amounts of unpaid parking fines. a recent initiative by new york state deployed alpr systems to catch car thieves by tracing suspect plates back to forged documents. police from albany, new york also scan vehicles in their parking lots to check visitors for warrants. in addition to the real - time processing of license plate numbers, alpr systems in the us collect ( and can indefinitely store ) data from each license plate capture. images, dates, times and gps coordinates can be stockpiled and can help place a suspect at a scene, aid in witness identification, pattern recognition or the tracking of individuals. such data can be used to create specialized databases that can be shared among departments or individuals ( such as insurers, banks or auto recovery " repo - men ". ) specialized databases can also be used to compile personal information on individuals such as journalists suspected gang members, employees of a business, patrons of a bar, etc., and be shared by e - mail or portable flash media. from time to time, states will make significant changes in their license plate protocol that will affect ocr accuracy. they may add a character or add a new license plate design. alpr systems must adapt to these changes quickly in order to be effective. for the most part, however, the north american design will be based on a variation of the " zurich extra condensed " font. another challenge with alpr systems is that some states have the same license plate protocol. for example more than one state uses the standard three letters followed by four numbers. so each time the alpr systems alarms, it is the user ’ s responsibility to make sure that the plate which caused the alarm matches the state associated with the license plate listed on the in - car computer. average - speed cameras this works by tracking vehicles ' travel time between two fixed points, and calculating the average speed. these cameras are claimed to have an advantage over traditional speed cameras in maintaining steady legal speeds over extended distances, rather than encouraging heavy braking on approach to specific camera locations and subsequent acceleration back to illegal speeds. the netherlands average speed cameras ( trajectcontrole ) are in place in the netherlands since 2002. as of july 2009, 12 such cameras are operating, mostly in the west of the country and along the a12. some of these are divided in several “ sections ” to allow for cars leaving and entering the motorway. a first experimental system was tested on a short stretch of the a2 in 1997 and was deemed a big success by the police, reducing overspeeding to 0.


cars driving into or out of the inner city must pay a charge, depending on the time of the day. from 2013, also for the gothenburg congestion tax, which also includes vehicles passing the city on the main highways. the introduction of anpr systems has led to fears of misidentification and the furthering of 1984 - style surveillance. in the united states, some such as gregg easterbrook oppose what they call " machines that issue speeding tickets and red - light tickets " as the beginning of a slippery slope towards an automated justice system : - " a machine classifies a person as an offender, and you can ' t confront your accuser because there is no accuser... can it be wise to establish a principle that when a machine says you did something illegal, you are presumed guilty? " similar criticisms have been raised in other countries. easterbrook also argues that this technology is employed to maximize revenue for the state, rather than to promote safety. the electronic surveillance system produces tickets which in the us are often in excess of $ 100, and are virtually impossible for a citizen to contest in court without the help of an attorney. the revenues generated by these machines are shared generously with the private corporation that builds and operates them, creating a strong incentive to tweak the system to generate as many tickets as possible. older systems had been notably unreliable ; in the uk this has been known to lead to charges being made incorrectly with the vehicle owner having to pay £10 in order to be issued with proof ( or not ) of the offense. improvements in technology have drastically decreased error rates, but false accusations are still frequent enough to be a problem. perhaps the best known incident involving the abuse of an anpr database in north america is the case of edmonton sun reporter kerry diotte in 2004. diotte wrote an article critical of edmonton police use of traffic cameras for revenue enhancement, and in retaliation was added to an anpr database of " high - risk drivers " in an attempt to monitor his habits and create an opportunity to arrest him. the police chief and several officers were fired as a result, and the office of the privacy commissioner of canada expressed public concern over the " growing police use of technology to spy on motorists. " other concerns include the storage of information that could be used to identify people and store details about their driving habits and daily life, contravening the data protection act along with similar legislation ( see personally identifiable information ). the laws in the uk are strict for any system that uses cctv footage and can identify individuals


identify people and store details about their driving habits and daily life, contravening the data protection act along with similar legislation ( see personally identifiable information ). the laws in the uk are strict for any system that uses cctv footage and can identify individuals. there is also a case in the uk for saying that use of anpr cameras is against the law under the regulation of investigatory powers act 2000. the breach exists, some say, in the fact that anpr is used to monitor the activities of law - abiding citizens and treats everyone like the suspected criminals intended to be surveyed under the act. the police themselves have been known to refer to the system of anpr as a " 24 / 7 traffic movement database " which is a diversion from its intended purpose of identifying vehicles involved in criminal activities. the associated press reported in august 2011 that new york police department cars and license plate tracking equipment purchased with federal hidta ( high intensity drug trafficking area ) funds were used to spy on muslims at mosques, and to track the license plate numbers of worshipers. police in unmarked cars outfitted with electronic license plate readers would drive down the street and automatically catalog the plates of everyone parked near the mosque, amassing a covert database that would be distributed among officers and used to profile muslims in public. other uses anpr systems may also be used for / by : - section control, to measure average vehicle speed over longer distances. - border crossings - automobile repossessions - petrol stations to log when a motorist drives away without paying for their fuel. - a marketing tool to log patterns of use - targeted advertising, a - la " minority report " - style billboards. - traffic management systems, which determine traffic flow using the time it takes vehicles to pass two anpr sites - analyses of travel behaviour ( route choice, origin - destination etc. ) for transport planning purposes - drive through customer recognition, to automatically recognize customers based on their license plate and offer them the items they ordered the last time they used the service, improving service to the customer. - to assist visitor management systems in recognizing guest vehicles. - police and auxiliary police - car parking companies. related research society measuring anpr system performance a 2008 article in parking trend international discussed a disparity in claimed vs. experienced license plate recognition read rates, with manufacturers claiming that their recognition engines can correctly report 98 % of the time, although customers experience only 90 % to 94 % success, even with new equipment under perfect conditions. early systems were reportedly only 60 % to 80 % reliable.


read rates, with manufacturers claiming that their recognition engines can correctly report 98 % of the time, although customers experience only 90 % to 94 % success, even with new equipment under perfect conditions. early systems were reportedly only 60 % to 80 % reliable. true system error rate is the product of its subsystem error rates ( image capture, license plate image extraction, lp image interpretation ) ; slight increases in subsystem error rates can produce dramatic reductions of read rates. the effects of real - world interfering factors on read rate are not uniformly specified or tested by manufacturers. the article states " there is a need for the industry to adopt a standard performance measurement protocol to enable potential customers assess the best fit for their particular requirements. " see also | wikimedia commons has media related to : automatic number plate recognition | - ai effect - applications of artificial intelligence - facial recognition system - road policing unit - specs ( speed camera ) - closed circuit television - ieee intelligent transportation systems society - " anpr tutorial ". anpr tutorial. 15 august 2006. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - " an introduction to anpr ". cctv - information. co. uk. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - " plate recognition ". photocop. com. - " algorithm for license plate recognition ". visl, technion. 2002. - " a real - time vehicle license plate recognition ( lpr ) ". visl, technion, 2003 - " an approach to license plate recognition " ( pdf ). university of calgary. 1996. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - draghici, sorin ( 1997 ). " a neural network based artificial vision system for license plate recognition " ( pdf ). dept. of computer science, wayne state university. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - " license plate recognition in turkey ( plaka okuma sistemi ) ". grimedia. com. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - kwasnicka, halina ; wawrzyniak, bartosz ( 2002 ). " license plate localization and recognition in camera pictures " ( pdf ). retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - kahraman, fatih ; gokmen, muhittin ( 2003 ). " license plate character segmentation based on the gabor transform and vector quantization " ( pdf ). archived from the original on 2006 - 05 - 24. retrieved 2012 - 01 - 24. - ondrej martins


| | this article includes a list of references, related reading or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. ( december 2011 ) | a counterfactual conditional, subjunctive conditional, or remote conditional, abbreviated cf, is a conditional ( or " if - then " ) statement indicating what would be the case if its antecedent were true ( although it is not true ). this is to be contrasted with an indicative conditional, which indicates what is ( in fact ) the case if its antecedent is ( in fact ) true ( which it may or may not be ). the difference between indicative and counterfactual conditionals, in a context of past time reference, can be illustrated with a pair of examples in which the if clause is in the past indicative in the first example but in the pluperfect subjunctive in the second : - if oswald did not shoot kennedy, then someone else did. - if oswald had not shot kennedy, then someone else would have. the protasis ( the if clause ) of the first sentence may or may not be true according to the speaker, so the apodosis ( the then clause ) also may or may not be true ; the apodosis is said by the speaker to be true if the protasis is true. in this sentence the if clause and the then clause are both in the past tense of the indicative mood. in the second sentence, the speaker is speaking with a certainty that oswald did shoot kennedy ( according to the speaker, the protasis is false ), and therefore the main clause deals with the counterfactual result — what would have happened. in this sentence the if clause is in the pluperfect subjunctive form of the subjunctive mood, and the then clause is in the conditional perfect form of the conditional mood. a corresponding pair of examples with present time reference uses the present indicative in the if clause of the first sentence but the past subjunctive in the second sentence ' s if clause : - if it is raining, then he is inside. - if it were raining, then he would be inside. here again, in the first sentence the if clause may or may not be true ; the then clause may or may not be true but certainly ( according to the speaker ) is true conditional on the if clause being true. here both the if clause and the then clause are in the present indicative. in the second sentence, the if clause is not true, while the


not be true but certainly ( according to the speaker ) is true conditional on the if clause being true. here both the if clause and the then clause are in the present indicative. in the second sentence, the if clause is not true, while the then clause may or may not be true but certainly would be true in the counterfactual circumstance of the if clause being true. in this sentence the if clause is in the past subjunctive form of the subjunctive mood, and the then clause is in the conditional mood. people engage in counterfactual thinking frequently. experimental evidence indicates that people ' s thoughts about counterfactual conditionals differ in important ways from their thoughts about indicative conditionals. participants in experiments were asked to read sentences, including counterfactual conditionals, e. g., ' if mark had left home early he would have caught the train '. afterwards they were asked to identify which sentences they had been shown. they often mistakenly believed they had been shown sentences corresponding to the presupposed facts, e. g., ' mark did not leave home early ' and ' mark did not catch the train ' ( fillenbaum, 1974 ). in other experiments, participants were asked to read short stories that contained counterfactual conditionals, e. g., ' if there had been roses in the flower shop then there would have been lilies '. later in the story they read sentences corresponding to the presupposed facts, e. g., ' there were no roses and there were no lilies '. the counterfactual conditional ' primed ' them to read the sentence corresponding to the presupposed facts very rapidly ; no such priming effect occurred for indicative conditionals ( santamaria, espino, and byrne, 2005 ). they spend different amounts of time ' updating ' a story that contains a counterfactual conditional compared to one that contains factual information ( de vega, urrutia, and riffo, 2007 ) and they focus on different parts of counterfactual conditionals ( ferguson and sanford, 2008 ). experiments have compared the inferences people make from counterfactual conditionals and indicative conditionals. given a counterfactual conditional, e. g., ' if there had been a circle on the blackboard then there would have been a triangle ', and the subsequent information ' in fact there was no triangle ', participants make the modus tollens inference ' there was no


e. g., ' if there had been a circle on the blackboard then there would have been a triangle ', and the subsequent information ' in fact there was no triangle ', participants make the modus tollens inference ' there was no circle ' more often than they do from an indicative conditional ( byrne and tasso, 1999 ). given the counterfactual conditional and the subsequent information ' in fact there was a circle ', participants make the modus ponens inference as often as they do from an indicative conditional. psychological accounts ruth m. j. byrne proposed in the rational imagination : how people create alternatives to reality that people construct mental representations that encompass two possibilities when they understand, and reason from, a counterfactual conditional, e. g., ' if oswald had not shot kennedy, then someone else would have '. they envisage the conjecture ' oswald did not shoot kennedy and someone else did ' and they also think about the presupposed facts ' oswald did shoot kennedy and someone else did not ' ( byrne, 2005 ). according to the mental model theory of reasoning, they construct mental models of the alternative possibilities, as described in deduction ( johnson - laird and byrne, 1991 ). philosophical treatments in order to distinguish counterfactual conditionals from material conditionals, a new logical connective ' > ' is defined, where a > b can be interpreted as " if it were the case that a, then it would be the case that b. " the truth value of a material conditional, a → b, is determined by the truth values of a and b. this is not so for the counterfactual conditional a > b, for there are different situations agreeing on the truth values of a and b but which yield different evaluations of a > b. for example, if keith is in germany, the following two conditionals have both a false antecedent and a false consequent : - if keith were in mexico then he would be in africa. - if keith were in mexico then he would be in north america. indeed, if keith is in germany, then all three conditions " keith is in mexico ", " keith is in africa ", and " keith is in north america " are false. however, ( 1 ) is obviously false, while ( 2 ) is true as mexico is part of north america. possible world semantics philosophers such as david lewis and robert stalnaker modeled counterfactuals using the possible world semantics of modal


, ( 1 ) is obviously false, while ( 2 ) is true as mexico is part of north america. possible world semantics philosophers such as david lewis and robert stalnaker modeled counterfactuals using the possible world semantics of modal logic. the semantics of a conditional a > b are given by some function on the relative closeness of worlds where a is true and b is true, on the one hand, and worlds where a is true but b is not, on the other. on lewis ' s account, a > c is ( a ) vacuously true if and only if there are no worlds where a is true ( for example, if a is logically or metaphysically impossible ) ; ( b ) non - vacuously true if and only if, among the worlds where a is true, some worlds where c is true are closer to the actual world than any world where c is not true ; or ( c ) false otherwise. although in lewis ' s counterfactuals it was unclear what he meant by ' closeness ', in later writings, lewis made it clear that he did not intend the metric of ' closeness ' to be simply our ordinary notion of overall similarity. consider an example : - if i had eaten more at breakfast, i would not have been hungry at 11am. on lewis ' s account, the truth of this statement consists in the fact that, among possible worlds where i ate more for breakfast, there is at least one world where i am not hungry at 11am and which is closer to our world than any world where i ate more for breakfast but am still hungry at 11am. stalnaker ' s account differs from lewis ' s most notably in his acceptance of the limit and uniqueness assumptions. the uniqueness assumption is the thesis that, for any antecedent a, there is a unique possible world where a is true, while the limit assumption is the thesis that, for a given antecedent a, there is a unique set of worlds where a is true that are closest. ( notice that the uniqueness assumption entails the limit assumption, but the limit assumption does not entail the uniqueness assumption. ) on stalnaker ' s account, a > c is non - vacuously true if and only if, at the closest world where a is true, c is true. so, the above example is true just in case at the single, closest world where i eat more breakfast, i don ' t feel hungry at 11am.


if and only if, at the closest world where a is true, c is true. so, the above example is true just in case at the single, closest world where i eat more breakfast, i don ' t feel hungry at 11am. although it is controversial, lewis rejected the limit assumption ( and therefore the uniqueness assumption ) because it rules out the possibility that there might be worlds that get closer and closer to the actual world without limit. for example, there might be an infinite series of worlds, each with my coffee cup a smaller fraction of an inch to the left of its actual position, but none of which is uniquely the closest. ( see lewis 1973 : 20. ) one consequence of stalnaker ' s acceptance of the uniqueness assumption is that, if the law of excluded middle is true, then all instances of the formula ( a > c ) ∨ ( a > ¬c ) are true. the law of excluded middle is the thesis that for all propositions p, p ∨ ¬p is true. if the uniqueness assumption is true, then for every antecedent a, there is a uniquely closest world where a is true. if the law of excluded middle is true, any consequent c is either true or false at that world where a is true. so for every counterfactual a > c, either a > c or a > ¬c is true. this is called conditional excluded middle ( cem ). consider the following example : - ( 1 ) if the coin had been flipped, it would have landed heads. - ( 2 ) if the coin had been flipped, it would have landed tails ( i. e. not heads ). on stalnaker ' s analysis, there is a closest world where the coin mentioned in ( 1 ) and ( 2 ) is flipped and at that world either it lands heads or it lands tails. so either ( 1 ) is true and ( 2 ) is false or ( 1 ) is false and ( 2 ) true. on lewis ' s analysis, however, both ( 1 ) and ( 2 ) are false, for the worlds where the coin lands heads are no more or less close than the worlds where they land tails. for lewis, ' if the coin had been flipped, it would have landed heads or tails ' is true, but this does not entail that ' if the coin had been flipped, it would have landed heads, or : if the coin had been flipped it would have landed tails. ' other accounts counter


it would have landed heads or tails ' is true, but this does not entail that ' if the coin had been flipped, it would have landed heads, or : if the coin had been flipped it would have landed tails. ' other accounts counterfactual conditionals may also be evaluated using the so - called ramsey test : a > b holds if and only if the addition of a to the current body of knowledge has b as a consequence. this condition relates counterfactual conditionals to belief revision, as the evaluation of a > b can be done by first revising the current knowledge with a and then checking whether b is true in what results. revising is easy when a is consistent with the current beliefs, but can be hard otherwise. every semantics for belief revision can be used for evaluating conditional statements. conversely, every method for evaluating conditionals can be seen as a way for performing revision. ginsberg ( 1986 ) has proposed a semantics for conditionals which assumes that the current beliefs form a set of propositional formulae, considering the maximal sets of these formulae that are consistent with a, and adding a to each. the rationale is that each of these maximal sets represents a possible state of belief in which a is true that is as similar as possible to the original one. the conditional statement a > b therefore holds if and only if b is true in all such sets. within empirical testing the counterfactual conditional is the basis of experimental methods for establishing causality in the natural and social sciences, e. g., whether taking antibiotics helps cure bacterial infection. for every individual, u, there is a function that specifies the state of u ' s infection under two hypothetical conditions : had u taken antibiotic and had u not taken antibiotic. only one of these states can be observed in any instance, since they are mutually exclusive. the overall effect of antibiotic on infection is defined as the difference between these two states, averaged over the entire population. if the treatment and control groups are selected at random, the effect of antibiotic can be estimated by comparing the rates of recovery in the two groups. the tight connection between causal and counterfactual relations has prompted judea pearl ( 2000 ) to reject both the possible world semantics and those of ramsey and ginsberg. the latter was rejected because causal information cannot be encoded as a set of beliefs, and the former because it is difficult to fine - tune lewis ' s similarity measure to match causal intuition. pearl defines counterfactuals directly in terms


ginsberg. the latter was rejected because causal information cannot be encoded as a set of beliefs, and the former because it is difficult to fine - tune lewis ' s similarity measure to match causal intuition. pearl defines counterfactuals directly in terms of a " structural equation model " - - a set of equations, in which each variable is assigned a value that is an explicit function of other variables in the system. given such a model, the sentence " y would be y had x been x " ( formally, x = x > y = y ) is defined as the assertion : if we replace the equation currently determining x with a constant x = x, and solve the set of equations for variable y, the solution obtained will be y = y. this definition has been shown to be compatible with the axioms of possible world semantics and forms the basis for causal inference in the natural and social sciences, since each structural equation in those domains corresponds to a familiar causal mechanism that can be meaningfully reasoned about by investigators. see also - english conditional sentences - indicative conditional - irrealis moods - logical consequence - material conditional - optative mood - principle of explosion - subjunctive mood - thought experiment - possible world semantics - bennett, jonathan. ( 2003 ). a philosophical guide to conditionals. oxford university press. - bonevac, d. ( 2003 ). deduction, introductory symbolic logic. 2nd ed. blackwell publishers. - byrne, r. m. j. ( 2005 ). the rational imagination : how people create alternatives to reality. cambridge, m. a. : mit press. - byrne, r. m. j. & tasso, a. ( 1999 ). deductive reasoning with factual, possible, and counterfactual conditionals. memory & cognition. 27, 726 - 740. - de vega, m., urrutia, m., riffo, b. ( 2007 ). canceling updating in the comprehension of counterfactuals embedded in narrative. memory & cognition, 35, 1410 - 1421. - edgington, dorothy. ( 2001 ). " conditionals ". in goble, lou, ed., the blackwell guide to philosophical logic. blackwell. - edgington, dorothy. ( 2006 ). " conditionals ". the stanford encyclopedia of philosophy, edward zalta ( ed. ). - ferguson, h. j. and sanford, a. j. ( 2008 ) anomalies in real and counterfactual worlds


2006 ). " conditionals ". the stanford encyclopedia of philosophy, edward zalta ( ed. ). - ferguson, h. j. and sanford, a. j. ( 2008 ) anomalies in real and counterfactual worlds : an eye - movement investigation. j. mem. lang. 58, 609 - 626. - fillenbaum, s. ( 1974 ). information amplified : memory for counterfactual conditionals. journal of experimental psychology, 102, 44 - 49. - johnson - laird, p. n. and byrne, r. m. j. ( 1991 ). deduction. hillsdale, nj : erlbaum. - morgan, stephen l. and christopher winship. ( 2007 ). " counterfactuals and causal inference : methods and principles of social research ". cambridge eprint. - ginsberg, m. l. ( 1986 ). " counterfactuals ". artificial intelligence, 30 : 35 - 79. - lewis, david. ( 1973 ). counterfactuals. blackwell publishers. isbn 0 - 631 - 22425 - 4 - santamaria, c., espino, o. and byrne, r. m. j. ( 2005 ). counterfactual and semifactual conditionals prime alternative possibilities. journal of experimental psychology : learning, memory and cognition. 31, 1149 – 1154 - thompson, v. and byrne, r. m. j. ( 2002 ). reasoning about things that didn ' t happen. journal of experimental psychology : learning, memory, and cognition. 28, 1154 - 1170.


splash ( fluid mechanics ) in fluid mechanics, a splash is a sudden disturbance to the otherwise quiescent free surface of a liquid ( usually water ). the disturbance is typically caused by a solid object suddenly hitting the surface, although splashes can occur in which moving liquid supplies the energy. this use of the word is onomatopoeic. splashes are characterized by transient ballistic flow, and are governed by the reynolds number and the weber number. in the image of a brick splashing into water to the right, one can identify freely moving airborne water droplets, a phenomenon typical of high reynolds number flows ; the intricate non - spherical shapes of the droplets show that the weber number is high. also seen are entrained bubbles in the body of the water, and an expanding ring of disturbance propagating away from the impact site. physicist lei xu and coworkers at the university of chicago discovered that the splash due to the impact of a small drop of ethanol onto a dry solid surface could be suppressed by reducing the pressure below a specific threshold. for drops of diameter 3. 4 mm falling through air, this pressure was about 20 kilopascals, or 0. 2 atmosphere. splash plate a plate made of a hard material on which a stream of liquid is designed to fall is called a " splash plate ". it may serve to protect the ground from erosion by falling water, such as beneath an artificial waterfall or water outlet in soft ground. splash plates are also part of spray nozzles, such as in irrigation sprinkler systems. see also - harold eugene edgerton, whose milkdrop coronet is arguably the most famous photograph of a splash - slosh, other free surface phenomenon - lei xu et al., " drop splashing on a dry smooth surface ", phys. rev. letts. ( 2005 )


| an aspect of fiscal policy | many countries have agreed with other countries in treaties to mitigate the effects of double taxation ( double tax avoidance agreement ). tax treaties may cover income taxes, inheritance taxes, value added taxes, or other taxes. besides bilateral treaties, also multilateral countries are in place : countries of the european union ( eu ) have also entered into a multilateral agreement with respect to value added taxes under auspices of the eu, while a joint treaty of the council of europe and the oecd exists open to all nations. tax treaties tend to reduce taxes of one treaty country for residents of the other treaty country in order to reduce double taxation of the same income. the provisions and goals vary highly ; very few tax treaties are alike. most treaties : - define which taxes are covered and who is a resident and eligible for benefits, - reduce the amounts of tax withheld from interest, dividends, and royalties paid by a resident of one country to residents of the other country, - limit tax of one country on business income of a resident of the other country to that income from a permanent establishment in the first country, - define circumstances in which income of individuals resident in one country will be taxed in the other country, including salary, self - employment, pension, and other income, - provide for exemption of certain types of organizations or individuals, and - provide procedural frameworks for enforcement and dispute resolution. the stated goals for entering into a treaty often include reduction of double taxation, eliminating tax evasion, and encouraging cross - border trade efficiency. it is generally accepted that tax treaties improve certainty for taxpayers and tax authorities in their international dealings. several governments and organizations have proposed model treaties to use as starting points in their own negotiations. the organisation for economic co - operation and development ( oecd ) model treaty is often used as such a starting point. the oecd members have from time to time agreed on various provisions of the model treaty, and the official commentary and member comments thereon serve as a guidance as to interpretation by each member country. tax residency in general, the benefits of tax treaties are available only to persons who are residents of one of the treaty countries. in most cases, a resident of a country is any person that is subject to tax under the domestic laws of that country by reason of domicile, residence, place of incorporation, or similar criteria. generally, individuals are considered resident under a tax treaty and subject to taxation where they maintain their primary place of abode. however, residence for treaty purposes


of that country by reason of domicile, residence, place of incorporation, or similar criteria. generally, individuals are considered resident under a tax treaty and subject to taxation where they maintain their primary place of abode. however, residence for treaty purposes extends well beyond the narrow scope of primary place of abode. for example, many countries also treat persons spending more than a fixed number of days in the country as residents. the united states includes citizens and green card holders, wherever living, as subject to taxation, and therefore as residents for tax treaty purposes. because residence is defined so broadly, most treaties recognize that a person could meet the definition of residence in more than one jurisdiction ( i. e., " dual residence " ) and provide a “ tie breaker ” clause. such clauses typically have a hierarchy of three to five tests for resolving multiple residency, typically including permanent abode as a major factor. tax residency rarely impacts citizenship or permanent resident status, though certain residency statuses under a country ' s immigration law may influence tax residency. entities may be considered resident based on their country of seat of management, their country of organization, or other factors. the criteria are often specified in a treaty, which may enhance or override local law. it is possible under most treaties for an entity to be resident in both countries, particularly where a treaty is between two countries that use different standards for residence under their domestic law. some treaties provide “ tie breaker ” rules for entity residency, some do not. residency is irrelevant in the case of some entities and / or types of income, as members of the entity rather than the entity are subject to tax. permanent establishment most treaties provide that business profits ( sometimes defined in the treaty ) of a resident of one country are subject to tax in the other country only if the profits arise through a permanent establishment in the other country. many treaties, however, address certain types of business profits ( such as directors ' fees or income from the activities of athletes and entertainers ) separately. such treaties also define what constitutes a permanent establishment ( pe ). most but not all tax treaties follow the definition of pe in the oecd model treaty. under the oecd definition, a pe is a fixed place of business through which the business of an enterprise is carried on. certain locations are specifically enumerated as examples of pes, including branches, offices, workshops, and others. specific exceptions from the definition of pe are also provided, such as a site where only preliminary or ancillary activities ( such as ware


certain locations are specifically enumerated as examples of pes, including branches, offices, workshops, and others. specific exceptions from the definition of pe are also provided, such as a site where only preliminary or ancillary activities ( such as warehousing of inventory, purchasing of goods, or collection of information ) are conducted. while in general tax treaties do not specify a period of time for which business activities must be conducted through a location before it gives rise to a pe, most oecd member countries do not find a pe in cases in which a place of business exists for less than six months, absent special circumstances. many treaties explicitly provide a longer threshold, commonly one year or more, for which a construction site must exist before it gives rise to a permanent establishment. in addition, some treaties, most commonly those in which at least one party is a developing country, contain provisions which deem a pe to exist if certain activities ( such as services ) are conducted for certain periods of time, even where a pe would not otherwise exist. even where a resident of one country does not conduct its business activities in another country through a fixed place or business, a pe may still be found to exist in that other country where the business is carried out through a person in that other country that has the authority to conclude contracts on behalf of the resident of the first country. thus, a resident of one country cannot avoid being treated as having a pe by acting through a dependent agent rather than conducting its business directly. however, carrying on business through an independent agent will generally not result in a pe. withholding taxes many tax systems provide for collection of tax from nonresidents by requiring payors of certain types of income to withhold tax from the payment and remit it to the government. such income often includes interest, dividends, royalties, and payments for technical assistance. most tax treaties reduce or eliminate the amount of tax required to be withheld with respect to residents of a treaty country. income from employment most treaties provide mechanisms eliminating taxation of residents of one country by the other country where the amount or duration of performance of services is minimal but also taxing the income in the country performed where it is not minimal. most treaties also provide special provisions for entertainers and athletes of one country having income in the other country, though such provisions vary highly. also most treaties provide for limits to taxation of pension or other retirement income. tax exemptions most treaties eliminate from taxation income of certain diplomatic personnel. most tax treaties also provide that certain entities exempt


of the country. the treaty may or may not provide mechanisms for limiting this credit, and may or may not limit the application of local law mechanisms to do the same. mutual enforcement taxpayers may relocate themselves and their assets to avoid paying taxes. some treaties thus require each treaty country to assist the other in collection of taxes and other enforcement of their tax rules. most tax treaties include, at a minimum, a requirement that the countries exchange of information needed to foster enforcement. tax information exchange agreement the purpose of this agreement is to promote international co - operation in tax matters through exchange of information. it was developed by the oecd global forum working group on effective exchange of information. the working group consisted of representatives from oecd member countries as well as delegates from aruba, bermuda, bahrain, cayman islands, cyprus, isle of man, malta, mauritius, the netherlands antilles, the seychelles and san marino. the agreement grew out of the work undertaken by the oecd to address harmful tax practices. the lack of effective exchange of information is one of the key criteria in determining harmful tax practices. the mandate of the working group was to develop a legal instrument that could be used to establish effective exchange of information. the agreement represents the standard of effective exchange of information for the purposes of the oecd ’ s initiative on harmful tax practices. this agreement, which was released in april 2002, is not a binding instrument but contains two models for bilateral agreements. a number of bilateral agreements have been based on this agreement. dispute resolution nearly all tax treaties provide some mechanism under which taxpayers and the countries can resolve disputes arising under the treaty. generally, the government agency responsible for conducting dispute resolution procedures under the treaty is referred to as the “ competent authority ” of the country. competent authorities generally have the power to bind their government in specific cases. the treaty mechanism often calls for the competent authorities to attempt to agree in resolving disputes. limitations of benefits recent treaties of certain countries have contained an article intended to prevent " treaty shopping, " which is the inappropriate use of tax treaties by residents of third states. these limitation of benefits articles deny the benefits of the tax treaty to residents that do not meet additional tests. limitation of benefits articles vary widely from treaty to treaty, and are often quite complex. the treaties of some countries, such as the united kingdom and italy, focus on subjective purpose for a particular transaction, denying benefits where the transaction was entered into in order to obtain benefits under the treaty. other countries, such as the united states, focus on the objective characteristics of


, such as the united kingdom and italy, focus on subjective purpose for a particular transaction, denying benefits where the transaction was entered into in order to obtain benefits under the treaty. other countries, such as the united states, focus on the objective characteristics of the party seeking benefits. generally, individuals and publicly traded companies and their subsidiaries are not adversely impacted by the provisions of a typical limitation of benefits provision in a u. s. tax treaty. with respect to other entities, the provisions tend to deny benefits where an entity seeking benefits is not sufficiently owned by residents of one of the treaty countries ( or, in the case of treaties with members of a unified economic bloc such as the european union or nafta, by " equivalent beneficiaries " in the same group of countries ). even where entities are not owned by qualified residents, however, benefits are often available for income earned from the active conduct of a trade or business. priority of law treaties are considered the supreme law of many countries. in those countries, treaty provisions fully override conflicting domestic law provisions. for example, many eu countries could not enforce their group relief schemes under the eu directives. in some countries, treaties are considered of equal weight to domestic law. in those countries, a conflict between domestic law and the treaty must be resolved under the dispute resolution mechanisms of either domestic law or the treaty. - pension tax relief - australian tax treaties - barbados tax treaties - canada income tax treaties - dutch tax treaties - mauritius tax treaties - singapore tax treaties - united kingdom tax treaties - u. s. income tax treaties - list of u. s. estate and gift tax treaties - the exchange of tax information portal - agreements on tariffs, while technically tax treaties, are generally called agreements on tariffs and trade. - see, e. g., the speech by professor mcintyre of michigan ' s wayne state university. - " comments by new zealand revenue minister ". government of new zealand. - " model treaty ". oecd. - " official commentary ". oecd. - see, e. g., the oecd model tax convention on income and on capital, article 1 ( " oecd model " ) - see, e. g., oecd model, article 4. - see, e. g., the treaty between canada and belgium, article 4. - see, e. g., 26 u. s. c. sec. 7701 ( b ) for the u. s. " substantial presence " test for residency


coleman, sa and nichols, e ( 2011 ) embedding inquiry based learning into programming via paired assessment. italics, 10 ( 1 ). pp. 72 - 77. [ journal article ] full text not available from this repository. changes within our approach to teaching can make some students feel uncomfortable. to overcome this, inquiry based learning, which is strongly supported by research in the areas of intellectual development and approaches to learning ( prince, 2007 ), can be used. inquiry based approaches should be introduced in combination with existing teaching styles in order to address the needs of all students. pair programming enhances the communication among peers and encourages students to ask questions of each other and be more ambitious in their computer programming practicals. the students subsequently gain confidence from one another to try different approaches to solving programming problems ; this enhances deeper learning. additionally, working in pairs provides some students with the courage to ask questions of the teacher while with their pair, which they may not do alone. this paper presents a case study on using pair programming to encourage inquiry based learning within programming modules, to improve attendance and practical assessment results. | item type : | | journal article | | faculties and schools : | | faculty of computing & engineering | faculty of computing & engineering > school of computing and intelligent systems | research institutes and groups : | | computer science research institute | computer science research institute > intelligent systems research centre | deposited by : | | dr sonya coleman | | deposited on : | | 11 jul 2011 09 : 06 | | last modified : | | 11 jul 2011 09 : 06 | repository staff only : item control page


the set of hamming codes are called ' forward error correction ' and give the ability for the receiving station to correct a transmission error. while this takes more bits to send the information, it means fewer retransmits and thus can actually speed up a noisy connection. the number of parity bits in the hamming code is given by the hamming rule. this is a function of the number of bits of information transmitted in a block and is represented by the following inequality : d + p + 1 > = 2p ' d ' is the number of data bits and ' p ' is the number of parity bits. hamming codes are identified by the ordered set ( c, d ) where ' c ' = ' d ' + ' p '. the hamming code ( 7, 4 ) is the classic example used which describes a word of 4 data bits long and 3 error check bits. this satisfies the above inequality : 4 + 3 + 1 > = 23 the hamming code word is created by multiplying the data bits by a generator matrix using modulo - 2 arithmetic. the result of this is called a code word vector which consists of the original data bits and the parity bits. the generator matrix used in constructing the hamming code consists of i ( the identity matrix ) and a parity generation matrix a. for a data size of 4 the following matrix is created : 1 0 0 0 | 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 | 0 1 1 g = 0 0 1 0 | 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 | 1 1 0 multiplying a 4 bit vector ( d1, d2, d3, d4 ) by g results in a 7 bit vector of the form ( d1, d2, d3, d4, p1, p2, p3 ). the a portion is what generates the parity bits. if the selection of the columns of a are unique, it is true that ( p1, p2, p3 ) is the parity calculations of three distinct subsets of the original data. to validate the code word, it is necessary to multiply the data word by ' h ' which is the [ inverse a | i ] check to form the parity check vector. h r | 1 | s | 1 0 1 1 | 1 0 0 | | 0 | | 0 | | 1 1 0 1 | 0 1 0 | * | 1 | = | 0 | | 1 1 1 0 | 0 0 1 |


h r | 1 | s | 1 0 1 1 | 1 0 0 | | 0 | | 0 | | 1 1 0 1 | 0 1 0 | * | 1 | = | 0 | | 1 1 1 0 | 0 0 1 | | 0 | | 0 | if all the elements of s are 0, then the entire set has been received correctly. if there are any ' 1 ' s in s, then there is an error which can be determined by looking at the parity pits that have failed. if r = s will be this matches the third colum of ' h ' which corresponds to the bit that has the error. the ( 7, 4 ) hamming code, while good for demonstrations is not the best choice for practical communications - it has allot of overhead and has a non - standard length. the number of parity bits goes up with the log of the number of data bits. hence, there is less overhead for longer words than shorter words. the hamming code can detect and fix single bit errors, and detect double bit errors. for the ( 7, 4 ) hamming code, the following table ( error correcting bits are in bold ) : decimal binary hamming ( 7, 4 ) 0 0000 0000000 1 0001 0001110 2 0010 0010101 3 0011 0011011 4 0100 0100011 5 0101 0100011 6 0110 0110110 7 0111 0111000 8 1000 1000111 9 1001 1001001 10 1010 1010010 11 1011 1011100 12 1100 1100100 13 1101 1101010 14 1110 1110001 15 1111 1111111 the hamming distance from one valid error correcting set to another for the same data is three. this means that it would take three errors to go from one valid message to another. example : 0100010 ( not valid - correctable ) 0100000 ( not valid - not correctable ) it is left an excercise to the reader to demonstrate this is the case for all 127 possible cases that the minimum hamming distance between any two valid messages is three.


wart (? ), n. [ oe. werte, as. wearte ; akin to d. wrat, g. warze, ohg. warza, icel. varta, sw. vx86 ; rta, dan. vorte ; perh. orig., a growth, and akin to e. wort ; or cf. l. verruca wart. ] a small, usually hard, tumor on the skin formed by enlargement of its vascular papillae, and thickening of the epidermis which covers them. an excrescence or protuberance more or less resembling a true wart ; specifically bot., a glandular excrescence or hardened protuberance on plants. fig wart, moist wart med., a soft, bright red, pointed or tufted tumor found about the genitals, often massed into groups of large size. it is a variety of condyloma. called also pointed wart, venereal wart. l. a. duhring. - - wart cress bot., the swine ' s cress. see under swine. - - wart snake zool., any one of several species of east indian colubrine snakes of the genus acrochordus, having the body covered with wartlike tubercles or spinose scales, and lacking cephalic plates and ventral scutes. - - wart spurge bot., a kind of wartwort ( euphorbia helioscopia ). © webster 1913.


what is geography? while the word geography is derived from greek and literally means " to write about the earth, " the subject of geography is much more than describing " foreign " places or memorizing the names of capitals and countries. geography is an all - encompassing discipline that seeks to understand the world - its human and physical features - through an understanding of place and location. geographers study where things are and how they got there. my favorite definitions for geography are " the bridge between the human and physical sciences " and " the mother of all sciences. " geography looks at the spatial connection between people, places, and the earth. how is geography different from geology? many people have an idea of what a geologist does but don ' t have any idea of what a geographer does. while geography is commonly divided into human geography and physical geography, the difference between physical geography and geology is often confusing. geographers tend to study the surface of the earth, its landscapes, its features, and why they are where they are. geologists look deeper into the earth than do geographers and study its rocks, the internal processes of the earth ( such as plate tectonics and volcanoes ), and study periods of earth history many millions and even billions of years ago. how does one become a geographer? an undergraduate ( college or university ) education in geography is an important beginning to becoming a geographer. with a bachelor ' s degree in geography, a geography student can begin working in a variety of fields. while many students begin their career after achieving an undergraduate education, others continue on. a master ' s degree in geography is very helpful for the student who desires to teach at the high school or community college level, to be a cartographer or gis specialist, of work in business or government. a doctorate in geography ( ph. d. ) is necessary if one wishes to become a full professor at a university. although, many ph. d. s in geography continue on to form consulting firms, become administrators in government agencies, or attain high - level research positions in corporations or think - tanks. the best resource for learning about colleges and universities that offer degrees in geography is the annual publication of the association of american geographers, the guide to programs in geography in the united states and canada. what does a geographer do? unfortunately, the job title of " geographer " is not often found in companies or government agencies ( with the most notable exception of the u. s. census bureau ). however, more and


looking at the definitions of again and wieder we ' re able to figure out which meanings are identical and which are different. 1 one more time ; on another occasion 1 druckt eine wiederholung aus ; ein weiteres mal, wie fruher schon einmal ; erneut 2 showing that somebody / something is in the same place or state that they were in originally 2 druckt eine ruckkehr in einen fruheren zustand aus ; druckt aus, dass etwas ruckgangig gemacht wird 3 added to an amount that is already there 4 used to show that a comment or fact is connected with what you have just said 5 ( then / there again ) used to introduce a fact or an opinion that contrasts with what you have just said 3 gleichzeitig, andererseits [ aber auch ] 6 used when you ask somebody to tell you something or repeat something that you think they have told you already 6 ( noch, doch ) druckt in fragesatzen aus, dass der sprecher nach etwas bekanntem fragt, was ihm im moment nicht einfallt as you can see there are two meanings of again that aren ' t represented by wieder. in the following sentence you can ' t use wieder in german. the cost is about half as much again as it was two years ago. and again, we must think of the cost. side note : there are also definitions of wieder that aren ' t covered by again ; hence, you can ' t translate wieder to again in every case. last but not least : in some sentences german natives would tend to use a synonym like nochmals where again is used in english. could you say it again, please? - kannst du das bitte nochmals sagen. the last definition is taken from the entry of doch.


the heating system of the winter moth when winter comes, many insect species inhabiting cold regions of the world die from cold or lack of food. that is because insects are delicate creatures, but there are some exceptions to this rule. for example, owl moths look like butterflies and at first sight seem very delicate. in reality, however, they are strong enough to survive tough winter conditions. therefore these moths are also called " winter moths ". like butterflies, a winter moth has two wings and a trunk to which these wings are joined. in order for this moth to fly, the temperature of its thorax to which its wings are joined should be 30oc ( 86of ). but the temperature where they live is usually 0oc ( 32of ) and even drops below zero degrees from time to time. how can winter moths survive such cold? what prevents them from freezing when they are motionless, and what enables them to fly in cold weather? this moth species is created together with a special heating system that enables it to live under winter conditions. this system consists of several complementary features. before flight winter moths continuously tense the main muscles that are connected to the wings and make their wings vibrate. the rapid vibrating of the wings leads to an increase in the temperature of the insect ' s thorax. as a result of this increase, the temperature of the thorax may rise from 0oc ( 32of ) to 30oc ( 86of ) or even more. however, this is only one of the features that the moth needs to survive. in order to fly it is not sufficient for the winter moth merely to increase its body temperature. that is because the difference between the temperatures of the insect ' s body and of the atmosphere will result in loss of heat. in the same way as a glass of hot tea cools after a while, the moth ' s body will also cool. therefore it will not help even if the moth keeps its wings vibrating. in order for the winter moth to fly and thus survive, another method is required to maintain the heat it has produced. this need is also met by a special structure that allah created in the moth ' s body. moths are covered with dense scales that reduce heat loss. scientists have determined after research that a moth without scales cools twice as fast as those with scales. these are some of the mechanisms in a winter moth that protect it from cold. the features mentioned above must have existed since this moth species came into being. otherwise, the moth would have died of cold and this species would be extinct


" we hold these truths to be self - evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their creator with inherent and inalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. " - us declaration of independence as originally written by thomas jefferson, 1776. " i define equality of opportunity as the following : equality before the law. it is a career open to the talents. no arbitary obstacles should prevent people from achieving those positions for which their talents fit them and which their values lead them to seek. not birth, nationality, colour, religion, sex, nor any other irrelevent characteristic should determine the opportunitiues that are open to a person - only his abilities. equality of opportunity, like personal equality, is not inconsistent with liberty, on the contrary, it is an essential component of liberty. if some people are denied access to particular positions in life for which they are qualified simply because of their ethnic background, colour, or religion, that is an interference with their right to " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " - milton friedman, " free to choose " " the authors are badly confused about equality. they are hung up on the term ' equality of opportunity. ' jefferson ' s ' equality ' in the declaration is, of course, what hayek called isonomia - equality before the law. philosopher robert nozick called it process equality, which he carefully distinguished from end - state - equality. the authors pursue the latter of those mutually exclusive concepts. " - charles w. baird, review of " the stakeholder society " the struggle for the high school and the debate over its proper role in american democracy would focus once again a question that had recurred throughout american history and that would bedevil the nation in the 20th century. it was in some ways the central problem of modern democracy, for it was nothing less than the meaning of human " equality ". was the good society one which allowed all citizens to develop their natural differences, including their natural inequalities? or was it


in some ways the central problem of modern democracy, for it was nothing less than the meaning of human " equality ". was the good society one which allowed all citizens to develop their natural differences, including their natural inequalities? or was it a society which tried to make men equal? did " equality " mean the maximum fulfillment of each, or did it mean the levelling of all? this question was nowhere more sharply posed than in education, and especially in the high school. - daniel boorstin, " the americans : the democratic experience " all men are by nature... born equally free and independent... not a physical but a moral equality. common sense was sufficient to determine that it could not mean that all men were equal in fact, but in right, not equally tall, strong, wise, handsome, active, but equally men... the work of the same artist, children in the same cases entitled to the same justice. - john adams ' all men are created equal ' says the american declaration of independence. ' all men shall be kept equal ' say the socialists. - winston churchill let our children grow tall, and some taller than others if they have it in them to do so. let a thousand flowers bloom, and if some are prettier than others, so be it. - robert locke we have so many people who can ' t see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion that the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin - ronald reagan you do not make the weak strong by making the strong weak. it is the character of egalitarian measures that they pull down what is above. they never raise what is below. beware dependency on the state. - edmund burke, 1770. those who attempt to level, never equalize... very plausible schemes, with very pleasing commencements, have often shameful and lamentable conclusions. - edmund burke socialists make the mistake of confusing individual worth with success. they believe you cannot allow people to succeed in case those who fail feel worthless. - kenneth baker even if it were proved - which it is not - that the incidence of men of potentially superior brain power is greater among the members of certain races than among the members of others, it would still tell us nothing about any given individual and it would be irrelevent to one ' s judgment of him. a genius is still a genius, regardless of the number of morons who belong to the same race. democracy extends the sphere


would still tell us nothing about any given individual and it would be irrelevent to one ' s judgment of him. a genius is still a genius, regardless of the number of morons who belong to the same race. democracy extends the sphere of individual freedom, socialism restricts it. democracy attaches all possible value to each man ; socialism makes each man a mere agent, a mere number. democracy and socialism have nothing in common but one word : equality. but notice the difference : while democracy seeks equality in liberty, socialism seeks equality in restraint and servitude. - alexis de tocqueville a society that puts equality - in the sense of equality of outcome - ahead of freedom will end up with neither equality or freedom. the use of force to achieve equality will destroy freedom. on the other hand, a society that puts freedom first will, as a happy by - product, end up with both greater freedom and greater equality. freedom means diversity but also mobility. it preserves the opportunity for today ' s less well off to become tomorrow ' s rich, and in the process, enables almost everyone, from top to bottom, to enjoy a richer and fuller - milton friedman, " free to choose " the urge to distribute wealth equally, and still more the belief that it can be brought about by political action, is the most dangerous of all popular emotions. it is the legitimation of envy, of all the deadly sins the one which a stable society based on consensus should fear the most. the monster state is a source of many evils ; but it is, above all, an engine of envy. - paul johnson there exists in the human heart a depraved taste for equality, which impels the weak to attempt to lower the powerful to their own level, and reduces men to prefer equality in slavery to inequality with freedom. - alexis de tocqueville everything that i have experienced and everything that i have read about socialist experiments in the field of equality convinces me that, not only is equality of outcome an evil myth, but that all attempts to engineer it, that is, to rig the race, are certain to end where they have ended from the french to the russian revolutions : the guillotine and the gallows. hierarchy is vital to any human project. in a storm, no mass meeting is a substitute for a captain on deck to shoulder responsibility. - eoghan harris, " the irish independent " socialism was always a crappy philosophy based on the stupid idea that we couldn ' t allow anybody


. in a storm, no mass meeting is a substitute for a captain on deck to shoulder responsibility. - eoghan harris, " the irish independent " socialism was always a crappy philosophy based on the stupid idea that we couldn ' t allow anybody to succeed in life becacause if would make the rest of us feel like failures. good riddance to that. - marc coleman, urging a new approach for the left in " the irish independent " my experience of life tells me that equality is a hopeless cause. from the minute you are born, you are unequal to others born on that same day and in the same location, and there is nothing any state directive can do about it. you may be born plain - looking. this is one of the greatest disadvantages in life. to be born handsome is to have a first - class ticket on the journey of life. you may be born to two rather stout parents, in which case you have an inherited genotype which will make you fat however many diets your torment yourself like the ideal of chastity, the ideal of equality is a war against nature, and in wars against nature, nature usually wins. philosophers say that liberty, equality, fraternity - that trio of aspirations still stamped on official french documents - are contradictions in terms. you can never have both liberty and equality : you have to choose. i ' ll take liberty. - mary kenny, " no such thing as equality ", " the irish independent " equality has always been a threat to liberty, since you can never have both. one person ' s " equality " is another person ' s lack of choice. the state which enforces " equality " will trample on liberty. the nation which embraces " liberty " will always be an unequal one, since free individuals will make different and thereby - mary kenny, " the irish independent " it is a terrible misunderstanding of meritocracy to assume it means everyone is somehow ( or could be ) of equal merit, with equal success. innate ability varies, obviously enough. merit varies. all cannot have prizes, though all can do well in some way. no one believes these days that anyone should be held back by some long - discredited idea of knowing your place or getting above your station. we do live in a meritocracy, imperfect though it is, and few people would wish to change that. however, the painful truth is that meritocracy is cruel. it offers no excuses to those who donit do well.


page 3 of 3 although kilby probably thought of the integrated circuit a bit before noyce both texas and fairchild filed for patents and a long legal wrangle developed between the two. one of the key points of contention was the use of flying interconnecting wires in the kilby diagram - was this really a true integrated circuit? kilby had realised the problem while the patent was being written and added some lines about being able to use any method of interconnection for instance gold tracks laid down on an insulating layer of silicon dioxide. where this additional idea had sprung from is unknown but it certainly placed kilby ' s chip alongside noyce ' s in terms of sophistication. the patent lawyers argued that kilby ' s postscript wouldn ' t work because gold wouldn ' t stick to silicon dioxide and used experts to try to undermine kilby ' s design. the patent was initially awarded to kilby, or rather to texas instruments. then the appeal judge, in 1966 roughly ten years on, reversed the decision and awarded the patent to noyce, in other words to fairchild. by this time it didn ' t make any difference because the two firms had got together to carve up the market between them. they each charged a royalty of between 2 to 4 % which alone eventually earned them somewhere in the region of $ 100 million each. i say " eventually " because when both companies announced the technique in 1959 there were few takers. the reason was the high price of the relatively low component count chips that could be made. it was cheaper to build the same out of discrete components. surprisingly it wasn ' t the mainstream computer industry that initially created the market for integrated circuits. it was the combination of the space race and military electronics which needed the low weight and reliability of integrated circuits at any price. as the price fell and the number of components increased, a trend that continues today. first mainframe computers started to incorporate replacement printed circuit boards using chips in place of transistors and then whole integrated circuit computers were designed. next came the minicomputer and then the microcomputer and we are still waiting to see where it will all end. so what happened to kilby and noyce after the chip? irrespective of the outcome of the patent wrangle they are both generally credited as the co - inventor of the integrated circuit - both were awarded the national ( usa ) medal of science and inducted into the national inventor ' s hall of fame. kilby stayed with ti for some time


##an. ” ( saheeh muslim, and the first part of this hadeeth was mentioned above ). - note that cheating is haraam whether it is in foreign language tests or any other tests. the prophet ( peace and blessings of allaah be upon him ) said, “ whoever cheats is not one of us. ” it is wrongdoing and it is a haraam means of attaining a degree or certificate, etc., that you have no right to. the consensus is that cheating is a kind of cooperation in sin and transgression. so do without that which is haraam, and allaah will suffice you from his bounty. reject all offers of haraam things that come to you from others. whoever gives up a thing for the sake of allaah, allaah will compensate him with something better. you have to denounce and resist evil, and tell the authorities about any such thing that you see during the exam, or before or after it. this is not the forbidden kind of slander rather it is denouncing evil which is obligatory. advise those who buy or sell questions or post them on the internet etc., or who prepare cheat notes. tell them to fear allaah, and tell them of the ruling on what they are doing and on the money they earn from that. tell them that the time they are spending in preparing these haraam things, if they spent it in studying, or answering previous exams, or helping one another to understand the subject before the exam, that would be better for them than doing these haraam things. - remember what you have prepared for the hereafter, and the questions of the examination in the grave, and how to be saved on the day of resurrection. whoever is saved from the fire and admitted to paradise will indeed have succeeded. we ask allaah to make us succeed in this world and cause us to be among those who are victorious and saved in the hereafter, for he is the all - hearing who answers prayer. sheikh muhammed salih al - munajjid


we got hit by one 1, 200 years ago. it came from two colliding neutron stars from a few thousand light years away and scientists were just now able to pick it up because of the existence of carbon - 14 in tree rings. what did it do around the year 775 ad? pretty much nothing. the estimate two - second blast had really zero effect on the earth since the most high tech thing on the planet at the time was the castle and the crossbow. had that blast happened today we would be in some serious trouble since it would short out power grids and knock out all of our satellites. if the blast happened from say, 100 light years away, we would have been a crispy cinder. these gamma ray bursts were the result of the creation of a black hole from the collision of the neutron stars. so you ' ll have to excuse science for taking a while to figure this mystery out since there ' s no evidence visible. had it been a supernova, people would have seen it in the 700s because it would have been so bright it would have been visible during the day. had it been a solar flare, it would have been the largest flare every recorded. the black hole theory pretty much settles everything. except, when is this going to happen again? ( buy this awesome book on space by neil degrasse tyson - the guy that killed pluto. )


— internaciona idokonfero, 23 - 29 julio 2012, dessau ( germania ) — the esperanto suffix - id means child. from bovo ( cow ) we form bovido ( calf ) ; from hundo ( dog ) we form hundido ( puppy ). ido is a child of esperanto, the first of many esperanto " reform " projects. ido shares much of esperanto ' s vocabulary, but replaces many germanic and slavic roots with their romantic counterparts. nonetheless, speakers of either language can read the other with little difficulty. as in esperanto, antonyms can be formed by use of the appropriate prefix. one thing that i find intriguing about ido is that although this sort of antonym formation is both possible and acceptable, ido also provides a greater number of unique antonyms for common terms than esperanto does, and in many cases these antonyms are the same as those words which you will find marked literary in an esperanto dictionary. in both esperanto and ido, adjectives end in - a. but in esperanto, adjectives must agree in number and case with the nouns they qualify. an adjective in the plural must have the suffix - j appended ; and if in the accusative, it will also need - n. ido does away with adjectival agreement, and requires the accusative only when nonstandard word order is used. in esperanto and many other languages, words for people and animals refer either to the male or to neither sex specifically, with the word for the female being derived by use of a suffix. some say that this is sexist because it is demeaning to the female ; i would argue the opposite, that it is demeaning to the male for he has no suffix to call his own. this was probably not a sexism issue in the early 20th century, but it was a logical issue and one that zamenhof wished to address but for some reason never did. esperantists have proposed several solutions and some are fairly common today. the ido approach is this : the root word is epicene ( specifies neither sex, or either sex, depending how you look at it ) ; the suffix - ul denotes the male, and - in the female. thus we speak of an aktoro ( actor ) ; if we wish to specify sex, we can refer to this person as an aktorulo or an ak


' s right, researchers believe too little sleep can affect growth and your immune system — which keeps you from getting sick. as you ' re drifting off to sleep, it doesn ' t seem like much is happening... the room is getting fuzzy and your eyelids feel heavier and heavier. but what happens next? a lot! your brain swings into action, telling your body how to sleep. as you slowly fall asleep, you begin to enter the five different stages of sleep : in this stage, your brain gives the signal to your muscles to relax. it also tells your heart to beat a little slower, and your body temperature drops a bit. after a little while, you enter stage 2, which is a light sleep. you can still be woken up easily during this stage. for example, if your sister pokes you or you hear a car horn outside, you ' ll probably wake up. when you ' re in this stage, you ' re in a deeper sleep, also called slow - wave sleep. your brain sends a message to your blood pressure to get lower. your body isn ' t sensitive to the temperature of the air around you, which means that you won ' t notice if it ' s a little hot or cold in your room. it ' s much harder to be awakened when you ' re in this stage, but some people may sleepwalk or talk in their sleep at this point. this is the deepest sleep yet and is also considered slow - wave sleep. it ' s very hard to wake up from this stage of sleep, and if you do wake up, you ' re sure to be out of it and confused for at least a few minutes. like they do in stage 3, some people may sleepwalk or talk in their sleep when going from stage 4 to a lighter stage of sleep. r. e. m. stands for rapid eye movement. even though the muscles in the rest of your body are totally relaxed, your eyes move back and forth very quickly beneath your eyelids. the r. e. m. stage is when your heart beats faster and your breathing is less regular. this is also the stage when people dream! while you ' re asleep, you repeat stages 2, 3, 4, and r. e. m. about every 90 minutes until you wake up in the morning. for most kids, that ' s about four or five times a night. who said sleep was boring? dream a little dream you ' re walking down the street and you pass a monkey in a green hat eating a


you wake up in the morning. for most kids, that ' s about four or five times a night. who said sleep was boring? dream a little dream you ' re walking down the street and you pass a monkey in a green hat eating a donut. suddenly you ' re in school — but why does your teacher have such big teeth? and how come you ' re wearing polka - dot pants? no, this isn ' t a scene from a scary movie — it ' s a dream! people dream during r. e. m. sleep, the period that follows the deepest stage of sleep. everybody has dreams, although some people have a tough time remembering them. when you wake up can affect whether you can remember your dreams. if you wake up during r. e. m. sleep, you might remember everything about your dream. if you wake up during another stage of sleep, you might not remember a thing. no one knows for sure why people dream. some scientists think that dreams are your brain ' s way of making sense of what happened during the day. others think that dreams allow your brain to sort through the events of the day, storing the important stuff and getting rid of the junk. some scientists say that dreams are a clue to what you ' re worried about or thinking about. for most kids, sleeping comes pretty naturally. here are some tips to help you catch all the zzzs you need : try to go to bed at the same time every night ; this helps your body get into a routine. follow a bedtime routine that is calming, such as taking a warm bath or reading. limit foods and drinks that contain caffeine. these include some sodas and other drinks, like ice tea. don ' t have a tv in your room. research shows that kids who have one in their rooms sleep less. if you have a tv, turn it off when it ' s time to sleep. don ' t watch scary tv shows or movies close to bedtime because these can sometimes make it hard to fall asleep. don ' t exercise just before going to bed. do exercise earlier in the day — it helps a person sleep better. use your bed just for sleeping — not doing homework, reading, playing games, or talking on the phone. that way, you ' ll train your body to associate your bed with sleep. if you have a hard time falling asleep for more than one or two nights or have worries that are keeping you from sleeping, tell your mom or dad. they can help you solve


definition of leyte 1. noun. a battle in world war ii ; the return of united states troops to the philippines began with landings on leyte island in october 1944 ; the battle marked first use of kamikaze aircraft by the japanese. generic synonyms : amphibious assault group relationships : second world war, world war 2, world war ii geographical relationships : philippine islands, philippines click the following link to bring up a new window with an automated collection of images related to the term : leyte images lexicographical neighbors of leyte literary usage of leyte below you will find example usage of this term as found in modern and / or classical literature : 1. report by united states board on geographic names, united states geographic board ( 1916 ) "... barrio, maasin municipality, leyte province, leyte.... bay, east coast, and town, leyte province, leyte.... leyte pw - ince, leyte, ( not jubas. 1 )... " 2. general kenney reports : a personal history of the pacific war by george c. kenney ( 1997 ) " the battle for leyte gulf october, 1944 on the 16th, with general macarthur and... halsey radioed that he would support us in the leyte area with two fast... " 3. united states coast pilot, philippine islands by u. s. coast and geodetic survey ( 1919 ) "... side to avoid the stronger current and whirlpools on the leyte side... as foul ground lies between it and the leyte shore. east coast of leyte.... " 4. the inhabitants of the philippines by frederic henry read sawyer ( 1900 ) " area and population — panay — negros — cebu — bohol — leyte — samar. this name is given to the group of six considerable islands lying between luzon and mindanao,... " other resources relating to : leyte


by michael f. reber abstract : in today ’ s society, a peculiar understanding of distributive justice has developed which holds that “ social justice must be distributed by the coercive force of government. ” however, this is a perversion of the ideal of distributive justice. the perspective of distributive justice which should be considered is one with its roots in the school of thought referred to as self - actualization ethics or eudaimonism, which holds that each person is unique and each should discover whom he or she is — to actualize his or her true potential and to live the “ good life ” within the congeniality and complementarity of personal excellences of his or her fellow members of community. when a eudaimonistic perspective is considered, a definition of distributive of justice could be “ the allocation of goods and utilities via the voluntary ubiquitous human interaction of self - actualizing individuals who not only recognize the human dignity of the self and other and the rights which flow from and guarantee it, but also actively will goods and utilities toward the self and other so as to manifest human dignity. ” therefore, with a eudaimonistic understanding of distributive justice, one can argue that the free market is the ubiquitous interactions of self - actualizing individuals who are giving and receiving goods and utilities for one and another ’ s own “ happiness, ” i. e. the free market is the socio - economic mechanism by which distributive justice operates. in this paper i first will overview the philosophical foundations of distributive justice. next, i will propose a eudaimonistic definition of distributive justice. finally, i will highlight examples of distributive justice operating in a free market economy.


salmonella “ syringe ” ready for its close - up salmonella bacteria are tiny, but they wreak mighty havoc on human health, causing serious, sometimes fatal, food poisoning. in 1998, jorge galan, ph. d., d. v. m., the lucille p. markey professor of microbial pathogenesis, threw new light on salmonella ’ s virulence when his research team revealed that the bacteria infects cells by forming “ needle complexes, ” syringe - like tubes through which salmonella exchanges proteins with its host. now galan and his colleagues have joined forces with the laboratory of vinzenz m. unger, ph. d., associate professor of molecular biophysics and biochemistry, to paint a vivid three - dimensional portrait of the salmonella syringe using a state - of - the - art technique known as cryoelectron microscopy. in this method, an electron microscope scans samples that contain many copies of the object of interest suspended in an ice - like solid at every possible angle ( background in image at right ). researchers then feed scores of images of the object seen from these myriad perspectives to powerful computers, which combine the information in the two - dimensional views to calculate the object ’ s three - dimensional structure.


this is the third post on richard l. bushman ' s mormonism : a very short introduction ( oup, 2008 ). [ see part 1 and part 2. ] in chapter three, bushman reviews the several meanings of the term " zion " in lds doctrine and thinking. the mormon sense of zion has no real parallels in protestant thought. in a general sense, zion refers to mormon community and society, a larger concept than just the lds church as a religious institution. here ' s how bushman explains it. from the beginning, mormons have actively sought unity. they aspire to be a people, thinking of themselves as a society as much as a church. their common ground goes beyond belief and worship to work, education, family, and business. this comprehensiveness goes back to their origins, when joseph smith first organized the church. i suspect what bushman gently terms " comprehensiveness " is what rubs some religious contemporaries the wrong way about mormonism, giving rise to recurrent charges of being cultish or un - american. but comprehensiveness also describes the earliest religious settlers in 17th - century new england. you can ' t get more american than the pilgrims, who also thought of themselves as trying to establish a model religious community. the early quest for mormon unity led to experiments in economic communalism. these did not go well, and by 1839 the attempt had been quietly abandoned. while zion or the related term " zion society " is still applied by some to these short - term economic experiments, the terms at present are more often used to refer to principles of economic justice and compassion that are realized through service to others, sacrifice for the benefit of those in need, and modest living. at present, zion means something like this : applying the principles of charitable communal living within the free market, private property economy of the 21st century. but the zion concept doesn ' t simply refer to a set of principles. the lds church makes it a program, and a remarkably successful one. here ' s bushman again : out of the early zion principles also evolved the mormon sense of how to care for the poor. the scriptural condemnation of inequality in the early years was less an attack on the systemic inequalities of capitalism than an admonition to watch over the needy. in the twentieth century, the consecration principle took the form of a welfare program begun during the great depression to provide work and sustenance for poor church members. the church now owns farms, canning plants, and manufacturing facilities where the poor work producing the goods


the twentieth century, the consecration principle took the form of a welfare program begun during the great depression to provide work and sustenance for poor church members. the church now owns farms, canning plants, and manufacturing facilities where the poor work producing the goods they need to subsist. in just the last few years, the lds church has also expanded the scope of its humanitarian aid efforts outside the lds community. again, it ' s not just a wish, it ' s a program : mormon helping hands. the website explanation even includes a 14 - page manual telling local units how to make it work. one could cite scripture or conference talks for a more doctrinally oriented summary of the term zion, but i think the lds welfare program ( to benefit latter - day saints in need ) and the helping hands program ( to channel service toward worthwhile projects in local communities ) are themselves the best expression of what zion means in practice to modern latter - day saints. i ' ll wind up with some general comments on mormonism : a very short introduction. it is a short and very readable introduction for the non - lds reader, but also full of insightful descriptions and observations for the lds reader. it is certainly worth picking up and reading if you run across it at your local library or bookstore. originally posted with comments at beliefnet.


to die anyhow, before senility set in. furthermore, his ' divine sign ' - the ' voice ' he sometimes heard warning him for his own good against a contemplated course of action - had prevented him from spending time crafting a defence speech. ( this voice seems to have been the basis for the charge of introducing ' new ' gods. ) so he would do nothing to soften his manner in order to win his freedom. even if this story is true, plato could be right that socrates put on a spirited, deeply serious defence of his life and beliefs - one that he thought should have convinced the jurors of his innocence, if only they had judged him intelligently and fairly. in cross - examining those with reputations for wisdom about human affairs and showing their lack of it, socrates employed a special method of dialectical argument that he himself had perfected, the method of ' elenchus ' - greek for ' putting to the test ' or ' refutation '. he gives an example at his trial when he cross - examines meletus, one of his accusers ( plato, apology 24d - 27e ). the respondent states a thesis, as something he knows to be true because he is wise about the matter in question. socrates then asks questions, eliciting clarifications, qualifications and extensions of the thesis, and seeking further opinions of the respondent on related matters. he then argues, and the respondent sees no way not to grant, that the original thesis is logically inconsistent with something affirmed in these further responses. for socrates, it follows at once that the respondent did not know what he was talking about in stating his original thesis : true knowledge would prevent one from such self - contradiction. so the respondent suffers a personal set - back ; he is refuted - revealed as incompetent. meletus, for example, does not have consistent ideas about the gods or what would show someone not to believe in them, and he does not have consistent ideas about who corrupts the young, and how ; so he does not know what he is talking about, and no one should take his word for it that socrates disbelieves in the gods or has corrupted his young men. in many of his early dialogues plato shows socrates using this method to examine the opinions of persons who claim to be wise in some matter : the religious expert euthyphro on piety ( euthyphro ), the generals laches and nicias on courage ( lac


, and are quite willing to admit their ignorance and to reason out the truth about these important matters. examples are his discussions with his long - time friend crito on whether he should escape prison and set aside the court ' s death sentence ( plato, crito ), and with the young men charmides, on self - control ( charmides ), and lysis and menexenus, on the nature of friendship ( lysis ). socrates examines crito ' s proposal that he escape on the basis of principles that he presents to him for his approval, and he, together with crito ( however half - heartedly ), rejects it when it fails to be consistent with them. and he examines the young men ' s successive ideas about these virtues, rejecting some of them and refining others, by relying on their own acceptance of further ideas that he puts to them. again, he is confident that the inconsistencies brought to light in their ideas indicate the inadequacy of their successive proposals as to the nature of the moral virtue in question. in many of his discussions, both with young men and the allegedly wise, socrates seeks to know what some morally valuable property is - for example, piety, courage, self - control or friendship ( see § 5 ). rejecting the idea that one could learn this simply from attending to examples, he insisted on an articulated ' definition ' of the item in question - some single account that would capture all at once the presumed common feature that would entitle anything to count as a legitimate instance. such a definition, providing the essence of the thing defined, would give us a ' model ' or ' paradigm ' to use in judging whether or not some proposed action or person possesses the moral value so defined ( euthyphro 6d - e ). aristotle says ( in metaphysics i, 6 ) that socrates was the first to interest himself in such ' universal definitions ', and traces to his interest in them plato ' s first impetus towards a theory of forms, or ' separated ' universals ( see plato § 10 ). in none of his discussions in plato ' s early works does socrates profess to think an adequate final result has actually been established - about the nature of friendship, or self - control, or piety, or any of the other matters he inquires about. indeed, on the contrary, these works regularly end with professions of profound ignorance about the matter under investigation. knowledge is never attained, and further questions always remain to be considered. but socrates


, or any of the other matters he inquires about. indeed, on the contrary, these works regularly end with professions of profound ignorance about the matter under investigation. knowledge is never attained, and further questions always remain to be considered. but socrates does plainly think that progress towards reaching final understanding has taken place ( even if only a god, and no human being, could ever actually attain it ). not only has one discovered some things that are definitely wrong to say ; one has also achieved some positive insights that are worth holding onto in seeking further systematic understanding. given that socrates ' method of discussion is elenctic throughout, what does he think justifies this optimism? on balance, our evidence suggests that socrates had worked out no elaborate theory to support him here. the ideas he was stimulated to propound in an elenctic examination which went against some initial thesis seemed to him, and usually also to the others present, so plausible, and so supportable by further considerations, that he and they felt content to reject the initial thesis. until someone came up with arguments to neutralize their force, it seemed the thesis was doomed, as contrary to reason itself. occasionally socrates expresses himself in just those terms : however unpalatable the option might seem, it remains open to someone to challenge the grounds on which his conclusions rest ( see euthyphro 15c, gorgias 461d - 462a, 509a, crito 54d ). but until they do, he is satisfied to treat his and his interlocutor ' s agreement as a firm basis for thought and action. later, when plato himself became interested in questions of philosophical methodology in his meno, this came to seem a philosophically unsatisfactory position ; plato ' s demand for justification for one ' s beliefs independent of what seemed on reflection most plausible led him to epistemological and metaphysical inquiries that went well beyond the self - imposed restriction of socratic philosophy to ethical thought in the broadest sense. but socrates did not raise these questions. in this respect more bound by traditional views than plato, he had great implicit confidence in his and his interlocutors ' capacity, after disciplined dialectical examination of the issues, to reach firm ground for constructing positive ideas about the virtues and about how best to lead a human life - even if these ideas never received the sort of final validation that a god, understanding fully the truth about human life, could give them. the topics socrates discussed were always ethical, and never included questions of physical


about how best to lead a human life - even if these ideas never received the sort of final validation that a god, understanding fully the truth about human life, could give them. the topics socrates discussed were always ethical, and never included questions of physical theory or metaphysics or other branches of philosophical study. moreover, he always conducted his discussions not as theoretical inquiries but as profoundly personal moral tests. questioner and interlocutor were equally putting their ways of life to what socrates thought was the most important test of all - their capacity to stand up to scrutiny in rational argument about how one ought to live. in speaking about human life, he wanted his respondents to indicate what they truly believed, and as questioner he was prepared to do the same, at least at crucial junctures. those beliefs were assumed to express not theoretical ideas, but the very ones on which they themselves were conducting their lives. in losing an argument with socrates you did not merely show yourself logically or argumentatively deficient, but also put into question the very basis on which you were living. your way of life might ultimately prove defensible, but if you cannot now defend it successfully, you are not leading it with any such justification. in that case, according to socrates ' views, your way of life is morally deficient. thus if menexenus, lysis and socrates profess to value friendship among the most important things in life and profess to be one another ' s friends, but cannot satisfactorily explain under pressure of elenctic investigation what a friend is, that casts serious doubt on the quality of any ' friendship ' they might form ( plato, lysis 212a, 223b ). moral consistency and personal integrity, and not mere delight in argument and logical thought, should therefore lead you to repeated elenctic examination of your views, in an effort to render them coherent and at the same time defensible on all sides through appeal to plausible arguments. or, if some of your views have been shown false, by conflicting with extremely plausible general principles, it behoves you to drop them - and so to cease living in a way that depends upon accepting them. in this way, philosophical inquiry via the elenchus is fundamentally a personal moral quest. it is a quest not just to understand adequately the basis on which one is actually living, and the personal and moral commitments that this contains. it is also a quest to change the way one lives as the results of argument show one ought to, so


courageous, or wise? if you did not know that, you would not know what to do in order to acquire those qualities. furthermore, supposing you did possess a virtue, you would have to be able to explain and defend by argument the consequent ways in which you lived - otherwise your conviction that those are ways one ought to act would be shallow and unjustified. and in order to do that you would have to know what state of mind the virtue was, since that is essential to them ( see plato, charmides 158e - 159a ). consequently, in his discussions socrates constantly asked for ' definitions ' of various virtues : what is courage ( laches ) ; what is self - control or moderation ( charmides ), what is friendship ( lysis ) and what is piety ( euthyphro ). as this context shows, he was asking not for a ' dictionary definition ', an account of the accepted linguistic understanding of a term, but for an ethically defensible account of an actual condition of mind or character to which the word in common use would be correctly applied. in later terminology, he was seeking a ' real ' rather than a ' nominal ' definition ( see definition ; plato § § 6 - 9 ). socrates objected to definitions that make a virtue some external aspect of a virtuous action ( such as the manner in which it is done - for example its ' quiet ' or measured quality in the case of moderation, charmides 160b - d ), or simply the doing of specific types of action, described in terms of their external circumstances ( such as, for courage, standing one ' s ground in battle ; laches 190e - 191d ). he also objected to more psychological definitions that located a virtue in some non - rational and non - cognitive aspect of the soul ( for example, in the case of courage, the soul ' s endurance or strength of resistance ) ( laches 192d - 193e ). for his own part, he regularly shows himself ready to accept only definitions that identify a virtue with some sort of knowledge or wisdom about what is valuable for a human being. that ' intellectualist ' expectation about the nature of virtue, although never worked out to his satisfaction in any platonic dialogue, is central to socrates ' philosophy. given that in his discussions he is always the questioner, probing the opinions of his respondent and not arguing for views of his own, we never find socrates stating clearly what led him to this intellectualism