juselara1/mlds7_corpus · Datasets at Hugging Face

text stringlengths 0 141
Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of
the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to
convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was
desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and
a considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants
of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their
fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state
and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,
now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the
members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to
meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone
the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution
upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in
Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our
citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,
abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for
interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,
prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,
and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a
calm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our
moral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked--one in July, the
other in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have received
intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they
all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of
September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing
will have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a
successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with
the safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean
time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the
attainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of
which on many former occasions the people of the United States have given
such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national
defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their
power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the
adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary
measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the
opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then
prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the
reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and
whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain
that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state
of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious
obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so
impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of
nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and
violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground
on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or
defense will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,
at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The
genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their
cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,
fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In
short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be
destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and
distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.
The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of
commercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this
view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I
forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our
commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the
only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power at
the opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable
information of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty
respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the
demarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic intelligence
Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running
of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the
more to be regretted as they can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner
injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the
answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the
Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it
proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run
the line of limits. Further information on this subject will be
communicated in the course of the session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier
it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate
the affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to actual
hostilities against the United States. Great activity has been exerted by
those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes
residing within the territory of the United States to influence them to
transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into
a confederacy, and prepare them for war against the United States. Although
measures have been taken to counteract these infractions of our rights, to
prevent Indian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the
United States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of

the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to

convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was

desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and

a considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants

of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their

fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state

and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,

now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the

members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to

meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone

the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution

upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in

Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our

citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,

abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for

interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,

prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,

and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a

calm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our

moral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked--one in July, the

other in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have received

intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they

all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of

September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing

will have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a

successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with

the safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean

time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the

attainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of

which on many former occasions the people of the United States have given

such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national

defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their

power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the

adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary

measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the

opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then

prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the

reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and

whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain

that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state

of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious

obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so

impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of

nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and

violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground

on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or

defense will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,

at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The

genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their

cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,

fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In

short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be

destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and

distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.

The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of

commercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this

view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I

forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our

commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the

only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power at

the opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable

information of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty

respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the

demarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic intelligence

Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running

of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the

more to be regretted as they can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner

injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the

answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the

Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it

proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run

the line of limits. Further information on this subject will be

communicated in the course of the session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier

it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate

the affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to actual

hostilities against the United States. Great activity has been exerted by

those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes

residing within the territory of the United States to influence them to

transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into

a confederacy, and prepare them for war against the United States. Although

measures have been taken to counteract these infractions of our rights, to

prevent Indian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the

United States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to