the nidcd award will provide $ 300, 000 over the next three years to fund the project, titled “ auditory masking effects on speech fluency in aphasia and apraxia of speech. ” in many adults who survive stroke, damage to speech regions of the brain results in a distorted, effortful, and halting pattern of speech, a condition called apraxia of speech. although they know what they want to say and have intact muscle strength, they have difficulty programming the movements for speech. they are able to hear their speech errors, and the typical treatment program focuses on identifying these errors and correcting them. for most people, focusing on these mistakes results in little improvement in their speech. in contrast to conventional treatment approaches, dr. jacks and his colleagues ( katarina haley, phd, dahs, dshs ; heidi roth, md, department of neurology ) are studying the effects of preventing the person with apraxia of speech from hearing the errors in their speech, by playing loud noise through earphones. this approach is based on the premise that people with this speech disorder are overly - attuned to speech errors, which prevents them from speaking fluently. the same phenomenon has been known for decades to help people who stutter to speak fluently, as demonstrated in the popular film the king ' s speech. in the proposed research, dr. jacks and his colleagues seek to identify stroke survivors who respond positively to listening to noise by increasing speech rate and decreasing the occurrence of speech disfluencies ( pauses, filler words, repetitions ). since not all people are expected to show a change in speech while listening to noise, the team also will study individual characteristics to determine what differentiates those who improve from those who do not. in particular, behavioral profiles ( type of speech and language impairment ) and location and size of brain lesion will be compared between positive responders and non - responders to determine whether a positive response can be predicted from routine clinical data. in preliminary work, over half of the participants tested spoke more quickly and with fewer disfluencies while listening to noise. although this is a temporary effect and does not persist after the noise is turned off, the moments of speech fluency experienced may cause the person ' s brain to activate in a different way than it does when he or she is speaking disfluently. if the preliminary results are borne out in the completed study, dr. jacks and his team believe that the procedure may be further developed into


increasing local contrast the previous section showed adjustments to the brightness and contrast of the entire image. the adjustment changes every pixel of original brightness value a to the same final brightness value b, regardless of the pixel ’ s neighbors. another class of operations increases the visibility of local differences between pixels, by suppressing the longer - range variations. these neighborhood functions use a moving neighborhood, usually a small circle, that compares or combines the central pixel and the neighbors to produce a new value that is assigned to the central pixel to construct a new image. then the neighborhood shifts to the next pixel and the process is repeated. these calculations are applied to the pixel brightness values in a color coordinate system such as hsi or lab that leaves the color values unchanged. for instance, local equalization functions just like the histogram equalization procedure, except that it takes place within a moving circular neighborhood and assigns a new value only to the central pixel. the result makes a pixel that is slightly brighter than its surroundings brighter still, and vice - versa, enhancing local contrast. the result is usually added back in some proportion to the original image to produce a more visually pleasing result, as shown in the local equalization interactive java tutorial. sharpening of images to increase local contrast is almost universally applied by publishers to counter the visual blurring effect of halftoning images in the printing process. this is usually done by a convolution using a kernel of weights, just as the gaussian smoothing function shown above. but in this application, some of those weights will have negative values. for instance, the laplacian sharpening filter in table 1 combines each pixel with its eight adjacent neighbors as shown in the laplacian sharpening interactive java tutorial. a more flexible extension of this basic idea is the widely used ( and as often misused ) unsharp mask. the name derives from a century - old darkroom procedure that required printing the original image at 1 : 1 magnification but out of focus onto another piece of film ( this was the unsharp mask ), and then placing the two films together to print the final result. where the original negative was dense, the mask was not ( and vice versa ) so that little light was transmitted, except near detail and edges where the mask was out of focus. the same effect can be produced in the computer by applying a gaussian blur to a duplicate of the original and then subtracting it from the original. the difference between the two images is just the detail and edges removed by


out of focus. the same effect can be produced in the computer by applying a gaussian blur to a duplicate of the original and then subtracting it from the original. the difference between the two images is just the detail and edges removed by the blurring. the original image is then added back to the difference to increase the visibility of the details while suppressing the overall image contrast. in the unsharp masking interactive java tutorial, the result image is automatically scaled to the range of the display so that negative values that can result from the calculation are not lost. one of the characteristics of the unsharp mask is the formation of bright and dark “ haloes ” adjacent to the dark and bright borders ( respectively ) of structure in the image. this increases their visibility, but can hide other nearby information. a related approach using neighborhood ranking rather than gaussian blurring alleviates this problem. the method applies a median filter to remove fine detail, subtracts this from the original to isolate the detail, and then adds the original image back to enhance the visibility as shown in the rank masking interactive java tutorial. this method is called a rank mask, but is sometimes ( incorrectly ) referred to as a top hat filter ( the real top hat is shown below ). note that all of these local enhancement methods are very noise sensitive, because both random speckle and shot noise produce pixels that are different from their local neighborhood. image noise must be removed before enhancement is attempted, or the visibility of the noise will be increased as shown in the comparison of local contrast enhancement methods interactive java tutorial. the top hat filter is also a based on neighborhood ranking, but unlike the procedure above it uses the ranked value from two different size regions. the brightest value in a circular interior region is compared to the brightest value in a surrounding annular region. if the brightness difference exceeds a threshold level, it is kept ( otherwise it is erased ). the top hat filter interactive java tutorial shows the filter ’ s operation. if the interior and annular regions are drawn as shown in the diagram in figure 1, the reason for the filter name becomes apparent. the interior region is the crown and the threshold is its height, while the surrounding annulus is the brim of the hat. this operation is particularly well suited for finding the spikes in fourier transform power spectra, as illustrated previously. the top hat is also good for locating any features of a known size by adjusting the radius of the crown. objects too large to fit into the crown


this operation is particularly well suited for finding the spikes in fourier transform power spectra, as illustrated previously. the top hat is also good for locating any features of a known size by adjusting the radius of the crown. objects too large to fit into the crown of the hat are selectively removed. reversing the logic to use the darkest values in both regions enables the same procedure to isolate dust or other dark features. by replacing the interior value by the mean of the surroundings, the dust can be selectively removed. in this application, shown in the rolling ball filter interactive java tutorial, the method is called a rolling ball filter. john c. russ - materials science and engineering dept., north carolina state university, raleigh, north carolina, 27695. matthew parry - hill and michael w. davidson - national high magnetic field laboratory, 1800 east paul dirac dr., the florida state university, tallahassee, florida, 32310. questions or comments? send us an email. © 1998 - 2009 by michael w. davidson, john russ, olympus america inc., and the florida state university. all rights reserved. no images, graphics, scripts, or applets may be reproduced or used in any manner without permission from the copyright holders. use of this website means you agree to all of the legal terms and conditions set forth by the owners. this website is maintained by our


| about the presenter : patricia m. roberts, ph. d., ccc - slp, slp ( c ), currently associate professor in speech language pathology at the university of ottawa, in canada ' s capital. she holds degrees from queen ' s university ( kingston, canada ) and florida state university and obtained her ph. d. from the universite de montreal. in her first career as a clinical slp, she worked with many bilingual clients and was privileged to have the late marie poulos as colleague and mentor. she is spending much of her 2nd career as a professor and researcher trying to understand the many unsolved puzzles of bilingual stuttering. | in this presentation, i will focus on four mysteries ( things we do not yet know ) about stuttering in bilingual children and adults and some of the myths associated with these gaps in our current knowledge. to make this essay easier to read, i won ' t say " bilingual or multilingual " each time the word " bilingual " comes up but in most places, what applies to bilinguals also applies to multilingual speakers - as far as we know - so far. mystery 1 : how many bilingual people are there? it is sometimes confusing to even try to discuss bilingualism because the word bilingual means different things to different people. for some people, bilinguals are people who speak two ( or more - for multilinguals ) languages equally and perfectly. people who speak two languages in their daily lives, and can do most things such as talking to people at work, reading the newspaper, understanding conversations with friends sometimes say " oh yes, i can do all that. but i am not bilingual ". other people describe themselves as bilingual if they can communicate basic ideas, even if they make many errors in grammar and pronunciation and have a very small vocabulary in one language. in research, both these kinds of people are seen as having different levels of bilingualism. ratings from 1 to 7 or 1 to 9 are often used to estimate where each person falls along the continuous line that goes from " i really only know one language " to " i am one of those rare people who feels equally at home in two languages, no matter what the task or topic ". for speaking, hearing, reading, and writing, most of us are at slightly different levels of ability, in each of the languages we know. for this essay - and the discussions i hope it will spark - let ' s think of bilingualism as being a continuum. we don ' t divide the world


of us are at slightly different levels of ability, in each of the languages we know. for this essay - and the discussions i hope it will spark - let ' s think of bilingualism as being a continuum. we don ' t divide the world into tall people and short people. there is no rational cut - off to separate " tall " from " short ". same thing for " bilingual " and " unilingual ". everyone is at some point along the line that goes from strongly unilingual to very, very bilingual. with a broad definition of bilingualism, some authors estimate that there are at least as many people in the world who need to use two or more languages in their daily lives as there are people who can only function in one language ( see, for example, bhatia & ritchie, 2006 ). we cannot make precise estimates unless we first define what levels of bilingualism are included or excluded from the count ( and where to divide dialects from languages ). mystery 2 : is the incidence of stuttering the same in different languages? there are studies of the incidence of stuttering in different countries. some authors use these studies to say things like " the incidence of stuttering is higher in country x than in country y ". but, if each study used different ways of sampling and different ways of determining who stutters, it is not valid to compare across studies. for example, from one study to the next, different methods were used in deciding who is stuttering : parent reports? teachers in schools or day care centres? parents remembering what the child was like 5 or 10 years ago? there are also differences in what counts as stuttering : only for a few months at age 3? only people who stuttered for more than a year? only those who reach a given level of severity? when people see these reports, they often speculate about why the incidence figures seem to be different ( ignoring the differences in how the estimates were reached ), often using their favourite aspect of stuttering as the explanation. thus, we see explanations like : 1 ) " there is more stuttering in country x than in country y because the grammar of the language spoken in country x makes greater demands on memory.... " the complexity of a language might be relevant, in some subtle ways including the location of moments of stuttering within a sentence. concluding that the language itself influences the number of people who stutter requires a huge, dangerous leap of logic. there are other possible explanations that have to be ruled out before we


. however, bilingualism is seen as something very positive by most people who do research on it, and most studies are designed to detect advantages and not problems associated with bilingualism. also, this research is based on children with no speech or language problems. in children with a genetic vulnerability to stuttering, is learning two sets of words and grammar rules, and two sets of speech sounds harder than it is for children without this vulnerability? if learning two languages as a child is much harder than learning one, is it all potentially bilingual children or only a sub - group of those who might be at risk for stuttering? how should we interpret the recent and somewhat controversial study by howell, davis and williams ( 2009 ) that found a higher incidence of stuttering in children if they began learning english ( the language of their new country? before age 5? were there other reasons for the finding that children who learned english before starting school were more likely to stutter than those who reportedly began learning english when they began school in london, england? ( see packman, et al, 2009 letter to the editor and howell et al. ' s reply. ) there are four other, older studies that have led some people to conclude that bilingualism is too great a strain for children who stutter. in each case, these studies have serious flaws that make it impossible to draw any conclusions from them. travis, johnson and shover ( 1937 ) asked people with no training in communication disorders ( such as priests and steel company personnel directors ) to talk to young children and classify them as stuttering or not stuttering based on one interview. stern ( 1948 ) interviewed children if their parents reported that they stuttered. in both these studies, we have little information about the type of speech sample obtained, how long it was or how the disfluencies were counted. applying current standards to these studies, they would not be accepted for publication. dale ( 1977 ) reported that four cuban - american teenagers reported feeling that being made to speak their weaker language made them more disfluent. most bilinguals have a stronger and a weaker language. for these teens, their first language - spanish - was their weaker language, since so much of their lives at school and with friends took place in english, their second language. this study " blames " bilingualism. but we have no information about real disfluency rates across different situations, and dale does not distinguish between normal disfluencies and tense, stuttered disfluencies. there are studies showing that


study " blames " bilingualism. but we have no information about real disfluency rates across different situations, and dale does not distinguish between normal disfluencies and tense, stuttered disfluencies. there are studies showing that, in adults, the memory load of speaking in their weaker language may lead to a higher number of normal disfluencies ( ums, uh ' s, revisions ) in the weaker language than in the preferred language ( e. g., fehringer & fry, 2007 ). perhaps that is all that was happening in this study. dale offers no data to support the notion that any of the four adolescents, in fact, stuttered. karniol ( 1992 ) described how stuttering appeared to increase and decrease in a young boy whose environment included exposure to various levels of english, hebrew, and hungarian during an extremely tense time that included a war going on around him. with the information provided, we cannot tell what his real level of exposure to each language was ( siblings, friends, parents etc. ) and whether his parents ' attempts to expose him to only hebrew had any impact on what is described as a recovery from stuttering. the parents ' diaries cover a period of approximately one year ( age 2 to age 3 ) when the boy was in the age group where the chances of spontaneous recovery from stuttering are very, very high. there is ( still ) no clinical research to support the strategy of removing one language from a child ' s environment. recent reviews of the literature do not find support for doing this routinely for all children ( e. g., bernstein ratner, 2004 ; roberts & shenker, 2007 ; van borsel, maes & foulon, 2001 ). some clinicians do this, however, if they work in a demands and capacities framework or if the child also has delayed language and / or problems learning the speech sounds of his / her language. until there is solid evidence on the impact of bilingualism in young children ( i. e. a series of studies, done by different authors, ideally on different types of speakers and different pairs of languages ), each clinician is left to try a particular strategy and assess its impact on a case by case basis. mystery 4 : do some bilingual people stutter in only one language? as of 2010, i am still not aware of any documented case of this occurring. like the loch ness monster, there are reported sightings from time to time, but no real proof that this is possible.


k., & ritchie, w. c. ( 2006 ). introduction. in t. k. bhatia & w. c. ritchie ( eds. ) the handbook of bilingualism ( pp. 1 - 2 ), oxford : blackwell publishing. dale, p. ( 1977 ). factors relating to disfluent speech in bilingual cuban - american adolescents. journal of fluency disorders, 2, 311 - 314. fehringer, c., & fry, c. ( 2007 ). hesitation phenomena in the language production of bilingual speakers. folia linguistica, 41, 37 - 72. howell, p., davis, s. williams, r. ( 2009 ). the effects of bilingualism on stuttering during late childhood. archives of disease in childhood, 94, 42 - 46 karniol, r. ( 1992 ). stuttering out of bilingualism. first language, 12, 255 - 283. packman, a., onslow, m., reilly, s. et al. ( 2009 ). stuttering and bilingualism. archives of disease in childhood, 94, 248. ( a letter to the editor re the howell, davis and williams study ) roberts, p. m. & shenker, r. c. ( 2007 ). assessment and treatment of stuttering in bilingual speakers. in r. f. curlee & e. g. conture ( eds ). stuttering and related disorders of fluency 3rd edition ( pp. 183 - 209 ). new york : thieme medical publishers. stern, e. ( 1948 ). a preliminary study of bilingualism and stuttering in four johannesburg schools. journal of logopedics, 1, 15 - 25. travis, l. e., johnson, w., & shover, j. ( 1937 ). the relation of bilingualism to stuttering : a survey in the east chicago, indiana, schools. journal of speech disorders, 12, 185 - 189. van borsel, j. maes, e., & foulon, s. ( 2001 ). stuttering and bilingualism : a review. journal of fluency disorders, 26, 179 - 205.


memory loss ( amnesia ) is unusual forgetfulness. you may not be able to remember new events, recall one or more memories of the past, or both. forgetfulness ; amnesia ; impaired memory ; loss of memory ; amnestic syndrome normal aging may cause some forgetfullness. it ' s normal to have some trouble learning new material, or needing more time to remember it. however, normal aging does not lead to dramatic memory loss. such memory loss is due to other diseases. sometimes, memory loss may be seen with depression. it can be hard to tell the difference between memory loss and confusion due to depression. some types of memory loss may cause you to forget recent or new events, past or remote events, or both. you may forget memories from a single event, or all events. memory loss may cause you to have trouble learning new information or forming new memories. the memory loss may be temporary ( transient ), or permanent. memory loss can be caused by many different things. to determine a cause, your doctor or nurse will ask if the problem came on suddenly or slowly. many areas of the brain help you create and retrieve memories. a problem in any of these areas can lead to memory loss. causes of memory loss include : alcohol or use of illicit drugs not enough oxygen to the brain ( heart stopped, stopped breathing, complications from anesthesia ) brain growths ( caused by tumors or infection ) brain infections such as lyme disease, syphilis, or hiv / aids a person with memory loss needs a lot of support. it helps to show them familiar objects, music, or photos. write down when the person should take any medication or complete any other important tasks. it is important to write it down. if a person needs help with everyday tasks, or safety or nutrition is a concern, you may want to consider extended care facilities, such as a nursing home. what to expect at your health care provider ' s office the doctor or nurse will perform a physical exam and ask questions about the person ' s medical history and symptoms. this will almost always include asking questions of family members and friends. they should come to the appointment. medical history questions may include : can the person remember recent events ( is there impaired short - term memory )? can the person remember events from further in the past ( is there impaired long - term memory )? is there a loss of memory about events that occurred before a specific experience ( anterograde amnesia )? is there a loss of memory about events that occurred soon after a specific


this approach, specially trained student mediators work with their peers to resolve conflicts. mediation programs reduce the use of traditional disciplinary actions such as suspension, detention, and expulsion ; encourage effective problem solving ; decrease the need for teacher involvement in student conflicts ; and improve school climate. an example of a peer mediation program is we can work it out, developed by the national institute for citizenship education in the law and the national crime prevention council. the program promotes mediation, negotiation, or other non - litigating methods as strategies to settle unresolved confrontations and fighting. one albuquerque elementary school principal reported, " we were having 100 to 150 fights every month on the playground before we started the new mexico center for dispute resolution ' s mediation in the schools program. by the end of the school year, we were having maybe 10 ( fights ). " other elementary schools using the same peer mediation approach to conflict resolution education reported that playground fighting had been reduced to such an extent that peer mediators found themselves out of a job. process curriculum approach teachers who devote a specific time - - a separate course, a distinct curriculum, or a daily lesson - - to the principles, foundation abilities, and problem - solving processes of conflict resolution are implementing the process curriculum approach. the program for young negotiators, based on the harvard negotiation project, is representative of this approach. participating students, teachers, and administrators are taught how to use principled negotiation to achieve goals and resolve disputes. this type of negotiation helps disputants envision scenarios and generate options for achieving results that satisfy both sides. in a north carolina middle school with more than 700 students, conflict resolution education was initiated. the school used the peace foundation ' s fighting fair curriculum and a combination of components from various conflict resolution projects. after a school year, in - school suspensions decreased from 52 to 30 incidents ( a 42 - percent decrease ), and out - of - school suspensions decreased from 40 incidents to 1 ( a 97 - percent decrease ). peaceable classroom approach the peaceable classroom approach integrates conflict resolution into the curriculum and daily management of the classroom. it uses the instructional methods of cooperative learning and " academic controversy. " the educators for social responsibility curriculum, making choices about conflict, security, and peacemaking, is a peaceable classroom approach to conflict resolution. the program shows teachers how to integrate conflict resolution into the curriculum, classroom management, and discipline practices. it emphasizes opportunities to practice cooperation, appreciation of diversity, and caring and effective communication. generally, peaceable classrooms are


detriment of the king ' s person or the constitutional monarchy then in power. the circular also stated that action would be taken against any professor who so indulges in such political or religious meditations - - i. e., expulsion from the university. the minister ' s recommendations were no mere recommendations. the result of all this was the removal of several professors from their faculty chairs. among them was the future founder of the institute, francisco giner de los rios. for not adhering to the state ' s demands, he was arrested in march 1875, at 4 : 00 in the morning, and spent four months confinement until he was finally expelled from the university. the principle in question was clearly one of academic freedom. the state, however, saw the " university question " ( " cuestion universitaria " ) from another angle : that is, the university and its faculties were no more than instruments of the government ' s policies and, therefore, were obligated to conform to the state ' s instructions and directives. the professors were, in effect, civil servants ( and still are today ). this, then, is the historical and educational background to the founding of the institucion libre de ensenanza, the institute, in 1876. the institucion libre de ensenanza perhaps the most significant point to be made about the institute ' s existence is the profound and far - reaching, if diffuse, influence of its founder, francisco giner de los rios, a professor of philosophy of law at the university of madrid. it was largely don francisco ' s attractive and vibrant personality which held the institute together and proved to be the prime mover of the school. all the accounts of don francisco by friends, former students, disciplines, and fellow professors stress the very personal and individual effect of the man. this is not to deny the cogency of his ideas and methods of teaching but simply to make clear that, with don francisco, abstractions were made concrete in his very person ; that is, through him and his relations with men and women, he incarnated his own beliefs. one friend had this to say about him as a teacher at the time of his death in 1915 : what was the secret of his teaching? did he reveal anything new? or was it that everything was transformed at the touch of his powerful creative imagination? the secret lay as much in the form as in the substance. as a teacher, he brought us something that was the complete opposite of the old methods ;


do more than mention here the historic interdependence of church and state in spain. the credo of the institute, which appeared regularly on the masthead of its publication, the bulletin of the free institute of education ( el boletin de la institucion libre de ensenanza ) was as follows : the free institute of education is completely opposed to religious, philosophical and political sectarianism, proclaiming only the principle of liberty and the inviolability of science and the concomitant independence of scientific research and explanation, with regard to any other authority than that of the conscience itself of the professor, who is alone responsible for his ideas. ( cited by a. jimenez - landi, " don francisco giner de los rios y la institucion libre de ensenanza, " revista hispanica moderna, v. 25, nos. 1, 2, 1959, p. 16 ). because spain ' s educational history had been one of bickering and divisiveness between the demands of the state and the private sector, and conflict between the precepts of the church and needs of science, with religion usually dominating over science, don francisco abhorred dogmatic, closed positions. he fervently believed in tolerance. it was not, however, mere intellectual benevolence which motivated don francisco. rather, it was an ethical, moral stance, a way of life, which he wanted to instill in his pupils, the " institutionists. " a follower of giner de los rios, jose castillejo, has written that, for don francisco, " the two greatest forces in education are : the personality of the teacher and the social atmosphere and surroundings of the school " ( wars of ideas in spain, london, 1937, p. 97 ). we have already seen in the magnetic power of don francisco ' s teaching itself the importance of the teacher ' s personality. what about the ambience of the school? here, one sees right away to what extent don francisco and his disciples felt compelled to move away from the current, i. e., antiquated and rigid teaching methods and atmosphere of both public and private schools in spain. first, the classroom should be informal, akin to familial surroundings. the teacher should not merely dictate or lecture, but rather converse, using whatever approach or combination of approaches worked best, starting with the socratic dialogue. no one method was to be used, to the exclusion of


familial surroundings. the teacher should not merely dictate or lecture, but rather converse, using whatever approach or combination of approaches worked best, starting with the socratic dialogue. no one method was to be used, to the exclusion of all others. the teacher was a guide, the pupils a family. a small family. classes were to be kept small. and coeducational ( primary and secondary education in spain today is not coeducational. ) cordiality and the spirit of discovery were the key words at the institute. don francisco aimed at dispelling not only the fear and horror of school, such as we have seen in pereda ' s reminiscences, but the passivity with which most students received their education. the original intent of the institute was to create an alternative to the higher education of official spain, but the desire was not to be met. it was quickly found to be beyond the resources of the institute which suffered from chronic insufficiency of funds from its inception. instead, the school evolved into an institution of primary and secondary education. since most students entering a spanish university were ill - prepared to meet its demands, the " institutionists " felt that a solid intellectual, moral, physical and spiritual background given in the primary and secondary levels of education was an a priori necessity. what was taught at the institute besides the traditional subjects required by the state _ _ _ curriculum included anthropology, technology, social sciences, economics, art, drawing, singing, and handwork. most of these subjects were generally neglected in state and church - run schools of the period. most remembered and most significant are the innovations carried out in the arts and in physical education, and the frequent excursions. first, art. " institutionists, " for the most part, tried to avoid systematic and highly structured courses in art and art history. instead, they emphasized such activities as excursions to historical monuments and places and visits to museums. such an unorthodox procedure was unheard - of in nineteenth - century spain. rather than mere lessons, the institute stressed the actual, vivid experiencing of art as much as possible. like the literary generation of 1898, they also, in a sense, rediscovered spain ' s cultural heritage, by extolling the value of spanish folklore, architecture and painting. it was, for example, a disciple of don francisco, manuel de cossio, who rediscovered the forgotten and neglected el greco for spaniards and the rest of the world. one of the most


whole of the institute ' s education, the entire atmosphere of the institute, was permeated with this spiritualization of man and the universe. it does not take too much imagination to see that the institute would not be without enemies. the ideological dichotomy between left and right, progressive and traditionalist, in spain immediately polarized the significance of the institute. it was the product of the devil for some ; the only hope and salvation in spain for others. the institute itself fell, one more victim, to the ravages of spain ' s civil war in 1936. yet, looked at dispassionately, the institute ' s openness to ideas and influences from the rest of europe, its undogmatic approach to education and to life itself, could not help but bring a breath of fresh air to the closed and narrow society of nineteenth - century spain. if it perhaps erred too much in the direction of intellectual anarchy and placed too much confidence in the innate goodness of man, the institute ' s efforts at raising the moral and intellectual level of spaniards became an all - pervasive influence in many institutions, both public and private, in government circles, in business. the institute was " much more than a school. " it was an atmosphere of intellectual and moral enlightenment ; and a belief in the regeneration of spain.


below are the first 10 and last 10 pages of uncorrected machine - read text ( when available ) of this chapter, followed by the top 30 algorithmically extracted key phrases from the chapter as a whole. intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter - representative searchable text on the opening pages of each chapter. because it is uncorrected material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages. do not use for reproduction, copying, pasting, or reading ; exclusively for search engines. ocr for page 1 summary a new perspective hazards of modern life surround us and so, too, does commu - nication about the risks of those hazards. news reports describe such hazards as pollutants in the air and in drinking water, pes - ticide residues in food, threats from radiation and toxic chemicals, and atds. government and industry also send out messages about hazards and their risks, sometimes directly to the populace but more often through intermediaries, such as the print and broadcast media. risk messages are difficult to formulate in ways that are accurate, clear, and not rn ~ steading. one reads, for example, that " radon risk can equal or exceed the 2 % o risk of death in an auto accident,... for anyone who lives 20 years at levels exceeding about 25 picocuries per liter " ( kerr, 1988 ~. this statement places an unfamiliar risk ( radon exposure in homes ) in juxtaposition to a more familiar risk ( death in an auto accident ), which may help people understand the magnitude of this unfamiliar risk. but this simple comparison may be misleading because it does not specify the respective levels of exposure, leaves out potentially relevant nonlethal consequences, and uses language ( picocuries per liter ) unfamiliar to most people. this report addresses these and other problems confronting risk communication. 1 ocr for page 2 2 improving risk communication risk messages can be controversial for many reasons. the haz - ards they describe are often themselves centers of controversy. fre - quently, there is enough uncertainty in the underlying knowledge to allow different experts to draw contradictory conclusions. experts are frequently accused of hiding their subjective preferences behind technical jargon and complex, so - called objective analyses. often a message that is precise and accurate must be so complex that only an expert can understand it. messages that nonexperts can under - stand necessarily present selected information and are thus subject to challenge


. common misconceptions about rise communication several important misconceptions need to be dispelled before the real problems of risk communication can be addressed. con - trary to what some think, there is no single overriding problem and thus no simple way of making risk communication easy. risk mes - sages necessarily compress technical information, which can lead to misunderstanding, confusion, and distrust. many people including some scientists, decision makers, and members of the public - have unrealistic expectations about what can be accomplished by risk communication. for example, it is mistaken to expect improved risk communication to always reduce conflict and smooth risk management. risk management decisions that benefit some citizens can harm others. in addition, people do not all share common interests and values, so better understanding may not lead to consensus about controversial issues or to uniform personal behavior. but even though good risk communication cannot always be expected to improve a situation, poor risk communication will nearly always make it worse. it is also mistaken to think, as some do, that if people understood and used risk comparisons it would be easy for them to make decisions. comparing risks can help people comprehend the unfamiliar magnitudes associated with risks, but risk comparison alone cannot establish levels of acceptable risk or ensure systematic minimization of risk. factors other than the level of risk - such as the voluntariness of exposure to the hazard and the degree of dread associated with the consequences must be considered in determining the acceptability of risk associated with a particular activity or phenomenon. some risk communication problems derive from mistaken beliefs about scientific research on the nature of how risks are assessed and managed and on risk communication itself. scientific information, for example, cannot be expected to resolve all important risk issues. all too often research that would answer the question has not been done or the results are disputed. although a great deal of research has been done on the dissemination and preparation of risk messages, ocr for page 4 4 improving risk communication there has been much less attention devoted to the risk communication process. in addition, even when valid scientific data are available, experts are unlikely to agree completely about the meaning of these data for risk management decisions. finally, it is unrealistic to expect easy identification and understanding of the values, preferences, and information needs of the intended recipients of risk messages. other misconceptions involve stereotypes about the way inter - mediaries and recipients react to risk messages. it is mistaken, for example, to view journalists and the media always as significant, independent causes of problems in risk communication.


of risk messages. other misconceptions involve stereotypes about the way inter - mediaries and recipients react to risk messages. it is mistaken, for example, to view journalists and the media always as significant, independent causes of problems in risk communication. rather, the problem is often at the interface between science and journalism. both sides need to better understand the pressures and constraints of the other instead of complaining about the sometimes disappointing results. scientists and risk managers should recognize the importance of the part journalists play in identifying disputes and maintaining the flow of information during resolution of conflicts ; journalists need to understand how to frame the technical and social dimensions of risk issues. it is also important to recognize the differences between the broadcast ant! the print media and between the national and the regional or local press corps. finally, even though most people prefer simplicity to complex - ity, it is mistaken to expect the public to want simple, cut - and - dried answers as to what to do in every case. the public is not homoge - neous. people diner in the degree to which they exercise control over exposure to hazards or remediation of undesirable consequences, the importance they attach to various consequences, and their tendency to be risk averse or risk seeking. often at least part of the public seeks considerable information about the risks they face. problems of risk communication we distinguish two major types of problems in risk communica - tion. problems deriving from institutional and political systems are problems for which little can be done beyond trying to understand them by those involved in risk communication. nevertheless, these problems can have a considerable impact on actions and events. problems of risk communicators and recipients can be addressed more directly and are therefore more amenable to improvement or solution. ocr for page 5 summary 5 problems deriving mom the institutional and political systems several kinds of legal considerations, including statutory man - dates, liability, and informed consent and " right - to - know " require - ments, influence the options available to risk managers and thus the content of their risk messages. these considerations generally either limit the possible responses to the risk in question or require that certain actions be taken in given circumstances. for example, some - times statutes require consideration of certain factors ( the federal insecticide, fungicide, and rodenticide act explicitly includes con - sideration of economic benefits ) or the exclusion of others ( the clean water act specifies that the best available technology should be used regardless of the financial burden imposed ). although not necessar - il


, and rodenticide act explicitly includes con - sideration of economic benefits ) or the exclusion of others ( the clean water act specifies that the best available technology should be used regardless of the financial burden imposed ). although not necessar - ily problems as such, these considerations often constitute important influences on risk messages and risk communication processes. it is often difficult to understand why risk messages appear as they do without consideration of these factors. communicating with citizens about risks can increase their desire to participate in or otherwise influence decisions about the control of those risks, thereby making risk management even more cumber - some. the interests of citizens and their motivation to participate in the political process can introduce difficult challenges when the implementation of risk control measures is necessarily decentralized and local preferences ( generally to avoid exposure to a particular risk ) preclude solutions in the broader interest. many hazardous waste facilities operate under these pressures. divided authority, not only among congress, the executive branch, and the courts at the federal level but also among federal, state, and local or regional jurisdictions, creates incentives for each actor to gain as much leverage as possible from the limited portion he or she controls. such fragmentation makes communicating about risks harder because it makes government regulation and risk reduc - tion programs more complex and makes it more difficult to determine who is responsible for the eventual outcomes. government and industry spend large amounts of money on research, and thus their concerns are usually well reflected in the information developed by that research. individuals and citizens ' groups do not usually have the financial resources to fund research and thus do not enjoy this sort of access to information and influence over its generation. if a group of people that a risk corr ~ municator is trying to reach feels that the system for generating information relied ocr for page 6 6 improving risk communication upon by that source does not consider the group ' s concerns, it may reject the information from that source as a basis for decisions about risks. it is reasonable to speculate that this may, in part, explain why it is so difficult to affect young people ' s attitudes and behavior about drugs and the aids epidemic the information presented is based on facts that they do not consider very important in the face of their immediate concerns of peer pressure and personal image. there also may be systematic biases in the provision of informa - tion. those most strongly motivated to communicate about risk are often also those with the ' strongest interest in the decision. when - ever a personal or social decision affects interested groups or organi - zations


biases in the provision of informa - tion. those most strongly motivated to communicate about risk are often also those with the ' strongest interest in the decision. when - ever a personal or social decision affects interested groups or organi - zations, conflicting messages reflecting the interests of those groups or organizations may be expected. the u. s. environmental protec - tion agency administrator ' s statement in 1984 that edb ( ethylene dibromide ) ' contamination was a tong - term health problem being ade - quately handled by tolerance guidelines, for example, was in the news at about the same time that public health officials in massachusetts and florida were removing grain products with edb contamination from grocery store shelves. experts from the food industry joined in, downplaying the risks, while scientists from environmental groups criticized the government ' s inaction. the beliefs, predispositions, and interests of risk communicators and the groups they represent create incentives to slant, or even distort or misrepresent, informa - tion. this can skew messages in many different directions on the same issue. problems of risk communicators and recipients the problems encountered by the sources and recipients of risk messages center on the following topics : establishing and recognizing credibility, making the messages understandable, preparing messages in an emergency, capturing and focusing attention, and getting in - formation. lack of credibility alters the communication process by adding distrust and acrimony. the most important factors affecting the credibility of a source and its messages relate to the accuracy of the messages and the legitimacy of the process by which the contents were determined, as perceived by the recipients. recipients ' views about the accuracy of a message are adversely affected by ( 1 ) real or perceived advocacy by the source of a position in the message that is not consistent with a careful assessment of the facts ; ( 2 ) ocr for page 7 summary 7 a reputation for deceit, misrepresentation, or coercion on the part, ~. positions taken by the source that do not support the current message ; ( 4 ) self - serving framing of information in the message ; ( 5 ) contradictory messages from other credible sources ; and ( 6 ) actual or perceived professional incompetence or impropriety on the part of the source. the perceived legitimacy of the process by which the contents of a message were determined depends on ( 1 ) the legal standing of the source with respect to the risks addressed ; ( 2 ) the justification provided for


impropriety on the part of the source. the perceived legitimacy of the process by which the contents of a message were determined depends on ( 1 ) the legal standing of the source with respect to the risks addressed ; ( 2 ) the justification provided for the communication program ; ( 3 ) the access afforded affected parties to the decision - making process ; and ( 4 ) the degree to which conflicting claims are given fair and balanced review. ideally, risk information should use language and concepts re - cipients already understand. it is difficult to present scientific and technical information that uses everyday language and magnitudes common in ordinary experience and that is sensitive to such psycho - togical needs on the part of recipients as the desire for clear, decisive answers or the fear of the unfamiliar and unknown. sometimes risk communicators must disseminate messages when there are not enough relevant data to allow them to draw satisfactory conclusions and there is no time to obtain better information. this usually occurs when an emergency requires that action be taken im - mediately or not at all or when events lead to requests for information prior to the completion of study or analysis. many things compete with risk messages for attention, and it is often difficult to get the intended recipients to attend to the issues the risk communicator thinks are important. from the risk com - municator ' s standpoint, there are two aspects of this : stimulating the attention of the ultimate recipient and interacting with the news media and other intermediaries. there are, of course, several differ - ent ways that messages can reach the final recipients : face - to - face ( physician to patient, friend to friend, within the family ), in groups ( work sites, ciassrooms ), through professional or volunteer organi - zations ( american medical association, red cross ), through the mass media ( radio, television, magazines, newspapers, direct mail, billboards ), and through community service agencies ( at libraries, hospitals, mails, fairs ). recipients of risk messages may have difficulty deciding which issues to attend to or what to do because they cannot get information from officials and other message sources that satisfactorily answers their questions. this can happen when authorities do not listen of the source ; t3 ) previous statements or ocr for page 8 8 improving risk co ~ unication and therefore do not provide what the recipient considers relevant information or because the individual is unable to find a trusted source or interpreter of already available information. conclusions and recommendations in formulating recommendations we focused


ocr for page 8 8 improving risk co ~ unication and therefore do not provide what the recipient considers relevant information or because the individual is unable to find a trusted source or interpreter of already available information. conclusions and recommendations in formulating recommendations we focused on the preparation and dissemination of formal risk messages to audiences that include nonexperts and on only two of the many types of risk - managing organizations : government agencies and large private corporations. nevertheless, our recommendations are intended to attack the prob - lems of recipients of risk messages as well. the goal cannot be only to make those who disseminate formal risk messages more effective by improving their credibility, understandability, and so on. such an approach might serve their interests, but it could well degrade the overall quality of risk communication if it merely meant that they could advance their viewpoints with greater influence. risk commu - nication can be improved only if recipients are also helped to solve their problems at the same time. the risk communication process usually with many messages from many sources - can be considered successful only to the extent that it, first, improves or increases the base of accurate information that decision makers use, be they government officials, industry man - agers, or individual citizens, and, second, satisfies those involved that they are adequately informed within the limits of available knowi - edge. this does not always result in the responses a particular source might wish, nor does it always lead to consensus about controver - sial issues or to uniform personal behavior. people do not all share common interests and values, and so better understanding will not necessarily lead them all to the same conclusion. improving risk communication is therefore more than merely crafting " better messages. " risk communication procedures as well as risk message content must be improved. because risk communi - cation is so tightly linked to the management of risks, solutions to the problems of risk communication often entail changes in risk man - agement and risk analysis. once the constraints, limitations, and incentives affecting the preparation and dissemination of messages - as well as how these factors become manifest in what we call the risk communication process - are understood, improvements can be implemented. ocr for page 9 summary. ",. ·. 9 this is not to imply, however, that there is a single shortcut to improving the nation ' s risk communication efforts. the needed improvement can come only incrementally and only from careful attention to many details. risk managers need to consider risk com - munication as


however, that there is a single shortcut to improving the nation ' s risk communication efforts. the needed improvement can come only incrementally and only from careful attention to many details. risk managers need to consider risk com - munication as an important and integral aspect of risk management. four sets of recommendations are presented : ( 1 ) recommenda - tions that pertain to the processes that source organizations use to generate decisions, knowledge, and risk messages ; ( 2 ) recommenda - tions that pertain to the content of individual risk messages ; ( 3 ) a call for a " consumer ' s guide " that will enhance the ability of other groups or individuals to understand and participate in risk manage - ment activities ; and ( 4 ) a brief summary of research needs. two broad themes run through the process and content recom - mendations. the first is the recognition that risk communication efforts should be more systematically oriented to the intended au - diences. the most effective risk messages are those that quite self - consciously address the audiences ' perspectives and concerns. the second is that openness is the surest policy. a central premise of democratic government the existence of an informed electorate - implies a free flow of information. suppression of relevant infor - mation is not only wrong but also, over the longer term, usually ineffective.. management of the process we identified four process objectives that are key elements in improving risk communication : ( 1 ) goal setting, ( 2 ) openness, ( 3 ) balance, and ( 4 ) competence. setting realistic goals risk communication activities ought to be matters of conscious design. practical goals should be established that explicitly accom - modate the political / legal mandates and constraints bounding the process and the roles of the potential recipients of the organization ' s risk messages, on the one hand, and clearly show the contribution to improved understanding of issues and actions on the other. ex - plicit consideration of such factors encourages realistic expectations, clarification of motives and objectives ( both within the source orga - nization and among outside groups and individuals ), and evaluation of performance. ocr for page 10 10 safeguarding openness improving risk communication risk communication should be a two - way street. organizations that communicate about risks should ensure effective dialogue with potentially affected outsiders. this two - way process should exhibit ( 1 ) a spirit of open exchange in a common undertaking rather than a series of " canned " briefings restricted to technical " nonemotional " issues and ( 2 ) early and


dialogue with potentially affected outsiders. this two - way process should exhibit ( 1 ) a spirit of open exchange in a common undertaking rather than a series of " canned " briefings restricted to technical " nonemotional " issues and ( 2 ) early and sustained interchange that includes the media and other message intermediaries. openness does not ordinarily, however ' imply empowerment to determine the host organization ' s risk management decisions. to avoid misunderstanding, the limits of participation should be made clear from the outset. safeguarding balance and accuracy in risk messages in order to help ensure that risk messages are not distorted and do not appear to be distorted, those who manage the generation of risk assessments and risk messages should ( 1 ) hold the preparers of messages accountable for detecting and reducing distortion ; ( 2 ) consider review by recognized independent experts of the underly - ing assessment and, when feasible, the message ; ( 3 ) subject draft messages, if possible, to outside preview to determine if audiences detect any overlooked distortions ; and ( 4 ) prepare and release for comment a " white paper " on the risk assessment and risk reduction assessment. fostering competence risk managers need to use procedures that incorporate two dis - tinct types of expertise : on the risk subject matter ( e. g., carcinogenic risk, occupational safety ) and on risk communication. organizations that communicate about risk should take steps to ensure that the preparation of risk messages becomes a deliberate, specialized under - taking, taking care that in the process they do not sacrifice scientific quality. such steps include ( 1 ) deliberately considering the makeup of the intended audience and demonstrating how the choice of me - dia and message reflects an understanding of the audience and its concerns ; ( 2 ) attracting appropriate communications specialists and training technical staff in communications ; ( 3 ) requiring systematic assurance that substantive risk experts within the organization have ocr for page 11 summary 11 a voice in producing accurate assessments and the derivative risk message ; ( 4 ) establishing a thoughtful program of evaluating the past performance of risk communication efforts ; and ( 5 ) ensuring that their organizations improve their understanding of the roles of intermediaries, particularly media reporters and editors, including an understanding of the factors that make a risk story newsworthy, of the practical time and space constraints, and of the limited technical background of most media personnel. risk communication in crisis conditions the process for risk communication in crisis conditions requires special care. risk managers should ensure that ( l ) where there is a foreseeable potential for emergency, advance plans for communica - tion


of most media personnel. risk communication in crisis conditions the process for risk communication in crisis conditions requires special care. risk managers should ensure that ( l ) where there is a foreseeable potential for emergency, advance plans for communica - tion are drafted, and ( 2 ) there is provision for coordinating among the various authorities that might be involved and, to the extent feasible, a single place where the public and the media can obtain authoritative and current information. content of risk messages we identified four generic issues that have been the source of difficulty in the past over a broad range of risk communication efforts : ( 1 ) audience orientation, ( 2 ) uncertainty, ( 3 ) risk comparisons, and ( 4 ) completeness. relating the message to the audiences ' perspectives 7 risk messages should closely reflect the perspectives ' technical capacity, and concerns of the target audiences. a message should ( 1 ) emphasize information relevant to any practical actions that in - dividuals can take ; ( 2 ) be couched in clear and plain language ; ( 3 ) respect the audience and its concerns ; and ( 4 ) seek to inform the recipient, unless conditions clearly warrant the use of influencing techniques. one of the most difficult issues in risk communication in a democratic society is the extent to which public officials should attempt to influence individuals that is, to go beyond merely in - form ~ ng them concerning risks and such risk - reducing actions as quitting smoking. ocr for page 12 12 handling uncertainty improving risk communication risk messages and supporting materials should not minimize the existence of uncertainty. data gaps and areas of significant disagreement among experts should be disclosed. some indication of the level of confidence of estimates and the significance of scientific uncertainty should be conveyed. comparing risks risk comparisons can be helpful, but they should be presented with caution. comparison must be seen as only one of several inputs to risk decisions, not as the primary determinant. there are proven pitfalls when risks of diverse character are compared, especially when the intent of the comparison can be seen as that of rn ~ nimizing a risk ( by equating it to a seemingly trivial one ). more useful are comparisons of risks that help convey the magnitude of a particular risk estimate, that occur in the same decision context ( e. g., risks from flying and driving to a given destination ), and that have a similar outcome. multiple comparisons may avoid some of the worst pitfalls. more work needs to be done to develop constructive and helpful forms of risk comparison. ensuring completeness a complete information base would contain


driving to a given destination ), and that have a similar outcome. multiple comparisons may avoid some of the worst pitfalls. more work needs to be done to develop constructive and helpful forms of risk comparison. ensuring completeness a complete information base would contain five types of infor - mation : ( 1 ) on the nature of the risk, ( 2 ) on the nature of the benefits that might be changed if risk were reduced, ( 3 ) on the avail - able alternatives, ( 4 ) on uncertainty in knowledge about risks and benefits, and ( 5 ) on management issues. there are major advantages in putting the information base into written form as an adjunct to the risk message. a consumer ' s guide to risk and risk commnnication major government and private organizations that sustain risk communication efforts should jointly fund the development of a con - sumer ' s guide to risk and risk communication. the purpose of this guide would be to articulate key terms, concepts, and trade - offs in risk communication and risk management for the lay audience, to ocr for page 13 summary 13 help audiences discern rn ~ sleading and incomplete information, and to facilitate the needed general participation in risk issues. such a guide should ( 1 ) involve support from, but not control by, the fed - eral government and other sources of risk messages ; ( 2 ) be under the editorial control of a group that is clearly oriented toward the recipients of risk messages and under administrative management by an organization that is known for its independence and familiarity with lay perspectives and that can undertake the needed outreach and public information effort ; and ( 3 ) cover subjects such as the nature of risk communication, concepts of zero risk and comparative risk, evaluation of risk messages, and others designated by project participants. research needs as a result of our cleliberations, we have identified nine research topics for attention : ( 1 ) risk comparison, ( 2 ) risk characterization, ( 3 ) role of message intermediaries, ( 4 ) pertinency and sufficiency of risk information, ( 5 ) psychological stress, ( 6 ) the " mental models " of recipients, ( 7 ) risk literacy, ( 8 ) retrospective case studies of risk communication, and ( 9 ) contemporaneous assessment of risk man - agement and risk communication. two criteria guided their selection : ( 1 ) that additional knowledge would lead to material improvement in risk communication practices and ( 2 ) that creation of such knowi - edge is likely given past results and current research methods. we have not assigned


did you ever stop to consider just how a volcano works? of course it is only theory for no one has as yet dissected a volcano while it was active to observe and tabulate the reactions of its inner self. rainier is a volcanic cone and no doubt it came into being in this manner. first at a depth below the surface of the earth in some long, forgotten time the magma or molten rock presed toward the surface possibly throuhg some fracture in the outer crust. with these rising lavas there was also much gas that advanced ahead of the lava and thus both the gas and the lava pressed toward the surface gradually accumulating force and power under the pressure as its advance was hindered by the solid material above. and then finally this flow of motlen rock and gases achieved enogh power to burst through the surface. first, possibly, there was an explosive action as the gases burst upward and this was followed by more quiet flows of the lavas that welled out over the surface and inundated, in succeeding eruptions and lava flows, over 100 square miles of surrounding country which is the area of " the mountain ' s " great base. and in that manner eruptions followed one another when the pressure within the throat of this fire mountain achieved enough power to burst through the " plug " of hardened lavas which solidified after each flow. rainier hasn ' t been active for several thousands of years and there is apparently little chance of its becoming active again but it stands today - a magnificent volcanic shaft, its flanks glistening with the greatest glacial system in continentaly united states, - a monument to nature ' s power in its wildest moods. | < < < previous | | > cover < |


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july 24, 2009 mark s. blumberg is professor and starch faculty fellow at the university of iowa. his books include the oxford handbook of developmental behavioral neuroscience, body heat : temperature and life on earth, and basic instinct : the genesis of behavior. he is editor - in - chief of the journal behavioral neuroscience, and president of the international society for developmental psychobiology. his newest book is freaks of nature : what anomalies tell us about development and evolution. in this conversation with d. j. grothe, mark blumberg describes how he became interested in " freaks of nature " as a way to question prevailing concepts within biology regarding genes, instincts, and pre - formed abilities. he talks about why he sees genetic determinism as " action at a distance thinking, " and why he thinks it is similar to creationist views, and describes both as " magical ways of thinking about nature. " he explains epigenetics. he describes how certain non - genetic factors that shape behavior may be inherited from one generation to the next. he discusses " sexual freaks " and sexual ambiguity in nature, and shows how in many ways, it is the norm in nature. he predicts the extinction of creationist thinking, and talks about how freaks of nature are a missed opportunity for those science advocates battling intelligent design and creationism, even as he also criticizes belief in " evolution ' s design " and " magical genes. " he contrasts his views with those of evolutionary psychology as regards brain development. and he responds to notable critics of his views, such as jerry coyne. books mentioned in this episode : basic instinct : the genesis of behavior mark s. blumberg february 27, 2009


nov. 27, 2009 physicists from the japanese - led multi - national t2k neutrino collaboration have just announced that over the weekend they detected the first neutrino events generated by their newly built neutrino beam at the j - parc ( japan proton accelerator research complex ) accelerator laboratory in tokai, japan. protons from the 30 - gev main ring synchrotron were directed onto a carbon target, where their collisions produced charged particles called pions. these pions travelled through a helium - filled volume where they decayed to produce a beam of the elusive particles called neutrinos. these neutrinos then flew 200 metres through the earth to a sophisticated detector system capable of making detailed measurements of their energy, direction, and type. the data from the complex detector system is still being analysed, but the physicists have seen at least 3 neutrino events, in line with the expectation based on the current beam and detector performance. this detection therefore marks the beginning of the operational phase of the t2k experiment, a 474 - physicist, 13 - nation collaboration to measure new properties of the ghostly neutrino. neutrinos interact only weakly with matter, and thus pass effortlessly through the earth ( and mostly through the detectors! ). neutrinos exist in three types, called electron, muon, and tau ; linked by particle interactions to their more familiar charged cousins like the electron. measurements over the last few decades, notably by the super kamiokande and kamland neutrino experiments in western japan, have shown that neutrinos possess the strange property of neutrino oscillations, whereby one type of neutrino will turn into another as they propagate through space. neutrino oscillations, which require neutrinos to have mass and therefore were not allowed in our previous theoretical understanding of particle physics, probe new physical laws and are thus of great interest in the study of the fundamental constituents of matter. they may even be related to the mystery of why there is more matter than anti - matter in the universe, and thus are the focus of intense study worldwide. precision measurements of neutrino oscillations can be made using artificial neutrino beams, as pioneered by the k2k neutrino experiment where neutrinos from the kek laboratory were detected using the vast super kamiokande neutrino detector near toyama. t2k is a more powerful and sophisticated version of


as pioneered by the k2k neutrino experiment where neutrinos from the kek laboratory were detected using the vast super kamiokande neutrino detector near toyama. t2k is a more powerful and sophisticated version of the k2k experiment, with a more intense neutrino beam derived from the newly - built main ring synchrotron at the j - parc accelerator laboratory. the beam was built by physicists from kek in cooperation with other japanese institutions and with assistance from the us, canadian, uk and french t2k institutes. prof. chang kee jung of stony brook university, stony brook, new york, leader of the us t2k project, said " i am somewhat stunned by this seemingly effortless achievement considering the complexity of the machinery, the operation and international nature of the project. this is a result of a strong support from the japanese government for basic science, which i hope will continue, and hard work and ingenuity of all involved. i am excited about more ground breaking findings from this experiment in the near future. " the beam is aimed once again at super - kamiokande, which has been upgraded for this experiment with new electronics and software. before the neutrinos leave the j - parc facility their properties are determined by a sophisticated " near " detector, partly based on a huge magnet donated from cern where it had earlier been used for neutrino experiments ( and for the ua1 experiment, which won the nobel prize for the discovery of the w and z bosons which are the basis of neutrino interactions ), and it is this detector which caught the first events. the first neutrino events were detected in a specialize detector, called the ingrid, whose purpose is to determine the neutrino beam ' s direction and profile. further tests of the t2k neutrino beam are scheduled for december, and the experiment plans to begin production running in mid - january. another major milestone should be observed soon after - - the first observation of a neutrino event from the t2k beam in the super - kamiokande experiment. running will continue until the summer, by which time the experiment hopes to have made the most sensitive search yet achieved for a so - far unobserved critical neutrino oscillation mode dominated by oscillations between all three types of neutrinos. in the coming years this search will be improved even further, with the hope that the 3 - mode osci


the word vivisection was first coined in the 1800s to denote the experimental dissection of live animals - or humans. it was created by activists who opposed the practice of experimenting on animals. the roman physician celsus claimed that in alexandria in the 3rd century bce physicians had performed vivisections on sentenced criminals, but vivisection on humans was generally outlawed. experimenters frequently used living animals. most early modern researchers considered this practice acceptable, believing that animals felt no pain. even those who opposed vivisection in the early modern period did not usually do so out of consideration for the animals, but because they thought that this practice would coarsen the experimenter, or because they were concerned that animals stressed under experimental conditions did not represent the normal state of the body. prompted by the rise of experimental physiology and the increasing use of animals, an anti - vivisection movement started in the 1860s. its driving force, the british journalist frances power cobbe ( 1822 - 1904 ), founded the british victoria street society in 1875, which gave rise to the british government ' s cruelty to animals act of 1876. this law regulated the use of live animals for experimental purposes. r a kopaladze, ' ivan p. pavlov ' s view on vivisection ', integr. physiol. behav. sci., 4 ( 2000 ), pp 266 - 271 c lansbury, the old brown dog : women, workers, and vivisection in edwardian england ( madison : university of wisconsin press, 1985 ) p mason, the brown dog affair : the story of a monument that divided the nation ( london : two stevens, 1997 ) n a rupke, ( ed. ) vivisection in historical perspective ( london : crooms helm, 1987 ) the science of the functioning of living organisms and their component parts.


by i. peterson unlike an ordinary, incandescent bulb, a laser produces light of a single wavelength. moreover, the emitted light waves are coherent, meaning that all of the energy peaks and troughs are precisely in step. now, a team at the massachusetts institute of technology has demonstrated experimentally that a cloud consisting of millions of atoms can also be made coherent. instead of flying about and colliding randomly, the atoms display coordinated behavior, acting as if the entire assemblage were a single entity. according to quantum mechanics, atoms can behave like waves. thus, two overlapping clouds made up of atoms in coherent states should produce a zebra - striped interference pattern of dark and light fringes, just like those generated when two beams of ordinary laser light overlap. by detecting such a pattern, the researchers proved that the clouds ' atoms are coherent and constitute an " atom laser, " says physicist wolfgang ketterle, who heads the mit group. these matter waves, in principle, can be focused just like light. ketterle and his coworkers describe their observations in the jan. 31 science. the demonstration of coherence involving large numbers of atoms is the latest step in a series of studies of a remarkable state of matter called a bose - einstein condensate. chilled to temperatures barely above absolute zero, theory predicted, the atoms would collectively enter the same quantum state and behave like a single unit, or superparticle, with a specific wavelength. first created in the laboratory in 1995 by eric a. cornell and his collaborators at the university of colorado and the national institute of standards and technology, both in boulder, bose - einstein condensates have been the subject of intense investigation ever since ( sn : 7 / 15 / 95, p. 36 ; 5 / 25 / 96, p. 327 ). at mit, ketterle and his colleagues cool sodium atoms to temperatures below 2 microkelvins. the frigid atoms are then confined in a special magnetic trap inside a vacuum chamber. to determine whether the atoms in the resulting condensate are indeed as coherent as photons in a laser beam, the researchers developed a novel method of extracting a clump of atoms from the trap. in effect, they manipulate the magnetic states of the atoms to expel an adjustable fraction of the original cloud ; under the influence of gravity, the released clump falls. the method can produce a sequence of descending clumps, with each containing 100, 000 to several million coherent atoms. the apparatus acts like


expel an adjustable fraction of the original cloud ; under the influence of gravity, the released clump falls. the method can produce a sequence of descending clumps, with each containing 100, 000 to several million coherent atoms. the apparatus acts like a dripping faucet, ketterle says. he and his colleagues describe the technique in the jan. 27 physical review letters. to demonstrate interference, the mit group created a double magnetic trap so that two pulses of coherent atoms could be released at the same time. as the two clumps fell, they started to spread and overlap. the researchers could then observe interference between the atomic waves of the droplets. " the signal was almost too good to be true, " ketterle says. " we saw a high - contrast, very regular pattern. " " it ' s a beautiful result, " cornell remarks. " this work really shows that bose - einstein condensation is an atom laser. " from the pattern, the mit researchers deduced that the condensate of sodium atoms has a wavelength of about 30 micrometers, considerably longer than the 0. 04 - nanometer wavelength typical of individual atoms at room temperature. ketterle and his colleagues are already planning several improvements to their primitive atom laser, including getting more atoms into the emitted pulses and going from pulses to a continuous beam. practical use of an atom laser for improving the precision of atomic clocks and for manipulating atoms is still distant, however, cornell notes.


scientists collect samples of the natural world to try to answer questions about our environment. so many questions and so much we still don ' t know. the samples collected each represent a particular time and place in our environment. think about your home. if a scientist had collected the plants and insects from your land 50 years ago, would they be the same or different than ones you would find today? the collected samples are the basic tool for the scientist ' s research and discovery. a museum specimen is made from the collected sample. we prepare them for study and add them to the research collections. then they are ready to be used by scientists, not only this year, but for years, even generations to come. teachers and museum docents use specimens in our collections to bring the facts and concepts of science to life. anyway, you get the idea. specimens and objects in the museum ' s nature to you loan program are particularly helpful for the kindergarten through high school ages. the research collections are used by college professors to help their students with the more advanced concepts. have you ever used a field guide to identify that bird you saw in your backyard? or that little squirrel - like mammal that just scooted off through the rocks? or that flower you saw in the park? artists rely heavily on collections of specimens when they create the illustrations for field guides. they need to see details to make accurate paintings. different coloration and shapes help you see the differences between the chipmunk and the ground squirrel - - or the coyote and the neighbor ' s scrawny dog. have you seen dioramas at a museum? paintings in the background of exhibits are based on specimens. you ' ve used specimens if you have... specimens are a fantastic tool - - a resource that helps you discover the secrets of the world around you. specimens form the core of a museum ' s philosophy. they are critical for research, for teaching, for our enjoyment of nature through art. specimens at the san diego natural history museum support our mission to understand the natural world of southern california and the baja california peninsula. we want you to enjoy and benefit from the specimens we collect - - but we also want your grandchildren to have those same experiences with specimens. for your grandchildren to be able to learn from the specimens, we need to prevent damage to the specimens.


gaia theory is a class of scientific models of the geo - biosphere in which life as a whole fosters and maintains suitable conditions for itself by helping to create an environment on earth suitable for its continuity. the first such theory was created by the atmospheric scientist and chemist, sir james lovelock, who developed his hypotheses in the 1960s before formally publishing the concept, first in the new scientist ( february 13, 1975 ) and then in the 1979 book " quest for gaia ". he hypothesized that the living matter of the planet functioned like a single organism and named this self - regulating living system after the greek goddess, gaia, using a suggestion of novelist william golding. gaia " theories " have non - technical predecessors in the ideas of several cultures. today, " gaia theory " is sometimes used among non - scientists to refer to hypotheses of a self - regulating earth that are non - technical but take inspiration from scientific models. among some scientists, " gaia " carries connotations of lack of scientific rigor, quasi - mystical thinking about the planet arth, and therefore lovelock ' s hypothesis was received initially with much antagonism by much of the scientific community. no controversy exists, however, that life and the physical environment significantly influence one another. gaia theory today is a spectrum of hypotheses, ranging from the undeniable ( weak gaia ) to the radical ( strong gaia ). at one end of this spectrum is the undeniable statement that the organisms on the earth have radically altered its composition. a stronger position is that the earth ' s biosphere effectively acts as if it is a self - organizing system, which works in such a way as to keep its systems in some kind of meta - equilibrium that is broadly conducive to life. the history of evolution, ecology and climate show that the exact characteristics of this equilibrium intermittently have undergone rapid changes, which are believed to have caused extinctions and felled civilisations. biologists and earth scientists usually view the factors that stabilize the characteristics of a period as an undirected emergent property or entelechy of the system ; as each individual species pursues its own self - interest, for example, their combined actions tend to have counterbalancing effects on environmental change. opponents of this view sometimes point to examples of life ' s actions that have resulted in dramatic change rather than stable equilibrium, such as the conversion of the earth ' s atmosphere from a


combined actions tend to have counterbalancing effects on environmental change. opponents of this view sometimes point to examples of life ' s actions that have resulted in dramatic change rather than stable equilibrium, such as the conversion of the earth ' s atmosphere from a reducing environment to an oxygen - rich one. however, proponents will point out that those atmospheric composition changes created an environment even more suitable to life. some go a step further and hypothesize that all lifeforms are part of a single living planetary being called gaia. in this view, the atmosphere, the seas and the terrestrial crust would be results of interventions carried out by gaia through the coevolving diversity of living organisms. while it is arguable that the earth as a unit does not match the generally accepted biological criteria for life itself ( gaia has not yet reproduced, for instance ), many scientists would be comfortable characterising the earth as a single " system ". the most extreme form of gaia theory is that the entire earth is a single unified organism ; in this view the earth ' s biosphere is consciously manipulating the climate in order to make conditions more conducive to life. scientists contend that there is no evidence at all to support this last point of view, and it has come about because many people do not understand the concept of homeostasis. many non - scientists instinctively see homeostasis as an activity that requires conscious control, although this is not so. much more speculative versions of gaia theory, including all versions in which it is held that the earth is actually conscious or part of some universe - wide evolution, are currently held to be outside the bounds of science. this article is licensed under the gnu free documentation license. it uses material from the wikipedia article " gaia ".


smoke detectors, carbon monoxide detectors, gas detectors smoke detector information : most people are aware of the danger of fire but are unaware of the fatality of smoke. more people die from breathing smoke than by burns. in fact, deaths from smoke inhalation outnumber deaths by burning by 2 : 1. in a hostile fire, smoke and deadly gases tend to spread farther and faster than heat from flames. moreover, when people are asleep, deadly fumes can send them deeper into unconsciousness. smoke detectors and carbon monoxide detectors are a powerful and effective fire safety technology. they are the first lines of defense against smoke and fire. they may awaken those who would otherwise have been overcome by smoke and toxic gases in their sleep. and most importantly, they provide an early warning alerting individuals of a fire, allowing them precious time to escape. according to the national fire protection association ( nfpa ), 75 to 80 % of all deaths by fire happen in the home. more than half of these deaths occurred in buildings without smoke detectors. by installing a smoke detector, individuals can reduce the risk of dying by almost 50 %. ionization smoke detectors monitor ' ions, ' or electrically charged particles in the air. air molecules in a sample chamber of ionization smoke detectors, are ' ionized ' by a radioactive source. this allows a small electrical current flow. smoke particles entering the sensing chamber change the electrical balance of the air. the greater the amount of smoke, the higher the electrical imbalance. when combustion particles enter the smoke detector, they obstruct the flow of the current. an alarm is pre - programmed to sound when the current gets too low. ionization smoke detectors respond first to fast flaming fires. a flaming fire devours combustibles extremely fast, spreads rapidly and generates considerable heat with little smoke. ionization alarms are best suited for rooms, which contain highly combustible material. these types of material include : 1. cooking fat / grease 2. flammable liquids 3. newspaper 4. paint 5. cleaning solutions smoke alarms with ionization technology are the most popular types sold in the united states. the nfpa recommends smoke alarms be installed in every room and area of your home or bulding for complete protection. for maximum protection, install at least one ionization and one photoelectronic smoke alarm on each level of your home. all smoke alarms should be replaced after 10 years of operation. ten years is a smoke alarm ' s useful lifetime and for continued, reliable safety


labdien [ hello ]! my name is hannah rosenthal, and i am the special envoy to monitor and combat anti - semitism at the u. s. department of state. in latvian, envoy means “ ipasa sutne ”. thank you for inviting me here today to speak to you about the importance of diversity and respect for others. i am always eager to speak to young students because so much of my work depends on your help. as the special envoy, it is my job to monitor anti - semitic incidents and combat such intolerance. “ anti - semitism ” simply means hatred for jewish people. i monitor anti - semitic incidents such as vandalism of religious places, anti - semitic speech, and even violence against jews. but the truth is, i am in the relationship - building business. i am here today to tell you that young people and students can have an impact and do what i do. we must all share and strive for the same mission : to combat hate and intolerance to create a more peaceful and just world. in order to fight hatred, we must begin with respecting the dignity of every individual, regardless of his or her beliefs. in fact, our differences make us human. you may have heard about the concept of the “ other, ” or in latvian, “ svesinieks ”. there are individuals in this world who would like us to view some people as outside the larger human family. the desire to stamp out or suppress or ostracize certain individuals because of who they are, how they worship, or who they love is an obstacle for all members of society. intolerance prevents us from creating a just and peaceful society. meanwhile, we, as society, must not stand by idly. when we stand by passively, we also pay a price. terrible things can happen when intolerance and racism take hold in a society, across a continent. hitler ’ s nazi ideology called for racial purity and targeted the jews as an other that needed to be exterminated. some of you may know that yesterday communities around the world observed yom hashoah, or holocaust remembrance day. yom hashoah is a day to remember the victims of the holocaust and to commemorate the individuals – including some latvians - - who risked their lives to save the jews. i understand latvia has its own official holocaust remembrance day on july 4. while we officially commemorate the holocaust on these days, we must carry their lessons with us every day. we must stand against


crime and personality : personality theory and criminality examined keywords : criminality personality theory criminal personality crime and personality criminology psychopathy the search for the criminal personality or super trait has captured both the minds and imaginations of academics and the wider community ( caspi et al., 1994 ). partly, this is due to a stubborn aversion to the notion that normal, regular people rape, murder, or molest children ( barlow, 1990 ). secondly, there is a desire for simple, straightforward answers ( bartol, 1991 ). generally, personality theorists endeavor to put together the puzzle of the human personality. temperament is the term used for the childhood counterpart to personality ( farrington & jolliffe, 2004 ). facets of personality or temperament, traits, are combined together into super traits or broad dimension of personality. personality traits are persisting underlying tendencies to act in certain ways in particular situations ( farrington & jolliffe, 2004 ). traits shape the emotional and experiential spheres of life, defining how people perceive their world and predict physical and psychological outcomes ( roberts, 2009 ). various structured models of personality exist, each with a set of traits and super traits ( miller & lynam, 2001 ). personality and crime have been linked in two general ways. first, in “ personality - trait psychology ” ( akers & sellers, 2009, p. 74 ) certain traits or super traits within a structured model of personality may be linked to antisocial behavior ( asb ). 1 as reviewed by miller and lynam ( 2001 ), four structured models of personality theory were found to be widely used in criminological research and are considered reliable : the five - factor model ( ffm ; mccrae & costa, 1990 ), the pen model ( eysenck, 1977 ), tellegen ’ s three - factor model ( 1985 ), and cloninger ’ s temperament and character model ( cloninger, dragan, svraki, & przybeck, 1993 ). in table 1, the traits of these models are listed and defined. eysenck hypothesized specific associations between the pen model and asb, proposing that the typical criminal would possess high levels of all three of his proposed personality dimensions. cloninger hypothesized a link between asb and personality dimensions from his model, stating that asb would be linked to high novelty seeking, low harm avoidance, and low reward dependence ( see table 1 )


his proposed personality dimensions. cloninger hypothesized a link between asb and personality dimensions from his model, stating that asb would be linked to high novelty seeking, low harm avoidance, and low reward dependence ( see table 1 ). the second way that personality theorists have linked personality to crime is through “ personality - type psychology ” ( akers & sellers, 2009, p. 74 ) or by asserting that certain deviant, abnormal individuals possess a criminal personality, labeled psychopathic, sociopathic, or antisocial. the complex and twisting history of the term and concept of psychopathy can be traced back to the early 1800s ( feeney, 2003 ), contributing to its common misuse by both academics and nonacademics. 2 hare ( 1993, 1996 ) set forth a psychological schematic of persistent offenders who possess certain dysfunctional interpersonal, affective, and behavioral qualities and make up about one percentage of the population. the distinguishing interpersonal and affective characteristic of psychopaths is the dual possession of absolute self - centeredness, grandiosity, callousness, and lack of remorse or empathy for others coupled with a charismatic, charming, and manipulative superficiality ( hare, 1993 ). the defining behavioral characteristics of psychopaths are impulsivity, irresponsibility, risk taking, and antisocial behavior ( hare, 1993 ). table 2 displays the emotional, interpersonal, and acts of social deviance hypothesized to indicate psychopathy. the term antisocial, not psychopath or sociopath, is now used by the american psychological association in the latest diagnostic and statistical manual ( dsm - iv - tr, 2000 ). this disorder manifests itself as a persistent disregard for and violation of the rights of others, beginning at an early age and persisting into adulthood. the dsm - iv - tr ( 2000 ) outlines the antisocial personality disorder as a broader clinical disorder than psychopathy, a diagnosis that could easily be applied to many who engage in criminal behavior ( see table 2 ). concerns related to theoretical propositions and policy implications certain personality theorists such as eysenck ( 1977 ) postulated that personality traits stem from biological causes. for example, eysenck noted that arousal levels are directly associated with the personality trait of extraversion ( eysenck, 1977 ) and testosterone levels are linked to levels of psychotocism ( eysenck, 1997 ). the biologically deterministic premise postulated