of south indians joined in 1908, and only tiny numbers of muslims ever became members ( king 1974 : 445 – 51 ). while much of the financial support for the sabha came from membership donations and the sale of publications, especially school textbooks, a significant portion came from large donors, many of whom were princes. in the first thirty years the organization ' s twenty largest donors contributed close to rs. 100, 000, or approximately 30 percent of the total income. twelve of these donors were princes, seven of whom became official patrons of the sabha, namely, the maharajas of gwalior, rewah, baroda, bikaner, chatrapur, alwar, and banaras ( king 1974 : 452 – 54, 456 – 59 ). whereas the sabha ' s first decade brought significant successes in both political and literary endeavors, the second decade saw continuing progress in the latter but little or no advance in the former. from about 1914 on, the sabha devoted most of its energies and funds to literary efforts and turned away from political activities. so politically conservative did the organization become that the government even allowed the sabha to keep proscribed books. in the decades to come, not the sabha but the hindi sahitya sammelan played the preeminent political role on both the provincial and the national level in the promotion of hindi and the nagari script. the sabha remained content to embellish hindi literature. new identities — the terminus ad quem the picture in saraswati provides a convenient departure point for summarizing, analyzing, and speculating about what we have learned of the hindi movement. by the early twentieth century, as the distance between the two women suggests, the indo - persian and hindu cultures had become separate clusters of symbols for many members of what we have called the vernacular elite. from the more extreme hindu view - point, the two figures stood for virtue versus vice ; from the more extreme muslim viewpoint, for barbarism versus refinement ( see rahmat - ullah 1900 ). as one scholar of north india has suggested, various symbols of communal identity gradually clustered around the master symbol of religion in a process designated as " multi - symbol congruence " ( brass 1974 ). we need not restrict ourselves to models from western sources to analyze the hindi movement, however, for the process of linguistic " purification " has a venerable social and cultural history in india. just as certain standards for social behavior, especially for those castes wishing to elevate their position in the


from western sources to analyze the hindi movement, however, for the process of linguistic " purification " has a venerable social and cultural history in india. just as certain standards for social behavior, especially for those castes wishing to elevate their position in the hierarchy, have been embodied in brahmins for many centuries, so standards for language behavior have resided in sanskrit, whose very name means " perfected. " thus we can explain much of the hindi movement as a process of " sanskritization " in which the excellence of a language was judged by the degree to which it incorporated the standards of sanskrit. at the same time, we must not overlook the influence of english, which provided a not necessarily antithetical model of a modern language. the supporters of hindi could choose or reject, and they did ; roman letters proved unacceptable, while dictionaries of scientific terms were deemed acceptable. through the processes of separation and rejection hindi supporters determined what hindi was not and what hindi should not be. through the more positive processes of affirmation and definition they decided what hindi was and what it should be. hindi was certainly not urdu ( separation ) nor should it be ( rejection ). on the other hand, hindi had descended from sanskrit ( definition ), something good for religious and cultural reasons ( affirmation ). these admittedly imprecise terms suggest the active approach of the vernacular elite to the creation of a new language style, what we might tentatively call the sanskritization of khari [ * ] boli [ * ] ( the common grammatical base of both hindi and urdu ). from this viewpoint we can argue that the rejection of hindustani, kaithi, and popular oral traditions rested primarily on their relatively " impure " natures as compared to a shuddh ( pure ) hindi. in the cases of braj bhasha and awadhi, however, such an explanation does not suffice. here more practical reasons seem to have prevailed : though both acted as bearers of a glorious literary tradition and parts of hindi ' s past, neither possessed the necessary characteristics for a potential national language. only sanskritized hindi, sharing the same grammatical base as the already widespread urdu, had both the necessary purity and practicality. while the vernacular elite played an active, not passive, role in the sanskritization of khari boli, they forged sanskritized hindi within arenas — the educational system, the press, the publishing industry, voluntary associations, and the government itself — largely introduced through british rule. this external framework displayed fundamental ambi


these chemicals can either intensify or minimize your body ’ s responses, your feelings, and your mood. the brain works to balance the neurotransmitters that speed things up with the ones that slow things down to keep your body operating at the right pace. alcohol can slow the pace of communication between neurotransmitters in the brain. discovering the brain changes there still is much we do not understand about how the brain works and how alcohol affects it. researchers are constantly discovering more about how alcohol interrupts communication pathways in the brain and changes brain structure, and the resulting effects on behavior and functioning. a variety of research methods broaden our understanding in different ways : - brain imaging – various imaging tools, including structural magnetic resonance imaging ( mri ), functional magnetic resonance imaging ( fmri ), diffusion tensor imaging ( dti ), and positron emission tomography ( pet ), are used to create pictures of the brain. mri and dti create images of brain structure, or what the brain looks like. fmri looks at brain function, or what the brain is doing. it can detect changes in brain activity. pet scans look at changes in neurotransmitter function. all of these imaging techniques are useful to track changes in the alcoholic brain. for example, they can show how an alcoholic brain changes immediately after drinking stops, and again after a long period of sobriety, to check for possible relapses. - psychological tests – researchers also use psychological tests to evaluate how alcohol - related brain changes affect mental functioning. these tests demonstrate how alcohol affects emotions and personality, as well as how it compromises learning and memory skills. - animal studies – testing the effect of alcohol on animals ’ brains helps researchers better understand how alcohol injures the human brain, and how abstinence can reverse this damage. defining the brain changes using brain imaging and psychological tests, researchers have identified the regions of the brain most vulnerable to alcohol ’ s effects. these include : - cerebellum – this area controls motor coordination. damage to the cerebellum results in a loss of balance and stumbling, and also may affect cognitive functions such as memory and emotional response. - limbic system – this complex brain system monitors a variety of tasks including memory and emotion. damage to this area impairs each of these functions. - cerebral cortex – our abilities to think, plan, behave intelligently, and interact socially stem from this brain region. in addition, this area connects the brain to the rest of


glob, globfree - generate pathnames matching a pattern int glob ( const char * restrict pattern, int flags, int ( * errfunc ) ( const char * epath, int eerrno ), glob _ t * restrict pglob ) ; void globfree ( glob _ t * pglob ) ; the glob ( ) function is a pathname generator that shall implement the rules defined in xcu pattern matching notation, with optional support for rule 3 in xcu patterns used for filename expansion. the structure type glob _ t is defined in < glob. h > and includes at least the following members : count of paths matched by pattern. pointer to a list of matched pathnames. slots to reserve at the beginning of gl _ pathv. the argument pattern is a pointer to a pathname pattern to be expanded. the glob ( ) function shall match all accessible pathnames against this pattern and develop a list of all pathnames that match. in order to have access to a pathname, glob ( ) requires search permission on every component of a path except the last, and read permission on each directory of any filename component of pattern that contains any of the following special characters : ' * ', '? ', and ' [ '. the glob ( ) function shall store the number of matched pathnames into pglob - > gl _ pathc and a pointer to a list of pointers to pathnames into pglob - > gl _ pathv. the pathnames shall be in sort order as defined by the current setting of the lc _ collate category ; see xbd lc _ collate. the first pointer after the last pathname shall be a null pointer. if the pattern does not match any pathnames, the returned number of matched paths is set to 0, and the contents of pglob - > gl _ pathv are implementation - defined. it is the caller ' s responsibility to create the structure pointed to by pglob. the glob ( ) function shall allocate other space as needed, including the memory pointed to by gl _ pathv. the globfree ( ) function shall free any space associated with pglob from a previous call to glob ( ). the flags argument is used to control the behavior of glob


pointed to by gl _ pathv. the globfree ( ) function shall free any space associated with pglob from a previous call to glob ( ). the flags argument is used to control the behavior of glob ( ). the value of flags is a bitwise - inclusive or of zero or more of the following constants, which are defined in < glob. h > : - append pathnames generated to the ones from a previous call to glob ( ). - make use of pglob - > gl _ offs. if this flag is set, pglob - > gl _ offs is used to specify how many null pointers to add to the beginning of pglob - > gl _ pathv. in other words, pglob - > gl _ pathv shall point to pglob - > gl _ offs null pointers, followed by pglob - > gl _ pathc pathname pointers, followed by a null pointer. - cause glob ( ) to return when it encounters a directory that it cannot open or read. ordinarily, glob ( ) continues to find matches. - each pathname that is a directory that matches pattern shall have a < slash > appended. - supports rule 3 in xcu patterns used for filename expansion. if pattern does not match any pathname, then glob ( ) shall return a list consisting of only pattern, and the number of matched pathnames is 1. - disable backslash escaping. - ordinarily, glob ( ) sorts the matching pathnames according to the current setting of the lc _ collate category ; see xbd lc _ collate. when this flag is used, the order of pathnames returned is unspecified. the glob _ append flag can be used to append a new set of pathnames to those found in a previous call to glob ( ). the following rules apply to applications when two or more calls to glob ( ) are made with the same value of pglob and without intervening calls to globfree ( ) : the first such call shall not set glob _ append. all subsequent calls shall set it. all the calls shall set glob _ dooffs, or all shall not set it. after the second call, pglob - > gl _ pathv points to a


not fail because of large files. upon successful completion, glob ( ) shall return 0. the argument pglob - > gl _ pathc shall return the number of matched pathnames and the argument pglob - > gl _ pathv shall contain a pointer to a null - terminated list of matched and sorted pathnames. however, if pglob - > gl _ pathc is 0, the content of pglob - > gl _ pathv is undefined. the globfree ( ) function shall not return a value. if glob ( ) terminates due to an error, it shall return one of the non - zero constants defined in < glob. h >. the arguments pglob - > gl _ pathc and pglob - > gl _ pathv are still set as defined above. the glob ( ) function shall fail and return the corresponding value if : - the scan was stopped because glob _ err was set or ( * errfunc ( ) ) returned non - zero. - the pattern does not match any existing pathname, and glob _ nocheck was not set in flags. - an attempt to allocate memory failed. one use of the glob _ dooffs flag is by applications that build an argument list for use with execv ( ), execve ( ), or execvp ( ). suppose, for example, that an application wants to do the equivalent of : ls - l *. c but for some reason : system ( " ls - l *. c " ) is not acceptable. the application could obtain approximately the same result using the sequence : globbuf. gl _ offs = 2 ; glob ( " *. c ", glob _ dooffs, null, & globbuf ) ; globbuf. gl _ pathv = " ls " ; globbuf. gl _ pathv = " - l " ; execvp ( " ls ", & globbuf. gl _ pathv ) ; using the same example : ls - l *. c *. h could be approximately simulated using glob _ append as follows : globbuf. gl _ offs = 2 ; glob ( " *. c ", glob _ dooffs, null,


. c *. h could be approximately simulated using glob _ append as follows : globbuf. gl _ offs = 2 ; glob ( " *. c ", glob _ dooffs, null, & globbuf ) ; glob ( " *. h ", glob _ dooffs | glob _ append, null, & globbuf ) ;... this function is not provided for the purpose of enabling utilities to perform pathname expansion on their arguments, as this operation is performed by the shell, and utilities are explicitly not expected to redo this. instead, it is provided for applications that need to do pathname expansion on strings obtained from other sources, such as a pattern typed by a user or read from a file. if a utility needs to see if a pathname matches a given pattern, it can use fnmatch ( ). note that gl _ pathc and gl _ pathv have meaning even if glob ( ) fails. this allows glob ( ) to report partial results in the event of an error. however, if gl _ pathc is 0, gl _ pathv is unspecified even if glob ( ) did not return an error. the glob _ nocheck option could be used when an application wants to expand a pathname if wildcards are specified, but wants to treat the pattern as just a string otherwise. the sh utility might use this for option - arguments, for example. the new pathnames generated by a subsequent call with glob _ append are not sorted together with the previous pathnames. this mirrors the way that the shell handles pathname expansion when multiple expansions are done on a command line. applications that need tilde and parameter expansion should use wordexp ( ). it was claimed that the glob _ dooffs flag is unnecessary because it could be simulated using : new = ( char * * ) malloc ( ( n + pglob - > gl _ pathc + 1 ) * sizeof ( char * ) ) ; ( void ) memcpy ( new + n, pglob - > gl _ pathv, pglob - > gl _ pathc * sizeof ( char * ) ) ; ( void ) memset ( new, 0, n * sizeof ( char * ) ) ; free ( pglob - > gl


, pglob - > gl _ pathc * sizeof ( char * ) ) ; ( void ) memset ( new, 0, n * sizeof ( char * ) ) ; free ( pglob - > gl _ pathv ) ; pglob - > gl _ pathv = new ; however, this assumes that the memory pointed to by gl _ pathv is a block that was separately created using malloc ( ). this is not necessarily the case. an application should make no assumptions about how the memory referenced by fields in pglob was allocated. it might have been obtained from malloc ( ) in a large chunk and then carved up within glob ( ), or it might have been created using a different memory allocator. it is not the intent of the standard developers to specify or imply how the memory used by glob ( ) is managed. the glob _ append flag would be used when an application wants to expand several different patterns into a single list. exec, fdopendir, fnmatch, fstatat, readdir, wordexp xbd lc _ collate, < glob. h > first released in issue 4. derived from the iso posix - 2 standard. moved from posix2 c - language binding to base. the normative text is updated to avoid use of the term " must " for application requirements. the restrict keyword is added to the glob ( ) prototype for alignment with the iso / iec 9899 : 1999 standard. return to top of page


charles hall, the father of the energy return on investment ( eroi ) concept, once told me that our current society would probably not be able to function if the eroi for the entire society slipped below five. what does that mean? first, a quick review. it takes energy to get energy. eroi is a measurement of how efficient a process, an enterprise or a society is in obtaining energy. eroi is usually expressed in a ratio, say, 20 to 1. that would mean that the process being studied produced 20 units of energy for every one unit expended. as it turns out, that ' s about what conventional crude oil returns. hall estimates that the united states is currently running on an eroi of just under 40 to 1. this looks like a fairly substantial margin of safety over the 5 to 1 that might lead to societal breakdown. but worrisome developments in the oil, natural gas and coal fields may send us rushing toward that figure. a post earlier this year on the oil drum suggests that the eroi for natural gas in north america is dropping like a stone. this is, in part, reflected in the price of natural gas which is up fourfold in this decade. it is also reflected in the number of wells and the number of total feet drilled just to maintain production. we are having to drill faster and deeper just to stay even. the recent uptick in u. s. supplies may represent a small flattening of the eroi decline, but those supplies are the product of furious drilling and huge exploration expenditures. the tar sands, presumed to be the great energy savior for north america, have long been a low eroi source of oil. estimates range from 1 to 1 to about 7 to 1. work by charles hall and his students posted on the oil drum gives a tentative estimate of 5. 2 to 1 based on admittedly incomplete data. coal has a very high return when used to generate electricity, around 80 to 1. but evidence now suggests that in the united states at least, not only has the energy content per ton of coal declined by more than 30 percent since 1955, but the total energy content of coal mined in the country is now falling despite rising coal tonnage. but what about nuclear? hall and his students once again attempted to calculate the eroi. others have made claims of 1. 86 to 1 to 93 to 1. the very high estimates appear to leave out many steps in the nuclear fuel and construction cycle. some contend that the eroi of nuclear is favorable enough


to calculate the eroi. others have made claims of 1. 86 to 1 to 93 to 1. the very high estimates appear to leave out many steps in the nuclear fuel and construction cycle. some contend that the eroi of nuclear is favorable enough - - perhaps 11 to 1 - - to argue for expansion of nuclear power. but, if one takes into account all the energy that will be expended over time storing nuclear waste and guarding the waste and the mothballed nuclear plants in the future, the eroi could drop below 1. essentially, we get the benefit now, and future generations get both the security and energy expenditures. on its current trajectory, nuclear power may not even maintain its share of world energy production. it would certainly be useful to know what the true eroi of nuclear power is in order to assess its importance to our energy future. solar power has promise as shown in this chart compiled by hall and his students. but, the estimated eroi ranges are so wide that it would be difficult to promise that solar photovoltaic could consistently provide returns above 5 to 1. this chart provides an estimate of above 70 to 1 for wind power in one location. eroi in this case, of course, depends heavily on whether the wind generators are located in ultra - windy denmark or not - so - windy japan. the main problem with wind and solar, however, is that they are intermittent ; the energy produced is difficult to store for use during nighttime or low - wind conditions. finally, hydroelectric has a very high eroi. while there is still room for some expansion of hydro power in the developing world, most of the good sites have already been taken in north america and europe. and, this brings us to the idea of the net energy cliff. if our energy transition away from fossil fuels does not result in their replacement by high eroi sources of energy with the necessary versatility and storage characteristics, or if such replacements are possible, but delayed too long, then we may be facing a net energy cliff. it may seem that the difference between an eroi of 40 to 1 and one of, say, 30 to 1 would be comparable to a move from 20 to 1 to 10 to 1. but the mathematics say otherwise. in a society that has an eroi of 40 ( which is approximately what the united states is thought to have ) about 2. 5 percent of the economy is devoted to gathering energy for the other 97. 5 percent. if an economy has an eroi of 30 to 1, then the


of 40 ( which is approximately what the united states is thought to have ) about 2. 5 percent of the economy is devoted to gathering energy for the other 97. 5 percent. if an economy has an eroi of 30 to 1, then the portion of the economy involved in gathering energy rises to about 3. 3 percent. this is a significant jump, but probably manageable. however, an eroi that drops from 20 to 1 to 10 to 1 results in the doubling of the part of the economy devoted to securing energy from 5 percent to 10 percent. a further drop to an eroi of 5 to 1, puts 20 percent of the economy within the general classification of energy gathering. this is the net energy cliff. a drop to an eroi of 5 in today ' s american economy would mean that the energy sector of society would have to grow eightfold. if the drop came quickly, it would be very difficult to adapt. if the eroi were to drop to, say, 3, this would imply that potentially every third person would be involved in gathering energy in some fashion. such a society would have little resemblence to the one we now inhabit. the net energy cliff shows us how important eroi is when considering energy alternatives. even very large resources such as the tar sands and oil shale become problematic when one considers their eroi. there appear to be two ways forward then. one is to hope for breakthroughs which increase the energy returns of alternative energy sources. a second is to rework our infrastructure and our way of living so that our society can better withstand a significant overall decline in eroi should it develop.


. central to the plan is increasing the proportion of electricity from renewable sources to around 30 % by 2020, up from the current level of 6. 2 % in the first quarter of 2010. the report then explains the practical realities shaping efforts to reach the emissions reduction targets set forth in uk law : these targets are to be met through a plethora of initiatives and incentives ranging from the renewables obligation and feed - in tariffs, respectively aimed at bringing large - and small - scale renewable generation onto the system, through to increasing the share of renewable fuels in the transport sector to over 5 % from 2013. there is also a plan to install smart meters in all 26 million uk homes by 2020, which, together with feed - in tariffs, are expected inter alia to speed - up the installation of small - scale heat and power generation in households, and to facilitate the development of smart grids to allow better system management and enable wider distributed generation growth. consumers are also expected to make large greenhouse gas reductions by both significant changes in behaviour, enabled by smart meters, and further energy efficiency improvements within the home. at the same time, the government apparently favours the widespread adoption of electric vehicles, which will add significantly to the amount of power generation capacity required, and for which significant investment in a battery charging infrastructure will be needed. all of these measures, combined with reductions from many other initiatives in a range of sectors, are designed to help reach the government ’ s ambitious targets. but governments in general tend to over - estimate the level of take - up of different policy measures. the growth in large - scale renewable generation, for example, has not been anywhere near as fast as successive government estimates have predicted, and has focused heavily on one technology, namely wind generation. this slow take - up is likely to continue, at least in the near term, and each year that passes without significant construction makes it more and more difficult to reach the 2020 targets. recent estimates are that 7, 000 offshore turbines will need to be constructed between now and 2020, nearly two per day every day of this decade. even investors in this activity doubt that such a level of activity is achievable. the report explains that costs of all of these proposed actions are high and may not even deliver the promised emissions reductions. the report argues that new wind power costs 6 times as much as equivalent gas - fired energy ( or as much as 18 times more, depending on the methods used, capital costs only ). the report has this bottom line : the rollout of smart meters


report argues that new wind power costs 6 times as much as equivalent gas - fired energy ( or as much as 18 times more, depending on the methods used, capital costs only ). the report has this bottom line : the rollout of smart meters will also be a herculean task, with over 2. 5 million meters having to be installed every year, from a near standing start, by 2020 at the latest. there is currently not enough capacity to install this number of meters, nor is it clear exactly what these meters will look like because there is, as yet, no agreed standard. it is also worth noting that there are different degrees of “ smartness ” in meters. they can range from meters that display real - time energy usage, to meters that allow two - way communication, enabling price signals to be sent to consumers or remote signalling of appliances to turn off during periods of high demand and high prices. it is not clear which level of “ smartness ” will be installed, although ofgem proposes two - way communication as a minimum. again, there is an implicit assumption by policy makers that a large shift in consumer behaviour will occur once smart meters are installed e. g. responding to price signals and turning off appliances at times of high demand. however, there is little evidence that this will occur to anywhere near the expected degree : pilot studies may not reflect the real world. if parallels can be drawn, they would be with consumer switching behaviour in the face of energy market liberalisation. the uk has one of the highest rates of consumer energy switching, yet in a july 2008 survey ofgem found that 44 % of electricity and 40 % of gas customers had never switched supplier, and that a further 44 % of electricity and 31 % of gas consumers had only switched once. this is despite high - profile advertising campaigns by retailers setting out how much money consumers could save, and very simple processes for switching, facilitated by internet sites. what is really needed now will be a bitter pill for many to swallow : a slow - down in the drive for low carbon solutions. a slow - down in uk decarbonization policy with respect to the targets of the 2008 climate change act is inevitable. i do the math in this paper. in that paper, written in early 2009, soon after the act was passed as law, i wrote that the uk would need to achieve the 2006 carbon efficiency of france by no later than 2015 if it was going to be on track to meeting its short - term emissions reduction target ( france was at 0


studying php ' s ( 5. 3. 1 and below ) lcg ( linear congruential generator, a pseudorandom number generator ), i discovered that there are weaknesses that reduce the complexity of determining the sequence of pseudorandom numbers. what this means is that php is severely deficient in producing random session ids or random numbers, leading to the possibility of stealing sessions or other sensitive information. the initial seed can be reduced from 64 - bits to 35 - bits, and with php code execution, can be reduced further down to just under 20 - bits, which takes only seconds to recreate the initial seed. you can test with sources available below. mad hax0r pr0pz to arshan " dhs - most - wanted " dabirsiaghi ( bless you ) and amit " smartypants " klein for pointing me in the right direction with the lcg. other tools to work out the lcg in forward and reverse, as well as determine session ids, found below. to test breaking the seed, run the following ( after compiling s1s2. c ) time. / s1s2 11484 0. 82548251995711 can you guess my next lcg _ value based off the above? ( hint : it ' s 0. 86290409858717 ). test by running : time. / lcg - state - forward [ s1 ] [ s2 ] 100 your session _ id is mfbu1v8qjnp003ob1pt6bbkft4 ( or just look at your cookie ) session _ start ( ) ; echo " hi $ _ server [ remote _ addr ]! the time is ". time ( ). " < p > " ; echo " to test breaking the seed, run the following ( after compiling < a href = ' s1s2. c ' > s1s2. c < / a > ) < br > " ; echo " < code > time < a href = ' s1s2. c ' >. / s1s2 < / a > ". getmypid ( ). " ". lcg _ value ( ). " < / code > < p > " ; echo " can you guess my next lcg _ value based off the above? ( hint : it ' s ". lcg _ value ( ). " ). < br > " ; echo " test by


water contamination – special education edition : fracking to view hydraulic fracturing infograghics click on toggles. wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the wikimedia foundation, inc., a non - profit organization. hydraulic fracturing is the propagation of fractures in a rock layer by a pressurized fluid. some hydraulic fractures form naturally certain veins or dikes are examples — and can create conduits along which gas and petroleum from source rocks may migrate to reservoir rocks. induced hydraulic fracturing or hydrofracturing, commonly known as fracing, fraccing, or fracking, is a technique used to release petroleum, natural gas ( including shale gas, tight gas, and coal seam gas ), or other substances for extraction. this type of fracturing creates fractures from a wellbore drilled into reservoir rock formations. the first use of hydraulic fracturing was in 1947. however, it was only in 1998 that modern fracturing technology, referred to as horizontal slickwater fracturing, made possible the economical extraction of shale gas ; this new technology was first used in the barnett shale in texas. the energy from the injection of a highly pressurized hydraulic fracturing fluid creates new channels in the rock, which can increase the extraction rates and ultimate recovery of hydrocarbons. proponents of hydraulic fracturing point to the economic benefits from vast amounts of formerly inaccessible hydrocarbons the process can extract. opponents point to potential environmental impacts, including contamination of ground water, risks to air quality, the migration of gases and hydraulic fracturing chemicals to the surface, surface contamination from spills and flowback and the health effects of these. for these reasons hydraulic fracturing has come under scrutiny internationally, with some countries suspending or banning it. fracturing as a method to stimulate shallow, hard rock oil wells dates back to the 1860s. it was applied by oil producers in the us states of pennsylvania, new york, kentucky, and west virginia by using liquid and later also solidified nitroglycerin. later, the same method was applied to water and gas wells. the idea to use acid as a nonexplosive fluid for well stimulation was introduced in the 1930s. due to acid etching, fractures would not close completely and therefore productivity was enhanced. the same phenomenon was discovered with water injection and squeeze cementing operations. the relationship between well performance and treatment pressures was studied by floyd farris of stanolind oil and gas corporation. this study became a basis of the first hydraulic fracturing experiment, which was conducted in 1947 at the


now part of anadarko petroleum corporation, mitchell energy, now part of devon energy, developed the hydraulic fracturing technique known as “ slickwater fracturing ” which involves adding chemicals to water to increase the fluid flow, that made the shale gas extraction economical. method a hydraulic fracture is formed by pumping the fracturing fluid into the wellbore at a rate sufficient to increase pressure downhole to exceed that of the fracture gradient ( pressure gradient ) of the rock. the fracture gradient is defined as the pressure increase per unit of the depth due to its density and it is usually measured in pounds per square inch per foot or bars per meter. the rock cracks and the fracture fluid continues further into the rock, extending the crack still further, and so on. operators typically try to maintain “ fracture width ”, or slow its decline, following treatment by introducing into the injected fluid a proppant – a material such as grains of sand, ceramic, or other particulates, that prevent the fractures from closing when the injection is stopped and the pressure of the fluid is reduced. consideration of proppant strengths and prevention of proppant failure becomes more important at greater depths where pressure and stresses on fractures are higher. the propped fracture is permeable enough to allow the flow of formation fluids to the well. formation fluids include gas, oil, salt water, fresh water and fluids introduced to the formation during completion of the well during fracturing. during the process fracturing fluid leakoff, loss of fracturing fluid from the fracture channel into the surrounding permeable rock occurs. if not controlled properly, it can exceed 70 % of the injected volume. this may result in formation matrix damage, adverse formation fluid interactions, or altered fracture geometry and thereby decreased production efficiency. the location of one or more fractures along the length of the borehole is strictly controlled by various methods that create or seal off holes in the side of the wellbore. typically, hydraulic fracturing is performed in cased wellbores and the zones to be fractured are accessed by perforating the casing at those locations. hydraulic - fracturing equipment used in oil and natural gas fields usually consists of a slurry blender, one or more high - pressure, high - volume fracturing pumps ( typically powerful triplex or quintuplex pumps ) and a monitoring unit. associated equipment includes fracturing tanks, one or more units for storage and handling of proppant, high - pressure treating iron, a chemical additive unit ( used to accurately monitor chemical addition )


quintuplex pumps ) and a monitoring unit. associated equipment includes fracturing tanks, one or more units for storage and handling of proppant, high - pressure treating iron, a chemical additive unit ( used to accurately monitor chemical addition ), low - pressure flexible hoses, and many gauges and meters for flow rate, fluid density, and treating pressure. fracturing equipment operates over a range of pressures and injection rates, and can reach up to 100 megapascals ( 15, 000 psi ) and 265 litres per second ( 9. 4 cu ft / s ) ( 100 barrels per minute ). proppants and fracking fluids and list of additives for hydraulic fracturing high - pressure fracture fluid is injected into the wellbore, with the pressure above the fracture gradient of the rock. the two main purposes of fracturing fluid is to extend fractures and to carry proppant into the formation, the purpose of which is to stay there without damaging the formation or production of the well. two methods of transporting the proppant in the fluid are used – high - rate and high - viscosity. high - viscosity fracturing tends to cause large dominant fractures, while high - rate ( slickwater ) fracturing causes small spread - out micro - fractures. this fracture fluid contains water - soluble gelling agents ( such as guar gum ) which increase viscosity and efficiently deliver the proppant into the formation. the fluid injected into the rock is typically a slurry of water, proppants, and chemical additives. additionally, gels, foams, and compressed gases, including nitrogen, carbon dioxide and air can be injected. typically, of the fracturing fluid 90 % is water and 9. 5 % is sand with the chemical additives accounting to about 0. 5 %. a proppant is a material that will keep an induced hydraulic fracture open, during or following a fracturing treatment, and can be gel, foam, or slickwater - based. fluids make tradeoffs in such material properties as viscosity, where more viscous fluids can carry more concentrated proppant ; the energy or pressure demands to maintain a certain flux pump rate ( flow velocity ) that will conduct the proppant appropriately ; ph, various rheological factors, among others. types of proppant include silica sand, resin - coated sand, and man - made ceramics. these vary depending on the type of permeability or grain strength needed. the most commonly used proppan


seasonal recharge components in an urban / agricultural mountain front aquifer system using noble gas thermometry thirteen noble gas samples were collected from eleven wells and two mountain springs in the treasure valley, idaho, usa to derive recharge temperatures using noble gas thermometry. one common assumption with noble gas thermometry is that recharge temperatures are roughly equal to the mean annual surface temperature. when water table depths are shallow or variable, or infiltration is seasonal recharge temperatures may be significantly different from the mean annual surface temperature. water table depths throughout the study area were used to estimate recharge source temperatures using an infiltration - weighted recharge temperature model which takes into account a time - variable water table. this model was applied to six different seasonally - dependent recharge scenarios. the modeled recharge temperatures for all scenarios showed a strong dependence of recharge temperature on mean annual depth to water. temperature results from the different recharge scenarios ranged from near the mean annual surface temperature to as much as 6 °c warmer. this compared well to noble gas derived recharge temperatures from the valley wells which ranged from 5 °c below to 7. 4 °c above the mean annual surface temperature of the valley. cooler temperatures suggest an influence of recharge through the adjacent mountain block while warmer temperatures suggest an influence from summer irrigation. thoma, michael j. ; mcnamara, james p. ; and benner, shawn g.. ( 2011 ). " seasonal recharge components in an urban / agricultural mountain front aquifer system using noble gas thermometry ". journal of hydrology, 409 ( 1 - 2 ), 118 - 127. http : / / dx. doi. org / 10. 1016 / j. jhydrol. 2011. 08. 003


“ even if i thought there was hope for me,... ” ruth 1 : 12 jps hope – what is your definition of “ hope ”? two questions might help you determine if your idea of hope comes from biblical sources or from the culture of greek philosophy. the first question is this : “ is your idea of hope the projection of desired good things happening in the future? ” in other words, if you examine what you hope for, is it really just a collection of your wishes for good things for you? if you discovered that this element is present in your idea of hope, then you are right in line with plato. he taught that hope is the subjective projection of our yearnings for future benefits. of course, these yearnings often turn out to be disappointments. in plato ’ s view, hope is like a psychological crutch. it helps us manage contemporary difficulties by projecting a better tomorrow, but it is ultimately without real foundation. it ’ s just wishing things will be better. examine your feelings carefully. perhaps there is just a hint of plato lurking in your own definition. you might ask yourself, “ if nothing turns out the way i want it to, does that affect my idea of hope? ” if you answered, “ yes, ” then plato is your man. now let ’ s ask the second question. “ does your idea of hope depend entirely on god ’ s faithfulness regardless of any present or conceivable future circumstances? ” let ’ s ask the question another way. “ if none of your future expectations occur, do you still absolutely trust god and wait patiently for him to act? ” if you find that you can answer “ yes ” to these questions, then you are ready to examine the hebrew word tiqvah. when naomi uses this word, she doesn ’ t have the projection of future desires in mind. she is thinking about the color scarlet. what does scarlet have to do with hope. frymer - kensky points out that tiqvah is the hebrew word meaning “ thread ” in the story of rahab. “ the imagery in this idiom suggests that our life is spun out like a cord, and hope arises from the strength of that cord, representing the prospect of a viable future. ” she goes on to show that hope in hebrew thought is intimately connected with life here and now. to have a future is to not be cut off. to have a future is to see the continuation of your name in the lives of your offspring. tiqvah hope has


( this is reposted from the dictionary help page ) can ’ t understand some parts of the dictionary? fear no more! what do these things mean? n. – noun. usually definitions starting with “ a, ” “ an ” or “ the ” except for “ the state of being. ” used to name a person, place, thing, or idea. v. – verb. usually definitions starting with “ to ” except for “ to be. ” a word or combination of words that expresses an action or says something about the existence or condition of a noun or pronoun. adj. – adjective. usually definitions starting with “ to be ” or “ the state of being. ” a word that modifies a noun or pronoun. modify means to limit, qualify, or make partial changes. adv. – adverb. usually starts with “ the state of ” with a verb and the description of that action. a word that modifies a verb, an adjective, or another verb ( when, where, how, how often, to what extent ). many adverbs en in - ly. contraction. – a shortened word acronym. – the first letters of a bunch of words or phrase interjection. – a word that you would use to say something out loud, like “ damn ” or “ fuck. ” a word or phrase used to express pain, surprise, anger, pleasure, or some other emotions. stands apart from other words in sentences. klingon. – a word from the klingon language location. – a location phrase. – a phrase that has more than 1 word in it ebonics. – a word or series of words used in ebonics preposition. – a word like “ a. ” a word that shows a relation between the word following it and some other word or group of words in a sentence. conjunction. – a word that combines two parts of a sentence, such as “ but, ” “ and, ” and “ yet ” pronoun. – a word that replaces another noun. such as he, she, it. it stands for or takes place of a noun and functions in most ways as a noun.?. – we don ’ t know what kind of word it is ex. – example ; } – separates one definition from another definition for the same word. similar to the numbering system used in actual dictionaries. the reason we don ’ t use numbers in our definitions is because we use numbers sometimes to define


| canto 10 : the summum bonum | | chapter 20 : the rainy season and autumn in vrndavana | bhaktivedanta vedabase : srimad bhagavatam 10. 20. 8 tamasa bhanti na grahah yatha papena pasanda na hi vedah kalau yuge nisa - mukhesu — during the moments of evening twilight ; khadyotah — the glowworms ; tamasa — because of the darkness ; bhanti — shine ; na — not ; grahah — the planets ; yatha — as ; papena — because of sinful activities ; pasandah — atheistic doctrines ; na — and not ; hi — certainly ; vedah — the vedas ; kalau yuge — in the age of kali. in the evening twilight during the rainy season, the darkness allowed the glowworms but not the stars to shine forth, just as in the age of kali the predominance of sinful activities allows atheistic doctrines to overshadow the true knowledge of the vedas. srila prabhupada comments as follows : " during the rainy season, in the evening there are many glowworms visible about the tops of trees, hither and thither, and they glitter just like lights. but the luminaries of the sky, the stars and the moon, are not visible. similarly, in the age of kali, persons who are atheists or miscreants become very prominently visible, whereas persons who are actually following the vedic principles for spiritual emancipation are practically obscured. this age, kali - yuga, is compared to the cloudy season of the living entities. in this age, real knowledge is covered by the influence of the material advancement of civilization. the cheap mental speculators, atheists and manufacturers of so - called religious principles become prominent like the glowworms, whereas persons strictly following the vedic principles, or scriptural injunctions, become covered by the clouds of this age. " people should learn to take advantage of the actual luminaries of the sky — the sun, moon and stars — instead of the glowworms ' light. actually, the glowworms cannot give any light in the darkness of night. as clouds sometimes clear, even in the rainy season, and the moon, stars and sun become visible, so even in this kali - yuga there are sometimes advantages. the vedic movement of lord caitanya — the distribution of the


office - specific information is stored as streams in this more generalized format. common elements, such as document properties, can be accessed through the structured storage apis and do not require access to the office binary file format documentation. for more information about the windows structured storage apis, visit the following microsoft web site : http : / / msdn2. microsoft. com / en - us / library / aa380369. aspxthe microsoft excel 2007 binary format ( *. xlsb ) stores binary records. this format uses the same part and packaging technologies that are found in spreadsheetml. spreadsheetml is part of the office open xml format. important reading or manipulating the structure directly can cause corruption and is strongly discouraged. xmlxml is a plain - text, unicode - based metalanguage ( a language for defining markup languages ). xml is not tied to any programming language, operating system, or software vendor. xml provides access to a plethora of technologies for manipulating, structuring, transforming, and querying data. as the use of xml has grown, it is now typically accepted that xml is not only useful for describing new document formats for the web, but is also suitable to describe structured data. examples of structured data include information that is typically contained in spreadsheets, program configuration files, and network protocols. microsoft office includes support for xml schemas. microsoft maintains a licensing program for certain office xml schemas. to learn more about office xml schemas, visit the following microsoft web site to view the microsoft office system and xml : bringing xml to the desktop article : rich text format ( rtf ) the rich text format ( rtf ) specification is a method of encoding formatted text and graphics for easy transfer between programs. the rtf specification provides a format for text and graphics interchange that can be used with different output devices, operating environments, and operating systems. rtf uses the american national standards institute ( ansi ), pc - 8, macintosh, or ibm pc character set to control the representation and the formatting of a document, both on the screen and in print. with the rtf specification, documents that are created under different operating systems and that are created by using different software programs can be transferred between those operating systems and those programs. for more information about how to write or how to implement a sample rtf reader, visit the following microsoft web site, and then type rtf reader in the search msdn for box : visio


by swami krishnananda life, ancient as well as modern, is generally calculated and assessed in the light of what we regard as civilisation and culture. we usually, and often, speak of india ' s civilisation as highly advanced, and its culture as superb in every way. but a cultural or sociological study of history is not the proper way of getting a little deeper into the basic impulses that make culture the essential value of life. why should anyone be cultured? unless this question is answered, it is difficult to say what culture is. it is another way of asking, " why should anyone be good? " we are very fond of saying that we have to be civilised, cultured and good, but have we found time to think of what consequences would devolve in our lives in the absence of this value? a highly comfortable life of physical satisfaction and social security, with friendliness among the constituents of a society in the manner it is interpreted at any given moment of time, may be regarded as a highlight of civilisation and culture. but we speak of cultures and civilisations, and accept the presence of a multitude of these, implying thereby a simultaneous acceptance of the validity of these multiplicities, and meaning thereby that every culture is relevant to that particular circumstance of society which upholds it as its ideal. it does not mean that the whole of humanity has one culture, one civilisation, one way of thinking. even the way of giving a friendly greeting differs from place to place, what to talk of other things. hence, when we speak of an ethical, moral or cultural society, we oftentimes speak tongue - in - cheek, not being able to assess the basic foundations of these efflorescences which appear outwardly as necessities in the form of culture, civilisation. a comfortable, happy life need not necessarily be a civilised life. who can say that horses or elephants are not happy? each group has its own standards of judging happiness, satisfaction, and even security. animals in the jungle have a satisfaction of their own which is commensurate with the type of understanding with which they are endowed in the state of their evolution. thus, the judgement of culture and civilisation also has something to say in regard to the stage of evolution. there are various types of people in the world. anthro - pologists generally classify humanity into races. this is only a broad classification of human beings, and it does not mean that we have given a clear


to the stage of evolution. there are various types of people in the world. anthro - pologists generally classify humanity into races. this is only a broad classification of human beings, and it does not mean that we have given a clear - cut idea of the varieties of the outlooks of people. it is a peculiar classification based on the physiognomy or bone structure, and the appearance of the face — the nose, particularly. this kind of anthropological classification is not the same as a cultural classification. the anthropological evaluation, if it is applied to people in india, will not find one kind or one set of people throughout the country. there is a geographical impact upon the structure of the body, and many other factors which differentiate the way or conduct of the day - to - day life of people. why go so far? in india there are very obvious and interesting differences even in religious practice, as between the south and the north, for instance. in a state such as kerala, it would be a horror for a person to enter a holy temple wearing a shirt — and much worse, a turban. it is not only irreligious, it is unthinkable, horrid behaviour to put on a coat and worship a holy deity in a temple. but if we go to a temple such as kedarnath, we will find the pujari wearing a turban and a coat, and it is not regarded as unholy or irreligious. now, why should this peculiar distinction be made in the conduct of a person — whether it is religious or otherwise — from place to place? it differs not merely from place to place, but from circumstance to circumstance. perhaps this particular example that i gave has some connection with the circumstance of living — the climatic conditions particularly, and so on. the dharma of a particular individual or a group of people is the culture, to mention it in a broad outline. the necessity of a person or the need of a group of people under a given set of circumstances, in the light of an ideal that they hold as their religious deity, may be regarded as the determining factor in the expression of culture or civilisation. in india we have various linguistic states. in one way, we may say each state has its own culture — though not in essence, at least in details. in essence, we have one single culture from kanyakumari to the himalayas, which is why we always speak of bharatiya samskriti, indian culture


say each state has its own culture — though not in essence, at least in details. in essence, we have one single culture from kanyakumari to the himalayas, which is why we always speak of bharatiya samskriti, indian culture ; but in minute details, we differ. hence, when we speak of culture or civilisation, we have to take it in generality as well as in particularity. sometimes differences arise among people due to their behaviour, which may appear to be perfectly recognised and valid from their own point of view — from the standpoint of their own culture and civilisation — but may be odd in another atmosphere. our dress in india is an incoherent cynosure in a country like britain, for instance ; and to us, british or european dress looks something quite different from the way in which we would like to dress ourselves. now, does dress make a culture, does language make a culture, or does the way of worshipping of god make a culture? what is culture? if we go threadbare into this problem of culture and civilisation, we will find that it is not one, two or three things, but it is everything that acts as the warp and woof in this fabric of one ' s life, and a total adjustability of the human group may perhaps be called for in the expression of a culture. when a person speaks sweetly, behaves politely, and expresses a generous feeling of charitableness, one feels that the person is cultured or civilised. we generally speak of a person as cultured when there is a charitable expression on the part of that person in regard to others in feeling, in words, and in outward conduct. but while we may regard this standard of judgement of culture and civilisation as something very beautiful, almost approximating perfection, we have to go a little deeper into the causes that motivate the behaviour of a person in this manner. why should one be impelled to speak sweetly to another? though we may accept that speaking sweetly is a part of cultured behaviour, what is it that prompts a person to speak sweetly to another person? if it is selfishness, exploitation — to utilise that person in some manner by hooking that individual — then sweet speaking would not be a part of culture. it would be a dramatic, deceptive attitude, and we cannot regard sweet speech as a part of culture. therefore, merely speaking sweetly is not a part of culture ; there is something else behind it. even a


not be a part of culture. it would be a dramatic, deceptive attitude, and we cannot regard sweet speech as a part of culture. therefore, merely speaking sweetly is not a part of culture ; there is something else behind it. even a charitable act cannot be called culture unless there is some living force behind it, because we may express a gesture of charity with a highly selfish motive. outward actions can bear the garb of holiness, intense culture, piety and civilisation, but they may have a peculiar axe to grind, which the individual alone will know. thus, culture is not any kind of external gesture — neither dress, nor even language. sometimes people base their culture on their religion, their scriptures. there are scripture - oriented religions whose adherents interpret everything in their lives from the point of view of that particular sacred text. if something is not mentioned in that text, it would not be a holy attitude. the moment they discover a statement in the text concerning a particular behaviour, it becomes sanctioned. so, the book becomes the guide. these are some of the religions we have in the world. but there are other religions which are prophet oriented. they may have no books, but they have a leader, and whatever that person says is valid and final. there is a final validity of a particular conduct, whether it receives its inspiration from a prophet or a book, and this final interpretation of the validity of the behaviour of a person or a group of people makes it impossible for mankind to have one culture and one civilisation, because it does not appear that we have only one book as our guide or only one man as our leader. sections of people have different leaders — religious, political, and social — and different texts are regarded as holy in their own parlance. so, how do we come to know whether a person is cultured or civilised? civilised nations today are those who have up - to - date gadgets of physical amenities. from the point of view of the interpretation of culture as possession of the highest material instruments of action, india cannot be regarded as highly cultured because there are other countries that are more technologically advanced. if technological advancement is the sign of culture and civilisation, india lags behind. but would we say that culture is technological advancement? certainly not! nobody would say ' yes ' to this, because something lurks within us and tells us that whatever be the might and force of the technology that we have in our hands, it may not be the criterion of our culture. we


| taekwondo bible, vol. 2 | | 8. unity of samjae and kang - yu 8 - 3. failure of technique people cannot use taekwondo techniques although they ' ve learned them. for they didn ' t learn them exactly. for they didn ' t learn exact techniques. what is the reason you don ' t learn exact techniques? first you don ' t understand the substance of kang - yu, and second you have no idea of samjae even though you understand kang - yu substantially. what ' s the reason you don ' t understand the substance of kang - yu? because you only imitate the technical motions yet losing the truth of kang - yu. what ' s the reason you have no idea of samjae though you know kang - yu? it is also because you lose its invisible foundation in the visible changes understanding kang - yu with the knowledge of samjae and taekwondo as its foundation you come to understand the importance of basics. and you also come to understand the importance of training, mental attitude, and furthermore, of the rightness in your life. the right life is the basis of the entire taekwondo. if you ignore this fact only attached to magnificent motions you will go in vain and danger like those who have exaggerated reputation. mencius warned of this mistake with his analogy to the water of no source. hence saying ¡ °if a thing has no source, it is like the rain water that collects after a downpour in the seventh and eighth months. it may fill all the gutters, but we can stand and wait for it to dry up. thus a gentleman is ashamed of an exaggerated reputation. ¡ ±2 ) likewise, taekwondo man should be ashamed of exaggerated magnificence of technique more than the firmness of basics. to sum up, the foundation of taekwondo technique is kang - yu ; the foundation of kang - yu is samjae ; and its foundation is ilgiyae as taekwondo. 3 ) and, the foundation of skill is basic motion ; it foundation is training ; and its foundation again is mental attitude. and the foundation of mental attitude is ethical ( right ) life. this is why we say the foundation of taekwondo is verily ethical ( right ) life. 1 ) diamond sutra, 10c. eeayaaßæoeiaay. yoeen¬ßaßæay. yoeen¬a¢ ¡ ¤ua ¡ ¤u « ¡ ¤oº ¡ ¤uoßæay.


editor ’ s note : we ’ re proud to announce the launch of our newest state chapter – the kentucky tenth amendment center! by michael maharrey, kentucky tenth amendment center welcome to the kentucky chapter of the 10th amendment center. the principle is simple. it is not radical or extremist, nor should it be controversial. the founders of the united states clearly intended a federal government with defined and limited power. the bulk of governance was meant to happen at the state and local level. a the 10th amendment in the bill of rights reaffirms this principle in the simplest of language. a€œthe powers not delegated to the united states by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. a€ simple. straight forward. no need for complicated exegesis or convoluted interpretation. james madison expanded the idea, writing in federalist no. 45. a€œthe powers delegated by the proposed constitution to the federal government are few and defined. those which are to remain in the state governments are numerous and indefinite. the former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiation and foreign commerce ; with which the last the power of taxation will for the most part be connected. the powers reserved to the several states will extend to all objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement and prosperity of the state. a€ the foundation of our country was not laid on empty political theory. it was born from a deep understanding of the danger of concentrated power. as george washington said, a€œgovernment is not reason ; it is not eloquent ; it is force. like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master. a€ or as gerald ford put it some 200 years later, a€œa government big enough to give you everything you want is a government big enough to take from you everything you have. a€ most people intuitively understand that the danger of power increases at higher levels of government. most citizens understand that state and local leaders are more accountable to those they represent at state and local levels. what does nancy pelosi care about the coal miner in eastern kentucky? kentuckians understand the potential tyranny of unbridled federal power. our founders certainly understood and created a brilliant system to keep government power in check. it takes only a quick scan of the news headlines to see that the


pick up any 40 - year - old science textbook – on chemistry, biology, geology, physics, astronomy or medicine – and you ’ ll find a slew of “ facts ” and theories that have been proven wrong or are no longer the “ consensus ” view. climatology is no exception. back in the 1970s, many scientists warned of global cooling – and fretted that a new ice age brought on by fossil fuel use would cause glaciers to expand, wreaking havoc. they predicted every conceivable disaster, short of roving herds of wooly mammoths stampeding through ice - covered streets. ( the possibility of cloning a well - preserved mammoth could buttress the next scary ice age scenario. ) newsweek ’ s 1975 cover story “ the cooling world ” breathlessly reported that, “ after three quarters of a century of extraordinarily mild conditions, the earth ' s climate seems to be cooling down. ” meteorologists are “ almost unanimous ” that the trend will “ reduce agricultural productivity for the rest of the century, ” it intoned, and “ the resulting famines could be catastrophic. ” the cia, nasa, national academy of sciences and many news organizations issued similar alarums. dr. john holdren, now president obama ’ s science adviser, joined population bomb author paul ehrlich in penning an essay that warned : “ the effects of a new ice age on agriculture and the supportability of large human populations scarcely need elaboration here. even more dramatic results are possible, however ; for instance, a sudden outward slumping in the antarctic ice cap, induced by added weight, could generate a tidal wave of proportions unprecedented in recorded history. ” the chicken little ice age never arrived. instead, the new “ consensus ” view is that our planet now faces fossil - fuel - induced catastrophic global warming. a 2006 newsweek story conceded that its ice age theme had been “ spectacularly wrong. ” but the admission came amid decades of newsweek, time and even businessweek and national geographic stories about an imminent global warming “ apocalypse. ” be the first to read paul driessen ' s column. sign up today and receive townhall. com delivered each morning to your inbox. fox news ' roger ailes : administration ' s excuses won ' t work, americans died for press freedom | katie pavlich


was very scarcely reported by the the government - run federation news service ( fns ), the only mainstream media conglomerate in the federation, and thus his popularity was not effected in any way. one of the defining characteristics of min zife ’ s presidency was that for the first time in federation history, a strong movement in opposition to the existing political establishment began to develop, in the form of the new essentialists led by pascal fullerton. beginning as a small group of dissidents best known for their attempt to sabotage the weather control network on risa in 2372, the new essentialist movement grew during and after the dominion war, as many federaton citizens, particularly young people, became disillusioned with the federation and began seeking alternative lifestyles. the new essentialists promised a return to the core values upon which the federation had been founded, which meant, among other things, the rejection of the new world economy in favor of a return to a capitalistic free - market system, the restoration of planetary sovereignty that had been lost since plasus v. kirk, and a non - interventionist foreign policy guided by a strict interpretation of the prime directive. by 2377, new essentialists numbered in the millions on planets across the federation and had become powerful enough to organize themselves into the federation ’ s first true political party, the new essentialist party ( nep ), led by fullerton. in response, the federation establishment created the social federalist party ( sfp ) to represent its own values and interests and to keep the nep from getting the upper hand and taking over the council ; the sfp chose zife as their first leader and candidate for president in the election of 2377. although the sfp won the election decisively, the nep did manage to capture more than a quarter of the seats in the federation council ; from this point forward, partisan politics would define how the council worked, and the next president of the federation would be known as soon as the election results came in. in 2378, less than a year after being re - elected, min zife was abruptly forced to resign as president, after the tezwa crisis scandalized his presidency and made a vote of no confidence in him by the federation council almost inevitable. shortly after resigning, zife and several other prominent figures within the federation government were privately assassinated by agents of section 31, while admiral ross watched, powerless to do anything to stop them. the eighteenth president of the federation, cestan ambassador nanietta bacco


a far more effective spokesperson for the nep than fullerton had been, winning the support of enough moderate and independent voters to swing the election of 2388 in the nep ’ s favor. however, once elected, armstrong found that delivering “ change ” was much harder than he had imagined. armstrong ’ s confirmation process, ordinarily a formality in federation politics, was disrupted when a faction of new essentialists in the upper house of the council still loyal to fullerton refused to cast their votes him, instead choosing either to abstain or to cast their votes for ross. as a result, the council remained deadlocked in a tie for several days, unable to garner the votes necessary to actually confer the powers of the office of president upon the president - elect, until finally several social federalists, after making closed - room deals with the incoming administration through nechayev, armstrong ’ s new chief of staff, crossed party lines to vote for him. by the time armstrong was able to assemble a governing coalition, he had made so many concessions to the other side that the domestic policy of his new administration was barely distinguishable from the previous one, thwarting most of the new essentialists ’ hopes for change before his presidency even began. this, however, turned out not to be that great a concern for armstrong, despite what the rhetoric of his campaign had suggested. like most politicians, armstrong ’ s concern was to remain popular and in power, and he pursued any policy he believed would aid him to that end, even if that policy violated the nep platform or was a direct continuation of sfp policies he and other new essentialists had previously condemned. uninterested in the minutiae of being a chief executive, armstrong allowed most of the policy - making for his administration to be crafted by his aides, in particular by nechayev, who became his chief of staff, and her small staff of palais de la concorde officials, many of whom were secretly affiliated in some way with section 31. armstrong meanwhile, enjoyed most of the perks of the office of the president, spending most of his time womanizing, playing sports and acting - out holonovels in the palais ’ s auditorium - sized holosuite, or consuming illicit substances acquired through presidential privilege. despite all this, armstrong was shielded from public criticism, both by his immense popularity and by the fact that fns was engineered to provide positive coverage for him and his administration. under armstrong ’ s inept, largely indifferent leadership,


april 12, 2005 > new year, thai style new year, thai style by ceri hitchcock - hodgson splashes of water, lots of color and good times mark the songkran celebration of the thai new year, the most important of all thai festivals and holidays. from april 13 to 15, families and friends gather to celebrate by visiting temples, make offerings to the monks, bathe buddha images, thoroughly clean their houses and sprinkle water on each other to wish good luck. songkran is a physical and spiritual " spring cleaning " that ushers in the coming year and sweeps out the old. this is a time of introspection for the thai theravada buddhist population, which makes up about 95 percent of the thai population. individuals reflect upon acts of kindness and thoughtfulness each has personally experienced and how generosity and compassion bring peace, happiness and well - being. songkran is also the time when reunions and family ties are renewed and respect is paid to elders. the underlying significance of songkran is the process of cleansing and purification - purging ills, misfortune and evil and starting the new year fresh. water is symbolic of the cleaning process and signifies purity. the practices of songkran date back to the pre - buddhist spring festivals during which throwing water was a symbol of luck to bring rain for the crops. buddhism spread to thailand in the 13th century and the ritual was converted to the religious custom of cleansing the statues of buddha once a year. songkran is a word from the sanskrit language that means " movement " or " change " and refers to the orbit of the sun moving into aries of the zodiac calendar. the traditional thai calendar is a combination of the solar and lunar movements but the new year is based on movements of the sun. in modern times, the date is set as april 13. the first day of the celebration, known as maha songkran, begins by bidding farewell to the outgoing year with a thorough " spring cleaning. " this act emphasizes awareness of responsibilities toward family and home. the day continues with merit - making, offerings such as rice, dessert and / or fruit, drinking water, candles and lotus blossoms presented to buddhist monks. merit - making is an act of giving that demonstrates generosity toward others and is an integral part of the festival. later in the day, buddha images are bathed with lustral ( blessed ) water in a gesture of respect. religious ceremonies include a procession of buddha images through city streets offering residents of the community to take part in


is an integral part of the festival. later in the day, buddha images are bathed with lustral ( blessed ) water in a gesture of respect. religious ceremonies include a procession of buddha images through city streets offering residents of the community to take part in the bathing rites. in thailand, an annual " miss songkran " parade and floral floats are part of the popular festivities. during wan nao ( april 14 ), the day between the old and new years, when the position of the sun is in transition between pisces and aries, merit - making continues in the morning with more offerings of food to the monks and family members. in the evening, sand is brought to temples to build pagodas called " phra chedis sai " decorated with colorful flags and flowers. an ancient belief says that when an individual walks away from a temple, particles of sand from the temple grounds are inadvertently carried away on shoes or sandals. building these " sand castles " is seen to be a practical way of replacing the sand lost and a merit - making act through which blessings are earned. this tradition may have started centuries ago as a part of cleansing rituals where new, clean sand was added to the temple floor once a year. this custom highlights the roles and responsibilities of temples, monasteries and the community that is served by the religious institution. wan nao is also the day when the world - famous water festival takes place. water is an integral part of thai new year traditions, both as a symbol of cleansing and of renewal. the ceremonial sprinkling of water on another ' s shoulder has evolved in to a day of water fights, complete with water guns and hoses. although throwing large amounts of water has become the epitome of songkran festivities, it has always been the more delicate water splashing that represents the true nature of songkran and the thai new year. sprinkling water on each other during the festival is a gesture of hospitality ; individuals ' attempt to cool each other off in the intense summer heat. traditionally, younger people pay respect by pouring water from silver bowls on the hands of elders in a ceremony known as " rod nahm dum hua. " the elders then ask the younger people to forgive them for speaking harshly during the past year and offer the youth a blessing and words of wisdom. this ritual is performed in the home while more vigorous water throwing is done outside. pouring small amounts of scented lustral water on the heads of the elders on " wan parg - bpee " as a sign of respect


create visual references that can be used in future lessons. teachers can help students group and relate words in different ways. for example, place a large picture of a tree on the wall. place prefix and suffix cards on the different branches ( i. e. prefixes : pre -, re - un - ; suffixes : - ful, - less ) and root words on the roots ( write, view, paint ). this visual representation can help students conceptualize that prefixes and suffixes are added on to root words. e / b, d, e : the teacher creates a display of words containing greek and latin roots and adds to it during the school year. ells can refer to the display to help in understanding new words. ( example of display : the tree display above, or a poster with three columns - root, meaning, and word, i. e. aqua, water, aquarium ) e / b : read one ' s own writing or simple narrative text and begin to produce phonemes appropriately. e / b : recognize and produce english phonemes students already know, and possibly use them in simple phrases or sentences. e / b : recognize sounds in spoken words with accompanying illustrations e / b : use cues for sounding out unfamiliar words with accompanying illustrations e / b : blend sounds together to make words, shown visually d : remove or add sounds to existing words to make new words, shown visually ( i. e. " cover up the t in cart. what do you have now? " ) d : use letter - sound relationships and word roots to produce and understand multi - syllabic words ; e : use letter - sound relationships and word roots to produce and understand new word families. d, e : recognize and use prefixes and suffixes to find meanings of unknown words. e : segment illustrated sentences into words and phrases. e : identify and analyze sentence and context clues to find meanings of unknown words. e / b, d, e : when sharing new vocabulary words, make sure to write each word divided into syllables ( i. e. dic - tion - ar - y ). when introducing each word, sound it out, pausing between each syllable, and then blend the syllables together. have students repeat after you. ask students how many syllables the word has. tell students : pay attention to the syllables in a word. this will help you spell the word, and it will help you pronounce it, too. e / b, d, e : before teaching the phonics skills


what leed measures leed is a voluntary certification program that can be applied to any building type and any building lifecycle phase. it promotes a whole - building approach to sustainability by recognizing performance in key areas : choosing a building ’ s site and managing that site during construction are important considerations for a project ’ s sustainability. the sustainable sites category discourages development on previously undeveloped land ; minimizes a building ’ s impact on ecosystems and waterways ; encourages regionally appropriate landscaping ; rewards smart transportation choices ; controls stormwater runoff ; and reduces erosion, light pollution, heat island effect and construction - related pollution. buildings are major users of our potable water supply. the goal of the water efficiency credit category is to encourage smarter use of water, inside and out. water reduction is typically achieved through more efficient appliances, fixtures and fittings inside and water - wise landscaping outside. | energy & atmosphere according to the u. s. department of energy, buildings use 39 % of the energy and 74 % of the electricity produced each year in the united states. the energy & atmosphere category encourages a wide variety of energy strategies : commissioning ; energy use monitoring ; efficient design and construction ; efficient appliances, systems and lighting ; the use of renewable and clean sources of energy, generated on - site or off - site ; and other innovative strategies. | materials & resources during both the construction and operations phases, buildings generate a lot of waste and use a lot of materials and resources. this credit category encourages the selection of sustainably grown, harvested, produced and transported products and materials. it promotes the reduction of waste as well as reuse and recycling, and it takes into account the reduction of waste at a product ’ s source. | indoor environmental quality the u. s. environmental protection agency estimates that americans spend about 90 % of their day indoors, where the air quality can be significantly worse than outside. the indoor environmental quality credit category promotes strategies that can improve indoor air as well as providing access to natural daylight and views and improving acoustics. | locations & linkages the leed for homes rating system recognizes that much of a home ’ s impact on the environment comes from where it is located and how it fits into its community. the locations & linkages credits encourage homes being built away from environmentally sensitive places and instead being built in infill, previously developed and other preferable sites. it rewards homes that are built near already - existing infrastructure, community resources and transit, and it encourages access to open space for walking, physical activity and time spent outdoors. | awareness & education


infill, previously developed and other preferable sites. it rewards homes that are built near already - existing infrastructure, community resources and transit, and it encourages access to open space for walking, physical activity and time spent outdoors. | awareness & education the leed for homes rating system acknowledges that a green home is only truly green if the people who live in it use the green features to maximum effect. the awareness & education credits encourage home builders and real estate professionals to provide homeowners, tenants and building managers with the education and tools they need to understand what makes their home green and how to make the most of those features. | innovation in design the innovation in design credit category provides bonus points for projects that use new and innovative technologies and strategies to improve a building ’ s performance well beyond what is required by other leed credits or in green building considerations that are not specifically addressed elsewhere in leed. this credit category also rewards projects for including a leed accredited professional on the team to ensure a holistic, integrated approach to the design and construction phase. usgbc ’ s regional councils, chapters and affiliates have identified the environmental concerns that are locally most important for every region of the country, and six leed credits that address those local priorities were selected for each region. a project that earns a regional priority credit will earn one bonus point in addition to any points awarded for that credit. up to four extra points can be earned in this way. see the regional priority credits for your state » source : u. s. green building council


a major thrust of the effort is to establish the potential of this technology for calibration and validation of satellite - based ocean - color measurements. the new floats are enabled with a two - way communication system that allows researchers to control when the floats descend and ascend, and when they take measurements. “ radiometers allow us to do a better job in modeling primary production, ” says boss. “ we ’ re trying to see if we can use them to calibrate satellites, and plan on having other sensors measure for scattering. that allows us to get more information on what ’ s in the water. ” most of the existing floats are programmed to descend and ascend for specific periods of time to take a predetermined number of measurements. using wireless communication and data dissemination created by cls america, researchers will provide the floats with commands during missions, including changes in response to events such as hurricanes. the data collected will be sent to a centralized web site for all researchers to analyze and for future input into assimilating ocean ecosystem models. with more advanced communications systems, it may also be possible to increase the life of profiling floats. currently, researchers can record about 300 profiles from one float. the devices are limited by battery life, and once the batteries die, it ’ s not possible to recapture the devices. one of boss ’ goals is to test recovery possibilities, so that floats can be reused. scientists from the nasa goddard earth sciences data and information services center, partners in this project, are building a tool that will provide crucial remotely sensed information around the float surfacing location for measurement context. every time a float reports its location, nasa will provide real - time data on weather, temperature and events in a 50 - kilometer radius. “ we have the opportunity to make a huge difference in the future of our field and its ability to provide much - needed information on how carbon and other material are processed globally, ” says boss.


sensors flag environmental damage to art at the met new york it will take a good eye to spot them, but dozens of tiny, very modern works of art have been installed near the 15th - century unicorn tapestries and other medieval masterpieces at a new york city museum. the metropolitan museum of art announced this week that a network of wireless environmental sensors designed to prevent damage to the collection is being tested at its cloisters branch. the ibm sensors — each housed with a radio and a microcontroller in a case about the size of a pack of cigarettes — can measure temperature, humidity, air flow, light levels, contaminants and more. they are inexpensive and run on low power, and several can be positioned in a room, scientists said. the information collected goes into a three - dimensional " climate map " that can be accessed on a computer, and the data can then be analyzed to adjust the climate, spot trends and even make predictions. " nobody in the world at this moment has this kind of information, not at this level of detail, " said paolo dionosi vici, associate research scientist at the metropolitan. " it ' s the analytics that will keep us one step ahead technologically. " the network now covers about a third of the cloisters, which houses 3, 000 medieval works in several ancient buildings that were disassembled in europe and rebuilt in northern manhattan. the met expects to expand the network throughout the cloisters and eventually to the main museum on fifth avenue. the climate at museums like the cloisters is already tightly controlled, with especially fragile items kept in sealed cases. curators don ' t have to worry about the ravages that might happen to a fresco in an open italian church, for example. but the artwork is sensitive to small climate variations. " a window in a museum, in summer, that can be a hot spot, " vici said. " and the light from the window on the floor can increase the temperature of the floor. until now, that is a variation we might not know about because we were not taking so many measurements. " another factor that can influence the climate in a museum is the number of visitors — and where the visitors have been. " if it ' s raining outside the cloisters and the tourists that come in are wet, that has an effect, " vici said. the idea is to keep the effects from causing any damage, even slow damage, to the art. " whenever we have to act on an object to


the etiology and treatment of childhood jordan w. smoller university of pennsylvania childhood is a syndrome which has only recently begun to receive serious attention from clinicians. the syndrome itself, however, is not at all recent. as early as the 8th century, the persian historian kidnom made references to " short, noisy creatures, " who may well have been what we now call " children. " the treatment of children, however, was unknown until this century, when so - called " child psychologists " and " child psychiatrists " became common. despite this history of clinical neglect, it has been estimated that well over half of all americans alive today have experienced childhood directly ( suess, 1983 ). in fact, the actual numbers are probably much higher, since these data are based on self - reports which may be subject to social desirability biases and the growing acceptance of childhood as a distinct phenomenon is reflected in the proposed inclusion of the syndrome in the upcoming diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders, 4th edition, or dsm - iv, of the american psychiatric association ( 1990 ). clinicians are still in disagreement about the significan clinical features of childhood, but the proposed dsm - iv will almost certainly include the following core - congenital onset - emotional lability and immaturity - knowledgy deficits - legume anorexia clinical features of childhood although the focus of this paper is on the efficacy of conventional treatment of childhood, the five clinical markers mentioned above merit further discussion for those unfamiliar with this patient in one of the few existing literature reviews on childhood, temple - black ( 1982 ) has noted that childhood is almost always present at birth, although it may go undetected for years or even remain subclinical indefinitely. this observation has led some investigators to speculate on biological contribution to childhood. as one psychologist has put it, " we may soon be in a position to distinguish organic childhood from functional childhood " ( rogers, 1979 ). this is certainly the most familiar marker of childhood. it is widely known that children are physically short relative to the population at large. indeed, common clinical wisdom suggests that the treatment of the so - called " small child " ( or " tot " ) is particularly difficult. these children are known to exhibit infantile behavior and display a startling lack of insight ( tom and jerry, 1967 ). emotional lability and immaturity this aspect of childhood is often the only basis for a clinician ' s diagnosis. as a result, many otherwise normal adults are mis


behavior and display a startling lack of insight ( tom and jerry, 1967 ). emotional lability and immaturity this aspect of childhood is often the only basis for a clinician ' s diagnosis. as a result, many otherwise normal adults are misdiagnosed as children and must suffer the unnecessary social stigma of being labelled a " child " by professionals and friends alike. while many children have iqs with or even above the norm, almost all will manifest knowledge deficits. anyone who has known a real child has experienced the frustration of trying to discuss any topic that requires some general knowledge. children seem to have little knowledge about the world they live in. politics, art, and science - - children are largely ignorant of these. perhaps it is because of this ignorance, but the sad fact that most children have few friends who are not, themselves, this last identifying feature is perhaps the most unexpected. folk wisdom is supported by empirical observation - - children will rarely eat their vegetables ( see popeye, 1957, for review ). causes of childhood now that we know what it is, what can we say about the causes of childhood? recent years have seen a flurry of theory and speculation from a number of perspectives. some of the most prominent are reviewed emile durkind was perhaps the first to speculate about sociological causes of childhood. he points out two key observations about - the vast majority of children are unemployed, and - children represent one of the least educated segments of our society. in fact, it has been estimated that less than 20 % of children have had more than fourth grad education. clearly, children are an " out - group. " because of their intellectual handicap, children are even denied the right to vote. from the sociologist ' s perspective, treatment should be aimed at helping assimilate children into mainstream society. unfortunately, some victims are so incapacitated by their childhood that they are simply not competent to work. one promising rehabilitaion program ( spanky and alfalfa, 1978 ) has trained victims of severe childhood to sell lemonade. the observation that childhood is usually present from birth has led some to speculate on a biological contribution. an early investigation by flintstone and jetson ( 1939 ) indicated that childhood runs in families. their survey of over 8, 000 american families revealed that over half contained more than one child. further investigation revealed that even most non - child family members had experienced childhood at some point. cross - cultural studies ( e. g., mowgli and din, 1950 )


, 000 american families revealed that over half contained more than one child. further investigation revealed that even most non - child family members had experienced childhood at some point. cross - cultural studies ( e. g., mowgli and din, 1950 ) indicated that family childhood is even more prevalent in the far east. for example, in indian and chinese families, as many as three out of four family members may have childhood. impressive evidence of a genetic component of childhood comes from a large - scale twin study by brady and partridge ( 1972 ). these authors studied over 106 pairs of twins, looking at concordance rates for childhood. among identical or monozygotic twins, concordance was unusually high ( 0. 92 ), i. e., when one twin was diagnosed with childhood, the other twin was almost always a child as well. a considerable number of psychologically - based theories of the development of childhood exist. they are too numerous to review here. among the more familiar models are seligman ' s " learned childishness " model. according to this model, individuals who are treated like children eventually give up and become children. as a counterpoint to such theories, some experts have claimed that childhood does not really exist. szasz ( 1980 ) has called " childhood " an expedient label. in seeking conformity, we handicap those whom we find unruly or too short to deal with by labelling them " children. " treatment of childhood efforts to treat childhood are as old as the syndrome itself. only in modern times, however, have human and systematic treatment protocols been applied. in part, this increased attention to the problem may be due to the sheer number of individuals suffering from childhood. government statistics ( dhhs ) reveal that there are more children alive today than at any time in our history. to paraphrase p. t. barnum : " there ' s a child born every minute. " the overwhelming number of children has made government intervention inevitable. the nineteenth century saw the institution of what remains the largest single program for the treatment of childhood - - so - called " public schools. " under this colossal program, individuals are placed into treatment groups based on the severity of their condition. for example, those most severely afflicted may be placed in a " kindergarten " program. patients at this level are typically short, unruly, emotionally immature, and intellectually deficient. given this type of individual, therapy is essentially one of patient management and of helping the child master basic skills ( e


a " kindergarten " program. patients at this level are typically short, unruly, emotionally immature, and intellectually deficient. given this type of individual, therapy is essentially one of patient management and of helping the child master basic skills ( e. g. finger - painting ). unfortunately, the " school " system has been largely ineffective. not only is the problem a massive tax burden, but it has failed even to slow down the rising incidence of childhood. faced with this failure and the growing epidemic of childhood, mental health professionals are devoting increasing attention to the treatment of childhood. given a theoretical framework by freud ' s landmark treatises on childhood, child psychiatrists and psychologists claimed great successes in their clinical intervention. by the 1950 ' s, however, the clinicians ' optimism had waned. even after years of costly analysis, many victims remained children. the following case ( taken from gumbie and poke, 1957 ) is typical. - billy j., age 8, was brought to treatment by his parents. billy ' s affliction was painfully obvious. he stood only 4 ' 3 " high and weighed a scant 70 lbs., despite the fact that he ate voraciously. billy presented a variety of troubling symptoms. his voice was noticably high for a man. he displayed legume anorexia, and, according to his parents, often refused to bathe. his intellectual functioning was also below normal - - he had little general knowledge and could barely write a structured sentence. social skills were also deficient. he often spoke inappropriately and exhibited " whining behaviour. " his sexual experience was non - existent. indeed, billy considered women " icky. " his parents reported that his condition had been present from birth, improving gradually after he was placed in a school at age 5. the diagnosis was " primary childhood. " after years of painstaking treatment, billy improved gradually. at age 11, his height and weight have increased, his social skills are broader, and he is now functional enough to hold down a " paper route. " after years of this kind of frustration, startling new evidence has come to light which suggests that the prognosis in cases of childhood may not be all gloom. a critical review by fudd ( 1972 ) noted that studies of the childhood syndrome tend to lack careful follow - up. acting on this observation, moe, larrie, and kirly ( 1974 ) began a large - scale longitudinal study. these investigators studied two groups. the first group