Prompt:
Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

The following are given passages.
Passage 1:
Fishing rod tapers
Fishing rod tapers describe how much a fishing rod bends or flexes under pressure.  Different tapers are used for different fishing scenarios as well as for personal preference.

Action
The action of a taper is described by the flex of the tip of a rod when pressure is applied perpendicular to the rod.  Only a section of the rod starting at the tip of the rod should bend while the remainder of the rod should stay rigid.
Variations can be described in three main categories, fast, medium, or slow with variations in between each.  A rod with a fast taper will only flex the top 20 percent. Medium fast and medium tapers will flex approximately 30 to 60 percent of the rod respectively. If the rod has a slow taper, almost the entire rod or blank will bend or flex under pressure.

Usage
Rod taper is important for several reasons. The feel for the lure being used and the fish being caught dictate the appropriate taper use.
A fast action tip will be used when fishing jig type lures.  The angler can feel and therefore control what the lure is doing quite easily.  Since only the very tip of the rod bends, when a fish strikes the angler has ample rod shaft and backbone to set the hook correctly.
In contrast to fast tapers, the slow flex rods offer the angler advantages when fighting large fish with light fishing line.  This additional flex allows the rod to absorb the force of the fish as opposed to the line.  This is often the angler who likes to fish split shot rigs or Lindy rigs for walleye.

== Notes ==
Passage 2:
Personal Preference
Personal Preference is a 1987 board game created by Donal Carlston that involves guessing the order in which a player prefers foods, activities, people, and other items compared to one another. The game was published by Broderbund in the United States, Playtoy Industries in Canada, and Parker Brothers International in Britain.
An updated version by the original creator was launched on Kickstarter on May 1, 2023. The new version contains updated cultural references and new categories.

Original 1987 Version
The game contains cards in four categories: Food & Drink, Activities, People, and Potpourri (miscellaneous). Each card has a photo or drawing on each side and text indicating what that side represents (e.g., chocolate éclairs, climbing a mountain, Harrison Ford, spy novels). Each round, one player draws four cards from one category, or one from each category, depending on the player's position on the board. Each card is placed in a colored quadrant of the board. The player then ranks these four items according to his or her preference using color-coded cards that are placed in an envelope. Next, other players (or teams) use numbered tiles to guess that player's order, and move forward one space for each correct guess when the order is revealed. If players choose to double a guess by placing a tile towards the center of the board, they move forward two spaces if correct and back one space if incorrect. Players take turns drawing and ranking cards until someone reaches the end of the board.

Reviews
Games #89
Best Games of 1988 in Games #94
Passage 3:
Pie floater
The pie floater is an Australian dish particularly common in Adelaide. It consists of a meat pie in a thick pea soup, typically with the addition of tomato sauce. Believed to have been first created in the 1890s, the pie floater gained popularity as a meal sold by South Australian pie carts. In 2003, it was recognised as a South Australian Heritage Icon.

Development
Pea soup with meat has long been part of English culinary history, with mentions in the 19th century, including the "pea and pie supper" (in Yorkshire), "pea soup with eel", and suet dumplings or saveloys.  (Dumplings in soup were known as "floaters".)  It may have developed from those dishes, which are useful for feeding groups of people on a budget, such as at a sports match or at harvest time.
A pie floater commonly consists of a traditional Australian-style meat pie, usually sitting, but sometimes submerged (traditionally upside down) in a bowl of thick pea soup made from blue boiler peas. It is often self-garnished with tomato sauce, and the consumer may also add a combination of mint sauce, salt, pepper, or malt vinegar according to personal preference.
Early records in South Australia state that the pie floater was reputedly born in Port Pirie conceived by one Ern "Shorty" Bradley in 1890s, but it remains unknown if he did and how it came about.

Pie carts
Pie floaters were typically purchased in the street from pie-carts as a late evening meal. Pie-carts are typically a form of caravan/trailer/cart, originally horse-drawn, with an elongated "window" along one or both sides where customers could sit or (more usually) stand to eat their purchases. The pie-cart was typically moved into position at lunchtime and in the evening. As traffic became busier and on-street car-parking in demand, the carts evolved to have one window on the "footpath side", and were moved into position after afternoon peak-hour traffic had ebbed. They did business until late evening or early morning, after which they were returned to their daytime storage locations.South Australia has had pie carts in the Adelaide metropolitan area since the 1870s. In the evenings, the Norwood pie-cart was located on The Parade adjacent to the Norwood Town Hall. It was also the only place where members of the public could buy draft Hall's "Stonie" ginger beer directly from the keg. In the Adelaide city centre in the 1880s, there were 13 pie-carts operating in King William Street and North Terrace. By 1915 there were nine pie-carts in operation. By 1958 this had reduced to two: Balfour's pie-cart on North Terrace outside the Adelaide railway station, and Cowley's in Victoria Square outside the Adelaide General Post Office. In 2007, the Glenelg tram line was extended from Victoria Square along King William Street and North Terrace past Adelaide railway station, and the Balfour's pie-cart was forced to close.In 2003, the South Australian National Trust traced the history of the pie floater back over 130 years. The pie floater was recognised as a South Australian Heritage Icon by the National Trust of South Australia, although it is now available at very few locations; among them are the Café de Vilis, Enjoy Bakery on Norwood Parade, The Kings Head Pub on King William Street  and the Upper Sturt General Store.

See also
List of legume dishes
Passage 4:
Personal Taste
Personal Taste (Korean: 개인의 취향; Hanja: 個人의 趣向; RR: Kaeinui Chwihyang; MR: Kaein-ŭi Ch‘wihyang; lit. "Kae-in's Taste" or "Kae-in's Preference"; also known as Personal Preference) is a 2010 South Korean television series, starring  Son Ye-jin and Lee Min-ho. It is adapted from Lee Se-in's 2007 novel of the same name about a furniture designer, Park Kae-in, who lives together with architect Jeon Jin-ho under the mistaken assumption that he's gay. It aired on MBC from March 31 to May 20, 2010, on Wednesdays and Thursdays at 21:55 (KST) time slot for 16 episodes.

Synopsis
Furniture designer Park Kae-in (Son Ye-jin) is kind, impulsive, clumsy, and is a complete slob in her personal habits. She lives in Sanggojae (meaning "a place for mutual love"), a modernized hanok (traditional Korean house) designed by her father, a famous and reclusive architecture professor (Kang Shin-il). As an independent furniture designer, she struggles to produce successful products and is constantly trying to impress her father with her works. Her long-time boyfriend, Han Chang-ryul (Kim Ji-seok), breaks up with her, the reason being Kae-in is an easygoing woman and a pushover. Despite being upset, Kae-in attends the wedding of her friend and roommate, Kim In-hee (Wang Ji-hye), only to discover that she is marrying Chang-ryul; and that the two had been seeing each other behind her back for a while. After she finally comes face-to-face with them, the wedding ceremony turns chaotic and is cancelled. Kae-in is heartbroken and determined to never take a chance on love again.
Meanwhile, to keep his small firm afloat, architect Jeon Jin-ho (Lee Min-ho) is desperately trying to win a project bid for the Dam Art Center against Future Construction, the company owned and operated by Chang-ryul's father (Ahn Suk-hwan). Chang-ryul's father was originally an employee under Jin-ho's father, who stole the latter's company. In order to win the project of Dam Arts Center, Jin-ho has to find a way to dig up more information about the tentative theme of project: Sanggojae, which has never been opened to the public.
Jin-ho decides to rent a part of Sanggojae to get access into the house while Kae-in rents the place to him believing that he is homosexual due to misunderstandings from their previous encounters. After knowing the reason behind his approval, Jin-ho decides to leave Sanggojae to avoid being misunderstood further but is stopped by his assistant, Noh Sang-jun, who convinces him otherwise by reminding him that their chance at revival of their sinking firm lies on their success in Dam Arts Center Project.
After starting to live together, Jin-ho tells Kae-in that she's miserable only because of herself and the lack of concreteness in her personality. He then encourages and helps her transform from an inveterate slob into a better version of herself, who is confident and strong-willed. Amidst the transformation and hidden truths, Kae-in and Jin-ho start developing feelings for each other which they constantly deny.
The DAC director, Choi Do-bin (Ryu Seung-ryong), impressed by Jin-ho's presentation, offers his support to him in the upcoming project. He also finds Kae-in's ideas creative and hires her to design a recreation centre for children. Do-bin, who is homosexual, later finds himself attracted to Jin-ho, which leaves Jin-ho in a tight spot.
What will happen when the man who's pretending to be gay and the woman who thinks he's gay develop feelings for each other?

Cast
Main
Son Ye-jin as Park Kae-inA clumsy, slobbish girl. She is an aspiring furniture designer, and daughter of the famous architect Park Chul-han. After being dumped by her ex-boyfriend, she decides to not open up to love once again easily.Lee Min-ho as Jeon Jin-hoAn architect who is earnestly trying to keep his small firm afloat in a fair manner. He moves into Sanggojae to study it for his next project. Neat and organized, he is unable to stand Kae-in's living habits, and tries to change her into a better version of herself after she agrees to it.Kim Ji-seok as Han Chang-ryulJeon Jin-ho's rival, and Kae-in's ex-boyfriend. Although he initially left Kae-in for her friend In-hee, he later grows feelings for Kae-in.Wang Ji-hye as Kim In-heeA greedy woman who has multiple boyfriends and treats them as dispensable. Despite being Kae-in's best friend and having lived together for ten years, she betrays her and dates Chang-ryul. Later, In-hee falls for Jin-ho and tries to steal him from Kae-in.Ryu Seung-ryong as Choi Do-binDirector of the DAAM project. He is homosexual and develops feelings for Jin-ho thinking he, too, is gay.

Supporting
Jo Eun-ji as Lee Young-sun, Kae-in's best friend
Jung Sung-hwa as Noh Sang-jun, Jin-ho's assistant
Lim Seul-ong as Kim Tae-hoon, Jin-ho's employee. He has a crush on Hye-mi.
Choi Eun-seo as Na Hye-mi, Jin-ho's childhood friend. She had a crush on Jin-ho since they were young.
Park Hae-mi as Jeon Jang-mi, Jin-ho's mother
Ahn Suk-hwan as Han Yoon-sub, Chang-ryul's father. He worked at Jin-ho's father's company in the past, but later betrayed him.
Jang Won-young as Secretary Kim
Kang Shin-il as Park Chul-han, Kae-in's father. A famous architect who designed Sanggojae for his wife and daughter.

Special appearances
Bong Tae-gyu as Lee Won-ho (ep. 1-2)
Jung Chan as Groom (ep. 1)
Song Seon-mi as Bride (ep. 1)
Julien Kang as Joe (ep. 7)
Yoon Eun-hye as Yoon Eun-soo (ep. 8)
Kim Nam-gil as man sitting in the café (ep. 11)

Architecture
One of the production's main sponsors was Design and Arts Arcadia of Myungseung, and the storyline contains many references to DAAM as the project that all the architectural firms are competing to design for.The hanok used in the drama series (called Sanggojae in the script) is actually Rakgojae, a traditional guest house in Bukchon Hanok Village, Gye-dong, Jongno District. Meaning "a place to enjoy tradition", Rakgojae was renovated by master carpenter Chung Young-jin. It offers a glimpse of the lifestyle of Joseon-era scholars by incorporating fine art, music, dance and poetry through colorful cultural programs such as a tea ceremony, ink-and-wash painting lessons, Korean musical instrument lessons and kimchi-making classes.One of the locations frequented by the main characters is Kring art gallery, in Gangnam District, southern Seoul. The creative cultural space showcases a variety of arts ranging from architecture and fashion to installations and digital art. The unique facade of the building is itself a large-scale urban sculpture. Circles are a theme throughout the building, but the front wall is reminiscent of stereo speakers, hinting at the name of the building. "Kring" means "circle" in Dutch.

Original soundtrack
Ratings
In the table below, the blue numbers} represent the lowest ratings and the red numbers represent the highest ratings.

Awards and nominations
International broadcast
The series was a mid-level hit in South Korea. Overseas rights were sold to the Philippines, Japan, China, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Indonesian, and Thailand.
Passage 5:
Song Ji-hyo's Beauty View
Song Ji-hyo's Beauty View (Korean: 송지효의 뷰티뷰), is a South Korean television program on JTBC2 hosted by Song Ji-hyo, Gong Myung and beauty editor Kim Mi Gu. The show provides a perfect beauty guide to match the personal preference. It was used to air on every Thursday at 9.20pm KST on JTBC2.

Format
Ordinary people are invited as the makeup models on the show. The professional makeup artist uses her brushes and works wonders to show viewers about the fascinating beauty world.

List of Episodes
Passage 6:
Crab trap
Crab traps are used to bait, lure, and catch crabs for commercial or recreational use. Crabbing or crab fishing is the recreational hobby and commercial occupation of fishing for crabs. Different types of traps are used depending on the type of crab being fished for, geographic location, and personal preference.

History in the United States
Crab has been a viable food source since Native Americans lived and fished on the Delmarva Peninsula. The Chesapeake Bay, which is known for their Chesapeake Bay blue crabs (Callinectes sapidus) derives its name from "Chesepiook", a Susquehannock tribe word that means "Great Water". These Susquehannock natives led European settlers to some of the best places to catch crabs. Even early treaties between European settlers and Native Americans included provisions for the rights of "Hunting, Crabbing, Fowling, and Fishing." Since then, generations of watermen made their living harvesting crabs and other resources along the Chesapeake Bay developing the most efficient method to catch crabs resulting in modern crab traps.Since early European settlers in America, crabbing was an important food source to watermen of the Chesapeake and continues to be the source of income for many families. The Alaskan king crab fishing industry took off in the mid-1800s, and was one of the reasons Alaskans pushed so hard for statehood in 1959. Alaskans wanted to gain control of the area's natural resources, such as king crabs.Benjamin F. Lewis invented the crab pot in the 1920s, patented it in 1928, and perfected it ten years later. The crab pot changed the way crabs are harvested on the Chesapeake Bay. The crab pot is the most common method used to catch and harvest crabs worldwide.Commercial crabbing is a very tough and dangerous job, so it is very important that commercial crab traps catch as many crabs as possible to be able to turn a profit. Commercial crabbing is heavily regulated by local state laws to ensure that the crabs are not over fished and that they are given enough time to breed and repopulate.Unlike normal traps, commercial crab traps are large in size; some can easily be over 60" in diameter, allowing the trap to hold a larger amount of crabs than recreational crab traps. Commercial crab traps also contain a small stainless steel plate like a dog tag, which identifies who the trap belongs to in case it is missed or swept by the current from its original location.After World War II, Japanese crab vessels were competition for Alaskan king crab fishermen in the Bering Sea. Japanese crab vessels would crowd around cod boats, where king crabs devoured the fish waste. Ed Shields, a king crab fisherman was aboard a schooner at this time and recalls the Japanese encroaching on the Bristol Bay fishing area. Ed Shields says that his father sent a telegram to Seattle, ordering one dozen high-powered rifles for each vessel and one case of ammunition each.Ed Shields states, "The coast guard didn’t care for this at all, the State Department didn’t care for it, but the news media did. It made good news. There’s no television at this time, but they did get in the national magazines like Time and Life. The adverse publicity to Japanese manufactured goods was so severe at that time from this campaign, the Japanese decided to pull out of Bristol Bay area and he sent a telegram saying, 'Bristol Bay is all clear now, Japanese gone home.'"The Derelict Crab Trap Removal Program was created by the Louisiana Wildlife and Fisheries Commission in 2004. This was created to remove derelict crab traps from state-owned lakes and river-beds and to reduce the potential impact from these traps. There are also similar programs in other states. They are similar to the program in Louisiana where the traps are removed during a 30-day period. There are programs all over the Gulf Coast, including areas like Texas and Florida. These programs have also been successful with the help of volunteers working together, and over 30,000 derelict traps have been removed in Texas alone.

Types
Maryland
The Maryland crab pot is an enclosed framework of wire with four openings. These openings are constructed so that when the crabs enter to eat the bait, they cannot escape, and instead become immediately trapped. Once the crab becomes trapped and cannot leave the same way they entered, they float upward and go through the openings of the inner wire portion, which permanently traps the crab.The Maryland crab pot is a cube, generally two cubic feet and when baited and weighted, might weigh fifteen pounds or more. Sometimes it is left on the bottom for twelve to twenty-four hours or more. The end of the nylon rope is attached to a marked floating buoy so the location can be found and the pot retrieved. The Maryland crab pot is baited from the bottom with several oily fish. This is done by turning the pot on its side, stuffing the bait into the wire container, and closing the opening by securing the flap under the rubber tubing. The pot is then dropped into the water and when the crab fisher returns, pulls the pot up and into their boat.

West Coast
West Coast crab pots, which are primarily used for catching Dungeness crabs, vary slightly from the Maryland style crab pot. When the crabs enter either of the two funnel-type openings in search of bait, they are unable to exit through these funnel openings and become entrapped in the pot.

Ring crab traps
Ring crab traps are very popular along the Oregon and Washington Coast. They are primarily used in river mouths and protected bays, but it is possible to use crab rings off the open shoreline. A crab ring is a simple piece of equipment that contains two wire rings that form the top and bottom of a collapsible basket. The lower ring is smaller than the upper ring and connected with a strong netting that forms the sides. Heavy chicken wire, cotton webbing or other suitable materials are used for the bottom.After the bait is tied securely to the bottom of the basket, the lower basket sinks to the bay bottom where the sides collapse and the top and bottom rings lie together, leaving only a flat platform of tempting bait that the crab can easily reach. After the ring has been left on the bottom, the crabber raises the ring rapidly by pulling up with a rope, which prevents the crabs from escaping while the basket is pulled to the boat. While ring traps may allow crabs to escape more easily, their advantage is that they remain on the bottom for much shorter periods, typically a maximum of 20 minutes or so, versus the 30-45 minutes required for a crab pot to work effectively.

Pyramids
Pyramid crab traps are flat when lying on the bottom of the seafloor, but when raised to the surface, they form the shape of a pyramid. This trap is similar to the ring crab trap because there are no walls or cage that prevents the crabs from escaping before pulling it to the surface. The benefits of the pyramid crab trap over the ring crab trap is that the pyramid crab trap is slightly sturdier and can be used in waters with stronger currents.

Boxes
Box crab traps are made from a strong non-collapsible wire. The main advantages of this crab trap are that once the crab enters searching for the bait it cannot escape, guaranteeing a catch when the crab enters. Along with this comes the added bonus of not having to regularly check the trap. A downside of this trap is storing and transporting it since it does not collapse.

Trot lines
Trot line crab fishing was used exclusively by commercial crabbers from 1870 to 1929, but this method has since been almost entirely replaced by the use of crab pots and crab traps. A trotline is a baited, hook-less, long line that is usually anchored on the bottom and attached to anchored buoys. This trotline is baited and after some time, the fisherman pulls the trotline up with crabs hopefully biting on the bait.

Environmental effects
A crab trap which becomes lost or abandoned (usually by accidental detachment of the float) becomes an ongoing environmental hazard. Crabs will continue to enter this ghost trap to eat the bait, become trapped, and starve to death, attracting more crabs and other bottom-dwelling sea life; a single trap may kill dozens of crabs in this manner. For this reason, crab traps in many jurisdictions are required to have a "rot-out panel", a wooden panel the size of the largest entrance into the trap. This panel will disintegrate with a few weeks' exposure to seawater, opening the trap and allowing any crabs inside to escape. Other pots use biodegradable twine, that disintegrates within less than a week.Whales become entangled in crabbing gear. They get entangled in the vertical lines between crab traps on the ocean floor and the surface buoys. For example, as of 2014 there was an increasing number of entanglements off the coasts of the United States. Management measures have been implemented by NOAA National Marine Fisheries Service.

See also
Fish trap
Lobster trapEnvironment:

The Derelict Crab Trap Program
Passage 7:
Jianbing
Jianbing (simplified Chinese: 煎饼; traditional Chinese: 煎餅; pinyin: jiānbǐng; lit. 'pan-fried bing') is a traditional Chinese street food similar to crêpes. It is a type of bing generally eaten for breakfast and hailed as "one of China's most popular street breakfasts". The main ingredients of jianbing are a batter of wheat and grain flour, eggs and sauces, cooked quickly by spreading the batter on a large frying pan or a specialized flat hotplate. It can be topped with different fillings and sauces such as baocui (薄脆, thin and crispy fried cracker), ham, chopped or diced mustard pickles, scallions and coriander, chili sauce or hoisin sauce depending on personal preference. It is often folded several times before serving.
Jianbing has seen international popularization in recent years and can be found in Western cities such as London, Dubai, New York City, Portland, Oregon, Seattle, Chicago, San Francisco, Toronto, Hamilton and Sydney, sometimes with modifications to cater to local tastes.

History
Jianbing originated in northern China, where wheat- and broomcorn-based flatbreads, pancakes and pies (collectively called bing) are common as staple foods. Its history can be traced back 2,000 years to Shandong province during the Three Kingdoms period (AD 220–280). According to legend, Chancellor Zhuge Liang encountered the problem of feeding his soldiers after they lost their woks. He ordered the cooks to mix water with wheat flour to make batter, then spread it on shields, or flat copper griddles over a flame. The dish raised the soldiers’ morale and helped them win the battle. After that, jianbing was passed down through generations in Shandong province and gradually spread to different parts of China.
The raw materials used in ancient pancakes should be millet, and millet cereal pancakes are one of the common foods of the ancient northerners. In ancient times, pancakes were made using griddles (Chinese: 鏊; pinyin: ào). Archaeological finds have been discovered in ancient times, except for the prehistoric pottery figurines dating back more than 5,000 years, as well as the iron shovel and bronze gongs belonging to Liao, Song, Jin, Western Xia and Yuan dynasty. Yangshao people have created pottery figurines and the like. The cooking utensils, which were later unearthed in various eras, also found a number of murals of pancakes from different eras, revealing the true existence of pancakes in history.

Reasons for popularity
One of the most popular street breakfasts in China, jianbing can be easily found in many cities. The characteristics of jianbing account for its popularity in China and the West.
First, jianbing is never "pre-cooked". In order to preserve its crispness, customers have to wait for their turn, which often results in a queue, although the preparation time is short. Part of the attraction is that customers can watch the raw ingredients come together to form the dish.Jianbing can satisfy different people's tastes as it can be made with many different ingredients and mixed with different sauces, jams and flavors in different proportions. According to the vendors outside East China Normal University, though some customers like spicy flavors and some do not like cilantro, they can create their own jianbing.The low cost of jianbing is also one of the reasons for its popularity, as the basic ingredients are themselves inexpensive.Besides, jianbing is a type of bing that has rich nutrient values. It contains abundant nutrients as it can be made of soybeans, mung beans, black beans, lettuce, peanuts and eggs.
Jianbing can be made from various grains such as wheat, beans, sorghum, corn, etc. They contain various nutrients of the grain itself. They are convenient to eat, and are the basic food for the body to replenish energy. They are then engulfed with various vegetables, eggs, meat and other ingredients.

Regional variations
The traditional jianbing originated in Shandong and flourished in Tianjin. Jianbing is basically made of flour and eggs with different fillings and sauces. As there are many variations depending on tastes and preferences in different regions, many cities have their own versions of jianbing. Shandong-style jianbing and Tianjin-style jianbing are the two most common versions of jianbing in China.

Shandong-style jianbing
Jianbing from Shandong province tastes crispy and harder as its batter is formed from the flour mixture that mainly contains coarse grains such as corn, sorghum and millet. In the old days, people had Shandong-style jianbing mainly by rolling it with scallions or serving it with meat soup. Nowadays, the variety of fillings are richer and differ according to one's preference, for example, sweet potatoes, lettuce and pork are also used as fillings.

Jianbing guozi
Jianbing from Tianjin is a transformation of the jianbing originated in Shandong. It is also called jianbing guozi and guozi refers to its youtiao stuffing. Tianjin-style jianbing tastes softer as its crepe is made of mung bean flour, which contains less gluten. Also, Tianjin-style jianbing is topped with youtiao (fried dough stick), while the Shandong-style one sold by street vendors is usually topped with baocui (薄脆, crispy fried crackers).

Internationalized jianbing
Jianbing is also served in the U.K., U.S. and Australia by Western vendors and young Chinese entrepreneurs. In the U.S., it has become one of the newest food trends and gains high popularity among Americans and East Asian customers, particularly Chinese overseas students. Western vendors were inspired to start jianbing business back home after first trying it in China.Apart from the traditional Chinese jianbing, some vendors in the U.S. offer various versions of it to cater to American customers’ taste, such as vegetarian jianbing and gluten-free jianbing. Culture-crossing fillings like barbecue pulled pork, bacon, cheese, hot dogs, and Spam are additionally provided to let customers create their own customized jianbing.Besides, fillings of jianbing are diverse with new innovations. Tai Chi Jianbing from San Francisco carries fish floss jianbing, which is made with dried tuna. A food truck in New York called “The Flying Pig jianbing” provides different filling options such as dried pork floss, pork belly and bamboo shoots. In another shop called Mr. Bing, the crepe batter is made of millet flour, buckwheat flour and purple rice. Many characterized jianbing are also shown. For example, the cha chaan bing with peanut butter and condensed milk, and the Peking duck bing with the duck sauce, cucumber chunks and duck slices are introduced.
In the UK, street food stall Mei Mei's Street Cart brought jianbing into the London and UK street food scene back in 2012 - taking their jianbing to London, Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield and Brighton and winning two awards. They sell the traditional jianbing alongside their 'London' jianbing with fillings such as fried chicken and char siu pork, to build on the traditional jianbing and make it a more substantial dish.

See also
Crêpe, a French pancake cooked and served in similar fashion.
Dosa_(food), an popular South Indian rice crepe cooked and served in a similar fashion.
Senbei (煎餅), a Japanese rice cracker whose name is cognate to jianbing and is written with the same Chinese characters in Kanji, but is actually a different food.
Passage 8:
Tantrix
Tantrix is a hexagonal tile-based abstract game invented by Mike McManaway from New Zealand.  Each of the 56 different tiles in the set contains three lines, going from one edge of the tile to another.  No two lines on a tile have the same colour.  There are four colours in the set: red, yellow, blue, and green.  No two tiles are identical, and each is individually numbered from 1 through 56.

Gameplay
In the multiplayer version of the game, each player chooses a colour, so there are between two and four players.  Each draws one tile from the bag, and the person who draws the highest number goes first.

Each player then takes five more tiles from the bag, and places all six tiles face up in front of them. The first person plays one tile, usually with their colour on it. Play then rotates clockwise. After playing a tile, each player takes a replacement tile from the bag, so that they always have six in front of them. Tiles played must match the colour of the edges adjoining it.
When three tiles surround an empty space so that it is effectively half covered this is called a forced space. If the person whose turn it is has a tile that fills that space they must play it. The player repeats this process until there are no more forced spaces that they can fill, at which stage they make a free move, where they can play any tile as long as they don't breach the three restriction rules given below.  Once they have had a free move, they must then fill any more forced spaces that they can. Thus one player's turn can consist of several moves.
The three restriction rules are:

Once there are no tiles left in the bag, the three restriction rules do not apply.
The aim of the game is to get the longest line or loop in your colour.  Each tile in a line counts as one point, and in a loop is two points.  Only the highest-scoring line or loop counts.

Online play
Although quiet and underpopulated compared to the standards of Yahoo! Games and the like, playing Tantrix online has gained a dedicated following with players from all over the world competing against each other or against computer robots. Players are rated out of 1000 points according to their wins and losses and taking into account of their opponents rank. The aim of top players is to get to 1000 points (which only three players have managed so far). The goal of a regular player is to reach the score of 950 which is difficult to reach. Once this score has been attained the player can gain Tournament Rankings (ELO) and eventually earn the title "Master". Masters can then play "master games" which have a different scoring system. Only a few players achieve master status, with a limit of 120 total imposed.
Serious players of Tantrix take part in a number of structured tournaments each year. Although the winners only play for bragging rights, and in the major tournaments a small trophy to keep for a year, these events are taken seriously, and are the ultimate challenge for tantricists.
The WORLD TANTRIX CHAMPIONSHIP begins every August, and takes nearly four months to complete. Only 47 competitors took place in the second WTC in 1998, but that number had grown to 200 by 2006. The tournament starts in a qualifying round, where the lower-ranked players compete for selection into the main draw (128-player knockout tournament).
There are three other "world-wide" tournaments held online each year:

The World Team Tantrix Championship (WTTC)  involving teams of five from one country or region, first in held in 2002
The World Junior Tantrix Championship (WJTC)  a world championship for players under 16, first held in 2002
The World Doubles Tantrix Championship (WDTC)  first played in 2005There are also three continental tournaments each year:

The European Championship (Euro)  the major dedicated continental tournament, first run in 1999
The Pan-American Tantrix Championship (Pan-Am)  first held in 1999
The Afro-Asian Championship (AsAf) the African Championship was first held in 1999 once, then re-established in 2004, incorporating Asian competitors at the same timeAnd many national online tournaments:

The New Zealand Tantrix Championship  first held in 2000
The Australian Tantrix Championship   first held in 2001
The Hungarian Tantrix Championship  first held in 2002
The Hungarian Masters Tournament  first held in 2002
The Swedish Tantrix Championship   first held in 2003
The French Tantrix Championship   first held in 2007
The Dutch Tantrix Championship  first held in 2008
The German Tantrix Championship  first held in 2008
The Spanish Tantrix Championship  first held in 2008
The Polish Tantrix Championship  first held in 2008
The Norwegian Tantrix Championship  first held in 2009
The Czech Tantrix Championship first held in 2010

Face-to-face play
In addition to these online tournaments, offline tournaments (referred to as 'Table Opens') are growing in popularity. The first Table tournament was the 2002 British Open and was mostly a local affair with 13 of the 14 entrants from Britain. As the player base widened, players started traveling more. Table Opens in Europe soon became the most popular because of the larger playing population.  By 2009 there was enough demand to hold a World Tantrix Open.
World Opens

2014 World Tantrix Table Open (Bischoffen, Germany)[1]
2013 World Tantrix Table Open (Trosa, Sweden)[2]
2011 World Tantrix Table Open (Almere, Netherlands)[3]
2010 World Tantrix Table Open (Budapest, Hungary)[4]
2009 World Tantrix Table Open (Edinburgh, United Kingdom)[5]National Opens

The British Table Open, first held in 2002
The New Zealand Table Open, first held in 2004
The Swedish Table Open, first held in 2004
The German Table Open, first held in 2005
The French Table Open, first held in 2005
The Spanish Table Open, first held in 2005
The Hungarian Table Open, first held in 2005
The Dutch Table Open, first held in 2006
The Polish Table Open, first held in 2007
The Australian Table Open, first held in 2007
The Israeli Table Open, first held in 2007

History
The first version of Tantrix was created by Mike McManaway in 1988 and was called Mind Game[6]. It used 56 cardboard pieces with only two coloured lines, red and black.[7] Owning a games shop, McManaway sold the game directly and following customer feedback continued to change the rules and design. In 1991, the tiles were changed to plastic and two more colours were added, allowing for four-player games.

The tiles were (and still are) hand-painted, featuring different colours to those now used, even pink. The early form of the game featured eight "triple intersections", but these were found to slow the game play as they only fitted into three different forced spaces (compared to six for all other tiles). So in 1993, the triple intersections were removed from the game.Along with the multiplayer version of the game, McManaway created smaller solitaire puzzles using 10 or 12 tiles that required the player to put the tiles together to create loops of certain colours.
McManaway has also created many solitaire puzzles, including 3-D versions, match only versions (requiring players to colour match tiles within a confined space) and loop and line versions (requiring players to use all the nominated tiles to complete a loop or line in a specific colour). However many of the editions are no longer available.
The main versions sold in most countries are:

Tantrix Discovery: A solo version, consisting of 10 tiles, where players attempt puzzles that take between 30 seconds and 45 minutes.
Tantrix Solitaire: A set of 14 tiles designed to play Tantrix Solitaire combined with expanded Tantrix Discovery puzzles.
Tantrix Match: Tantrix meets sudoku. A number of pre-placed clues controls the difficulty of each puzzle.
Tantrix Game Pack: A bag with all 56 Tantrix tiles, with which players can play all editions of Tantrix.Tantrix got its first big contract in 1994 when Air France bought the game to give to children on its flights.  In 2003 Tantrix was named Toy of the Year in Hungary and won the British National Association of Toy and Leisure Libraries gold award in the games category.

Tileset
See also
Black Path Game
List of world championships in mind sports
Palago, a hexagonal tile game co-invented by Mike McManaway
Serpentiles
Trax, a connection game played with similar tiles but different gameplay

Notes
External links
Official Tantrix website, including the history of Tantrix and Tournaments and online play.
Tantrix an online Tantrix puzzle
Tantrix   at BoardGameGeek
Tantrix puzzles and their solutions
Passage 9:
Sexual racism
Concepts of race and sexuality have interacted in various ways in different historical contexts. While partially based on physical similarities within groups, race is understood by scientists to be a social construct rather than a biological reality. Human sexuality involves biological, erotic, physical, emotional, social, or spiritual feelings and behaviors.The ways in which people perceive the relationship between these two concepts implicitly informs attitudes toward interracial sexual relationships and sexual preferences for particular races expressed by individuals. Racial bias may involve a sexual dimension, which often takes the form of racial fetishism.

Attitudes towards interracial relationships
In the United States before the Civil Rights Era
After the abolition of slavery in 1865, white Americans showed an increasing fear of racial mixing. The remnants of the racial divide became stronger post-slavery as the concept of whiteness developed. There was a widely held belief that uncontrollable lust threatens the purity of the nation.  This increased white anxiety about interracial sex, and has been described through Montesquieu's climatic theory in his book The Spirit of the Laws, which explains how people from different climates have different temperaments, "The inhabitants of warm countries are, like old men, timorous; the people in cold countries are, like young men, brave." At the time, black women held the "Jezebel" stereotype, which claimed black women often initiated sex outside of marriage and were generally sexually promiscuous. This idea stemmed from the first encounters between European men and African women. As the men were not used to the extremely hot climate, they misinterpreted the women's lack of clothing for vulgarity. Similarly, black men were stereotyped as having a specific lust for white women. This stereotype triggered tensions, implying that white men were having sex with black women because black women were more lustful than white women were, and in turn, black men would lust after white women in the same way that white men would lust after black women.
There are a few potential reasons as to why such strong ideas on interracial sex developed. The Reconstruction Era which followed the Civil War started to disassemble traditional aspects of Southern society. Now, the Southerners who were used to being dominant were no longer legally allowed to run their farms by practicing slavery. Many whites struggled with this reformation and they attempted to get around it by searching for legal loopholes which would have allowed them to continue their practice of exploiting black laborers. Additionally, the white Democrats were not pleased with the outcome of this reformation and white men felt inadequate as a result. This radical reconstruction of the South was deeply unpopular and it slowly unraveled, leading to the introduction of Jim Crow laws. There was an increase in the sense of white dominance and sexual racism among the Southern people.
Generally, tensions heightened after the end of the civil war in 1865, and as a result, the sexual anxiety which existed in the white population intensified. The Ku Klux Klan was formed in 1867, an event which triggered violence and terrorism which targeted the black population. There was an increase in the number of acts of lynch-mob violence in which many black men were falsely accused of committing rape. These acts of violence were not just senseless, they were attempts to preserve 'whiteness' and prevent the blurring of racial distinctions; some racist whites wanted to maintain a system of racial separation and prevent the occurrence of interracial sexual activity. For example, mixed race couples that chose to live together were sought out and lynched by the KKK. The famous case of Emmett Till, who was lynched by two men when he was fourteen years old, , shows the extent of the acts of violence which were committed against black people who flirted with white people. Till was lynched because the two men who lynched him believed that he had whistled at a white woman, but in actuality, he had whistled for his own reasons. When Jim Crow laws were eventually overturned, it took years for the court to resolve the numerous acts of discrimination.

Challenges to attitudes
Sexual racism is presumed to exist in all sexual communities across the globe. The prevalence of interracial couples may demonstrate how attitudes have changed in the last 50 years. A case that received heightened publicity is that of Mildred and Richard Loving. The couple lived in Virginia yet had to marry outside the state due to the anti-miscegenation laws present in nearly half of the US states in 1958. Once married, the pair returned to Virginia, and were both arrested in their home for the infringement of the Racial Integrity Act, and each sentenced to a year in prison, a sentence which was ultimately overturned by the United States Supreme Court.

Around a similar time, the controversy involving Seretse and Ruth Khama broke out. Seretse was the chief of an eminent Botswanan tribe, and Ruth a British student. The pair married in 1948 but experienced frequent hardships from the onset of the relationship, including Seretse's removal from his tribal responsibilities as chief in Bechuanaland. For nearly 10 years, Seretse and Ruth lived as exiles in Britain, as the government refused to allow Seretse to return to Bechuanaland. Once the couple were allowed to return to Bechuanaland in 1956, they became prominent campaigners for social equality, contributing to Seretse's election as president of the independent Botswana in 1966. Later, they continued campaigning for the legalization of interracial marriage around the globe.More recent examples portray the increasingly accepting attitudes of the majority to interracial relationships and marriage. In 1999, Jeb Bush was elected as Governor of Florida, accompanied by his wife, Columba, a Mexican woman he met in León who did not speak English when they met. They were one of the first interracial couples to stand in power side by side. Other prominent interracial couples in American politics are Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell and former Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao, as well as New York City mayor Bill de Blasio and his wife Chirlane McCray. The political success of these couples is seen by some to demonstrate that attitudes toward interracial marriage (at least in the United States) are much more positive and optimistic than in previous decades. Across much of the world, it is ever increasingly the situation that interracial couples can live, marry and have children without prosecution that was previously rife, due to major changes in law along with reductions in discriminatory attitudes.

Sexual preferences
While discrimination among partners based on perceived racial identity has been asserted by some to be a form of racism, it is generally considered a matter of personal preference. A study by Callander, Newman, and Holts quoted author Laurence Watts from the Huffington Post, who argued that sexual attraction and racism are not the same:
Just because someone isn't sexually attracted to someone of Asian origin does not mean they wouldn't want to work, live next to, or socialize with him or her, or that they believe they are somehow naturally superior to them. This suggests that people find it possible to view larger systemic racial preference as problematic, while viewing racial preferences in romantic or sexual personal relationships as not problematic. Researchers noted that racial preferences in one's own dating life were generally tolerated and that calling them "racist" is not a commonly accepted view.

Heterosexual community
Online dating
In the last 15 years, online dating has overtaken previously preferred methods of meeting with potential partners, surpassing both the occupational setting and area of residence as chosen locations. This spike is consistent with an increase in access to the internet in homes across the globe, in addition to the number of dating sites available to individuals differing in age, gender, race, sexual orientation and ethnic background. Partner race is the most highly selected preference chosen by users when creating their online profiles, ahead of both educational and religious characteristics. Research has indicated a progressive acceptance of interracial relationships by white individuals. The majority of white Americans are not against interracial relationships and marriage, though these beliefs do not imply that the person in question will pursue an interracial marriage themselves. Currently, fewer than 5% of white Americans wed outside their own race; indeed, less than 46% of white Americans are willing to date an individual of any other race. Overall, African Americans appear to be the most open to interracial relationships, yet are the least preferred partner by other racial groups. However, regardless of stated preferences, racial discrimination still occurs in online dating.Each group significantly prefers to date intra-racially. Beyond this, in the online dating world, preferences appear to follow a racial hierarchy. White Americans are the least open to interracial dating, and select preferences in the order of Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans and then African American individuals last at 60.5%, 58.5% and 49.4% respectively. African American preferences follow a similar pattern, with the most preferred partner belonging to the Hispanic group (61%), followed by white individuals (59.6%) and then Asian Americans (43.5%). Both Hispanic and Asian Americans prefer to date a white individual (80.3% and 87.3%, respectively), and both are least willing to date African Americans (56.5% and 69.5%). In all significant cases, Hispanic Americans are preferred to Asian Americans, and Asian Americans are significantly preferred over African Americans. Hispanic Americans are less likely to be excluded in online dating partner preferences by whites seeking a partner, as Latinos are often viewed as an ethnic group that is increasingly assimilating more into white American culture.Another aspect of racial preferences is that women of any race are significantly less likely to date inter-racially than a male of any race. Specifically, Asian men and black men and women face more obstacles to acceptance online. White women are the most likely to only date their own race, with Asian and black men being the most rejected groups by them. The rejection of Asian men was asserted by one author to be due to a hypothetical effeminate portrayal in media. The preference for men of other races remains present even when considering high-earning Asian men with an advanced educational background. Increased education does however influence choices in the other direction, such that a higher level of schooling is associated with more optimistic feelings towards interracial relationships. White men are most likely to exclude black women, as opposed to women of another race. High levels of previous exposure to a variety of racial groups is correlated with decreased racial preferences. Racial preferences in dating are also influenced by the area of residence. Those residing in the south-eastern regions in American states are less likely to have been in an interracial relationship and are less likely to interracially date in the future. People who engaged in regular religious customs at age 12 are also less likely to interracially date. Moreover, those from a Jewish background are significantly more likely to enter an interracial relationship than those from a Protestant background.A 2015 study of interracial online dating within multiple European countries, analyzing the dating preferences of Europeans, as well as Arabs, Africans, Asians and Hispanics in Diaspora, found that in aggregate all races ranked Europeans as most preferred, followed by Hispanics and Asians as intermediately preferable, then by Arabs and finally Africans as the least preferred. Country-specific results were more variable, with countries with more non-Europeans showing more openness for Europeans to engage in interracial dating, while exceptions resulted in those with tensions between racial groups (such as in cases where tensions existed between Europeans and Arabs due to Arab Anti-Western sentiment and Western Anti-Arab populism) showed a marked decrease in preference for interracial dating between the two. The researchers noted that Arabs tended to have higher same-race preferences in regions with higher Arabic populations, possibly due to more traditional cultural norms on marriage. The researchers did note a portion of the study was influenced by selection bias, as the data gathered may have disproportionately drawn from people already inclined to engage in interracial dating.Currently, there are websites specifically targeted to different demographic preferences, such that singles can sign up online and focus on one particular partner quality, such as race, religious beliefs or ethnicity. In addition to this, there are online dating services that target race-specific partner choices, and a selection of pages dedicated to interracial dating that allow users to select partners based on age, gender and particularly race. Online dating services experience controversy in this context as debate is cast over whether statements such as "no Asians" or "not attracted to Asians" in user profiles are racist or merely signify individual preferences.Non-white ethnic minorities, mostly Indians and Asians, who feel they lack dating prospects as a result of their race, sometimes refer to themselves as ricecels, currycels, or more broadly ethnicels, a term related to the incel, who is generally considered to be white. Racial preferences can sometimes considered as a subset of lookism.

LGBT community
Hoang Tan Nguyen, an Assistant Professor of English and Film Studies at Bryn Mawr College, wrote that Asian men are often feminized and desexualized by both mainstream and LGBT media.  The gay Asian-Canadian author Richard Fung has opined that he believes that while black and Arab men are portrayed as hypersexualized, gay Asian men are portrayed as being desexualized. Again according to Fung, gay Asian men supposedly tend to ignore or display displeasure with races such as Arabs, Blacks, and other Asians but seemingly give sexual acceptance and approval to gay white men. However, gay white men supposedly are more likely than other racial groups to state "No Asians" when seeking partners.Asian American women also report similar discrimination in lesbian, gay, bisexual (LGB) communities. According to a study by Sung, Szymanski, and Henrichs-Beck (2015), Asian American participants who identified as lesbian or bisexual often reported invisibility, stereotyping, and fetishism in LGB circles and the larger U.S. culture.Multiple studies in European gay communities have shown, that while many immigrants from the Mediterranean, such as Amazighs, Turks, Greeks, Arabs, Albanians and Romanians tend to be discriminatory towards and avoidant of homosexuals, with many being openly homophobic, they are actively sought after and fetishized as hypermasculine. "Südländer" or "Mediterraneans", as they are called in German subculture, are often explicitly requested, with frequent statements of "Nur Südländer", "Only Mediterraneans" being not too uncommon, though the demand is rarely met.Racial preferences are also prevalent in gay online dating. Phua and Kaufman (2003) noted that men seeking men online were more likely than men seeking women to look at racial traits.In a qualitative study conducted by Paul, Ayala, and Choi (2010) with Asian and Pacific Islanders (API), Latino, and African American men seeking men, participants interviewed endorsed racial preference as a common criterion in online dating partner selection.

Racial bias
A 2015 study on sexual racism among gay and bisexual men found a strong correlation between test subjects' racist attitudes and their stated racial preferences.Philosopher Amia Srinivasan argued for racialized origins of Western beauty standards in her 2018 essay "Does anyone have the right to sex?", and stated that racial bias can shape sexual desire.

Racial fetishism
Racial fetishism is sexually fetishizing a person or culture belonging to a specific race or ethnic group.

Theories
Homi K. Bhabha explains racial fetishism as a version of racist stereotyping, which is woven into colonial discourse and based on multiple/contradictory and splitting beliefs, similar to the disavowal which Sigmund Freud discusses. Bhabha defines colonial discourse as that which activates the simultaneous "recognition and disavowal of racial/cultural/historical differences" and whose goal is to define the colonized as 'other', but also as fixed and knowable stereotypes. Racial fetishism involves contradictory belief systems where the 'other' is both demonized and idolized.The effects of racial fetishism as a form of sexual racism are discussed in research conducted by Plummer. Plummer used qualitative interviews within given focus groups, and found that specific social locations came up as areas in which sexual racism commonly manifests. These mentioned social locations included pornographic media, gay clubs and bars, casual sex encounters as well as romantic relationships. This high prevalence was recorded within Plummer's research to be consequently related to the recorded lower self-esteem, internalized sexual racism, and increased psychological distress in participants of color.Fetishism can take multiple forms and has branched off to incorporate different races. The theories of naturalist Darwin can offer some observations in regards to why some people might find other races more attractive than their own. Attraction can be viewed as a mechanism for choosing a healthy mate. People's minds have evolved to recognize aspects of other peoples' biology that makes them an appropriate or good mate. This area of theory is called optimal outbreeding hypothesis.

Examples
White women
Rey Chow argues that the fetishism of white women in Chinese media does not have to do with sex. Chow describes it as a type of commodity fetishism. White women, according to Chow, are seen as a representation of what China does not have: an image of a woman as something more than the heterosexual opposite to man.Perry Johansson argues that following the globalization of China, the perception of Westerners changed drastically. With the Opening of China to the outside world, representations of Westerners shifted from enemies of China to individuals of great power, money, and pleasure. In a study of Chinese advertisements from 1990 to 1995, marketed solely to the Chinese people, Johansson concluded that, in China, the racial fetish of Western women does have to do with sex. Chinese advertisements depict Western women as symbols of strength and sexuality. The body language of Chinese models in ads expresses shyness and subordination with canting of heads and bodies, lying down and covering of faces, while the body language of Western women demonstrates power and uninhibited unashamedness. Western women more often hold their heads high, stare straight into the camera, and do not cover their mouths while laughing.  The study suggested Western women represent a shift in the power dynamics between women and men and are even presented with qualities otherwise considered to be "masculine" in Chinese culture.

Asian women
An Asian fetish focusing on East Asian, Southeast Asian and to some extent South Asian women has been documented in Australasia, North America, and Scandinavia.According to a 2008 article from the Washington and Lee Journal of Civil Rights and Social Justice by Sunny Woan, the "Asian fetish" syndrome is born out of the male desire for dominance and the stereotype of Asian women as individuals open to domination. For example, following the 1970s and a peak in the American feminist movement, many white men turned to mail-order bride companies in search of a loyal, understanding, and subservient partner. They saw women of their own race as too career-oriented and strong-willed. Asian women were the antithesis to their perception of white women. While white women resisted powerlessness and subjugation to the white man, Asian women were seen as open to the subjugation, even depicted as enjoying it.The song "Yellow Fever" by The Bloodhound Gang includes lyrics such as, "She's an oriental rug cause I lay her where I please", and "Then I blindfold her with dental floss and get down on her knees." Both of these instances exemplify the stereotype of Asians as submissive. Margaret Cho has labeled Gwen Stefani's Harajuku Girls as a "minstrel show" because they represent fetishized East Asian stereotypes. The girls follow Stefani around on tour and are contractually obligated not to speak English in public. The performer had "renamed" them corresponding to her album title and clothing brand, L.A.M.B.: Love, Angel, Music, and Baby.Furthermore, there have been many cases of Asian fetishism leading to criminal activity. In one case in 2000, two men, David Dailey and Edmund Ball, and a woman, Lana Vickery, abducted and blindfolded two Japanese women in Washington, one who was eighteen and the other who was nineteen. Vickery said Ball specifically targeted these Japanese students because he thought that they were submissive and were less likely to report sexual abuse. In another case, in 2005, Michael Lohman, a doctoral student at Princeton University, was charged by the state of New Jersey for reckless endangerment, theft, harassment as well as tampering with a food product. Michael had cut locks of hair off at least nine Asian women. He also poured his semen and urine into the drinks of Asian Princeton students more than fifty times. In his apartment, Michael also had mittens filled with hairs of Asian women.

Arab and Middle Eastern women
According to multiple articles, the West's fetishization of fully covered Arab women has led to the stereotype that Arab women and women from the Muslim world are oppressed and therefore submissive. When French armies invaded Algeria, they had anticipated Algerian women to be sexually available and hookah smokers. To their surprise, Algerian women actually appeared to have been more modestly dressed and covered from their head to toes. Many French photographers paid Algerian women to remove part of their religious attire and pose for photos to make French postcards. In his book Desiring Arabs, Joseph Massad talks about how the West's interpretation of Arab culture has painted the stereotype of Arab women being exotic and desirable. Massad's book was largely influenced by Edward Said's book Orientalism.

Mixed race women/Latin woman
In her book Sex Tourism in Bahia Ambiguous Entanglements, Erica Lorraine Williams published the first full-length ethnography of sex tourism in Brazil, including interviews with tourists who come solely to participate in sexual tourism, which may be considered a form of racialized fetishism. One of the tourists interviewed described his experience, "I've had a thing for Latin, brown-skinned women since my early twenties. I'm from [a place] where there are a lot of blonde, white girls. Whatever you have, you like the opposite – they're exotic, intriguing."

Black women
The fetishization of black women expanded during the Colonial Era, as some white male slave owners raped and sexually abused their black, female slaves. They justified their actions by labeling the women as hyper-sexual property. These labels solidified into what is commonly referred to as the "Jezebel" stereotype. The opposite of this "Jezebel" identity or persona is the "Mammy" figure who loses all of her sexual agency and autonomy, and becomes an asexual figure.  L. H. Stallings notes that the creation and identities for the Jezebel or Mammy figures are "dependent upon patriarchy and heterosexuality." An example of racial fetishism within the colonial era is that of Sarah Baartman. Baartman's body was utilized as a means to develop an anatomically accurate representation of a black woman's body juxtaposed to that of a  white European woman's body during the age of biological racism. The scientist studying her anatomy went as far as making a mold of Baartman's genitalia postmortem because she refused him access to examine her vaginal region while she was alive. The data collected on Baartman is the origin of the black female body stereotype, i.e. large buttocks and labia.Charmaine Nelson suggests that every nude painting feeds into the voyeuristic male gaze, but the way black women are painted has even more undertones. "The black female body defies the white male subject's desire for a single subject of 'pure' origin in two ways: firstly, through a sexual 'otherness' as woman, and secondly through a racial and color 'otherness' as black. It is the combined power of these two markers of social location which has enabled western artists to represent black women at the margins of societal boundaries of propriety." Nelson asserts that any black woman is considered a fetish in these paintings and that she is only viewed in a sexual lens.One of the more recent popular discourses around the fetishization of black women surrounds the release of Nicki Minaj's popular song, "Anaconda" in 2014. The entire song and music video revolves around the largeness of black women's bottoms. While some praise Minaj's work for its embrace of female sexuality, some criticized that this song continues to reduce black women to be the focus of the male gaze. The 2020 song "WAP" ("Wet-Ass Pussy") by Cardi B and Megan Thee Stallion received a similar mixed reception, with some outlets praising its embrace of black female sexuality and others claiming it was degrading or objectifying women of color.

Black men
"Big black cock", usually shortened to "BBC", is a sexual slang and genre of ethnic pornography, that focuses on Black men with large penises. The stereotype of larger penis size in black men has been subjected to scientific scrutiny, with inconclusive results. The theme is found in both straight and gay pornography.

In BDSM
There is also a practice in BDSM which involves fetishizing race called "raceplay". Susanne Schotanus defined raceplay as "a sexual practice where the either imagined or real racial background of one or more of the participants is used to create this power-imbalance in a BDSM-scene, through the use of slurs, narratives and objects laden with racial history." Feminist author Audre Lorde cautions that this kind of BDSM "operates in tandem with social, cultural, economic, and political patterns of domination and submission" creating the perpetuation of negative stereotypes for black women in particular.However, race play can also be used within BDSM as a curative practice for black individuals to take back their autonomy from a history of subjugation. One BDSM Dominatrix explains that raceplay provides her with an "emotional sense of reparations". "Violence for black female performers in BDSM becomes not just a vehicle of intense pleasure but also a mode of accessing and critiquing power."

See also
Afrophobia
Anti-miscegenation laws
Discrimination based on skin color
Discrimination in the United States
Ethnic pornography
Gendered racism
Interracial marriage
Race and crime
Racism against African Americans
Racism in the United States
Sexual capital#Race
Sexual objectification
Stereotypes of African Americans
Stereotypes of groups within the United States

Answer the question based on the given passages. Only give me the answer and do not output any other words.

Question: Are Tantrix and Personal Preference both types of games?
Answer: