for the K11 and four for the K12.
The K12 Micra came top of its class in "What Car?" magazine's Security Supertest in 2003, passing both entry and driveaway tests and achieving a maximum score for its locking system and immobiliser.
In 2005, the UK motor insurance research expert Thatcham introduced a standard for keyless go, requiring the device to be inoperable at a distance of more than 10 cm from the vehicle. In an independent test, the Micra was found to be the most secure, while certain BMW and Mercedes models failed, being theoretically capable | 16,830 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
of allowing cars to be driven away while their owners were refuelling.
In "What Car?"'s Reliability Supertest in 2007, Nissan was ranked 6th out of 26 manufacturers overall, with the K11 Micra (1998–2002) being its most reliable model.
# Motorsport.
Nissan first entered the Micra in motorsports with the March Superturbo R. Introduced in 1987, this rare pre-facelift K10 weighed in at with half interior, roll cage and tool kit. It was built for the new sub-1600 cc Group A class, and shortly after in 1988 Nissan released the March Superturbo as a road car.
While the March was a favourite with the drivers in the Japanese Rally Championship, veteran Swedish rally driver Per Eklund finished the | 16,831 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
1988 RAC Rally in 21st position and the 1989 Acropolis Rally Greece in 10th place.
During the K11's production life, there was a series of national rally championship trophies held all over Europe called the Micra Challenge. This was intended as a cheap introduction to rallying, as the cars all had identical 1.3 L race-prepared engines. The UK series ran between 1995 and 1999. This model is still used in club and national rallies. In France, the 1.3 L model was used as the basis for a circuit racing one-make cup for celebrity drivers, the Nissan Stars Cup. In Portugal, the Micra spawned a one-make trophy alongside the National Rally Championship for Beginners.
Both K10 and K11 models are very | 16,832 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
popular choices for beginner autocross but due to K10s getting rarer, K11s are more commonly used now. The K11 is also very popular as a 'micro' banger in the UK, competing in 1200 cc engine limit classes with success.
In 2005, a K11 model nicknamed Little Bandit, was built with a tuned SR20DET, producing approximately , which competed at several motorsport events.
In the late 1990s, a K11 was adapted into a VQ30 mid-engined 4WD configuration to race in the Trophée Andros, the French ice racing series. Drivers who raced this car include Érik Comas, Philippe Gache, Stéphane Peterhansel and Emmanuel Collard.
Nissan sponsors a one-make series in Japan called the March Cup, which has been running | 16,833 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
since the introduction of the K10. Usually a JGTC support race, it is held in two separate five-round championships called West Japan Series and East Japan Series, and a ladies series running simultaneously. At the end of the season, the best performing cars from both sides meet up for the Champions Cup final at the end the season.
Starting in 2015, Nissan Canada will sponsor the Nissan Micra Cup. It consists of 10 races across 5 weekends in Quebec. Each racing weekend will include a 30-minute trial, a 30-minute qualifying session and two 30-minute races.
# External links.
- Nissan March / Micra global site
- Nissan Micra site: Australia, UK
- Nissan March site: Japan , Singapore, Taiwan | 16,834 |
750514 | Nissan Micra | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nissan%20Micra | Nissan Micra
ng cars from both sides meet up for the Champions Cup final at the end the season.
Starting in 2015, Nissan Canada will sponsor the Nissan Micra Cup. It consists of 10 races across 5 weekends in Quebec. Each racing weekend will include a 30-minute trial, a 30-minute qualifying session and two 30-minute races.
# External links.
- Nissan March / Micra global site
- Nissan Micra site: Australia, UK
- Nissan March site: Japan , Singapore, Taiwan , Indonesia
- Autech March Bolero site
- Nissan Museum
- March SR
- K10 and K11 history and modifications
- Nissan March K11: 1999–2000, 2000–2001, 2001–2002
- Nissan March K12: 2002–2004, 2004–2005, 2005–2007, 2008–2010
- Nissan Museum March | 16,835 |
1401836 | Joe Gladwin | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Joe%20Gladwin | Joe Gladwin
Joe Gladwin
Joseph Gladwin (22 January 1906 – 11 March 1987) was an English actor, best known for his roles as Fred Jackson in Coronation Street and Wally Batty in the world's longest-running sitcom, "Last of the Summer Wine" (1975, 1976–87).
# Biography.
Gladwin was born at 44 Tatton Street in the Ordsall district of Salford, Lancashire, the son of Joseph and Elizabeth (née Dooley) Gladwin. His father was a coal dealer. Gladwin was baptised on 28 January 1906 at Mount Carmel Roman Catholic Church, Ordsall, and educated at the parish school. He married Lily Anne Wynne on 30 December 1933 at Mount Carmel Church. Gladwin was appointed a Papal Knight (of the Order of St. Gregory the Great) for | 16,836 |
1401836 | Joe Gladwin | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Joe%20Gladwin | Joe Gladwin
his charity work.
Before his professional career took off, Gladwin performed with The Decoys during World War 2, a Concert Party based in Chorlton-cum-Hardy in Manchester. This Concert Party ( ENSA) entertained the troops in hospitals and elsewhere. At the time, Gladwin was a driver for a company delivering medicines to chemists (from an interview with Joyce Bishop, 3 November 2018, daughter of one of the members of The Vocals).
Gladwin served as Northern representative of the Catholic Stage Guild. Despite his lifelong rhotacism (which he concealed when acting by substituting the letter R for a guttural sound), he became well known in British television, especially prominent from 1975 until | 16,837 |
1401836 | Joe Gladwin | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Joe%20Gladwin | Joe Gladwin
his death in 1987.
# Career.
Gladwin worked as a 'feed' for Dave Morris for twelve years beginning in 1950. He appeared on British television from the 1960s onwards, making notable appearances in "Z-Cars", "Dixon of Dock Green" and "The Artful Dodger". He had a recurring role in "Coronation Street" between 1961 and 1966 as Fred Jackson, owner of the local fish and chip shop. Gladwin appeared in ‘’Last of the Summer Wine’’ from 1975 to 1986 and had completed work on the show’s ninth series and 1986 Christmas special before his death.
His film credits included appearances in "Three Hats for Lisa" (1966), "Charlie Bubbles" (1967), "Work Is a Four-Letter Word" (1968), "The Reckoning" (1969), | 16,838 |
1401836 | Joe Gladwin | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Joe%20Gladwin | Joe Gladwin
rring role in "Coronation Street" between 1961 and 1966 as Fred Jackson, owner of the local fish and chip shop. Gladwin appeared in ‘’Last of the Summer Wine’’ from 1975 to 1986 and had completed work on the show’s ninth series and 1986 Christmas special before his death.
His film credits included appearances in "Three Hats for Lisa" (1966), "Charlie Bubbles" (1967), "Work Is a Four-Letter Word" (1968), "The Reckoning" (1969), the film version of "Nearest and Dearest" (1972), "Escape from the Dark" (1976) and "Yanks" (1979).
# Death.
Gladwin died on 11 March 1987, aged 81, in Manchester. He is buried at St Mary's Roman Catholic Cemetery just off the A6 road at Wardley, Greater Manchester. | 16,839 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
Civil parishes in Cumbria
A civil parish in England is the lowest unit of local government. There are 284 civil parishes in the ceremonial county of Cumbria, with most of the county being parished, and Allerdale, Copeland, Eden and South Lakeland being entirely parished. At the 2001 census, there were 359,692 people living in those 284 parishes, accounting for 73.8 per cent of the county's population.
The extent of modern Civil parishes are largely geographically based on historic Church of England parish boundaries, which were ecclesiastical divisions that had acquired civil administration powers managed by the Vestry committee.
# History.
The Highways Act 1555 made parishes responsible | 16,840 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
for the upkeep of roads. Every adult inhabitant of the parish was obliged to work four days a year on the roads, providing their own tools, carts and horses; the work was overseen by an unpaid local appointee, the "Surveyor of Highways".
The poor were looked after by the monasteries, until their dissolution. In 1572, magistrates were given power to 'survey the poor' and impose taxes for their relief. This system was made more formal by the Poor Law Act 1601, which made parishes responsible for administering the Poor Law; overseers were appointed to charge a rate to support the poor of the parish. The 19th century saw an increase in the responsibility of parishes, although the "Poor Law" powers | 16,841 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
were transferred to Poor Law Unions. The Public Health Act 1872 grouped parishes into Rural Sanitary Districts, based on the Poor Law Unions; these subsequently formed the basis for Rural Districts.
Parishes were run by vestries, meeting annually to appoint officials, and were generally identical to ecclesiastical parishes, although some townships in large parishes administered the "Poor Law" themselves; under the Divided Parishes and Poor Law Amendment Act 1882, all extra-parochial areas and townships that levied a separate rate became independent civil parishes.
Civil parishes in their modern sense date from the Local Government Act 1894, which abolished vestries; established elected parish | 16,842 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
councils in all rural parishes with more than 300 electors; grouped rural parishes into Rural Districts; and aligned parish boundaries with county and borough boundaries. Urban civil parishes continued to exist, and were generally coterminous with the Urban District, Municipal Borough or County Borough in which they were situated; many large towns contained a number of parishes, and these were usually merged into one. Parish councils were not formed in urban areas, and the only function of the parish was to elect guardians to Poor Law Unions; with the abolition of the "Poor Law" system in 1930 the parishes had only a nominal existence.
The Local Government Act 1972 retained civil parishes in | 16,843 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
rural areas, and many former Urban Districts and Municipal Boroughs that were being abolished, were replaced by new successor parishes; urban areas that were considered too large to be single parishes became unparished areas.
# The current position.
Recent governments have encouraged the formation of town and parish councils in unparished areas, and the Local Government and Rating Act 1997 gave local residents the right to demand the creation of a new civil parish.
A parish council can become a town council unilaterally, simply by resolution; and a civil parish can also gain city status, but only if that is granted by the Crown. The chairman of a town or city council is called a mayor. The | 16,844 |
1401800 | Civil parishes in Cumbria | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Civil%20parishes%20in%20Cumbria | Civil parishes in Cumbria
Local Government and Rating Act 1997 gave local residents the right to demand the creation of a new civil parish.
A parish council can become a town council unilaterally, simply by resolution; and a civil parish can also gain city status, but only if that is granted by the Crown. The chairman of a town or city council is called a mayor. The Local Government and Public Involvement in Health Act 2007 introduced alternative names: a parish council can now choose to be called a community; village; or neighbourhood council.
# See also.
- List of civil parishes in England
# External links.
- Office for National Statistics : "Geographical Area Listings"
- Cumbria Association of Local Councils | 16,845 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
Michael Bates (actor)
Michael Hammond Bates (4 December 1920 – 11 January 1978) was an Anglo-Indian actor. He was best known for playing the chief prison guard who processes (and strip-searches) Alex (Malcolm McDowell) in "A Clockwork Orange", Cyril Blamire in "Last of the Summer Wine" (1973–75), and Rangi Ram in "It Ain't Half Hot Mum" (1974–77).
# Early life.
Bates was born in Jhansi, United Provinces, India, to Sarah ("née" Clarke, 1896–1982), daughter of William Hammond Walker of Congleton, Cheshire), and Anglo-Indian civil servant Harry Stuart Bates CSI (1893–1985, son of Albert Bates, of Congleton, Cheshire). He was educated at Uppingham School and St Catharine's College, Cambridge.
Bates | 16,846 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
was commissioned in the Indian Army in March 1942. He served in the Burma Campaign as a major with the Brigade of Gurkhas and was mentioned in dispatches in 1944.
# Career.
In 1953, while an ensemble member with the Stratford Festival in Stratford, Ontario, Canada, Bates appeared in "Richard III" and "All's Well That Ends Well".
Bates appeared in "Hotel Paradiso" ("L'Hôtel du libre échange"), which starred Alec Guinness, in 1956 at the Winter Garden Theatre in London. On the radio, he played a variety of characters in the BBC's long-running comedy series "The Navy Lark", including Able Seaman Ginger, Lieutenant Bates, Rear Admiral Ironbridge, the Padre, and Captain Ignatius Aloysius Atchison.
Bates | 16,847 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
appeared in many British television series, including "Last of the Summer Wine" from 1973 to 1975 (as Cyril Blamire) and "It Ain't Half Hot Mum" from 1974 to 1977 (as Rangi Ram). His role as Rangi Ram later led to some controversy due to allegations that he had performed in blackface. Interviewed by the journalist Neil Clark for "The Daily Telegraph" in 2013, Jimmy Perry protested that "All Michael Bates [...] wore was a light tan. He wasn’t blacked up! Michael spoke fluent Urdu, and was a captain in the Gurkhas". The show is now not shown on the BBC in the UK.
Bates's film roles include "Bedazzled" (1967) as the flirtatious police inspector, "Here We Go Round the Mulberry Bush" (1967) as Mr. | 16,848 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
McGregor, "Battle of Britain" (1969) as Warrant Officer Warwick, "Oh! What a Lovely War" (1969) as a Lance-Corporal, "Patton" (1970) as Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery (to whom he bore a striking resemblance), "A Clockwork Orange" (1971) and "Frenzy" (1972). On stage, he played Shakespearean roles at Stratford and at the Old Vic, and made a big impression as Inspector Truscott in the West End production of "Loot" by Joe Orton in 1966.
# Personal life.
In 1954, Bates married Margaret M. J. Chisholm. They had three children: Rupert (who also became an actor), Camilla, and Jolyon.
Bates was a supporter of the Conservative Party. Peter Sallis claimed that Bates' right-wing opinions contrasted | 16,849 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
so sharply with the left-wing views of fellow "Last of the Summer Wine" star Bill Owen that the series was almost not made because of their arguments.
Bates died of cancer on 11 January 1978 in Chelsea, London, aged 57.
# Selected filmography.
- "Carrington V.C." (1955) – Major Broke-Smith
- "Dunkirk" (1958) – Froome
- "I'm All Right Jack" (1959) – Bootle
- "Dr. Strangelove" (1964) – USAF Guard
- "Bedazzled" (1967) – Inspector Clarke
- "Here We Go Round the Mulberry Bush" (1968) – Mr. McGregor
- "Hammerhead" (1968) – Andreas / Sir Richard
- "Don't Raise the Bridge, Lower the River" (1968) – Dr. Spink
- "Salt and Pepper" (1968) – Inspector Crabbe
- "Oh! What a Lovely War" (1969) – | 16,850 |
1401778 | Michael Bates (actor) | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Michael%20Bates%20(actor) | Michael Bates (actor)
the River" (1968) – Dr. Spink
- "Salt and Pepper" (1968) – Inspector Crabbe
- "Oh! What a Lovely War" (1969) – Drunk Lance Corporal
- "Battle of Britain" (1969) – Warrant Officer Warwick
- "Arthur? Arthur!" (1969) – Mr. Harrington
- "Patton" (1970) – Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery
- "Every Home Should Have One" (1970) – Magistrate
- "The Rise and Rise of Michael Rimmer" (1970) – Mr. Spimm
- "A Clockwork Orange" (1971) – Chief Guard Barnes
- "Frenzy" (1972) – Sergeant Spearman
- "No Sex Please, We're British" (1973) – Mr. Needham
- "Fall of Eagles" (1974) - General Erich Ludendorff
- "The Bawdy Adventures of Tom Jones" (1976) – Madman
- "Gulliver's Travels" (1977) – (voice) | 16,851 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
Viktor Orbán
Viktor Mihály Orbán (; born 31 May 1963) is a Hungarian politician who has been Prime Minister of Hungary since 2010; he was also Prime Minister from 1998 to 2002. He has also been President of Fidesz, a national conservative political party, since 1993, with a brief break between 2000 and 2003.
Born in Székesfehérvár, Orbán studied law at Eötvös Loránd University, graduating in 1987. He briefly studied political science at Pembroke College, Oxford, before returning to Hungary to enter politics in the wake of the Autumn of Nations. He became head of the reformist student movement the Alliance of Young Democrats ("Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége"), which would eventually become the | 16,852 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
Fidesz party. Orbán became a nationally known politician after giving an address at the 1989 reburial of Imre Nagy and other martyrs of the 1956 revolution, in which he openly demanded that Soviet troops withdraw from the country.
After the transition to democracy in 1990, he was elected to the National Assembly and served as the leader of Fidesz's parliamentary caucus until 1993. Under his leadership, Fidesz shifted away from its original centre-right, classical liberal, pro-European integration platform toward more right-wing national conservatism. After Fidesz won a plurality of seats in the in the 1998 election, Orbán was appointed Prime Minister for the first time.
Fidesz narrowly lost | 16,853 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
the 2002 and 2006 elections to the Socialist Party, with Orbán spending this period as Leader of the Opposition. The fall in popularity of the Socialists, exacerbated by Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány's "Őszöd speech", helped Orbán lead Fidesz to a landslide victory in 2010 in a landslide victory. Orbán formed a coalition with the Christian Democrats, giving him a supermajority in the National Assembly, which he used to introduce major constitutional and legislative reforms. Fidesz retained its supermajority in the 2014 and 2018 elections.
Orbán's social conservatism, national conservatism, soft Euroscepticism and advocacy of what he describes as an "illiberal state" have attracted significant | 16,854 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
international attention. Critics have described his time in government since 2010 as authoritarian or autocratic.
In August 2018, Orbán became the second longest-serving Prime Minister after Kálmán Tisza. If his current government lasts a full term, upon its completion, he will become the longest-serving Hungarian Prime Minister in history.
# Early life.
Orbán was born on 31 May 1963 in Székesfehérvár into a rural middle-class family, as the eldest son of the entrepreneur and agronomist Győző Orbán (born 1940) and the special educator and speech therapist, Erzsébet Sípos (born 1944). He has two younger brothers, both entrepreneurs, Győző, Jr. (born 1965) and Áron (born 1977). His paternal | 16,855 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
grandfather, Mihály Orbán, practiced farming and animal husbandry. Orbán spent his childhood in two nearby villages, Alcsútdoboz and Felcsút in Fejér County; he attended school there and in Vértesacsa. In 1977, his family moved permanently to Székesfehérvár.
Orbán graduated from Blanka Teleki High School in Székesfehérvár in 1981, where he studied English. After completing two years of military service, he studied law at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, writing his master's thesis on the Polish Solidarity movement. After graduation in 1987, he lived in Szolnok for two years, commuting to his job in Budapest as a sociologist at the Management Training Institute of the Ministry of Agriculture | 16,856 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
and Food.
In 1989, Orbán received a scholarship from the Soros Foundation to study political science at Pembroke College, Oxford. His personal tutor was the Hegelian political philosopher Zbigniew Pełczyński. In January 1990, he left Oxford and returned to Hungary to run for a seat in Hungary's first post-communist parliament.
At the age of 14 and 15, he was a secretary of the communist youth organisation, KISZ, of his secondary grammar school (KISZ membership was mandatory for university admittance). Orbán said in a later interview that his political views had radically changed during the military service: earlier he had considered himself a "naive and devoted supporter" of the Communist | 16,857 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
regime.
# Early career (1988–1998).
On 30 March 1988, Orbán was one of the founding members of Fidesz (originally an acronym for "Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége", "Alliance of Young Democrats") and served as its first spokesperson. The first members of the party, including Orbán, were mostly students from the Bibó István College for Advanced Studies who opposed the Communist regime. At the college, Orbán edited the social science journal "Századvég" ("End of Century") and was one of the key figures among the radical students.
On 16 June 1989, Orbán gave a speech in Heroes' Square, Budapest, on the occasion of the reburial of Imre Nagy and other national martyrs of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. | 16,858 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
In his speech, he demanded free elections and the withdrawal of Soviet troops. The speech brought him wide national and political acclaim. In summer 1989, he took part in the opposition round table talks, representing Fidesz alongside László Kövér.
On returning home from Oxford, he was elected Member of Parliament from his party's Pest County Regional List during the 1990 parliamentary election. He was appointed leader of the Fidesz's parliamentary group, serving in this capacity until May 1993.
On 18 April 1993, Orbán became the first president of Fidesz, replacing the national board that had served as a collective leadership since its founding. Under his leadership, Fidesz gradually transformed | 16,859 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
from a radical liberal student organization to a center-right people's party.
The conservative turn caused a severe split in the membership. Several members left the party, including Péter Molnár, Gábor Fodor and Zsuzsanna Szelényi. Fodor and others later joined the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ), initially a strong ally of Fidesz, but later a political opponent.
During the 1994 parliamentary election, Fidesz barely reached the 5% threshold. Orbán became MP from his party's Fejér County Regional List. He served as chairman of the Committee on European Integration Affairs between 1994 and 1998. He was also a member of the Immunity, Incompatibility and Credentials Committee for a | 16,860 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
short time in 1995. Under his presidency, Fidesz adopted "Hungarian Civic Party" ("Magyar Polgári Párt") to its shortened name in 1995. His party gradually became dominant in the right-wing of the political spectrum, while the former ruling conservative Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) had lost much of its support. From April 1996, Orbán was chairman of the Hungarian National Committee of the New Atlantic Initiative (NAI).
In September 1992, Orbán was elected vice chairman of the Liberal International. In November 2000, however, Fidesz left the Liberal International and joined the European People's Party. During the time, Orbán worked hard to unite the center-right liberal conservative parties | 16,861 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
in Hungary. At the EPP's Congress in Estoril in October 2002, he was elected vice-president, an office he held until 2012.
# First term as Prime Minister (1998–2002).
In 1998, Orbán formed a successful coalition with the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF) and the Independent Smallholders' Party (FKGP) and won the 1998 parliamentary elections with 42% of the national vote. Orbán became the second youngest Prime Minister of Hungary at the age of 35 (after András Hegedüs), serving between 1998 and 2002.
The new government immediately launched a radical reform of state administration, reorganizing ministries and creating a superministry for the economy. In addition, the boards of the social security | 16,862 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
funds and centralized social security payments were dismissed. Following the German model, Orbán strengthened the Prime Minister's office and named a new minister to oversee the work of his Cabinet. In the process, thousands of civil servants were replaced (no distinction is made between political and civil servant posts, resulting in a strong "winner takes all" practice). The overall direction was towards centralized control.
Despite vigorous protests from the opposition parties, in February the government decided that plenary sessions of the unicameral National Assembly would be held only every third week. As a result, according to opposition arguments, parliament's legislative efficiency | 16,863 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
and ability to supervise the government were reduced. In late March, the government tried to replace the National Assembly rule that requires a two-thirds majority vote with one of a simple majority, but the Constitutional Court ruled this unconstitutional.
The year saw only minor changes in top government officials. Two of Orbán's state secretaries in the Prime Minister's office had to resign in May, due to their implication in a bribery scandal involving the American military manufacturer Lockheed Martin Corporation. Before bids on a major jet-fighter contract, the two secretaries, along with 32 other deputies of Orbán's party, had sent a letter to two US senators to lobby for the appointment | 16,864 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
of a Budapest-based Lockheed manager to be the US ambassador to Hungary. On 31 August, the head of the Tax Office also resigned, succumbing to protracted attacks by the opposition on his earlier, allegedly suspicious, business dealings. The tug-of-war between the Budapest City Council and the government continued over the government's decision in late 1998 to cancel two major urban projects: the construction of a new national theatre and of the fourth subway line.
Relations between the Fidesz-led coalition government and the opposition worsened in the National Assembly, where the two seemed to have abandoned all attempts at consensus-seeking politics. The government pushed to swiftly replace | 16,865 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
the heads of key institutions (such as the Hungarian National Bank chairman, the Budapest City Chief Prosecutor and the Hungarian Radio) with partisan figures. Although the opposition resisted, for example by delaying their appointing of members of the supervising boards, the government ran the institutions without the stipulated number of directors. In a similar vein, Orbán failed to show up for question time in parliament, for periods of up to 10 months. His statements of the kind that "The parliament works without opposition too..." also contributed to the image of an arrogant and aggressive governance.
A later report in March by the Brussels-based International Federation of Journalists | 16,866 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
criticized the Hungarian government for improper political influence in the media, as the country's public service broadcaster teetered close to bankruptcy. Numerous political scandals during 2001 led to "a de facto", if not actual, breakup of the coalition that held power in Budapest. A bribery scandal in February triggered a wave of allegations and several prosecutions against the Independent Smallholders' Party. The affair resulted in the ousting of József Torgyán from both the FKGP presidency and the top post in the Ministry of Agriculture. The FKGP disintegrated and more than a dozen of its MPs joined the government faction.
## Economy.
Orbán's economic policy was aimed at cutting taxes | 16,867 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
and social insurance contributions over four years, while reducing inflation and unemployment. Among the new government's first measures was to abolish university tuition fees and reintroduce universal maternity benefits. The government announced its intention to continue the Socialist–Liberal stabilization program and pledged to narrow the budget deficit, which had grown to 4.5% of GDP. The previous Cabinet had almost completed the privatization of government-run industries and had launched a comprehensive pension reform. However, the Socialists had avoided two major socioeconomic issues—reform of health care and agriculture, these remained to be tackled by Orbán's government.
Economic successes | 16,868 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
included a drop in inflation from 15% in 1998 to 10.0% in 1999, 9.8% in 2000 and 7.8% in 2001. GDP growth rates were fairly steady: 4.4% in 1999, 5.2% in 2000, and 3.8% in 2001. The fiscal deficit fell from 3.9% in 1999, to 3.5% in 2000 and 3.4% in 2001 and the ratio of the national debt decreased to 54% of GDP. Under the Orbán cabinet, there were realistic hopes that Hungary would be able to join the Eurozone by 2009. However, negotiations for entry into the European Union slowed in the fall of 1999, after the EU included six more countries (in addition to the original six) in the accession discussions. Orbán repeatedly criticized the EU for its delay.
Orbán also came under criticism for pushing | 16,869 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
through an unprecedented two-year budget and for failing to curb inflation, which only dropped a half point, from 10% in 1999 to 9.5% in 2000, despite the tight monetary policy of the Central Bank. However, investments continued to grow.
## Foreign policy.
In March 1999, after Russian objections were overruled, Hungary joined NATO along with the Czech Republic and Poland. The Hungarian membership to NATO demanded its involvement in Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's Kosovo crisis and modernization of its army. NATO membership also gave a blow to the economy because of a trade embargo imposed on Yugoslavia.
Hungary attracted international media attention in 1999 for passing the "status law" | 16,870 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
concerning estimated three-million ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighbouring Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Montenegro, Croatia, Slovenia and Ukraine. The law aimed to provide education, health benefits and employment rights to those, and was said to heal the negative effects of the disastrous 1920 Trianon Treaty. Governments in neighbouring states, particularly Romania, claimed to be insulted by the law, which they saw as an interference in their domestic affairs. The proponents of the status law countered that several of the countries criticizing the law themselves have similar constructs to provide benefits for their own minorities. Romania acquiesced after amendments following a December | 16,871 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
2001 agreement between Orbán and Romanian Prime Minister Adrian Năstase; Slovakia accepted the law after further concessions made by the new government after the 2002 elections.
# Leader of the Opposition (2002–2010).
The level of public support for political parties generally stagnated, even with general elections coming in 2002. Fidesz and the main opposition Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) ran neck and neck in the opinion polls for most of the year, both attracting about 26% of the electorate. According to a September 2001 poll by the Gallup organization, however, support for a joint Fidesz – Hungarian Democratic Forum party list would run up to 33% of the voters, with the Socialists drawing | 16,872 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
28% and other opposition parties 3% each.
Meanwhile, public support for the FKGP plunged from 14% in 1998 to 1% in 2001. As many as 40% of the voters remained undecided, however. Although the Socialists had picked their candidate for Prime Minister—former finance minister Péter Medgyessy—the opposition largely remained unable to increase its political support. The dark horse of the election was the radical nationalist Hungarian Justice and Life Party (MIÉP), with its leader, István Csurka's radical rhetoric. MIÉP could not be ruled out as the key to a new term for Orbán and his party, should they be forced into a coalition after the 2002 elections.
The elections of 2002 were the most heated | 16,873 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
Hungary had experienced in more than a decade, and an unprecedented cultural-political division formed in the country. In the event, Viktor Orbán's group lost the April parliamentary elections to the opposition Hungarian Socialist Party, which set up a coalition with its longtime ally, the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats. Turnout was a record-high 73.5%.
Beyond these parties, only deputies of the Hungarian Democratic Forum made it into the National Assembly. The populist Independent Smallholders' Party and the right Hungarian Justice and Life Party lost all their seats. Thus, the number of political parties in the new assembly was reduced from six to four.
MIÉP challenged the government's | 16,874 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
legitimacy, demanded a recount, complained of election fraud, and generally kept the country in election mode until the October municipal elections. The socialist-controlled Central Elections Committee ruled that a recount was unnecessary, a position supported by observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, whose only substantive criticism of the election conduct was that the state television carried a consistent bias in favour of Fidesz.
Orbán received the Freedom Award of the American Enterprise Institute and the New Atlantic Initiative (2001), the Polak Award (2001), the Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit (2001), the "Förderpreis Soziale Marktwirtschaft" | 16,875 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
(Price for the Social Market Economy, 2002) and the Mérite Européen prize (2004). In April 2004, he received the Papal Grand Cross of the Order of St. Gregory the Great.
In the 2004 European Parliament election, the ruling Hungarian Socialist Party was heavily defeated by the opposition conservative Fidesz. Fidesz gained 47.4% of the vote and 12 of Hungary's 24 seats.
Orbán was the Fidesz candidate for the parliamentary election in 2006. Fidesz and its new-old candidate failed again to gain a majority in this election, which initially put Orbán's future political career as the leader of Fidesz in question. However, after fighting with Socialist-Liberal coalition, Orbán's position solidified | 16,876 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
again, and he was elected president of Fidesz yet again for another term in May 2007.
On 17 September 2006, an audio recording surfaced from a closed-door Hungarian Socialist Party meeting, which was held on 26 May 2006, in which Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány gave an obscenity-laden speech. The leak ignited mass protests. On 1 November, Orbán and his party announced their plans to stage several large-scale demonstrations across Hungary on the anniversary of the Soviet suppression of the 1956 Revolution. The events were intended to serve as a memorial to the victims of the Soviet invasion and a protest against police brutality during the 23 October unrest in Budapest. Planned events | 16,877 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
included a candlelight vigil march across Budapest. However, the demonstrations were small and petered out by the end of the year. A new round of demonstrations expected in the spring of 2007 did not materialize.
On 1 October 2006, Fidesz won the municipal elections, which counterbalanced the MSZP-led government's power to some extent. Fidesz won 15 of 23 mayoralties in Hungary's largest cities—although it narrowly lost Budapest to the Liberal Party—and majorities in 18 of 20 regional assemblies.
On 9 March 2008, a national referendum took place on revoking government reforms which introduced doctor fees per visit and medical fees paid per number of days spent in hospital as well, as tuition | 16,878 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
fees in higher education. Hungarians usually call this popular vote the social referendum. The referendum was initiated by opposition party Fidesz against the ruling MSZP. The procedure for the referendum started on 23 October 2006, when Orbán announced they would hand in seven questions to the National Electorate Office, three of which (on abolishing copayments, daily fees and college tuition fees) were officially approved on 17 December 2007 and called on 24 January 2008. It was assumed likely that the referendum will pass, but it was uncertain whether turnout would be high enough to make it valid; polls indicated about 40% turnout with 80% in favour of rescinding the three reforms.
In the | 16,879 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
2009 European Parliament election, Fidesz won by a large margin, garnering 56.36% of votes and 14 of Hungary's 22 seats.
# Second term as Prime Minister (2010–present).
During the 2010 parliamentary elections, Orbán's party won 52.73% of the popular vote, with a two-thirds majority of seats, which gave Orbán enough authority to change the Constitution. As a result, Orbán's government added an article in support of traditional marriage in the constitution, and a controversial electoral reform, which lowered the number of seats in the Parliament of Hungary from 386 to 199.
In his second term as Prime Minister, he garnered controversy for his statements against liberal democracy, for proposing | 16,880 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
an "internet tax", and for his perceived corruption. His second premiership has seen numerous protests against his government, including one in Budapest in November 2014 against the proposed "internet tax".
In terms of domestic legislation, Orbán's government implemented a flat tax on personal income. This tax is set at 16%. Orbán has called his government "pragmatic", citing restrictions on early retirement in the police force and military, making welfare more transparent, and a central banking law that "gives Hungary more independence from the European Central Bank".
After the 2014 parliamentary election, Fidesz won a majority, garnering 133 of the 199 seats in the National Assembly. While | 16,881 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
he won a large majority, he garnered 44.54% of the national vote, down from 52.73% in 2010.
During the 2015 European migrant crisis, Orbán ordered the erection of the Hungary–Serbia barrier to block entry of illegal immigrants so that Hungary could register all the migrants arriving from Serbia, which is the country's responsibility under the Dublin Regulation, a European Union law. Under Orbán, Hungary took numerous actions to combat illegal immigration and reduce refugee levels.
Orbán questioned Nord Stream II, a new Russia–Germany natural gas pipeline. He said he wants to hear a "reasonable argument why South Stream was bad and Nord Stream is not". "South Stream" refers to the Balkan pipeline | 16,882 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
cancelled by Russia in December 2014 after obstacles from the EU.
Since 2017, Hungary's relations with Ukraine rapidly deteriorated over the issue of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine. Orbán and his cabinet ministers repeatedly criticized Ukraine's 2017 education law, which makes Ukrainian the only language of education in state schools, and threatened to block further Ukraine's EU and NATO integration until it is modified or repealed.
In July 2018, Orbán travelled to Turkey to attend the inauguration ceremony of re-elected Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In October 2018, Orbán said after talks with President Erdoğan in Budapest that "A stable Turkish government and a stable Turkey | 16,883 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
are a precondition for Hungary not to be endangered in any way due to overland migration."
In April 2019, Orbán attended China's Belt and Road forum in Beijing, where he met the Chinese President Xi Jinping. In June 2019, Orbán met Myanmar’s State Counsellor and Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. They discussed bilateral ties and illegal migration.
# Views and public image.
Orbán's blend of soft Euroscepticism, populism, and national conservatism has seen him compared to politicians and political parties as diverse as Jarosław Kaczyński's Law and Justice, Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia, Marine Le Pen's Front National, Donald Trump, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Vladimir Putin.
According | 16,884 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
to "Politico", Orbán political philosophy "echoes the resentments of what were once the peasant and working classes" by promoting an "uncompromising defense of national sovereignty and a transparent distrust of Europe's ruling establishments".
Orbán has a close relationship to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, having known him for decades. He is described as "one of Mr Netanyahu's closest allies in Europe." Orbán received personal advice on economic reforms from Netanyahu, while the latter was Finance Minister of Israel (2003–2005). In February 2019, Netanyahu thanked Orbán for "deciding to extend the embassy of Hungary in Israel to Jerusalem".
Orbán is seen as having laid out his | 16,885 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
political views most concretely in a widely cited 2014 public address at Băile Tușnad (known in Hungary as the "Tusnádfürdői beszéd," or "Tusnádfürdő speech"). In the address, Orbán repudiated the classical liberal theory of the state as a free association of atomistic individuals, arguing for the use of the state as the means of organizing, invigorating, or even constructing the national community. Although this kind of state respects traditionally liberal concepts like civic rights, it is properly called "illiberal" because it views the community, and not the individual, as the basic political unit. In practice, Orbán claimed, such a state should promote national self-sufficiency, national | 16,886 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
sovereignty, familialism, full employment and the preservation of cultural heritage, and cited countries such as Turkey, India, Singapore, Russia, and China as models.
Orbán's second and third premierships have been the subject of significant international controversy, and reception of his political views is mixed. The 2011 constitutional changes enacted under his leadership were, in particular, accused of centralizing legislative and executive power, curbing civil liberties, restricting freedom of speech, and weakening the Constitutional Court and judiciary. For these reasons, critics have described him as "irredentist", "right-wing populist", "authoritarian", "autocratic", "Putinist", as | 16,887 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
a "strongman", and as a "dictator".
Other commentators, however, noted that the European migrant crisis, coupled with continued Islamist terrorism in the European Union, have popularized Orbán's nationalist, protectionist policies among European conservative leaders. "Once ostracized" by Europe's political elite, writes "Politico", Orbán "is now the talisman of Europe's mainstream right". As other Visegrád Group leaders, Orbán opposes any compulsory EU long-term quota on redistribution of migrants.
He wrote in the "Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung": "Europe's response is madness. We must acknowledge that the European Union's misguided immigration policy is responsible for this situation". He | 16,888 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
also demanded an official EU list of "safe countries" to which migrants can be returned. According to Orbán, Turkey should be considered a safe third country.
Orbán has promoted The Great Replacement conspiracy theory. "Le Journal du Dimanche" reported on Orbán's explicit adoption of the conspiracy theory, after he claimed; "if we let tens of millions of migrants travel to Europe from Africa and the Middle East... the young people of Western Europe will know the day when they will be in a minority in their own country".
During a press conference in January 2019, Orbán praised Brazil's president Jair Bolsonaro saying that currently “the most apt definition of modern Christian democracy can | 16,889 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
be found in Brazil, not in Europe.”
## Criticisms.
Orbán's critics have included domestic and foreign leaders (including former United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and the Presidents of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso, and Jean-Claude Juncker), intergovernmental organisations, non-governmental organisations. Specifically, he has been accused of pursuing anti-democratic reforms; reducing the independence of Hungary's press, judiciary and central bank; amending Hungary's constitution to prevent amendments to Fidesz-backed legislation; and of cronyism and nepotism.
He was accused of pork barrel politics for building a 4,000-seat stadium | 16,890 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
in the village in which he grew up, Felcsút, at a distance of some 20 ft from his country house.
Some opposition parties and critics also consider Orbán an opponent of European integration. In 2000, opposition parties MSZP and SZDSZ and the left-wing press presented Orbán's comment that "there's life outside the EU" as proof of his anti-Europeanism and sympathies with the radical right. In the same press conference, Orbán clarified that "[w]e're trying to make the accession fast because it may boost the growth of Hungary's economy".
Hungarian-American business magnate and political activist George Soros criticized Orbán's handling of the European migrant crisis in 2015, saying: "His plan treats | 16,891 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
the protection of national borders as the objective and the refugees as an obstacle. Our plan treats the protection of refugees as the objective and national borders as the obstacle."
The Orbán government began to attack Soros and his NGOs since early 2017, particularly for his support for more open immigration. In July 2017, the Israeli ambassador in Hungary joined Jewish groups and others in denouncing a billboard campaign backed by the government. Orbán's critics claimed it "evokes memories of the Nazi posters during the Second World War". The ambassador stated that the campaign "evokes sad memories but also sows hatred and fear", an apparent reference to the Holocaust. Hours later, Israel's | 16,892 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a "clarification", denouncing Soros, stating that he "continuously undermines Israel's democratically elected governments" and funded organizations "that defame the Jewish state and seek to deny it the right to defend itself". The clarification came a few days before an official visit to Hungary by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The anti-Soros messages became key elements of the government's communication and campaign since then, which, among others, also targeted the Central European University (CEU).
# Personal life.
Orbán married jurist Anikó Lévai in 1986; the couple have five children. Their eldest daughter, Ráhel, is married to entrepreneur | 16,893 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
István Tiborcz, whose company, Elios was accused of receiving unfair advantages when winning public tenders. Orbán's son, Gáspár, is a retired footballer, who played for Ferenc Puskás Football Academy in 2014. He is also the founder of a religious community called Felház. Orbán has three younger daughters (Sára, Róza, Flóra) and three granddaughters (Ráhel's children Aliz and Anna Adél; Sára's daughter Johanna).
Orbán is a member of the Calvinist Hungarian Reformed Church, while his wife and their five children are Roman Catholic. He is very fond of sports, especially of football; he was a signed player of the Felcsút football team, and as a result he also appears in "Football Manager 2006".
Orbán | 16,894 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
has played football from his early childhood. He was a professional player with FC Felcsút. After ending his football career, he became one of the main financiers of the Hungarian football and his hometown's club, Felcsút FC, later renamed the Ferenc Puskás Football Academy. He had a prominent role in the foundation of Puskás Akadémia in Felcsút, creating one of the most modern training facilities for young Hungarian footballers.
He played an important role in establishing the annually organised international youth cup, the Puskás Cup, at Pancho Aréna, which he also helped build, in his hometown of Felcsút. His only son, Gáspár, learned and trained there.
Then FIFA president Sepp Blatter visited | 16,895 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
the facilities at the Puskás Academy in 2009. Blatter, together with the widow of Ferenc Puskás, as well as Orbán, founder of the Academy, announced the creation of the new FIFA Puskás Award during that visit. He played the bit part of a footballer in the Hungarian family film "Szegény Dzsoni és Árnika" (1983).
# Further reading.
- Hollós, János – Kondor, Katalin: "Szerda reggel – Rádiós beszélgetések Orbán Viktor miniszterelnökkel, 1998. szeptember – 2000. december";
- Hollós, János – Kondor, Katalin: "Szerda reggel – Rádiós beszélgetések Orbán Viktor miniszterelnökkel, 2001–2002";
- "A történelem főutcáján – Magyarország 1998–2002", Orbán Viktor miniszterelnök beszédei és beszédrészletei, | 16,896 |
750582 | Viktor Orbán | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Viktor%20Orbán | Viktor Orbán
1–2002";
- "A történelem főutcáján – Magyarország 1998–2002", Orbán Viktor miniszterelnök beszédei és beszédrészletei, Magyar Egyetemi Kiadó;
- "20 év – Beszédek, írások, interjúk, 1986–2006", Heti Válasz Kiadó,
- "Egy az ország". Helikon Könyvkiadó, Budapest, 2007. (translated into Polish as "Ojczyzna jest jedna" in 2009).
- "Rengéshullámok". Helikon Könyvkiadó, Budapest, 2010.
- Janke, Igor: "Hajrá, magyarok! – Az Orbán Viktor-sztori egy lengyel újságíró szemével" Rézbong Kiadó, 2013. (, )
# See also.
- Second Orbán Government
- Third Orbán Government
- Fourth Orbán Government
# External links.
- News from the BBC (2002)
- Hungarian PM puts football first – BBC
- Orbán in 1989 | 16,897 |
1401839 | Marek Grechuta | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Marek%20Grechuta | Marek Grechuta
Marek Grechuta
Marek Michał Grechuta (December 10, 1945 – October 9, 2006) was a Polish singer, songwriter, composer, and lyricist.
# Early life.
Grechuta was born on December 10, 1945 in Zamość, Poland. He studied architecture at Tadeusz Kościuszko University of Technology in Kraków.
# Career.
While studying at university, he met the composer Jan Kanty Pawluśkiewicz. Together, they founded the student cabaret Anawa, in 1967. In the same year Grechuta placed second in the VI National Contest of Student Musicians (VI Ogólnopolski Konkurs Piosenkarzy Studenckich) and received an award for "Tango Anawa", with lyrics by him and music by Jan Kanty Pawluśkiewicz. In 1968, he won several awards | 16,898 |
1401839 | Marek Grechuta | https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Marek%20Grechuta | Marek Grechuta
at the Festival of Polish Music in Opole.
In 1969, Grechuta played a minor role in Andrzej Wajda's film "Polowanie na muchy" ("Hunting Flies"). In 1971, he left Anawa and founded the band WIEM (W Innej Epoce Muzycznej, In a Different Musical Epoch; however "wiem" means "I know" in Polish).
Grechuta had a large number of popular hits, with his songs often characterized by use of poetic and literary elements. He co-authored, along with P. Birula and K. Szwajgier, the music for "Exodus" (written by L. A. Moczulski) at the STU Theatre in Kraków (1974), and co-wrote the musical adaptation of Stanisław Witkiewicz's "Szalona lokomotywa" ("The Crazy Locomotive") with K. Jasiński and J. K. Pawluśkiewicz | 16,899 |
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