researchers have recently been trying to discover if pretending has implications for child development. when we see kids at play we are reminded that children live in a far more wondrous, whimsical world than the rest of us. a pile of wooden blocks is a vast city, and some sticks the inhabitants. indeed, often about the time babies begin to walk and talk, they also begin to pretend - - giving a stuffed animal a sip from their cup or covering up a doll for sleep. there are definite indications that having a good imagination translates into more creativity as an adult but is it possible to connect pretend play and the ability to get along socially in the world? researchers are specifically looking at whether pretend play facilitates the development of children ’ s theory of mind - the ability to understand that others have thoughts and feelings all their own. " it ' s been a big focus of research recently and some of the work is really fascinating, " says developmental psychologist alison gopnik, phd, of the university of california at berkeley. " the only downside is, no one has an answer yet. " there are studies being done examining how well and at what stage children distinguish reality from fantasy and theories are being developed about the role of imagination and pretend play in child development. for now, the questions are mainly academic, but some day the answers could lead to a better grasp of how imaginative play influences how well children get on in the world.


biol subject gateway as an integrated part of sciverse, sciverse scopus is the world ' s largest abstract and citation database of peer - reviewed literature and quality web sources with smart tools to track, analyze, and visualize research. sciencedirect covers many scientific disciplines including biology, chemistry, and environmental science. pubmed includes over 15 million citations for biomedical articles back to the 1950 ' s. these citations are from medline and additional life science journals. pubmed includes links to many sites providing full text articles, medical and scientific textbooks and other related sources. pubmed also links to other services developed by the national center for biotechnology information ( ncbi ). biomed central publishes over 200 peer - reviewed open access journals. indexes journals in a variety of subjects, including biology, chemistry, and environmental science. many full - text articles are available. agricola ( agricultural online access ) serves as the catalog and index to the collections of the national agricultural library. the records describe publications and resources encompassing all aspects of agriculture and allied disciplines, including animal and veterinary sciences, entomology, plant sciences, forestry, aquaculture and fisheries, farming and farming systems, agricultural economics, extension and education, food and human nutrition, and earth and environmental sciences. provides fulltext access to core scholarly journals in the arts and sciences this collection of electronic books covers topics related to environmental science, including environmental chemistry, ecology, environmental toxicology, forestry, sustainability, and more. greenr ( global reference on the environment, energy, and natural resources ) is a database that offers content on the development of emerging green technologies and discusses issues on the environment, sustainability and more. reference qh540. 4. e515 2008 this is a free, fully searchable collection of articles written by scholars, professionals, educators, and other experts. the articles are written in non - technical language and will be useful to students, educators, scholars, professionals, as well as to the general public. reference qh360. 2. o83 2002 reference qr9. e53 2000 reference ql7. g7813 2003 reference qr358. e53 1999 this two volume encyclopedia describes the most famous scientific concepts, principles, laws, and theories in astronomy, biology, chemistry, geology, mathematics, medicine, meteorology, and physics. this encyclopedia considers both the professional ethics of science and technology, and the social, ethical, and political issues raised by science and technology. this encyclopedia covers a wealth of topics on the


tuesday, august 10, 2010 survival of the fittest or altruistic suicide? the answer is that suicide at the cellular level doesn ’ t kill the whole organism. such self destruction serves a range of purposes, from guiding development to keeping cancer at bay. in short, cell death in a multicellular organism can be a good thing. but if cell suicide in multicellular organisms passes the evolutionary test, what about recent findings of suicide in unicellular organisms? new genome data from the great barrier reef demosponge ( amphimedon queenslandica ) reveals high levels of unexpected complexity, for this lowly sponge has an impressive complement of genes. as one evolutionist put it, “ this flies in the face of what we think of early metazoan evolution. ” another evolutionist asked perhaps an even more telling question. “ what i want to know now, ” he asked, “ is what were all these genes doing prior to the advent of sponge? ” that ’ s a good question because some of those genes are for programmed suicide. what this sponge genome apparently tells us is that programmed cell death would have to have arisen in single - cell organisms. suicide at the cellular level did kill the whole organism — and that doesn ’ t make evolutionary sense. with evolution what we must believe is that programmed cell death did not arise in multicellular species, but in unicellular species. in other words, an intricate, highly complex, set of tools and signals somehow arose and, rather than leading to enhanced survival as evolution calls for, they led to destruction. evolutionists will need yet another one of their just - so stories to rationalize this.


“ hell, ” wrote jean - paul sartre in his play no exit, “ is other people ”. but satan, in milton ’ s paradise lost, utters this anguished cry : “ which way i flie is hell ; my self am hell. ” he goes on : “ the mind is its own place, and in itself / can make a heav ’ n of hell, a hell of heav ’ n. ” both quotes are drawn from the recent christmas edition of the economist ; this is my favourite end of the year read, containing as it does an eclectic collection of long articles on a variety of subjects. one such piece, ‘ into everlasting fire ’, examines the evolution of the concept of hell across time and in different faiths. i remember reading dante ’ s divine comedy in my late teens. the classic work contains probably the most gruesome and vivid description of hell in literature. the section titled ‘ the inferno ’ gives a detailed account of the nine circles of hell, ranging from the outer circle for unbaptised babies to the innermost one where satan is frozen up till his neck. there was no concept of hell in early judaism, and it only made an appearance due to hellenic influence. but even then the jewish gehenna is more of a purgatory where souls are cleansed ; whatever their deeds in life, they don ’ t stay in this waiting room for more than 12 months. in medieval christianity, the vatican authorised the sale of ‘ indulgences ’ that helped to offset the buyer ’ s sins after he died. this device raised a lot of money for the church, but was subject to much abuse as the rich used it as a licence to sin. in fact, this was one of the major aberrations that martin luther wanted to cleanse christianity of. having read of this practice at university, i was delighted to learn recently that it is still possible to buy indulgences online. in a sense, this is not unlike our custom of asking the local mosque to send a group of students to recite from the holy book. we hope that after a relative ’ s death, this will help the dear departed to clear up some of his or her sins. we have all seen these young aspiring clerics racing through the sacred verses at funerals. note also the similarity between the jewish gehenna and our jahannum. the latter, of course, is quite detailed in its description of everlasting torments, while in the new testament


you can use the foil method to multiply out binomials of the form. foil stands for first - outer - inner - last. first means multiply the first terms ; outer means multiply ; inner gives the term ; and finally last gives the term the wolfram demonstrations project embed interactive demonstration more details » download demonstration as cdf » download author code » more by author squaring a binomial binomial theorem ( step - by - step ) eric w. weisstein ed pegg jr location of complex roots of a real quadratic parameters for plotting a quartic thomas mueller and r. w. d. nickalls the structure of the real roots of a quintic polynomial the number of distinct real roots of a real polynomial multiplying a monomial and a linear polynomial high school algebra i high school mathematics browse all topics related curriculum standards common core state standards for mathematics the # 1 tool for creating demonstrations and anything technical. explore anything with the first computational knowledge engine. the web ' s most extensive course assistant apps » an app for every course — right in the palm of your hand. wolfram blog » read our views on math, science, and technology. computable document format » the format that makes demonstrations ( and any information ) easy to share and interact with. stem initiative » programs & resources for educators, schools & students. join the initiative for modernizing note : your message & contact information may be shared with the author of any specific demonstration for which you give feedback. © 2013 wolfram demonstrations project & contributors | note : to run this demonstration you need mathematica 7 + or the free mathematica player 7ex download or upgrade to mathematica player 7ex i already have


in this essay, the individualist anarchist writer charles johnson offers an analysis of the concrete mechanisms of capitalism, and of how the revolutionary potential of free economic relationships is diverted and deformed when markets are constrained to labor under bosses, monopoly and government. johnson revisits, and updates, benjamin tucker ’ s classic “ four monopolies ” analysis of state capitalism, arguing that the case for tucker ’ s free - market anticapitalism is stronger than ever, as we take into account not only the growth and retrenchment of the land monopoly, money monopoly, patent monopoly, and protectionist monopoly, but also the metastatic spread of state - capitalist monopolies into agribusiness, infrastructure, utilities, health care, and regulatory protectionism. for most of the twentieth century, american libertarians saw themselves, and were seen as, defenders of “ capitalism. ” until nearly the end of the 20th century, anticapitalist anarchism was sidelined in political debate, and most simply ceased to be treat it as a live option ; meanwhile, most american libertarians, and nearly all of their opponents, seemed to agree that opposing state control of the economy meant defending business against the attacks of “ big government. ” the purpose and effect of laissez faire was simply to unleash existing forms of commerce from political restraints, and to produce something which would look, more or less, like business as usual, only more so : bigger, faster, stronger, and no longer held back by government from pushing the corporate business model to the hilt. this was almost a complete reversal from the attitude of traditional libertarians like benjamin tucker, an attitude which we might call ‘ free - market anti - capitalism. ’ tucker was one of the best - known defenders of free markets in nineteenth - century america... yet he repeatedly described his views as a form of “ anarchistic socialism. ”... what could “ socialism ” mean for a radical, free - market individualist like tucker? certainly not government control of industry. rather, what tucker was pointing out was his opposition to actually - existing capitalist business practices, and his support for workers ’ control over the conditions of their own labor – the control denied by the four monopolies and the artificial inequalities of wealth and bargaining power they fostered. for tucker, then, a libertarian politics meant an attack on economic privilege – by removing the political privileges that propped it up, and dismantling monopolies by exposing them to competition from below


the distribution of wealth : a theory of wages, interest and profits the place of distribution within the traditional divisions of economics we have undertaken to solve a test problem of distribution — to ascertain whether the division of the social income into wages, interest and profits is, in principle, honest. we have seen that this compels us to enter the realm of production, in order to find whether these incomes are earned. is each of them specifically created by the agent that gets it? if it is, the entire science of distribution is nothing more than a science of the process of specific production. in any case, the relation of the wealth - creating process to the wealth - dividing process needs a most searching examination. the terms, production, distribution, exchange and consumption, have been used to designate four divisions of economic science. these, however, are not distinct divisions ; for one of them includes two of the others. the production of wealth, as it is carried on by an organized society, is a process that embraces within itself both exchange and distribution. this fact makes it necessary completely to rearrange economic theory, for purposes of study, and to divide it according to a new principle. the old landmarks of the science will not entirely disappear, for it will still be necessary to speak of production, distribution, etc., as processes that are going on, and that can be defined and understood. as divisions of the science, however, they will vanish ; for the demarcations that have been made between them correspond to nothing in actual life. they are forced distinctions, made for the sake of resolving into smaller areas a field that is too large to be dealt with as a whole. as we throw them away, the economic field takes on an entirely new appearance, and it will soon be seen that this is its true and natural appearance. this field will still, however, have its divisions ; and it is a striking fact that the study which shows how hopelessly blended are exchange, distribution and production has also the effect of revealing three divisions of economics that are natural and clear. we attain the true divisions, in fact, by perceiving why we may not use the old ones. production is the bringing of commodities into existence ; and in any state except a primitive one it is accomplished by a division of labor. the producer is a specialist, selling one article, or a part of an article, and buying what he needs with the proceeds. only society in its entirety is an all - around creator of goods. this is equivalent to


by a division of labor. the producer is a specialist, selling one article, or a part of an article, and buying what he needs with the proceeds. only society in its entirety is an all - around creator of goods. this is equivalent to saying that social production is now accomplished by means of exchanges. the passing of goods from man to man enables all society to make all goods ; and the two expressions, " division of labor, " on the one hand, and " exchange, " on the other, merely describe in different ways the organized process of creating wealth, as contrasted with the method of isolated and independent production. where a thing stays in one man ' s hands until it is finished and in use, production is not yet socialized. * 3 society in its entirety is the one producer of wealth. exchange is, then, the socializing element in production. it is a characteristic part of the comprehensive process. the relation of man to nature in the productive operation remains unchanged, however much society may be organized. the earth still gives matter, and man transforms it. the making of a steel tool in a modern shop is, in this respect, akin to the fashioning of a stone hatchet by a prehistoric man. what is new in social production is the relation of man to man. interdependence has supplanted independence : a great organization has taken the place of a mass of unconnected producers. specializing and exchanging have made this difference. production by society as a whole, moreover, involves a fixing of values. if we part with our own products, something must decide how much we are to get in return for them. the ratios of exchange that a market establishes have, not unnaturally, been treated in that division of the science which is customarily entitled exchange. is that, however, the proper place for them? there is a kind of distribution that does not fix the rates of wages and interest, but determines how much one industry, as a whole, including its laborers, its capitalists and its entrepreneurs, shall get, as compared with other industries. it determines whether one whole branch of business shall be more prosperous than another. this is an intermediate part of the general distributing operation. and it is accomplished by means of prices. when wheat, for example, is high in price, the farming industry is well paid, as compared with others ; and when wheat is cheap, that industry is ill paid. if what we have in mind is the so - called " market price " of an article,


example, is high in price, the farming industry is well paid, as compared with others ; and when wheat is cheap, that industry is ill paid. if what we have in mind is the so - called " market price " of an article, — the immediate price of any given supply of an article, — this kind of value governs what we may call group distribution. if steel, for example, sells at a high rate, a large income goes to the group that produces it. this income distributes itself somewhere in the group ; but how much of it laborers get, and how much capitalists and employers get, is a question that we do not now raise. this is determined by an ultimate distribution taking place within the groups. group distribution is a preliminary division of the social income, and it deals with branches of industry in their entirety. the terms of this primary division of the social income depend on the prices of different kinds of goods. farmers want wheat to be dear, as miners want ore to be dear, etc. prices, then, fix the incomes of these groups. the great income of all society — that which is to be distributed — really consists of concrete articles, all for some use, most of them are goods for consumption ; and they serve to stock retailers ' shops, while waiting for purchasers. in some way this promiscuous stock of consumers ' goods gets divided into shares, of which every man, whether he be a laborer or a capitalist, gets a part. there is no way in which the fixing of the terms of this division can be begun and completed after the goods are finished and exposed for sale. if, before the stock of goods was ready to be taken by consumers, nothing had been done to decide how much each laborer and each a capitalist might have, the distribution would have to be made according to some arbitrary rule and by some officer of the state. the terms of the division that is actually made, however, are fixed as the production of the goods goes on : the goods are really apportioned in the making. the creation of such a general stock of commodities for use is a great synthesis, which goes on in a systematic way. one group of producers makes the article a, another group makes b, another c, etc. as a is sold, the sum that is paid for it is apportioned among the entire group that makes it ; and as b is sold, the returns from this sale are divided, in the same way, among all who have helped to


. as a is sold, the sum that is paid for it is apportioned among the entire group that makes it ; and as b is sold, the returns from this sale are divided, in the same way, among all who have helped to make this article. the prices of completed articles thus fix the incomes of groups in their entirety, these sub - groups are, in an equally exact way, divided into sub - groups. thus it takes farmers, wool merchants, manufacturers, dyers, cloth merchants and tailors to make a coat. each of these classes constitutes a sub - group ; and each gets a share of the returns of the general group — a share in every case dependent on prices. if wool is dear, farmers thrive ; and if the difference between the price of wool and the price of cloth is large, manufacturers thrive. it is market values that fix the incomes of sub - groups, as well as those of groups. neither of those price - adjusting operations, however, directly fixes wages and interest. this is the final and critical part of distribution. it takes place within the sub - groups, and it constitutes the third and final division that has to be made. the portions of income that fall to farmers, manufacturers, etc., as such, have to be further subdivided ; for a share must be paid to every laborer and to every capitalist. this last division is not made, however, as the mere general divisions are made, by a mere sale of finished goods : finer and more difficult adjustments are involved. we need now to have clearly in mind the systematic way in which the division of the grand stock of usable goods proceeds, the manner in which it follows the stages of production and the part that the fixing of exchange values has in it. this distribution goes on in three distinct stages. there are to be made a division, a subdivision and a final subdivision of the social income. the first division fixes the income of industrial groups ; the second fixes that of sub - groups, and the final division adjusts wages and interest within each of the innumerable sub - groups in the system. the shares of the groups and those of the sub - groups depend entirely on the prices of goods, and therefore the fixing of market values results in the adjustment of the terms of group distribution, thus, let a ' ' ' represent some one completed product, any bread ; and let a represent raw material, the standing wheat of which it is mode. a ' may then represent the wheat as threshed and


the terms of group distribution, thus, let a ' ' ' represent some one completed product, any bread ; and let a represent raw material, the standing wheat of which it is mode. a ' may then represent the wheat as threshed and conveyed to the elevator of a milling company, a ' ' ' may represent it as it is ground into flour, and a ' ' ' may represent it baked into loaves. in like manner b, b ', etc., represent another commodity — say, woollen clothing — in its several stages of advancement, and the series of c ' s represent still another commodity. all the a ' s constitute the product of one general group ; and the price of a ' ' ' fixes the size of its entire group income. the prices of b ' ' ' and c ' ' ' likewise fix the general incomes of the two groups that make them. similarly, the difference between the price of a ' ' and that of a ' ' ' fixes the income of the sub - group that transforms the one article into the other. in this case the difference is the gross income of the baking industry. in the same way, the difference between the price of a ' and that of a ' ' determines the income of the flouring industry, etc. the income of each sub - group in the whole series, then, depends directly on prices. a philosophy that goes behind such market prices, however, brings us to what are called " natural " or " normal " prices. these are the values, expressed in terms of money, to which, in the long run, market values tend to conform. these normal values are also in another way, phenomena of distribution ; for a certain force that operates within the sphere of group distribution establishes the normal standards to which market values tend to conform. we have just seen that market prices fix the incomes of the different groups, as such, and so control distribution in its early stages. we have now to see that a deeper force, and one that also acts in distribution, controls normal prices. market prices are the cause of group distribution ; normal prices are the effect of a certain phenomenon of distribution. the adjustment of natural or normal prices is a part of the distributive process. the movements that make prices " natural " are, in fact, efforts on the part of different men to get their natural shares of income. prices are at their natural level when labor and capital in one industry produce as much and get as much as they do in any other


prices " natural " are, in fact, efforts on the part of different men to get their natural shares of income. prices are at their natural level when labor and capital in one industry produce as much and get as much as they do in any other. normal prices mean equalized wages and equalized interest. if the prices of wheat, wool, iron, lumber, etc., were such that no laborer and no capitalist could acquire an enlarged producing power by leaving the industry that creates one of these commodities, and betaking himself to one that makes another, the price of each of the commodities would be normal. the familiar definition of natural price is : that which conforms to the cost of production. the economist has been in the habit of putting himself, in imagination, in the business man ' s position, and of considering the money that he pays out in producing an article as the cost and what he gets by selling the article as the return. the tendency of competition, according to this conception, is to bring the price down to the point at which the return equals the cost. this is, however, an individualistic and limited view of the law of normal prices. it presents that law as it appears to a man who is performing his one particular part of the social operation of creating wealth. the broad view, on the other hand, presents the law as it appears to a student who has all society within the range of his vision. it is, indeed, true that the normal price of each article is its cost. the cause of this, however, is not local in the industry ; it is not anything that takes place within the one group that makes the commodity. the influence that brings, let us say, cotton cloth to a natural price is one that works throughout the productive system. a broadly social tendency it is, in fact, that makes any one price normal. the traditional statement of the law of normal price is not incorrect ; but it is misleading, because it is partial and inadequate. it presents things from an entrepreneur ' s point of view, instead of from a social point of view. it will be seen, when we make a fuller study of this subject, that a condition in which all things sell for the amount of money that they have cost — including interest and wages of management, as elements of cost — is a state in which the gross gains of the different industrial groups are brought to pro rata equality, that is, to a condition in which the returns of all groups yield the same amounts per unit of capital


of management, as elements of cost — is a state in which the gross gains of the different industrial groups are brought to pro rata equality, that is, to a condition in which the returns of all groups yield the same amounts per unit of capital and also the same amounts per unit of labor. cost prices, then, are those that give equalized earnings. it is comparative gains, and not the gains of any one group, that test prices, and determine whether they are normal. thus, the present price of wheat is such as to afford a larger product per unit of capital than is afforded in some other industries ; it is above the natural standard, and would be so even if wages and interest were locally so high that entrepreneurs got nothing above cost of production. if the result of this should be should be to draw men and capital from other occupations to the raising of this cereal, the operation would end by reducing to nothing the excess of gains that is now secured in this occupation. prices would then be normal, provided that no other causes had meanwhile noted to disturb the equality of the earning power of labor and capital in the group system. it is because the prices then realized would afford to the different industrial groups equalized returns, that the prices themselves are to be called normal. the term really signifies that group distribution is in a natural state. equal products everywhere per unit of labor and equal products per unit of capital — this is the condition that affords natural prices of goods. incidentally, this condition gives what have been defined as cost prices. when, therefore, men have no further inducement to move from one group to another, — that is, when group distribution is natural, — prices are natural. this requires that labor and capital shall be so apportioned among the various industries that there is neither overproduction of one article nor underproduction of another. society must, in short, so direct its productive energies as to make different goods in the right quantities. the production of each specific article must be normal in amount, in order that the prices of it may be normal. the influence that brings production to this natural state is the effort of laborers and capitalists to seize any special gain that maybe offered to them, by moving to any group in which the price of the product is high. this is clearly an operation in group distribution. thus an influence that originates in distribution brings about a state of social production in which exchange values are normal. where, then, within the four traditional divisions of economic science should the study of exchange value


high. this is clearly an operation in group distribution. thus an influence that originates in distribution brings about a state of social production in which exchange values are normal. where, then, within the four traditional divisions of economic science should the study of exchange value be located? the phenomenon itself is directly connected with exchange : the proximate cause of it is a state of production ; the ultimate influence that controls it is an action of the forces of distribution. it is clear that the study of market value falls within the science of distribution. on the surface it is current market prices that control the distribution which takes place among different groups or specific industries. these prices, however, are transient, and they fluctuate about certain more permanent standards. the tendency of group distribution to become normal — that is, to bring wages and interest to an approximate equality in different industries — draws prices toward the normal standard. what, then, is left to be treated under the title, exchange? only the actual passing of goods from hand to hand. this process results in ranging men in distinct groups, each of which has its part to play in the process of social production. exchange fixes the form of organization of industrial society. back of each finished article that the shops offer to us there is ranged a series of specialized producers, each of whom has taken his turn in putting a touch upon it. intricate, indeed, is the organization of society for productive purposes ; but the principles that give shape to it are simple. they are the subjects of the theory of exchange, which is the theory of the organization of industrial society. when we examine the system of groups of which society is composed, we shall perceive the full meaning of this statement. for the present, be it noted that exchanges divide and subdivide industry : they range its forces in groups and sub - groups, the functions of which are determined by natural law. it is, further, clear that all this disposing of the agents of production — this putting of some labor and capital here, and other labor and capital there — is a phenomenon of social production, a part of the social productive organization. it is a certain marshalling of the productive forces, placing them where they will do the most good. production, in fact, embraces every economic operation except consumption. exchange is merely the typical feature of production, as carried on by groups. under this head we shall describe the group system of industry. we have seen that an influence which acts in distribution fixes the sizes of the groups and the amount of


consumption. exchange is merely the typical feature of production, as carried on by groups. under this head we shall describe the group system of industry. we have seen that an influence which acts in distribution fixes the sizes of the groups and the amount of goods that each shall create. in the way that we have just noted, it guards against the production of too much of one commodity and too little of another. this is also a part of the all - embracing process of social production. there is another and an even more important kind of distribution that falls within production. the distribution which connects itself with values, and the study of which gives a science of value, is that which takes place between different industries in their entirety. thus, a high price for wheat makes the raising of that cereal a well - paid occupation, and puts a large sum into the possession of the group of laborers, capitalists and entrepreneurs who jointly raise it. how much of this large return goes to laborers? hew much goes to capitalists? how much remains in the hands of entrepreneurs? these, as we noted, are questions involving distribution of another kind. within each industry there is this final division to be made. after the returns of each sub - group, taken as a whole, have been determined, this lump sum is to be apportioned among different claimants within it ; and this is the final process in the distributing of the social income. in the final division that takes place within the sub - groups — the division that separates the gross earnings of each of them into wages, interest and profits — a law of production rules. so far as natural laws are unperverted, labor tends to get, as its share, what it separately produces ; and capital does the same. the laborer who has helped a farmer to raise wheat naturally gets the value of that part of the wheat crop which is separately due to his labor. this statement requires proof, and will receive it : but it must stand for the present, as a thesis to be established by a later study. what is now clear is that, if it should be established, the whole of distribution as well as the whole of exchange, would be included within the organized process of producing wealth. unravel the web of the social product, tracing each thread to its source, and you will have solved the problem of distribution. this is an analytical study. it traces backward, step by step, the synthesis by which, through the putting together of many different things, the great social dividend of usable goods


to its source, and you will have solved the problem of distribution. this is an analytical study. it traces backward, step by step, the synthesis by which, through the putting together of many different things, the great social dividend of usable goods is created. it first traces to each group its share in the creating of the grand total ; then it traces the part of this that each sub - group has contributed : : and finally it attributes to labor and capital their several shares in the creating of the sub - group product. we may, then, gather into the comprehensive science of production all the economic processes that go on in an organized or social way. there is, then, it appears, no separating of the processes that traditional theories have treated as distinct divisions of the science. here, for example, working in a shoe shop, is a man who gets two dollars a day. let us set before ourselves the problem of accounting for the amount of his wages. he is a part of a sub - group ; and we have first to account for the way in which society has thrown itself into the systematic shape of groups and sub - groups, which exchange products with each other. we discuss the theory of exchange, in the narrow and accurate sense of the term, when we account for this group arrangement which is brought about for the sake of carrying on production in an organized way. in treating exchange, therefore, we are entering on the treatment of production. what the man gets is a part of what his sub - group gets ; and this is fixed by the law of group distribution — the law of market value. market value, however, depends on the relative quantities of the different articles that are produced ; and this is saying that it depends on comparative group production. we are, then, still within the more general science of production when we thus try to trace to its causes the income of the sub - group from which the shoemaker ' s wages are taken. when we have discovered the influences that act on the sub - group ' s income, we must see why the shoemaker ' s share of that income is two dollars a day. this will take us into a further study of specific production. we shall have to find out, first, whether the man ' s pay tends to equal what he separately produces ; and, secondly, what fixes the amount that he is able to produce. this is the study of distribution in its final stage, but it is also a study of production. we have, then, studied in part each of the


separately produces ; and, secondly, what fixes the amount that he is able to produce. this is the study of distribution in its final stage, but it is also a study of production. we have, then, studied in part each of the four traditional subjects except consumption, in investigating the causes of the two dollar wage for the shoemaker ' s labor ; and yet we have been, all the while, within the subject of social production. consumption alone remains an individualistic process. we produce our food cooperatively, but we eat it each one for himself. society makes our clothing, builds our houses, etc. ; but when we get our clothes, we wear them without assistance ; and we dwell under our roofs in the same independent way. society, however, reacts on our natures, and changes and multiplies our wants. a desire to associate with others, while consumption is going on, may even give a kind of collectivity to the process by which some products are used. thus, we enjoy dining together ; and we listen to music and addresses in assemblies, getting a part of our pleasure from the presence of others ; but there is no cooperation in the consumption of goods that resembles what takes place in the production of them. there is no obvious group system, and no cooperation of agents such as labor and capital. it is to the sensibilities of individuals that products address themselves ; and therefore consumption is the individualistic part of social economy. if we look, then, at the relations of man to man, we find that production and consumption are not on the same plane. one is a collective operation : it is nothing, if not organized. the other is an individualistic operation : it consists in the using by each man of what society, by its intricate system of production, has made for him. in an accurate sense, the one process is a part of social economy and the other is not. if we look at the relations of man to nature, we find that production and consumption are entirely coordinate, — that one of them is the reversal of the other. man acts on nature in the one case, and nature acts on man in the other. cultivate the earth till it gives you food, and you have produced a kind of wealth by acting on nature ; but the food restores your wasted tissues and your lost energy by acting on you. man making wealth and wealth making man constitute the whole economic operation. humanity takes the active and aggressive attitude in the former part of the process, and it takes the passive


but the food restores your wasted tissues and your lost energy by acting on you. man making wealth and wealth making man constitute the whole economic operation. humanity takes the active and aggressive attitude in the former part of the process, and it takes the passive and recipient attitude in the latter part. in the simplest mode of living these two processes are the only ones that take place. a primitive man, living alone, would kill game and eat it ; he would make clothing and wear it ; he would build a hut and live in it : in short, he would act on nature and let nature react on him, and that would constitute the whole of his economy. he would have nothing to do with exchange and distribution. this, indeed, is all that an economic society does, if we consider it only as a unit. it produces its food, its clothing, its shelter and its myriad of articles of comfort and luxury ; and then it uses them. it produces them in an organized way, indeed, and it uses them in an unorganized way. incidental to the making of them are the trading and sharing processes that are termed exchange and distribution ; but production and consumption still exhaust the whole economy : there is no phenomenon of wealth that lies outside of them. these are the facts to be recognized in entering on the study of distribution. in carrying that study to completion we cannot get outside of the field of social production, and we cannot avoid including within our more limited field the subject of exchange. value is the chief subject that has customarily been treated in the division of exchange ; but the theory of value and that of group distribution are one and the same. notes for this chapter an article is not finished, in the economic sense, till the retail merchant has found the customer whose needs it satisfies. the sale of completed articles is thus the terminal act of social production. end of notes return to top


0 – 1, london 1783, that philidor understood very well modern concepts like : power of passed pawns ; bad and good pieces ; space advantage ; open files ; pawn structure ; importance of center. l ' analyse du jeu des echecs | this section uses algebraic notation to describe chess moves. | in 1749, philidor published his famous book analyse du jeu des echecs. he printed a second edition in 1777, and a third edition in 1790. the book was such an advance in chess knowledge that by 1871, it had gone through about 70 editions, and had been translated into english, german, russian and italian. in it, philidor analyzed nine different types of game openings. most of the openings of philidor are designed to strengthen and establish a strong defensive center using pawns. he is the first one to realize the new role of the pawn in the chess game ; and his most famous advice was the saying " the pawns are the soul of chess. " more precisely philidor said : mon but principal est de me rendre recommandable par une nouveaute dont personne ne s ' est avise, ou peut - etre n ' a ete capable ; c ' est celle de bien jouer les pions ; ils sont l ' ame des echecs : ce sont eux - memes qui forment uniquement l ' attaque et la defense et de leur bon ou mauvais arrangement depend entierement le gain ou la perte de la partie. translation : my main purpose is to make myself commendable by a novelty of which no one was aware or perhaps was capable [ of discovering ] ; this is to play the pawns well ; they are the soul of chess : it is they which uniquely determine the attack and the defence, and on their good or bad arrangement depends entirely the winning or losing of the game. it was said that the reason why philidor emphasized the pawns in the chess game was related to the political background during the eighteenth century of france, and that he regarded pawns as the " third rank " on the chess board ( citizens were regarded as the third rank of the society before the french revolution started in 1789 ). he also included analysis of certain positions of rook and bishop versus rook, such analysis being still current theory even today. he is most famous for showing an important drawing technique with a rook and pawn versus rook endgame,


french revolution started in 1789 ). he also included analysis of certain positions of rook and bishop versus rook, such analysis being still current theory even today. he is most famous for showing an important drawing technique with a rook and pawn versus rook endgame, in a position known as the philidor position. the philidor defense ( 1. e4 e5 2. nf3 d6 ) is named for him. philidor ’ s book was the very first ( 1 ) that gave detailed annotations on how to play the middlegame, ( 2 ) that presented chess strategy as a whole, and ( 3 ) that presented the concepts of the blockade, prophylaxis, positional sacrifice, and mobility of the pawn formation. early critics of the analyse du jeu des echecs include those of the modenese school ( ercole del rio, lolli or ponziani ), who in contrast to the french, advocated a free piece play, gambit openings and tactical complications ; they also found some of the variations reported in the analyse to be unsound ( in particular those related with f7 – f5 push in the philidor defence 1. e4 e5 2. nf3 d6 3. d4 f5?! ). some of philidor ' s disciples - - bernard, carlier, leger, and verdoni, who met at the cafe de la regence under the name of societe des amateurs — also criticized his work. in their book, traite des amateurs, they expressed many criticisms and comments on his earlier printed book, arguing that the variations reported in philidor ' s analyse are more instructive than correct. nevertheless, the games of the traite can be regarded, together of those of philidor, as typical examples of the understanding of chess during the enlightenment, and the societe des amateurs was much closer to philidor than to the modenese school. notable chess games - captain smith vs francois andre philidor, london, england 1790, bishop ' s opening : berlin defense ( c24 ), 0 – 1 good sample of philidor ' s ideas about pawns ; plus a nice mating combination at the end - francois andre philidor vs nn, unknown 1749, bishop ' s opening : boi variation ( c23 ), 1 – 0 this game — possibly a composition by philidor — demonstrates the value of passed pawns final years philidor was stranded in england


williams, h. paul ( 2009 ) logic and integer programming. international series in operations research & management science. springer, london, uk. isbn 9780387922799 integer programming ( discrete optimization ) is best used for solving problems involving discrete, whole elements. using integer variables, one can model logical requirements, fixed costs, sequencing and scheduling requirements, and many other problem aspects. whether it ’ s taught in or graduate programs or in math or computer science programs ; in courses called " integer programming, " " combinatorial optimization, " " combinatorial optimization and integer programming " or simply " advanced operations management, " it ’ s a part of every or curriculum, and one of its greatest teachers has developed a text that shows how to use logic in integer programming to develop models with much greater precision. paul williams, a leading authority on modeling in integer programming, has written a concise, readable introduction to the science and art of using modeling in logic for integer programming. written for graduate and postgraduate students, as well as academics and practitioners, the book is divided into four chapters that all avoid the typical format of definitions, theorems and proofs and instead introduce concepts and results within the text through examples. references are given at the end of each chapter to the more mathematical papers and texts on the subject, and exercises are included to reinforce and expand on the material in the chapter. chapter 1 gives a basic introduction to logic and its aims, and goes on to explain the propositional and predicate calculus. chapter 2 explains linear programming ( lp ) and integer programming ( ip ) using the machinery of logic ; explains the fundamental structural and mathematical properties of these types of models, along with the main methods of solving ip models ; covers main areas of practical application ; and attempts to distinguish between computationally ‘ difficult ’ and ‘ easy ’ classes of problem. chapter 3 applies logic to the formulation of ip models using the methods explained in chapter 1 and looks at the deeper mathematical concepts involved. chapter 4 then covers the fundamental problem of computational logic : the satisfiability problem, which lies at the heart of the entire book. methods of solving with both logic and ip are given and their connections are described. applications in diverse fields are discussed, and williams shows how ip models can be expressed as satisfiability problems and solved as such. | additional information : | | © 2009 h. paul williams | | library of congress subject classification : | | z bibliography. library science. information resources > za information resources > za4050 electronic


sportsmen and their sweaters : knitting patterns as historical sources polley, martin ( 2009 ) sportsmen and their sweaters : knitting patterns as historical sources. in, recording leisure lives : sports, games and pastimes, bolton, uk, 07 apr 2009. full text not available from this repository. old knitting patterns are easy to see as ephemeral, disposable items, artefacts of everyday life that we can see in our memory on our mothers ’ laps, but that we don ’ t readily picture in an archive. they are produced for a very specific purpose, and are not designed to become historians ’ sources. however, cultural historians and historians of everyday life can learn from them, and can use them as windows on to their time of production. using sport - related knitting patterns from winchester school of art ’ s knitting reference library as a case study, this paper will look at what historians can get from this type of evidence : both empirical evidence about disposable income, materials, and technology, and household economics, and more subjective, cultural evidence about class, identity, and gender. the paper will build on the call that i made for sports historians to use wider variety of sources in sports history : a practical guide ( palgrave, 2007 ). | item type : | | conference or workshop item ( paper ) | | keywords : | | knitting, sport, clothing, fashion, history | | subjects : | | g geography. anthropology. recreation > gv recreation leisure h social sciences > hn social history and conditions. social problems. social reform d history general and old world > da great britain | divisions : | | university structure - pre august 2011 > school of education > leadership, school improvement and effectiveness | date deposited : | | 15 jul 2009 | | last modified : | | 02 mar 2012 13 : 12 | | contributors : | | polley, martin ( author ) | date : | | 7 april 2009 | | rdf : | | rdf + n - triples, rdf + n3, rdf + xml, browse. | actions ( login required )


| " zero in on " = focus on or direction your attention to a particular issue | " i think we need to zero in on the main causes of water pollution and start solving them one at a time. " " leave no stone unturned " = do everything possible to solve a problem " things might look bad, but leave no stone unturned in trying to find the answer to our company ' s economic problems. " more of randall ' s favorite learning resources [ quiz script ] first, name three environmental problems that face our world today, how people can help solve these problems. what image comes to your mind when you think of " recycling "? | i. pre - listening exercises [ top ] | helpful tip : recycling is one important way of conserving our world ' s natural resources. talk with you family about what you can do to better recycle your trash. | listen to the conversation by pressing the " play " button of the audio type you want to hear, and answer the questions. press the " final score " button to check your quiz. | ii. listening exercises [ top ] 2. listen to the conversation again as you read the quiz script. | iii. post - listening exercises [ top ] | what are five specific things individuals can do to protect the environment? what are some reasons why people do not recycle or are careless when they dispose of garbage? are there any unique programs in your city or country that promote recycling and protecting the environment? now, write your opinions on a similar topic at randall ' s esl blog here. randall ' s sites : daily esl | esl blog | ezslang | train your accent | tips for students | hiking in utah


concept. the basic idea is that the human mind can keep track of about seven at once, or can differentiate between seven or so different ( but similar ) things. the phrase comes from the title of a 1956 paper by harvard professor george a. miller titled, the magical number seven, plus or minus two : some limits on our capacity for processing information, which begins : my problem is that i have been persecuted by an integer. for seven years this number has followed me around, has intruded in my most private data, and has assaulted me from the pages of our most public journals. this number assumes a variety of disguises, being sometimes a little larger and sometimes a little smaller than usual, but never changing so much as to be unrecognizable. the persistence with which this number plagues me is far more than a random accident. there is, to quote a famous senator, a design behind it, some pattern governing its appearances. either there really is something unusual about the number or else i am suffering from delusions of persecution. miller goes on to present data from a number of experiments which support the idea ( by arriving at the number seven ). topics of the experiments he reviewed included, " span of immediate memory ", " capacity for absolute judgements of the position of a dot on a square ", and ( my favorite ) " capacity for absolute judgements of saltiness


a team of researchers from universite laval, chu de quebec, and pharmaceutical firm glaxosmithkline ( gsk ) has discovered a way to stimulate the brain ’ s natural defense mechanisms in people with alzheimer ’ s disease. toll - like receptor 4 stimulation with the detoxified ligand monophosphoryl lipid a improves alzheimer ’ s disease - related pathology, presented in an early online edition of the proceedings of the national academy of sciences ( pnas ), opens the door to the development of a treatment for alzheimer ’ s disease and a vaccine to prevent the illness. one of the main characteristics of alzheimer ’ s disease is the production in the brain of a toxic molecule known as amyloid beta. microglial cells, the nervous system ’ s defenders, are unable to eliminate this substance, which forms deposits called senile plaques. the team led by dr. serge rivest, professor at universite laval ’ s faculty of medicine and researcher at the chu de quebec research center, identified a molecule that stimulates the activity of the brain ’ s immune cells. the molecule, known as mpl ( monophosphoryl lipid a ), has been used extensively as a vaccine adjuvant by gsk for many years, and its safety is well established. in mice with alzheimer ’ s symptoms, weekly injections of mpl over a twelve - week period eliminated up to 80 % of senile plaques. in addition, tests measuring the mice ’ s ability to learn new tasks showed significant improvement in cognitive function over the same period. the researchers see two potential uses for mpl. it could be administered by intramuscular injection to people with alzheimer ’ s disease to slow the progression of the illness. it could also be incorporated into a vaccine designed to stimulate the production of antibodies against amyloid beta. “ the vaccine could be given to people who already have the disease to stimulate their natural immunity, ” said serge rivest. “ it could also be administered as a preventive measure to people with risk factors for alzheimer ’ s disease. ” “ when our team started working on alzheimer ’ s disease a decade ago, our goal was to develop better treatment for alzheimer ’ s patients, ” explained professor rivest. “ with the discovery announced today, i think we ’ re close to our objective. ” in addition to rivest, the study ’ s co - authors are jean - philippe michaud, antoine lampron, peter theriault, paul prefontaine, mohammed filal


gcn lab review device spots, stops advanced malware before it can cripple a network fireeye ' s virtual machines profile an attack and then disrupt it before it strikes a lot of protections are built into most federal and corporate networks these days. between firewalls, intrusion prevention systems, port monitoring and even desktop antivirus, you would think security is pretty air tight. yet major breaches such as the recent hack of the sony playstation network and other high - profile attacks show bad guys can still find ways to get through sophisticated defenses, especially if they are patient and target attacks specifically at an agency or group. the fireeye malware protection system, the gcn product of the month for june, has an unusual approach to these exploits. it uses a unique system of virtual machines that lets malware do whatever it wants, and then shuts it down on the real network. as such, no signatures are needed and even new attacks are caught before any significant damage occurs. advanced persistent threats are a new way of life is china out - gunning u. s. in cyber war? the fireeye is deployed in three components as appliances. there is an e - mail monitor, an internet traffic monitor and a control device that lets those two systems communicate with each other and work together to stop threats. the fireeye team came into the gcn lab to show what happens during a type of attack that most current protections would miss. in this example, we used the same type of technique that was performed in the recent aurora attack, considered an advanced persistent threat that targeted several high - tech firms in 2009 - 2010. in that event, hackers patiently stalked hand - chosen victims for months, gathering data on corporate security before sending e - mail messages and instant messaging notes that appeared to come from friends. in many cases, the attack was tweaked to specifically get around whatever security was in place. most attacks were delivered as a malicious binary file designed to look like a normal. jpg. once the. jpg was in place, it called home and downloaded encrypted packages of malware that were designed to steal data and cripple networks. gears of a virtual machine when a similar program was sent into a network protected by fireeye, the malicious binary began to do its dirty work like it was programmed to do. but it didn ’ t know that fireeye had moved it over to a virtual machine and not to an end - user ’ s computer. fireeye watched as the program phoned home


began to do its dirty work like it was programmed to do. but it didn ’ t know that fireeye had moved it over to a virtual machine and not to an end - user ’ s computer. fireeye watched as the program phoned home and gathered more malware components from compromised systems. it didn ’ t matter that the incoming malware components were encrypted to get around traditional virus scanners, because for the bad programs to activate, they had to un - encrypt themselves. and when they did, fireeye watched the process unfold. after the details of the attack were known, ports and ip addresses were blocked to prevent the malware from working its evil on the actual network. the fireeye e - mail scanner and the internet traffic scanner worked together to stop anything bad from happening. in a sense, fireeye creates a virtual honey pot for malware, lets it do what it wants, but only on the virtual and easily purged machine. then it prevents the same things from hurting the real network. a very detailed report is generated showing exactly who inside the network was targeted, what files were used and how dangerous the threat actually is to overall security. copies of all the malicious files are kept and stored in case administrators or analysts want to further examine them to learn more about the hackers. that data could be used to prevent future attacks, or even prosecute the guilty parties since the hackers ’ digital fingerprints will still be all over the captured files. if an attack is delivered by e - mail, fireeye can stop it from ever reaching the network, because the mail can simply be delayed while the virtual machines examine anything suspicious. however, if the attack is delivered in real time, such as through a corrupted web page, one user in the network will likely be infected because code will be executing on their computer at the same time as the virtual machine. calls out for new malware will be blocked, since fireeye monitors both inbound and outbound traffic, but one person will still have the corrupted files sitting on their computer. the good news is that administrators are immediately told exactly who is infected and how they got that way, and the infection is sealed up on that single machine. fireeye also works if someone brings a keydrive with malware into the network directly without first passing through the fireeye scanner. in that case, the malicious activity would be caught because of the outbound traffic that is being scanned, which can also be run through a virtual machine for processing. pricing for the


plants have evolved a number of cold - response genes encoding proteins that induce tolerance to freezing, alter water absorption and initiate many other low temperature induced processes. in the 1 april genes and development, jian - kang zhu and colleagues of the department of plant sciences, university of arizona, shed light on how these genes are regulated. lee et al. report that the protein hos1 negatively regulates cold - response genes in arabidopsis. at low temperatures, hos1 relocalizes from the cytoplasm to the nucleus where it regulates gene expression ; hos1 mutants show an excessive induction of cold - response genes. the hos1 gene was mapped to chromosome ii of arabidopsis and cloned. it encodes a protein of 915 amino acids with a nuclear localization signal and a ring finger. proteins with this motif have been implicated in the breakdown of other proteins by a process that involves ubiquitination. lee et al. speculate that hos1 might regulate the function of cold - response genes by targeting the gene products for degradation. lee h, xiong l, gong z, ishitani m, stevenson b, zhu jk : the arabidopsis hos1 gene negatively regulates cold signal transduction and encodes a ring finger protein that displays cold - regulated nucleo - cytoplasmic partitioning. genes dev 2001, 15. department of plant sciences, university of arizona


, dubbed grb 090423, is an example of one of the most violent explosions in the universe. it is thought to have been associated with the cataclysmic death of a massive star - triggered by the centre of the star collapsing to form a " stellar - sized " black hole. " swift detects something like 100 gamma ray bursts per year, " said professor tanvir. " and we follow up on lots of them in the hope that eventually we will get one like this one - something really very distant. " another team, led by italian astronomer ruben salvaterra studied the afterglow independently with the national galileo telescope in la palma. little red dot he told bbc news : " this kind of observation is quite difficult, so having two groups have the same result with two different instruments makes this much more robust. " " it is not surprising - we expected to see an event this distant eventually, " said professor salvaterra. " but to be there when it happens is quite amazing - definitely something to tell the grandchildren. " a gamma - ray burst recipe models assume grbs arise when giant stars burn out and collapse during collapse, super - fast jets of matter burst out from the stars collisions occur with gas already shed by the dying behemoths the interaction generates the energetic signals detected by swift remnants of the huge stars end their days as black holes the astronomers were able to calculate the vast distance using a phenomenon known as " red shift ". most of the light from the explosion was absorbed by intergalactic hydrogen gas. as that light travelled towards earth, the expansion of the universe " stretches " its wavelength, causing it to become redder. " the greater that amount of movement [ or stretching ], the greater the distance. " he said. the image of this gamma ray burst was produced by combining several infrared images. " so in this case, it ' s the redness of the dot that indicates that it is very distant, " professor tanvir explained. before this record - breaking event, the furthest object observed from earth was a gamma ray burst 12. 9 billion light - years away. " this is quite a big step back to the era when the first stars formed in the universe, " said professor tanvir. " not too long ago we had no idea where the first galaxies came from, so astronomers think this is a profound moment. " this is... the last blank bit of the map of the universe - the time between the big bang and the formation of these early


pretext that library books may not be taken outside. harry ’ s suspicions of snape continue to grow. harry notices that snape is limping. going off to retrieve the book from snape, harry overhears snape talking to argus filch about the three - headed dog, which makes harry even more suspicious. the next morning, the quidditch match begins. harry plays the position of seeker, which means he must capture a little object called the golden snitch. he spots it and is flying toward it when the slytherin seeker pushes him out of the way and is penalised. later in the game, harry ’ s broom begins moving uncontrollably. hagrid comments that only dark magic could make a broomstick so hard to manage. hermione notices that snape is staring at harry and muttering to himself. as the weasley twins try to rescue their team - mate harry, hermione rushes over to snape, sneaks behind him, and sets his robe on fire. suddenly, the spell on harry ’ s broom is broken and harry is once again in control. he starts speeding toward the ground and lands, catching the golden snitch in his mouth. hagrid takes harry back to his hut with hermione and ron, who tells harry that snape was putting a curse on his broomstick. hagrid does not believe this charge, asking why snape would try to kill harry. harry tells hagrid about snape getting injured by the dog in the third - floor corridor. hagrid involuntarily reveals that the three - headed dog, fluffy, is his, and that what the dog is guarding is a secret known only to albus dumbledore and a man named nicolas flamel. christmas is approaching. malfoy teases harry about having to stay at hogwarts for the holiday as he doesn ' t have parents. harry, however, is looking forward to spending christmas away from the dursleys, especially because ron is also staying at hogwarts. the day the before the end of term, hermione tears harry and ron away from a conversation with hagrid to look in the library for more information about nicolas flamel. the librarian catches harry prowling around the restricted - books section of the library and kicks him out. the christmas season on christmas day, harry and ron awaken to presents, though harry ’ s are fewer. harry receives a flute from hagrid


it is impossible for the information in dna to have emerged through coincidences and natural processes. the theory of evolution, which accounts for the origin of life in terms of chance, cannot provide a coherent explanation for even the existence of the most basic molecules in the cell. advances in genetic science and the discovery of the nucleic acids, dna and rna, represented still further impasses for the theory. in 1955, research by two scientists, james watson and francis crick, brought to light the dna ’ s unbelievably complex structure and design. the molecule known as dna, found in every one of the 100 trillion cells in the human body, contains a flawless structural blueprint for the body as a whole. information regarding all a person ’ s characteristics, from external appearance to the structures of the internal organs, is recorded in the dna through a special coding system, via the arrangement of four special molecules that constitute the dna spiral. these molecules, known as nucleotides, are referred to by their initial letters : a, t, g and c. all the structural differences between human beings stem from these letters being arranged differently from one another. the arrangement of these molecules in dna determines a person ’ s structure, down to the minutest detail. in addition to features such as height and the color of the eyes, hair and skin, the blueprints concerning the body ’ s 206 bones, 600 muscles, 100 billion nerve cells and 100 trillion cells are all contained in the dna in any single cell. if you were to put down all the information in dna on paper, you would need to a library of 900 volumes of 500 pages each. yet this unimaginable amount of information is coded in the components of the dna known as genes. any error arising in the arrangement of the nucleotides making up a gene will make that gene totally functionless. bear in mind that there are 40, 000 genes in the human body, and it seems absolutely impossible for the millions of nucleotides comprising these genes to have assumed their correct order by chance. a medium protein might include about 300 amino acids. the dna gene controlling this would have about 1, 000 nucleotidase in its chain. since there are four kinds of nucleotidase in a dna chain, one consisting of 1, 000 links could exist in 41000 or 10600. ten multiplied by itself 600 times gives the figure 1 followed by 600 zeros! imagine how many universes it would take to accommodate 10600 dna chains!


dna chain, one consisting of 1, 000 links could exist in 41000 or 10600. ten multiplied by itself 600 times gives the figure 1 followed by 600 zeros! imagine how many universes it would take to accommodate 10600 dna chains! 130 following a small logarithmic calculation, in 41000 is equivalent to a probability of 1 in 10600. that number is 1 followed by 600 zeros. since 1 followed by 11 zeros equals 1 trillion, it is absolutely impossible to conceive of the number represented by 1 and 600 zeros. the impossibility of nucleotides coming together by chance to constitute dna and rna is expressed by the french evolutionist scientist paul auger : we have to sharply distinguish the two stages in the chance formation of complex molecules such as nucleotides by chemical events. the production of nucleotides one by one — which is possible — and the combination of these within very special sequences. the second is absolutely impossible. 131 the chances of a protein and nucleic acid ( dna - rna ) forming are far beyond what is estimated. in fact, the odds of a specific protein chain coming about are astronomically small. 132 the theory of evolution has not proven any of the evolutionary formations alleged to have taken place at the molecular level. as science progresses, far from producing answers to these questions, it actually makes those questions more complex and unanswerable, and thus confirms creation by default. however, evolutionists have conditioned themselves to deny creation and are thus left with no alternative than to believe in the impossible. in his book evolution : a theory in crisis, the well - known australian molecular biologist michael denton describes the situation : to the skeptic, the proposition that the genetic programmes of higher organisms, consisting of something close to a thousand million bits of information, equivalent to the sequence of letters in a small library of 1, 000 volumes, containing in encoded form countless thousands of intricate algorithms controlling, specifying, and ordering the growth and development of billions and billions of cells into the form of a complex organism, were composed by a purely random process is simply an affront to reason. but to the darwinist, the idea is accepted without a ripple of doubt — the paradigm takes precedence! 133 130 frank b. salisbury, “ doubts about the modern synthetic theory of evolution. ” american biology teacher, september 1971, p. 336. 131 paul auger, de la physique theorique a la biologie, 1970, p. 118. 132 ali demi


| rosat home page | | rosat the time variability of x - ray emission can be studied with the hri since each detected photon has its time of arrival recorded by the detector. the accuracy of this time is limited by the electronic resolution of the hri processor which is 61 sec relative to the rosat spacecraft clock. the relative arrival times of photons during a single observation is accurate to this value. the absolute accuracy of the rosat spacecraft clock, and its conversion to ut, is expected to be a few milliseconds. the hri has a processing dead time during which events may not be counted which varies between 0. 36 and 1. 35 msec per event. the variation is discussed in section 188. 8. 131. 52 and depends on the fine position of the event. thus there is a dead time correction that needs to be made for calculating the true event rate from a source. a mean dead time of = 0. 81 msec can be used for this purpose, and the true rate is then given by :, where n is the observed rate. due to the telescope wobble and the small variations in the qe of the hri on spatial scales of a few arc minutes ( see fig. 5. 13 ), the count rate of a source can vary by 5 % between the extremities of a wobble. this can produce a low amplitude source variability on a time scale of approximately 100 - 400 seconds in some sources. as for the pspc, the hri observations are typically interrupted once per orbit, and sometimes as much a three times per orbit. typical continuous viewing times for a source will be about 2000 seconds, with some cases lasting up to 4000 seconds. long term monitoring of sources on time scales of weeks of more will be limited by the solar view constraints of the satellite. this limits source accessibility to about one month every six months for a source in the elliptic plane, with greater access time for sources closer to the ecliptic poles.


may be of interest to some of my readers. 1. data protection challenge of the future : what is big data? the three v ’ s - volume, velocity, and variety – are the essential characteristics of “ big data ”. while data protection and privacy laws are still busy catching up with technologies of yesterday, big data is growing at a lightning speed on a daily basis. how can companies deal with the data protection challenges brought about by big data in order to truly benefit from the opportunities introduced by big data? first, one must truly grasp what is big data. we interview jeff jonas, chief scientist at ibm entity analytics, to obtain his perspectives and definition of big data, and his experience handling big data. 2. when did data become big? big data did not become big overnight. what i think happened is data started getting generated faster than organizations could get their hands around it. then one day you simply wake up and feel like you are drowning in data. on that day, data felt big. 3. please explain and elaborate on the characteristics of big data? big data means different things to different people. personally, my favorite definition is : “ something magical happens when very large corpuses of data come together. ” some example of this can be seen at google, for example google flu trends and google translate. in my own work, i witnessed this first in 2006. in this particular system, the system started getting higher quality predictions and faster as it ingested more data. this is so counter intuitive. the easiest way to explain this though is to consider the familiar process of putting a puzzle together at home. why is it do you think the last few pieces are as easy as the first few – even though you have more data in front of you then ever before? same thing really that is happening in my systems these days. it ’ s rather exciting to tell you the truth. to elaborate briefly on the new physics of big data, i pinpointed the three phenomena of big data physics in my blog entry - big data. new physics – drawing from my personal experience of 14 years of designing and deploying a number of multi - billion row context accumulating systems : 1. better prediction. simultaneously lower false positives and lower false negatives 2. bad data good. more specifically, natural variability in data including spelling errors, transposition errors, and even professionally fabricated lies – all helpful. 3. more data faster. less compute effort as the database gets bigger. another definition of big data is related to the ability for organizations to


, natural variability in data including spelling errors, transposition errors, and even professionally fabricated lies – all helpful. 3. more data faster. less compute effort as the database gets bigger. another definition of big data is related to the ability for organizations to harness data sets previously believed to be “ too large to handle. ” historically, big data means too many rows, too much storage and too much cost for organizations who lack the tools and ability to really handle data of such quantity. today, we are seeing ways to explore and iterate cheaply over big data. 4. when did data become big for you? what is your “ big data ” processing experience? as previously mentioned, for me, big data is about the magical things that happen when a critical mass is reached. to be honest, big data does not feel big to me unless it is hard to process and make sense of. a few billion rows here and a few billion rows there – such volumes once seemed a lot of data to me. then helping organizations think about dealing volumes of 100 million or more records a day seemed like a lot. today, when i think about the volumes at google and facebook, i think : “ now that really is big data! ” my personal interest and primary focus on big data these days is : how to make sense of data in real time, that is fast enough to do something about the transaction while the transaction is still happening. while you swipe that credit card, there is only a few seconds to decide if that is you or maybe someone pretending to be you. if an unauthorized user is inside your network, and data starts getting pumped out, an organization needs sub - second “ sense and respond ” capabilities. end of day batch processes producing great answers is simply late! 5. what are the technologies currently adopted to process big data? the availability of big data technologies seems to be growing by leaps and bounds and on many fronts. we are seeing a large corporate investments resulting in commercial products – at ibm two examples would be ibm infosphere streams for big data in motion and ibm infosphere big insights for pattern discovery over data at rest. there are also many big data open source efforts under way for example hadoop, cassandra and lucene. if one were to divide these into types one would find some well suited for streaming analytics and others for batch analytics. some help organizations harness structured data while others are ideal for unstructured data. one thing is for sure – there are many options, and there will be many more choices to come as big data


complicates this : i think many consumers would be surprised to know what is computationally possible with big data. for example, where you are going to be next thursday at 5 : 35pm or your three best friends, and which two of them are not on facebook. big data is making it harder to have secrets. to illustrate using lines from my blog entry - using transparency as a mask – ‘ unlike two decades ago, humans are now creating huge volumes of extraordinarily useful data as they self - annotate their relationships and yours, their photographs and yours, their thoughts and their thoughts about you … and more. with more data, comes better understanding and prediction. the convergence of data might reveal your “ discreet ” rendezvous or the fact you are no longer on speaking terms your best friend. no longer secret is your visit to the porn store and the subsequent change in your home ’ s late night energy profile, another telling story about who you are … again out of the bag, and little you can do about it. pity … you thought that all of this information was secret. ’ 9. what are the privacy concerns & threats big data might bring about - to companies and to individuals whose data are contained in ' big data '? my number one recommendation to organizations is “ avoid consumer surprise. ” 10. how are companies currently applying privacy protection principles before / after big data has been processed? i think there are many best practices being adopted. one of my favorites involves letting consumers opt - in instead of opting them in automatically and then requiring them to opt - out. one new thing i would like to see become a new best practice is : a place on the web site, for example my bank, where i can see a list of third parties whom my bank has shared my data with. i think this transparency would be good and certainly would make consumers more aware. 11. what is “ big data ”, according to jeff jonas? big data is a pile of data so big - and harnessed so well - that it becomes possible to make substantially better predictions, for example, what web page would be the absolute best web page to place first on your results, just for you.


have you ever eaten gluten? no, not glue — gluten! if you ' ve ever eaten a piece of bread, a slice of pizza, or a bowl of cereal, chances are you have. gluten ( say : gloo - tin ) is a protein found in wheat, rye, and barley — grains that are in many everyday foods. most of us eat food with gluten with no trouble. but for some people, eating gluten can cause a reaction in their bodies. someone who has this problem has celiac ( say : see - lee - ak ) disease. after you eat food, it goes to your stomach, which is part of a group of organs that make up your digestive system. an important part of the digestive system is the small intestine, which is lined with villi ( say : vil - eye ). villi are usually described as microscopic, finger - like projections. weird, huh? fingers in your intestines! but don ' t forget that they ' re microscopic, meaning they are extremely small — so small you can ' t see them without a microscope. the villi are important because they absorb nutrients into the body. for someone with celiac disease, eating gluten — in a piece of bread, for instance — causes an immune system reaction. your immune system ordinarily keeps you from getting sick, but in someone with celiac disease, the body starts damaging and destroying the villi. without villi, the body can ' t absorb vitamins and nutrients from food. without enough nutrients, a kid ' s body has a tough time staying healthy and growing properly. even if the person eats a lot, he or she still might lose weight and might develop anemia ( say : uh - nee - me - uh ) from not absorbing enough iron. no one is sure why celiac disease happens, but it appears to run in families. you have a 5 % to 10 % chance of getting celiac disease if someone in your family has it. it ' s common in people from the northern european countries and the united states. how common? about 1 in every 133 people in the united states has celiac disease. obviously, many people who have celiac disease do not know it. if all these people were diagnosed, celiac disease would be more common than type 1 diabetes. fortunately, awareness is growing about the problem, and there are better ways of testing people for it. signs and symptoms some common symptoms of


stupor, seizures, and can be fatal. how is the sample collected for testing? a blood sample is obtained by inserting a needle into a vein in the arm. note : if undergoing medical tests makes you or someone you care for anxious, embarrassed, or even difficult to manage, you might consider reading one or more of the following articles : coping with test pain, discomfort, and anxiety, tips on blood testing, tips to help children through their medical tests, and tips to help the elderly through their medical tests. another article, follow that sample, provides a glimpse at the collection and processing of a blood sample and throat culture. is any test preparation needed to ensure the quality of the sample? no test preparation is needed. however, timing of the sample collection may affect results. generally, lithium blood levels are performed 12 - 18 hours after the last dose ( also known as a " trough " level ). tell the laboratorian who is drawing your blood when you took your last dose so that the results can be interpreted correctly. ask a laboratory scientist this form enables you to ask specific questions about your tests. your questions will be answered by a laboratory scientist as part of a voluntary service provided by one of our partners, american society for clinical laboratory science. if your questions are not related to your lab tests, please submit them via our contact us form. thank you. * indicates a required field note : this article is based on research that utilizes the sources cited here as well as the collective experience of the lab tests online editorial review board. this article is periodically reviewed by the editorial board and may be updated as a result of the review. any new sources cited will be added to the list and distinguished from the original sources used. sources used in current review tietz textbook of clinical chemistry and molecular diagnostics. burtis ca, ashwood er and bruns de, eds. 4th ed. st. louis, missouri : elsevier saunders ; 2006, pp 1271 - 1272. harrison ' s principles of internal medicine. 16th ed. kasper d, braunwald e, fauci a, hauser s, longo d, jameson jl, eds. mcgraw - hill, 2005 pg 2557. ( updated march 24, 2009 ) lee d, gupta m. toxicity, lithium from medscape. available online at http : / / emedicine. medscape. com / article / 815523 - overview through http : / / emedicine. medscape. com. accessed


this work presents a myth - busting account of how class conflict and economic development, and not only interstate rivalry, led to the emergence of the modern state system. inspired by the groundbreaking historical work of robert brenner, teschke argues that property relations provide the key to unlocking the changing meaning of ' international ' across the medieval, early modern and modern periods. challenging the reification of the treaty of westphalia, teschke shows that international politics remained under the control of dynastic and absolutist political elites that were rooted in feudal property regimes. the book rejects a commonplace of european history : that the treaties of westphalia not only closed the thirty years ’ war but also inaugurated a new international order driven by the interaction of territorial sovereign states. benno teschke, through this thorough and incisive critique, argues that this is not the case. domestic ‘ social property relations ’ shaped international relations in continental europe down to 1789 and even beyond. the dynastic monarchies that ruled during this time differed from their medieval predecessors in degree and form of personalization, but not in underlying dynamic. 1648, therefore, is a false caesura in the history of international relations. for real change we must wait until relatively recent times and the development of modern states and true capitalism. in effect, it ’ s not until governments are run impersonally, with no function other than the exercise of its monopoly on violence, that modern international relations are born. | the myth of 1648 - benno teschke | | 14. 84 mb |


was noticed from 7 : 38 to 9 : 21 tlst that the lmre ( lander mounted rover equipment ) link quality, which is a measure of how well it is receiving good data frames ( 1 complete frame = 6 byte ack + 250 bytes of data ) from the rover, dropped to 44 % and continued to degrade to 14 %. after that point no more good data was received from the rover for the remainder of the sequence. a large number of garbled frames ( ones containing crc errors ), however, continued to be received by the lmre modem which indicated that the rover modem was still transmitting, and had not completely failed. during this period when rover communications degraded, the lander switched from the low gain antenna to the high gain antenna after doing a sun - search with the imp camera. also, the lander + y petal was elevated to 45°, an air - bag retraction sequence was run, and the petal was returned to a horizontal position. all during this time the rover was in the stowed configuration on the petal with its antenna down. lastly, it was decided not to deploy both rover ramps that day and wait until sol 2 to perform the rover release, standup and egress down the rear ramp. sol 1 considerations : the following have been considered and discounted as communications problems : the following are the most likely contributors to the communication degradation problem : the protocol at the data - link layer used on the uhf link between sojourner and the pathfinder lander is of the acknowledge / negative - acknowledge ( ack / nak ) type. there is no forward error correction channel coding whatsoever. the response of ack or nak is dictated by a cyclic redundancy character ( crc ) check computed over the contents of each transmission frame. a frame generating a nak can be retried up to three times before the software errors - out and skips to the next frame in the transmission queue. ack / nak protocols are very simple to implement and permit confidence in the fidelity of the data transfer when signaled by the ack confirmation, but they are extremely fragile data - link layer implementations : that is, the throughput of the link can collapse catastrophically for small incremental changes in the bit error rate ( ber ) of the physical layer. click on this graph to see how quickly the probability of receiving different size data frames can change with just a small change in ber performance. the maximum frame size used on the uhf


in the bit error rate ( ber ) of the physical layer. click on this graph to see how quickly the probability of receiving different size data frames can change with just a small change in ber performance. the maximum frame size used on the uhf link between the sojourner rover and the pathfinder lander is 256 bytes, and examination of the graph shows a rapid collapse of communications throughput for bit error rates exceeding approximately 10 - 4. note also that short frames ( those of length less than 256 bytes ) can get through with high probability even when those of maximal length are likely to fail. it was this phenomenon that was frequently observed on sol 1 and 2 : short frames got across ; fully stuffed frames did not. clearly the communications problem was not one of hardware failure or even of hardware intermittency, it was mainly an increase in bit error rate that was coupled with an extremely unforgiving data - link layer protocol. sol 2 rover telecom scenario : during the night of sol 1 the lander experienced a software reset which, it was concluded, did not affect the quality of the lander to rover uhf link. also, it has been concluded that switching between both lmre modem dc - dc converters had no corrective effect. it is likely that because of configuration differences with the location of the hga and imp that scattering / multipath conditions at the beginning of sol 2 had changed. the changes may have made the communications environment favorable enough to allow reception to occur. the rover woke up nominally via alarm clock on sol 2 at 07 : 01 : 53 tlst with no a / d problems. the small packet size command sequences for sol 2 were received normally by the rover. this indicated that the rover was able to receive data without any problems and it then began transmitting data to the lander. its first level 2 health check showed that its modem temperature was at - 30c, much colder than the day before because no modem heating was performed. the rover was still stowed on the petal with its antenna down. data was apparently buffered on the rover overnight when comm with the lander was lost. a total of 31, 491 bytes of sequence data were received. this coincides with the amount of eeprom available for buffering data ( 32k ). all indications are that the rover continued to perform runout or commanded sequence but had no place to buffer the additional data. the rover unstow ( cmd 2520 ) command executed nominally at 11 : 47 :


search loci : convergence : the reader may here observe the force of numbers, which can be successfully applied, even to those things, which one would imagine are subject to no rules. there are very few things which we know, which are not capable of being reduc ' d to a mathematical reasoning ; and when they cannot it ' s a sign our knowledge of them is very small and confus ' d ; and when a mathematical reasoning can be had it ' s as great a folly to make use of any other, as to grope for a thing in the dark, when you have a candle standing by you. of the laws of chance ( 1692 ) georg cantor at the dawn of point - set topology a first course in point - set topology can be challenging for the student because of the abstract level of the material. in an attempt to mitigate this problem, we use the history of point - set topology to obtain natural motivation for the study of some key concepts. in this article, we study an 1872 paper by georg cantor. we will look at the problem cantor was attempting to solve and see how the now familiar concepts of a point - set and derived set are natural answers to his question. we emphasize ways to utilize cantor ' s methods in order to introduce point - set topology to students. in his introduction to his book introduction to phenomenology, msgr. robert sokolowski writes as a philosopher, msgr. sokolowski is accustomed to the traditional methods of teaching philosophy to undergraduates – start with plato, aristotle and the other ancients, continue with developments through the scholastic and enlightenment eras, and then show how modern philosophy builds upon all that has gone before. he must be puzzled, then, by the lack of attention to the historical development of ideas that generally attends to the teaching of mathematics. he perceives that something important is missing, and he is correct. in recent years, interest has grown considerably in developing an historical approach to the teaching of mathematics. victor katz has edited an anthology of articles giving different perspectives on the development of mathematics in general from an historical point of view. some authors, such as klyve, stemkoski, and tou, focus on one particular historical figure – in their case, euler – important to the development of mathematics. there is also interest in the historical development of certain areas of mathematics commonly included in the undergraduate curriculum. brian hopkins has written a textbook introducing discrete mathematics from an historical point of view ; david bressoud has written two textbooks that present


development of mathematics. there is also interest in the historical development of certain areas of mathematics commonly included in the undergraduate curriculum. brian hopkins has written a textbook introducing discrete mathematics from an historical point of view ; david bressoud has written two textbooks that present analysis from an historical perspective (, ) ; and adam parker has compiled an original sources bibliography for ordinary differential equations instructors that contains many of the original papers in odes. this is the first paper in a planned series that will outline ways to introduce point - set topology concepts motivated by their place in history. to borrow a phrase from david bressoud, it is an " attempt to let history inform pedagogy " [ 2, p. vii ]. a growing collection of the historic papers that are important to the development of point - set topology may be found on the author ' s web site. this paper focuses on the seminal work of georg cantor ( 1845 - 1918 ), a german mathematician well - known for his contributions to the foundations of set theory, but whose contributions to point - set topology are not very well known. cantor ’ s works are collected in. for complete biographical information, see dauben ’ s definitive work. table of contents scoville, nicholas, " georg cantor at the dawn of point - set topology, " loci ( march 2012 ), doi : 10. 4169 / loci003861


unitary method problem date : 02 / 01 / 99 at 19 : 13 : 36 from : tamara subject : a unitary method problem runts come in a carton. there are 8 packages in one carton. there are 3 boxes in each package. if there are 170 runts in one box, how many runts are there in 6 cartons? date : 03 / 01 / 99 at 17 : 48 : 36 from : doctor swiss subject : re : a unitary method problem this can be a difficult question to take in all at once. the best way to approach it is to break it down into steps. the first step is to notice how runts, boxes, packages, and cartons are related. it might help to draw a diagram, like this one : 170 runts / box - - > 3 boxes / package - - > 8 packages / carton - - > 6 cartons just so you know, by runt / box, we mean runts in a box. now you can see how everything is related, and you can also see the steps that you have to take. now to find out the number of runts in 6 cartons, it would help us to see how many packages are in 6 cartons. why? well, once we know the number of packages in 6 cartons, we can find out the number of boxes in 6 cartons, and finally the number of runts in 6 cartons. so now we are trying to find the number of packages in 6 cartons. we know the number of packages on 1 carton is 8. what if we had 2 cartons? then we would have 8 cartons from the first package and 8 from the second, for a total of 8 + 8 = 16. note that this is also 8 * 2 = 16 cartons. try this for 3 cartons. i hope you can see the jump and figure out that there are 8 * 6 packages in 6 cartons. you can repeat this process to find that there are 3 * 8 * 6 boxes in 6 cartons. you need one more step to find the number of runts in 6 cartons. it turns out that this problem is just one big multiplication problem. please write back if you need more help or have any more questions. good luck, - doctors swiss, teeple, and stacey, the math forum http : / / mathforum. org / dr. math / search the dr. math library : ask dr. mathtm © 1994 - 2013 the math forum