a river in indiana. ( ao – 9 : dp. 16, 800 ; l. 417110 ” ; b. 60 ’ ; dr. 26 ’ 2 ” ; s. 11 k. ; cpl. 168 ; a. 2 5 ”, 4 40mm. ; cl. patoka ). patoka ( ao – 9 ) was laid down 17 december 1918 by the newport news ship building and dry dock co., newport news, va. ; launched 26 july 1919 ; acquired by the navy from ussb 3 september 1919 ; and commissioned 13 october 1919, comdr. e. f. robinson in command. assigned to nots, patoka departed norfolk 4 november 1919 for port arthur, tex., where she loaded fuel oil and sailed for scotland, arriving on the clyde 6 december. she returned to port arthur for more oil and got under way 9 january 1920 for the adriatic sea, arriving spalato, 12 february. returning to the united states in april patoka went back to the near east, arriving at constantinople in june. after duty in the adriatic and mediterranean she returned to the united states, and served on both the east and west coasts until 1924 when she was selected as a tender for rigid airship shenandoah. a mooring mast some 125 feet above the water was constructed ; additional accommodations both for the crew of shenandoah and for the men who handle and supply the airship were added ; facilities for the helium, gasoline, and other supplies necessary for shenandoah were built ; as well as handling and stowage facilities for three seaplanes. this work by the norfolk navy yard was completed shortly after 1 july 1924. patoka retained her classification of ao – 9. patoka engaged in a short series of mooring experiments with the shenandoah, which had reported to the commander, scouting fleet for duty 1 august 1924. the first successful mooring was made 8 august 1924. in october, patoka, milwaukee, and detroit, were assigned stations in the mid - atlantic to furnish the airship los angeles with the weather reports and forecasts during her flight, 12 to 15 october 1924, from germany, where she had been built, to lakehurst, n. j. during 1925 patoka operated with both shenandoah and los angeles in demonstrating the mobility of airships, and in reducing the number of ground personnel required to handle them. a projected polar flight by shenandoah, using patoka as her base of operations, was cancelled when the airship was lost in a storm 3


in demonstrating the mobility of airships, and in reducing the number of ground personnel required to handle them. a projected polar flight by shenandoah, using patoka as her base of operations, was cancelled when the airship was lost in a storm 3 september 1925. between 1925 and 1932 patoka operated with los angeles and served as her base of supply and operations on her longrange flights to puerto rico ( 1925 ), panama ( 1928 ), florida ( 1929 ), and during the fleet concentration off panama ( 1931 ). during 1932 she also operated with the newly - acquired airship akron, but the decommissioning of los angeles, 30 june 1932, foretold a rest for patoka. she decommissioned 31 august 1933. on 10 november 1939 patoka recommissioned at the puget sound navy yard, comdr. c. a. f. sprague in command, and reported to patrol wing 5, aircraft, scouting force. her classification had been changed to av – 6, seaplane tender, 11 october 1939. on 18 january 1940 she departed puget sound and, after taking on fuel and cargo at san pedro, arrived at san diego on the 31st. she steamed for the east coast 5 february and reached norfolk 25 march. next patoka was assigned to the naval transportation service in june and reclassified ao – 9, 19 june 1940. on 13 august she departed norfolk and sailed to houston. between august and december 1940, she operated out of houston and baytown, tex., delivering fuel oil to boston, melville, norfolk, charleston, and key west. from march 1941 to september patoka delivered fuel oil and general cargo to various units of the fleet in the atlantic, gulf, and caribbean areas. on 28 september she departed norfolk and proceeded, via aruba, to recife, brazil. patoka made one more round trip to recife before the united states entered world war ii. on 7 december 1941, patoka was moored at recife, acting as tanker, cargo, store ship, and repair ship. here she supplied the units of task force 3 ( later 23 ) with fuel, diesel, lubricating oil ; gasoline ” stores ; provisions ; and repairs. shortly after the turn of the new year 1942, she got under brazil, anchoring there 8 january. there, she way for bahia, received word that ships bearing rubber and other vital war goods had left french indo - china bound for the axis controlled ports in europe. patoka requested and received permission to patrol the shipping lanes


anchoring there 8 january. there, she way for bahia, received word that ships bearing rubber and other vital war goods had left french indo - china bound for the axis controlled ports in europe. patoka requested and received permission to patrol the shipping lanes off bahia. when she had completed her patrol duties she put into port and returned to recife 22 january. six days later she was bound for san juan, puerto rico, but en route she was diverted to trinidad, b. w. i. taking on fuel and stores she returned to recife. standing out of the harbor 21 february, she again set course, changed several times to avoid reported submarines, and reached san juan, puerto rico 4 march. her return trip to recife was made without incident. on 25 may 1942, while again returning to recife from trinidad escorted by jouett, patoka sighted an enemy submarine on the surface. jouett attacked, forcing the u - boat to dive and continued the attack until patoka had escaped. patoka remained at recife, continuing to supply the ships of task force 23 with provisions, supplies and tender services until april 1943, with occasional trips to puerto rico and trinidad for replensihment. patoka then got underway for home, reaching norfolk 22 may for overhaul. she sailed for new york 6 august to join a convoy bound for aruba, n. w. i. and resumed operations along the coast of south america. in april 1944, she carried 62 prisoners of war ( german naval and merchant marine personnel ) from rio de janeiro to recife where they were turned over to the u. s. army. patoka departed 24 march and arrived norfolk 6 april for an overhaul period, to prepare for duty in the pacific. on 15 june, patoka departed from norfolk for the panama canal and pearl harbor. there she was outfitted for duty as a minecraft tender and was reclassified ag – 125 on 15 august. shortly thereafter she sailed via guam for okinawa, reaching buckner bay 5 september. patoka provided the minecraft with tender services until 21 september at which time she got underway for wakayama, japan. anchoring there on 23 september, she continued to provide logistic support to units of the 5th fleet, servicing mine vessels of task group 52. 6. she remained with the occupational forces until the spring of 1946, returning to the united states 10 march 1946. patoka decommissioned 1 july 1946, was transferred to the war shipping administration, was struck from the navy list 31 july 1946,


notes and comments on the " western rite " the question of rites is precisely not, has never been and cannot be a mere question of rites per se, but is and has always been a question of faith, of its wholeness and integrity. the liturgy embodies and expresses the faith, or better to say, the experience of the church, and is that experience ' s manifestation and communication. and when rites, deta ched from their nature and function, begin to be discussed in terms of " acceptance " and " rejection " or " likes and dislikes ", the debate concerning them becomes meaningless. for many people, the eastern and western rites are two entirely different and self - contained " blocks " ruling out, as an impure " hybridization ", all contacts and mutual influences. this, however, is wrong - first of all, historically. in a sense, the enti re history of christian worship can be termed a history of constant " hybridizations " - if only this word is deprived of its negative connotations. before their separations, the east and the west influenced one another for centuries. and there is no exagg eration in saying that the anaphora of st. john chrysostom ' s liturgy is infinitely ' closer ' to the roman anaphora of the same period than the service of holy communion in the book of common prayer is to, for example, the tridentine mass. what makes a western rite orthodox? for many proponents of the western rite, all it takes is a few additions and a few deletions, e. g. " striking the filioque " and " strengthening of the epiclesis. " this answer implies, on the one hand, that there exists a unified and homogenous reality identifiable as the western rite and, on the other hand, that except for two or three " heretical " ingredients or omissions, th is rite is ipso facto orthodox. both presuppositions are wrong. indeed, one does not have to be an " authority on the west " in order to know that liturgical development in the west was shaped to a degree unknown in the east by various theologies, the succession of which - and the clashes of one with another - constitute western religious history. scholasticism, reformation, counter - reformation, etc., have all resulted in sometimes radical liturgical metamorphoses and all have had a decisive impact on worship. therefore, one should speak today not of the western rite, but of


history. scholasticism, reformation, counter - reformation, etc., have all resulted in sometimes radical liturgical metamorphoses and all have had a decisive impact on worship. therefore, one should speak today not of the western rite, but of western rites, deeply - if not radically - differing from one another, yet all reflecting in one way or another, the western theological tragedy and fragmentation. this does not mean that all these rites are " heretical " and simply to be condemned. it only means that, from an orthodox point of view, their evaluation in terms merely of " deletions " and " additions " is - to say the least - inadequate. for the irony of our present situation is that while some western christians come to orthodoxy in order to salvage the rite they cherish ( book of common prayer, tridentine mass, etc. ) from liturgical reforms they abhor, some of these reforms, at least in abstacto, are closer to the structures and spirit of the early western rite - and thus to the orthodox liturgical tradition - than the later rite, those precisely that the orthodox church is supposed to " sanction " and to " adopt. " it is my deep conviction that the eastern liturgical tradition is alone today in having preserved, in spite of all historical " deficiencies ", the fullness of the church ' s lex orandi and constitutes, therefore, the criterion for all liturgical evaluations. father alexander schmemann ( 1920 - 1983 ) ( svtq 24 / 4, 1980 ) the priest. a newsletter for the clergy of the diocese of san francisco. issue no. 5, may 1996 back to " theology - modern church life " of holy trinity cathedral ' s home page should you have any questions or comments please e - mail us!


introduction to ants ants, the most common household pest, can be a mere nuisance or more than that : there are some that just want to share the food, but others sting or damage building materials. here is some information about dealing with these insects. in the same family with bees and wasps, the ant is a member of a group of insects with thousands of species, some of which are household pests. they can range in size from 0. 1 ” (. 25 cm ) to 1 ” ( 2. 54 cm ), and are variously yellow, red, brown, black, or a blend. being omnivorous, they eat human food as well as waste. in addition, the carpenter ant creates living area in wood, often choosing sites where the wood is wet and damaged. ants have a clearly delineated 3 - section body ( head, thorax, and abdomen ), six legs, compound eyes, and a pair of antennae. some have stings, and some can spray poison. some varieties have wings. they are nocturnal, being most active at night. ridding your home of ants once you identify ants in your home, you need to decide what form of treatment to use. in any case, it is important to eliminate food sources if possible, as well as use some substance that will kill them. eliminating food sources may include : - carefully wiping the outside of all containers that are used to store attractive food stuffs, such as honey and molasses. - cleaning all dinnerware, pots and pans, kitchen utensils and flatware after each meal is prepared and served. - washing all dining and food preparation surfaces, whether tables, trays, desks, and including those on porches and patios adjacent to the house. since ants avoid vinegar and citrus, cleaners with either of these will tend to keep them away. - eliminating any crumbs from surfaces below the eating area after each meal. - securing waste in plastic and removing it from the premises every evening. - sweeping / washing the kitchen floor every evening. - removing uneaten pet food and cleaning the surrounding area after every meal the pet has. - keeping extra pet food in a sealed, hard plastic container. - storing pantry items ( including, but not limited to, flour, cereal, crackers, cookies, etc. ) in sealed, hard plastic containers. - finding and repairing any leaks that could be providing a source of water. if you find ants already in any food item, discard it. because ants


flour, cereal, crackers, cookies, etc. ) in sealed, hard plastic containers. - finding and repairing any leaks that could be providing a source of water. if you find ants already in any food item, discard it. because ants are so small, it is probably impossible to seal all possible access. so, the next steps are to find the access being used in this instance and seal it, and eliminate the nest. since ants like to parade in line, it may be fairly easy to find the point of entry that they are using. when found, seal it with appropriate material, for example, caulk. petroleum jelly can be used as a temporary sealant. the ants inside can be quickly eliminated with a household cleaning spray. the ants you find indoors may have nests either in or out of the house. carpenter ants tend to nest inside ; while other species often have their nests in the soil outside and enter the house seeking food or water. for ants nesting in the woodwork, it may be necessary to find the nest in order to have the integrity of the structure confirmed, and for this, professional assistance may be necessary. for outside nests, if sealing the ants ’ point of entry doesn ’ t work, the best approach is often to use poison bait, and let the ants carry the poison to the nest, which will, in effect, destroy it. if there are children or pets in the household, make sure you consider them in choosing your course of action. written by mary elizabeth related home institute articles


| federal legislation | | march 14, 2003 | s. 89 — universal national service act of 2003 none at this time. hslda ' s national center is tracking this legislation. official purpose : a bill to provide for the common defense by requiring that all young persons in the united states, including women, perform a period of military service or a period of civilian service in furtherance of the national defense and homeland security, and for other purposes. the language of this bill mandates a national service obligation for every u. s. citizen and permanent resident, aged 18 - 26. it authorizes the president to establish both the number of people to be selected for military service, and the means of selection. additionally, the measure requires those not selected specifically for military service to perform their national service obligation in a civilian capacity for at least two years. s. 89 language permits : - deferments for education only through high school graduation, or until the age of 20. - exceptions are made for those with 1 ) extreme hardship, or 2 ) physical or mental disability. - conscientious objectors are defined and directed by the military selective service act ( 50 u. s. c. 456 ( j ) ). introduced : january 7, 2003 by sen. ernest f. hollings [ sc ] | 1 / 7 / 2003 : | | read twice and referred to the senate committee on armed services. | | 12 / 31 / 2004 : | | this bill is " dead ". it was not passed into law before the end of the 108th congress. | | other resources | house rejects bill to restart military draft — ( 10 / 06 / 2004 ) setting the record straight about a military draft — ( 09 / 14 / 2004 )


sex and punishment did not start out as a project about sex. my initial, admittedly overambitious, goal was to write a narrative history of the law using colorful cases as examples. i decided to start with the oldest written laws in existence and take it from there. i was surprised by what i found. as i looked at the first written laws from ancient mesopotamia, i noticed that the earliest lawmakers were preoccupied with questions of sex. everywhere i looked, there were specific rules on sexual relations with pigs and oxen, prostitutes, and family members. sex was evidently more micromanaged then than it is now, with the exception of same - sex relations, which the law ignored almost entirely until the hebrews labeled homosexuality a terrible crime against god and man. additionally, i saw that sex was sometimes used as a punishment in itself, as when the wife of an assyrian rapist was ordered raped in turn as punishment for her husband ' s crime, or when men who damaged egyptian property markers were required to deliver their wives and children to the rough affections of donkeys. it soon became clear that sex law was as passionate and mercurial as the sex drive itself, and could support a rather interesting book on its own. extraordinary flesh - and - blood cases jumped out of the dustiest volumes, begging to be told. sex and punishment brings them back to life. i would be glad if, after reading my book, people paused before they condemned others for their sexual behavior. of course, violence and abuse of power are always wrong, but we must realize that we all have inherited attitudes and morals that are, at bottom, arbitrary. here are 11 of the most outrageous historical cases of sex being criminalized : a castilian law from the 13th century commanded that men who " sin against nature with each other " were to be " castrated before the whole populace " and then " hung up by the legs until dead, and that their bodies never be taken down. " elsewhere, homosexual offenses brought burning at the stake and hanging by the " virile member. " by 1300, there were laws punishing homosexuality harshly in virtually every jurisdiction. one city required not only that homosexuals be burned but that their families be forced to watch the execution and to remain until the fire was out. < em > ( photo via stigeredoo on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / stigeredoo / 21943529 / sizes / z / in / photostream


out. < em > ( photo via stigeredoo on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / stigeredoo / 21943529 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > biblical law made no distinction between body and mind : both had to be pure if the tribe was to avoid fire and brimstone from god above. when a man had a wet dream, the bed in which he slept became defiled, the bedclothes unusable until scrubbed, and any clay pots touched by the man were considered so filthy they had to be smashed to bits. this process would continue for a week, after which the hapless wet dreamer was required to seek out a priest to help him make a sacrifice of doves or pigeons and beseech god ' s forgiveness. < em > ( photo via firearcade on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / artistgroup / 5192546521 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > in ancient mesopotamia, men were almost never punished for cheating on their wives. married women who took lovers, on the other hand, were subjected to the earliest known death penalty law. many adulteresses were impaled in public on long poles, but not before they were publicly humiliated, such as having their hair shaven and having a cord bored through their noses and being led through town like animals. husbands in ancient greece and rome had several options to exact vengeance against men who seduced their wives. greek husbands were allowed to shove objects such as spiky fish or radishes into their rivals ' anuses. rome allowed this, as well, but also permitted aggrieved husbands to rape their wives ' lovers. the idea was to degrade the seducers by making them into " women " and thus ruining their social standing. < em > ( photo via clayirving on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / clayirving / 2683140242 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > for 1, 000 years, rome '


/ clayirving / 2683140242 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > for 1, 000 years, rome ' s highest priestesses, known as the vestal virgins, enjoyed more privileges than any other females. but if they had sex, the safety of rome was thought to be put at risk. when rome lost a big battle or disaster struck, people often concluded that a vestal must have been active in bed. a pleasure - loving vestal was buried alive in a small, furnished room. as soon as she was put underground, attendants sealed the chamber with stones and spread earth around so no trace of her remained. < em > ( photo via strollers on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / strollers / 146813196 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > medieval christian doctrine prohibited sex between husbands and wives during the first three days of marriage, as well as sundays, wednesdays, fridays, and saturdays, the three lents, the weeks following easter, the days preceding the pentecost, the two months around christmas, and many other holy days, not to mention during a woman ' s pregnancy, lactation, or menstruation. at best, that left about four days per month. even then, sex was restricted to nighttime encounters with no fondling or unusual positions. oral and anal sex were punishable by up to 25 years of fasting and abstinence. the law has punished sex between jews and christians throughout european history. in 1222 an oxford deacon was burned to death on a charge of bestiality for marrying a jewish woman. at about the same time a parisian man who had fathered children with a jewish woman was also burned. " coition with a jewess, " said the judge, " is precisely the same as if a man should copulate with a dog. " jews were also forbidden to visit christian prostitutes. the city of avignon threatened jewish men with the loss of a foot for walking into public brothels. < em > ( photo via burrowphotography on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / 22886639 @ n08 / 58882898


public brothels. < em > ( photo via burrowphotography on < a href = " http : / / www. flickr. com / photos / 22886639 @ n08 / 5888289895 / sizes / z / in / photostream / " target = " _ hplink " > flickr. com < / a > ) < / em > women and male homosexuals have always been on the wrong side of the law, but female - female sex was often difficult for lawmakers to understand. while the italian town of treviso required that lesbians " be tied naked for a full day to a stake... and then burned, " the inquisition did not punish female - female sex unless the women used an " artificial instrument " in bed. the last lesbian execution in europe took place in germany in 1721, in which a woman was burned to death after adopting no fewer than nine separate male identities and using a large leather contraption to satisfy her credulous wife. after the civil war, when racial tensions in the american south ran high, a man ' s dark skin was proof enough that he was a rapist. as one court put it, no black man could assume that a white woman " would consent to his lustful embraces. " between 1700 and 1820 more than 80 percent of the men executed in america for rape were of african descent ; 95 percent of the females were white. punishments for black rapists in the south included, in addition to the occasional castration, being burned alive and decapitated, followed by the display of the severed heads on a pole. chinese females were thought to carry deadly germs that infected the white population. a doctor ' s report to congress warned : " there are cases of syphilis among the whites that originated from these chinese prostitutes that are incurable. " in 1875 congress barred the entry into the united states of all asian women brought over for " lewd and immoral purposes. " the law theoretically allowed genuine chinese wives to immigrate while keeping out only sex workers, but in application it barred almost all chinese women from entering the country. out of 39, 579 chinese who entered the united states in 1882, for example, only 136 were women. starting in the 18th century the urge to masturbate was viewed as a dangerous mental disorder. between 1893 and 1898 doctors at one kansas mental asylum severed the testicles of 44 masturbating male inmates and performed hysterectomi


veteran physical educator bev davison knows how to get the biggest bang for her buck. in creative physical activities and equipment, she shares her secrets of how to expand a physical education or recreation program without exceeding the budget. davison ' s practical, ready - to - use strategies help you make the most of your budget, no matter how big or small. but the ideas in this book aren ' t just easy on the wallet ; more equipment means less down time and more opportunities for children to participate and learn. first, you ' ll discover how to make equipment using inexpensive, readily available materials and even trash! need some pinnies? grab a pair of scissors and some old towels and start creating! are old dryer sheets accumulating in the laundry room? turn them into juggling scarves! all of the equipment is easy to assemble - no mechanical skill is needed. in addition, the book describes dozens of unique games and activities that use this equipment to teach important skills. next, the book explains how to use traditional equipment - such as frisbees and jump ropes - in nontraditional ways and how to extend the life of old or broken equipment, including flat tennis balls and broken badminton racquets. you ' ll also learn the art of obtaining free equipment. the book provides information on equipment that ' s free for the asking, items that can be obtained by collecting proofs of purchase, and general budget - stretching ideas. finally, since some equipment can be quite expensive, fundraising is an occasional necessity. proving that fundraising does not have to be time - consuming and painful, the book presents ideas for 15 refreshingly creative fundraisers that are easy to organize and execute. many of them don ' t require solicitation by students, which means greater parental support and participation. a resource no physical education or recreation program should be without, creative physical activities and equipment can pay for itself after just one use! chapter 1. making equipment bean bag targets • plastic bottle equipment • streamers • hockey pucks, sticks, and goals • pinnies • football t - stands • bases • whistle holder • time - out timer chapter 2. from trash to treasure old panty hose • old socks • old newspapers • old soda bottles • packing peanuts • old coffee cans • old dryer sheets • m & m minis plastic tube containers • empty adding machine paper rolls • garden hose • empty paper towel rolls • cardboard boxes • plastic trash bags chapter 3. same old stuff frisbees • rubber gloves • jump ropes • stil


this part of the website is an english translation of the definitive hurdy - gurdy reference book die drehleier ( the hurdy - gurdy ), written by marianne brocker. for general information about this translation please see the index page. this material is covered by copyright and may not be used without permission. please see the index page for more information about distribution. | table of contents | | previous chapter | | next chapter | | references | | figures | a. its position in the medieval instrumentarium the numerous musical instruments of the middle ages were mentioned in the literature of the time especially when the authors wanted to describe the brilliance of a festive event. for this they often used long lists of instruments in which they named many different instruments. the authors avoided repeating the name of an instrument and characterized different forms of an instrument group with a special appendage. [ fn ] if several instruments of the same type were played this was indicated by the use of the plural or by the appendage of a number. [ fn ] since various instruments are so often described as being together it must be supposed that they were also played together. [ fn ] accordingly there was already in the middle ages a type of orchestra with varying and different members. next to ensembles, in which only instruments of one family were played [ fn ], there were also groups which consisted of wind, percussion and string instruments, as well as standard ornaments which were used over a longer period of time and variously put together. [ fn ] it should not be concluded from the varying arrangements of such ensembles that there was unordered and noisy playing or that the instruments were played in unison. " it is in no way to be imagined, as is usually done, that the medieval orchestra consisted of members playing many instruments haphazardly and that now and then a uniform harmonic impression was given, just as the opposite cannot be imagined, namely that all the instruments played the same melody together. there is no reason to deny that a musical practice striving for an aesthetic and harmonic effect existed in the middle ages ". [ fn ] with the use of many instruments arose " a rich texture of unique tonal magic. " [ fn ] among the instruments of this time the hurdy - gurdy also frequently appears in texts and in pictures ; this is an indication that its harmonies were not dissonant when it was played together with various other instruments. the instruments played simultaneously which are mentioned in texts were arranged by the authors in various ways


gurdy also frequently appears in texts and in pictures ; this is an indication that its harmonies were not dissonant when it was played together with various other instruments. the instruments played simultaneously which are mentioned in texts were arranged by the authors in various ways, and often a grouping according to certain points of view can be established. all instruments played in the same way are named one after the other, such as wind, percussion, plucked or bowed instruments. they may also be arranged according to their loudness of tone, such as loud and soft. the instruments with which the hurdy - gurdy was grouped in these lists vary. a grouping according to related tonal effects is frequently found in connection with the hurdy - gurdy. the hurdy - gurdy is often grouped with other string instruments in the lists, ( ill. 3, 24, 25 ) [ figlink ], partly separated from other bowed instruments by the plucked instruments, partly directly associated with these : " que gigue, harpen e simphonie " ; [ fn ] harpe ende symphonien " ; [ fn ] " ay [ sp ] [ a - y / macron ] auje cinfonjas farpa giga e rota " ; [ fn ] " harpes, gigues et cyfonies " ; [ fn ] " harpeors et bretons, giges et chifonie " ; [ fn ] " audivi suon di gighe e ciunfonie " ; [ fn ] " rubebes, leuths, vielles, syphonie " ; [ fn ] " symphonies, rotes, sautier " [ fn ] " cistole, rothe, syphonie " ; [ fn ] " citole i ot e viele e synphan, q ' amour novele ". [ fn ] next to this are found also instrument lists in which the individual instruments appear arranged in pairs. in these sources the hurdy - gurdy is always named together with a bowed instrument which either has drone strings, like the vielle, or which is played together with the hurdy - gurdy as a descant instrument : " de gighe sot, de simphonie " ; [ fn ] " et sifonies et vieles " ; [ fn ] " cil porte gige cil simphonie " ; [ fn ] " videln und symp


: " at þis bruydale was plei i - nough : [ sp ] [ i - dash - nou - yogh - h ] song and gret hoppingue, tabours and fithele and symphanye " [ fn ] ; " in harpe and tabour and symphan gle wurschep god " [ fn ] ; taburs et cifonies i vont lor lais cantant " [ fn ]. the groupings of plucked instruments, wind instruments, and the hurdy - gurdy ( ill. 50 ) [ figlink ] not only depicts both different groups of string instruments separated by the wind instruments, but perhaps also the consciously emphasized tonal relationship of the hurdy - gurdy to the stringed instruments : " with harpe and pype and simphonye " [ fn ] ; " and whenne he was nye the palyse, he hurde harping, luting, pipinge, tromping and þe symphonie " [ fn ]. with this last example the author leaves the number of instruments uncertain, while he emphasizes the hurdy - gurdy with the singular case, the addition of the ' and ' as well as the definite article. the sharp and nasal sound of the hurdy - gurdy with its piercing drone tone is, like that of the bagpipes, quite loud. therefore even in the middle ages the hurdy - gurdy was frequently placed with the wind and percussion instruments in instrument lists and in representations ( ills. 47, 48 ) [ figlink ], in order to make explicit its tonal relationship to the wind instruments : " belles, chymbes, and symfan " [ fn ] ; " cumballes et tambors, semphaines, trompettes et violettes " [ fn ] ; " gigues et harpes et vieles, muses, fleustes, et fresteles tympres, tabors et syphonies " [ fn ] ; " cimbales, simphonies, choros, challemies, doulchaines " [ fn ] ; " chifonie, flaios de saus " [ fn ] ; " de timbres, de cors, de busines e de tabors e de troines, de flageus e de simphonies " [ fn ] ; " tabors,


de saus " [ fn ] ; " de timbres, de cors, de busines e de tabors e de troines, de flageus e de simphonies " [ fn ] ; " tabors, et timbres, et fresteles, fleustes, cors et syphonies " [ fn ] ; " organs in weth cymbalys recordys ha symphony " [ fn ] " trompes, chiphonies, chalemies, bombares, muses, fleutes, douchaines " [ fn ] ; " with grete foyson of hornys, trumpys, symphonys, and other mynstrelces " [ fn ] ; " and the sound of organys, symphanys and of instrumentis of all musyke " [ fn ]. the fact that in all this last text only two instruments are mentioned by name and the others are only summarily mentioned seems to indicate the tonal similarity and the compatibility of these instruments on account of their drone tones. the relationship of the hurdy - gurdy to the wind instruments is also depicted in a picture of minstrels in a 14th century manuscript from the alexander roman ( ill. 48 ) [ figlink ]. the instruments represented are arranged in two groups, apparently distinguished according to tone and separated from each other by the kettle drums : bagpipes, hurdy - gurdy, shawm, portative organ, kettle drums, mandola, harp, fiddle and psaltery. the hurdy - gurdy is among the wind instruments and is next to the bagpipes, whose sound is most similar to its own. aside from the medieval organ with its drone pipes, the bagpipes were especially suited to be played with the hurdy - gurdy. for this reason even today the bagpipes are the instrument most often played with the hurdy - gurdy. in the middle ages these instruments were played together on account of their common tonal characteristics. this is made clear by several sources in which either the hurdy - gurdy is named directly with the bagpipes or both instruments appear one after the other : " ne cyphonie, ne meuse " [ fn ] ; " citole, rothe, syphonie, la chevrecte d ' esclavonnie " [ fn ] ; " saltiers, gighes, vieles, muse


ne meuse " [ fn ] ; " citole, rothe, syphonie, la chevrecte d ' esclavonnie " [ fn ] ; " saltiers, gighes, vieles, muses et sifonies " [ fn ] ; " et estives et chiphonies " [ fn ] ; " cors et musettes, simphonies doulcettes " [ fn ] ; " tabours and fiþele and symphanye : stiues and harpingue " [ fn ] ; " he herde the symphony and cornemuse " [ fn ] ; to this last place belongs the grouping of ' symphonie ' and ' croud ' which occurs several times in the middle english literature. in these cases ' croud ', the latin " chorus " must denote the bagpipes [ fn ] and not the string instrument ' croud ' or ' crwth ' : " and whanne he cam, and neixede [ sp ] [ nei - yogh - ede ] to the hous, he herde a symphonie and a croude " [ fn ] ; " and symphonie and croude weren herd whanne apostles knewen alle wittis " [ fn ] ; " ther ys harpe nor gyterne, symphonye, nouther crowde " [ fn ] ; " croude he herde and simphonye " [ fn ]. an especially clear indication to playing the bagpipes and the hurdy - gurdy together can be seen in the annals of the menetriers jehan and estienne ferrier of geneva. they report about a countess who went out to meet her returning husband in the year 1390 with the entire court and many minstrels. the minstrels blew horns, played harps and flutes, cymbals ( cymbales ), fiddled ( rebbeis ), and played hurdy - gurdies ( cyphonies ) and bagpipes ( musettes ), " die zusammenstimmten und schlugen trommeln " [ that played together and beat drums ]. [ fn ]. as the texts make clear, the hurdy - gurdy had a permanent place in the medieval instrumental ensembles. since it was one of the " bas instruments " [ f


cantore " [ fn ]. even in the 17th century marin mersenne suggested using the hurdy - gurdy when tuning the spinet, insofar as its keys were correctly positioned : " la vielle peut seruir pour accorder les epinettes, et particulierment celles qui sont luthees [ sp ] " [ fn ]. the importance of the hurdy - gurdy as a church instrument and its popularity as a musical instrument in the late middle ages is mirrored in treatises which were written especially for this instrument and which must be viewed as the most important sources of information about the tuning of the medieval hurdy - gurdy. these treatises contain directions for the correct placement of the keys, with whose help the single melody tones are produced on a string. all of the treatises preserved come apparently from the 13th century. the most correct and the most exact information is contained in the treatise earlier ascribed to odo of cluny. the others are not exact in what they relate. the treatise is ascribed to odo since he is mentioned in the appendix of this work. the copy comes from the 13th century ; the treatise therefore is considered to be also dated to the 13th century. [ fn ]. the question concerning the dating of this work is thereby however not cleared up, since the copyist of odo ' s work could have relied to some extent on the tuning directions of an older author. scholars who busy themselves with the organistrum often claim that the keys, which are later also called ' claves ' [ fn ] had at this time, the 13th century, the name of ' plectra ' [ fn ]. this however does not come clearly from any of the treatises. only in the following article are two ' plectra ' mentioned, which however denote bridges that are situated at the beginning of the keybox and directly behind the wheel. [ nb : in the following pages the " square b " is shown with a small [ nb : in the following pages b, þ, b - flat, and h are all used to label notes. it ' s not clear yet whether the translator knew which symbol related to which note, or how the notes referred to in the original text relate to modern notation, so these issues remain to be resolved. ] the text runs thus : " quomodo organistrum construatur " in primis a capite iuxta primum plectrum, in


the original text relate to modern notation, so these issues remain to be resolved. ] the text runs thus : " quomodo organistrum construatur " in primis a capite iuxta primum plectrum, infra usque ad aliud plectrum, quod ponitur post rotulum, per duos passus metire, et in primo passu pone c. secundus finit. a c ad finem metire per tria, et quartus retro reddit g. a g ad finem per tres, et quartus retro pone d. a d ad finem per iii. et in primo passu pone a. de a. ad finem pone iii. et in primo retro pone e. et ab e. ad finem per iii. in primo passu pone þ. item a c. ad finem per ii. et iii. retro pone f. ab f. ad finem per iiii. in primo passu pone b. " [ fn ] if the strings are divided in accordance with these instructions and the keys situated on the prescribed points, the result is as follows : the tonal range of the organistrum extends over a diatonic octave with both semitones before the octave, b - flat and b. to achieve this, eight keys must be so placed that the following string relationships result : [ fn ] the string relationships of the individual are accordingly : from the string relationships it is apparent that the hurdy - gurdy was tuned with a pythagorean temperament. tuned this way the fourth and fifth were pure. the third on the other hand consisted of two major whole tones 8 / 9, so that the major pythagorean third of 64 / 81 arose. this third is about 80 / 81, or the syntonic comma, larger as opposed to the pure third of 4 / 5. the second treatise, which is also anonymous, comes from around the same time and has the title : " mensura organistri. a. c. novem passus usque ad sustentationem chordae facias. ieam a d. novem passus. item a c quatuor passus. item a c. tres passus. item a d. tres passus. item ab f. quatuor passus, primus passus terminat in b. molle


. item a c quatuor passus. item a c. tres passus. item a d. tres passus. item ab f. quatuor passus, primus passus terminat in b. molle. item ab e. tres passus, primus passus terminabit in þ ; quod si adhuc c. acutam, quae diapason cum c. sonat, ponere volueris, quatuor passibus a g. usque in finem dimensis c. supradictam reperies. " [ fn ] this set of tuning directions is apparently the work of a copyist since it is not only less accurate than the preceding work, but with the notes d to g the writer merely mentions into how many parts the string is to be divided, without saying which notes the individual divisions produce. he also even forgets to provide the length for the sixth, the a. however it can be deduced from the string relationships of the other notes. the relationships are the same as in the preceding treatise, and thus the tuning is the same : the hurdy - gurdy was also tuned in the same way according to the following treaties, which has two tuning methods in it which are different in that according to the first method three notes are tuned differently, whereby the g and the þ are produced by a division of the string which deviates from the other methods but which leads to the same result. a third note however, the b - flat rotundum is found here, otherwise than in the other tuning methods, not by dividing the string from f as the fourth 3 / 4 of f, but by the equidistant division of the length aþ. when the major whole tone aþ is divided with the ratio 8 : 9 = 16 : 18, then from a we have for the note b - flat the ratio 17 : 18 with 99 cent. the second tuning method of this treatise is essentially the same as the others. only the conclusion is noteworthy, which is almost identical to the previously discussed treatise. " item alia mensura organistri. omnes voces organistri elevatione et depositione lignorum intenduntur et remittuntur. [ fn ] equaliter enim dividimus dupla proportione organistrum avolubili etta [ fn ] usque ad locum quo ponenda est prima littera scilicet


remittuntur. [ fn ] equaliter enim dividimus dupla proportione organistrum avolubili etta [ fn ] usque ad locum quo ponenda est prima littera scilicet c, et relicto primo passu vacuo et in fine alterius c posito ut diximus, iterum redimus ad ettam novenis passibus et primo passu d invenimus epogdoa proportione. similiter a d ettam novem passus facientes primo passu e ponimus, f vero a c ut g a d usque ad ettam disponimus sesquitercia proportione, a vero a d ut þ quadratum ab e invenimus sesqualtera proportione. synemenon vero equa divisione illius toni qui est inter a et þ quadratum invenimus. volens autem item alia mensura quis organistrum disponere a c viiii passus usque ad separationem chordae faciat, primus d ponit, item a d viiii passus fiant, primus e ponit, a c vero iiii passus faciat, primusque ponit f, item a c tres passus metiantur, primusque g ponit, a d quoque tres passus fiant, primusque a ponit, ab f autem iiii passus faciat, et primus b rotundum, id est synemenon ponit, ab e tres ponantur passus, primusque þ ponit quadratum, quod si adhuc c acutam que dyapason cum c gravi sonat ponere voluerit, iiii passibus a g usque in finem dimensis c supra dictam reperiet. " [ fn ] a further tuning method, in which the wheel is mentioned, also dates from the 13th century. according to this treatise as well the hurdy - gurdy is given a pythagorean tuning. " si organistrum regulariter mensurandi notitiam subtilem habere volueris, mediocritas magaga ut magna post rotam ponatur. in primis inveniat, ut


ut consona sic iocunda, ut ita dicam, vox necesse est conficiatur. " [ fn ] of the five tuning methods preserved the following dating to the first half of the 13th century is the most difficult to decipher. in an appendix to an article about organ pipes which concludes the treatise, the copyist makes several remarks about various musical instruments. the tuning method given there would be incomprehensible without a knowledge of other other organistrum treatises. it concerns the locations of keys on a ' organica lira ' ( see page 191 ). the keys are denoted as ' magada ' by the writer. the word ' magada ' ( in the previous treatise also ' magda ' ) comes from the greek ' magas - ados ' and means ' bridge. ' " organicum quicumque liram metiendo laboras a magda c gravem passibus angenovem. in d passus erit a c d novem sed e quaerit c dabit f v (... ) g passibus a dabit e. quattuor amagada tot ab f stabit b rotunda passibus hinc geris littera quam gravis. invenit equivocam tribus invenit e þ c quartam hic placeat suus regula dicta brevis " [ fn ]. although these instructions are very incomplete, the formation of the major third from two major whole tones and the use of b - flat and b is evident. this article then gives the same tonal range as the others. that the ' organica lira ' is a hurdy - gurdy is clear by the remarks that follow the tuning directions. there follows the two octave greek system with b - synemenon as the 16th note. the writer gives the letters a - g to the greek symbols for the intervals, but in such a way that a corresponds to our modern c. the letters a - g used here do not indeed agree with the tuning method for the ' organica lira ' above. from this it follows that the writer of this treatise placed several older copies under each other without bothering to harmonize them. following this the writer remarks that these are the 16 strings of the monochord, and that the newer ones have an additional two strings. at the end of the treatise come a few remarks about the consonance of the fifth


harmonize them. following this the writer remarks that these are the 16 strings of the monochord, and that the newer ones have an additional two strings. at the end of the treatise come a few remarks about the consonance of the fifth, fourth and octave. for a better overview the placements of the keys according to the individual tuning methods will be shown again. in this schematic representation the bracketed arabic numerals behind the starting note show into how many equal parts from there onwards the string is to be divided in ordered to produce the note to which the arrow points. this also indicates the note from which new notes are reached. the arrow in reverse indicates that the string is divided from the starting note to the end of the string, but that the note is not reached in the same direction, but by the transfer of a part of the division to the opposite direction [ fn ]. [ editor ' s note : the translator included some observations on this table, which have been included below. the editor cannot support, confirm or deny any of the statements and conclusions reached by the translator. ] [ translator ' s note : i have failed to see how the directions above, the schemas as given, and the note [ fn ] below correspond. the schema gec [ fn ] should give, according to the directions above, 5 / 8, for c = 1 / 2 [ sp ] of the entire length of the string, and if this length in turn is divided into four equal parts, increments of 1 / 8 of the entire string length will result. there are four of these increments from the end of the string to c, and hence the addition of one more will result in 5 / 8 for g. but g, according to the tuning directions of the first treatise, equals 2 / 3. note 1 appears to refer to this locating of g since it is the first instance of a reverse arrow and the only instance of finding any note from c. but note 1 shows the length of string from c to the end as being divided into three parts, not four. if the ' 4 ' in gec [ fn ] is changed accordingly to ' 3 ', then the result is the one desired ; for 1 / 3 of the length c - to - the - end - of - the - string is 1 / 6 of the entire length of the string. ' c ' represents 3 / 6 ( one half of the string ) and thus the addition of one more inc


of the length c - to - the - end - of - the - string is 1 / 6 of the entire length of the string. ' c ' represents 3 / 6 ( one half of the string ) and thus the addition of one more increment will make g 4 / 6 or 2 / 3. the schemata can hence be rendered serviceable if in all cases of the ' reverse arrow ' the numeral in brackets is reduced by one ( 1 ). by the way, a formula useful for translating the schemata is the following : let l = the fraction length equivalent to the starting letter ( c = 1 ) and n = the numeral in brackets and x = the fraction length equivalent to the note sought ; then if l ( n ) dx, then l - ( l / n ) = x and if xe l ( n ), then ( l / n - 1 ) + l = x example : eea ( 4 ) = ( 16 / 27 ) + 16 / 27 = 64 3 81 ] what is noteworthy about these treatises is that the tunings are all in major keys, observed by hugo reinmann. [ fn ] implicated in the use of a major tonality is however is also the use of major thirds, that is, pure thirds in the relationship 4 / 5 ( or 386. 3 cents ). compared with the pure third the pythagorean ditonus, formed from two major tones with the relationship 8 / 9 ( each 204 cents ), is 64 / 81 ( 408 cents ) too high. this third sounds dissonant in harmony since beats are formed that can clearly be heard. on instruments which were built to be played harmonically and which show an obvious major tonality, one would expect a pure tuning ; as a matter of fact however all the tuning methods preserved depict pythagorean tuning. in this however these treatises do not differ from the likewise pythagorean tuning for the monochord or for the organ [ fn ], which in the middle ages was also a drone instrument. it must be said to this however that the pythagorean tuning is not contrary to pure tuning, since it does not exclude pure thirds. rather the pythagorean tuning leads almost necessarily to pure thirds, as soon as in the chain of fifths b - flat f c g d a e b eight tones have been passed. if a ninth note e - flat is tuned to the eight notes,


against the string would not be strong enough to evoke a clear tone. the string then must lie low enough between the two end bridges so that when the other bridge is vertical the string is really shortened ( b ). this method of stringing results in a premature contact between bridge and string when the form is set upright, so that the pitch is not insignificantly changed before the bridge reaches its upright position ( c ). sliding keys offer a similar possibility to the player. the keys have wooden tangents attached to them which perform the function of shortening the string ( see page 102 ). on most hurdy - gurdies the keys can be pushed further into the keybox than is necessary to produce the desired pitch. thus the string touched by the tangent is stretched more and the pitch raised ( a ). my own attempts sometimes resulted in raising the pitch more than a semitone, especially with the higher notes. this changing of the pitch by pressure was consciously used with the hurdy - gurdy. the contemporary french instrument has two full chromatic octaves ( d ' - d ' ' ' ), in which due to lack of space, one note ( c # ' ' ' ) has been left out. the usual practice is to produce the c # ' ' ' simply by applying more pressure to the c ' ' ' key, which with some practice succeeds with amazing exactitude. " le vielleur modifie la hauteur en appuyant sur les touches " [ fn ]. on the first hurdy - gurdies to be preserved there is to be observed, besides the technique of varying the pressure on the key, yet another method of correcting the pitch. the tangents serving to shorten the string do not sit firmly in the round holes in the keys made for them ( a ). the part of the tangent that fits into the keys is also round, so that the player is able to turn the tangent back and forth ( b ), which implies a change in the pitch. with this technique the fine tuning of the individual notes on the two unison tuned melody strings of the french hurdy - gurdy is attained even today. since there are various ways of changing the pitch, an exact measurement of the individual tones is hard to achieve. at the beginning of this century ludwig riemann investigated the pitches of the various notes of a " baurenleyer " [ peasant hurdy - gurdy ] from zurich [ fn ]. he emphasizes however that the result of his investigations are subjective.


the beginning of this century ludwig riemann investigated the pitches of the various notes of a " baurenleyer " [ peasant hurdy - gurdy ] from zurich [ fn ]. he emphasizes however that the result of his investigations are subjective. he apparently wrote down only what he heard when he was playing. unfortunately the author says nothing about the instrument which he used, but just gives the scale of the " baurenleyer " among 94 scales of instruments. it is apparently an instrument with a diatonic tonal range of one octave. as a standard for the deviations in tone of the individual instruments riemann used a tempered scale. deviations from the tempered note he symbolized with a whole note divided into 8 parts : the staff pointing up indicates a higher pitch, and when pointing down a lower pitch. with the " baurenleyer " he also used in addition sixteenth notes. the deviations established with the hurdy - gurdy are : quarter note deviations and sixteenth note deviations below. the whole note denotes agreement with the tempered note. riemann produced the following scale for the " baurenleyer " : first off it must be assumed that the instrument fell out of tune one semi - tone, for a f # scale is thoroughly unusual for a west european hurdy - gurdy. in order to make the other deviations more clear, cent values are given to the individual notes. from this a more precise picture of the distance between each tone results. the octave has 1200 cents, the tempered whole tone 200 cents, the tempered half tone 100 cents, the quarter tone 50 and the sixteenth tone 12. 5 cents. in order to make the differences more apparent the pythagorean and the just tuning in cents are added. as can be seen from the table, almost all of the notes of the riemann scale are impure. either they are extremely small ( whole tone of 162 cents ) or extremely large ( whole tone of 237. 5 cents ). in the center of the scale is a normal tetrachord : a # - b - c # - d #, which is flanked above and below by intervals of 350 cents ( f # ' - a # ' and d # " - f # " ). it is particularly noteworthy that on this instrument neither the third, fourth or fifth are pure, but the major seventh, on the other hand ( 1087. 5 cents ) corresponds to that of the pure tuning ( 1088 cents ). when major intervals like the fourth and fifth


on this instrument neither the third, fourth or fifth are pure, but the major seventh, on the other hand ( 1087. 5 cents ) corresponds to that of the pure tuning ( 1088 cents ). when major intervals like the fourth and fifth are not perfect, but about a quarter tone too low, they are very noticeable, particularly because a drone instrument like a hurdy - gurdy almost always has its drone in the fifth or the fourth. the drone strings are so tuned that the fifth sounds pure to the prime tone. on the scale that riemann has produced the fifth would sound dissonant, since the fifth of the melody string is about a quarter - tone lower than the fifth of the drone string. unfortunately riemann says nothing about the instrument which he investigated. doubts about this scale must arise however since the author emphatically established that the folk instruments were so tuned that the practical tones were in agreement with the overtone phenomenon and with the fading of the tones, [ fn ] which is not the case with this hurdy - gurdy. riemann also mentions the extraordinarily frequent occurrence of the major third on folk instruments [ fn ]. on this hurdy - gurdy however the thirds f # ' - a # ' ( 350 cents ) and d # " - f # " ( 350 cents ) are pitched as so - called ' neutral thirds ' ( 347 cents ) right between the major and the minor thirds ; for the major third of 386 cents the lower, f # ' - a # ', is 36 cents too small, the upper, d # " - f # ", is for the minor third of 216 cents 34 cents too large. it can be assumed that riemann was dealing with a normal instrument whose tangent positions could be changed and whose keys could be pushed into the body in varying degrees. with this assumption, this scale loses its value because it cannot be checked if riemann perhaps did not push the keys in as far as they would go, but just so far that a note was produced. the impression of a really subjective auditory investigation arises here, for the impurity of practically every note speaks against the use of a scale such as the one riemann depicted. when played together with other instruments the pitch of the hurdy - gurdy could be corrected simply by applying more or less pressure to the keys or by repositioning the tangents. this was probably done without any great difficulty even in the middle ages. the adjustment of pitch differences of wind instruments when played


were indeed limited as to type, but these nevertheless corresponded to the earliest known forms of medieval polyphony. the term used for this music practice, ' organum ', shows that there was a connected between these polyphonic forms and the musical instruments, which can be recognized clearly in the name for the organ ( ' organum ' ) and for the hurdy - gurdy ( ' organistrum ' ). ' organum ' does not denote just the organ and the polyphonic music practice, but also, quite generally, an ' instrument '. [ fn ] if ' organum ' still had a general meaning ( instrument ) and a special meaning ( organ ) for augustine and isidor, then later authors used this term to denote just the organ. [ fn ] it was known from augustine and isidor in the early middle ages that ' organum ' was the name for the organ or another instrument. if this name was later given to a polyphonic music practice, then the connection between musical instruments and the polyphonic organa cannot be simply disregarded. the use of this name as a term for a music practice leads to the conclusion that this type of polyphony was first executed instrumentally. this is indicated for example by johannes affligemensis, who speaks of naming a particular method of playing after an instrument. [ fn ] the parallel organum accordingly was " named in view of the effect organum already known in the instrumental music : this was a characterization which, used for a choir of human voices, can only be explained in that this manner of singing was intended to imitate the instrument ( organa ) ". [ fn ] next to the thesis that parallel organa were performed solely by voices [ fn ] the opinion has also been aired that the musical instrument were only subsequently constructed so as to meet the requirements of the vocal parallel organum. [ fn ] both interpretations contradict the sources which lead to the conclusion that the term ' organum ' first indicated an instrument and then was transferred to a polyphonic choral practice with instrumental accompaniment. thus heinrich husmann attempted to explain the origin of the term ' organum ' for a choral practice as a transfer from the byzantine organ, since this had a ' mixtur ' register which sounded several pipes with parallel octaves and fifths when played on one key. since in principle this is the construction of the primitive parallel organum, its name ( in the first beginning phase ) could have been borrowed from the parallel technique of the


which sounded several pipes with parallel octaves and fifths when played on one key. since in principle this is the construction of the primitive parallel organum, its name ( in the first beginning phase ) could have been borrowed from the parallel technique of the organ of that period. " [ fn ] that this form of polyphonic choral practice has its origins in instruments is shown by the comparison of the singing with the hurdy - gurdy ' s sound : " a donc seront les voiz ohiez en semblance de chifoniez ". [ fn ] the theoretician ' s sources also speak for a participation of instruments in the execution of ' organa '. [ fn ] besides the " dyaphonia basilica " the author of the " summa musicae " mentions instrumental participation in the " organica dyaphonia. " [ fn ] the same author clearly indicates an instrumental execution of the lowest voice when he remarks that the cantus organicus goes so low that it cannot be sung. [ fn ] the anonymous iv even testifies to the performance of the drones on the organ, [ fn ] and the anonymous from st. emmeram thinks of organum as being a mixed vocal and instrumental presentation, whereby the author characterizes the instrumental tenor as being a ' burdo. ' ( see page 48 ). [ fn ] if however the term ' organum ' served to denote an instrumental practice, then the terms derived from it are also connected with instruments. [ fn ] cosuequently the term ' organisare ' can denote " to play polyphonically ', and ' organistra ' denotes the ' organ ' or ' instrument player ', [ fn ] and the term ' organicus punctus ' can be interpreted, not just literally but in reference to the instrument as ' organ point '. [ fn ] the later addition of the human voice to an instrumentally performed polyphonic music is indicated by the naming of the accompanying voice as ' vox organalis '. it was of course not just the human voice that was denoted by ' vox ', but also the voice of an instrument, so that it does not appear to be wrong to think of an instrumental voice with the ' vox organalis '. [ fn ] ernst ludwig waeltner believes that the term ' organum ' was originally not used for the entire practice, but just for that of the ' vox organalis '. the accompanying voice was


with the ' vox organalis '. [ fn ] ernst ludwig waeltner believes that the term ' organum ' was originally not used for the entire practice, but just for that of the ' vox organalis '. the accompanying voice was hence first used in connection with the instruments. only then was the term applied to the entire practice. " the adoption of the term ' organum ' indicates that the use of instruments was an important factor of this method of presentation. " [ fn ] the connection between ' organum ' as a polyphonic music practice and ' organum ' as instrument is clearest however in the term ' musica organica ' which was common in the middle ages for denoting instrumental music. [ fn ] since apparently the term ' organum ' was transferred from instruments to a certain manner of presenting polyphonic music, these instruments must have already been polyphonic. however t here was a great number of such instruments in the middle ages. therefore it can be assumed that instruments of this type were used also in the presentation of organa practice, although the sources of early polyphonic music which have been preserved do not indicate to what extent musical instruments participated. [ fn ] probably this will never be known since a strict distinction between vocal and instrumental music was not known until modern times, as for example the addition of a ' da cantare o suonare ' to many title pages of old music shows. [ fn ] even for the 16th century music the question as to whether it is to be performed instrumentally, instrumentally and vocally, or just vocally cannot be answered since there were not set rules. " music was played just how the instruments and the voices were available. " [ fn ] with instrumental accompaniment for vocal music the instruments available were played, whereby these could fulfill various functions : they could support the harmony or substitute for missing voices. [ fn ] the participation of instruments was not exhausted however in these two duties. it can no longer be established what function the individual instruments had, but the medieval instrumentarium which has been preserved in word and picture shows nevertheless such a great number of various types and forms that the conclusion seems to be justified that musical instruments were extensively used in that period. there must have been accordingly a marked instrumental practice about which however only suppositions can be made, since the preservation of instrumental music began only very late and even these sources do not usually give any information about the use of certain instruments. this may be connected with the fact that while there


practice about which however only suppositions can be made, since the preservation of instrumental music began only very late and even these sources do not usually give any information about the use of certain instruments. this may be connected with the fact that while there was a great number of instruments of various types, these instruments were nevertheless in various stages of development, so that no ' instrumental style ' for specific instruments could arise. [ fn ] d. the hurdy - gurdy in church music it has already been mentioned that the hurdy - gurdy functioned as a church instrument in the late middle ages ( see page192 ). the instrument ' s harmonies allow certain deductions to be made about its repertoire. the construction of the instrument permits only those harmonies which are also found in the earliest sources of sacred polyphonic music, for which reason the hurdy - gurdy appears particularly suited to the execution of the organa. this polyphonic practice of the parallel and drone organa was common in medieval secular music as well as in sacred music. " parallelness and drone technique " form the " pillars of the polyphony cultivated in the european ars antiqua. " [ trans ch : " old music " ] [ fn ] both forms of polyphony were established early in sacred music. probably the first reference to the practice of organa is found in the writings of bishop aldhelm from the 7th century. [ fn ] the musica enchiriadis, which contains the first extensive description of the parallel organum dates from the middle of the 9th century and originated in the vicinity of metz. this organum with parallel voices has been handed down [ note : better wording =? ] in fourth and fifth intervals. [ fn ] hugo riemann questions the practical performance of the parallel organum and considered the whole family as simply scholarly tinkering on the part of theoreticians. [ fn ] this view resulted from our modern sense of sound which finds sequences of fifths and fourths empty and graceless. this is because the harmony of the root note with the fifth or fourth which fades away very rapidly and which has a high degree of consonance. " it should be generally known that even in our music sphere untrained singers, when they want to sing with others in a choir, often sing along in the fifth, thinking they are singing in the same pitch. " [ fn ] even in the middle ages the marked fading - in of these ' perfect ' consonances was


they want to sing with others in a choir, often sing along in the fifth, thinking they are singing in the same pitch. " [ fn ] even in the middle ages the marked fading - in of these ' perfect ' consonances was recognized and hence were used to create a stronger tonal effect. the treatises which deal with the parallel organum do not represent a fixed establishment of a new " invention ", but appear only to order a wide spread type of polyphony " into a fixed theoretical system and provide evidence for the practicability of its use in church choral music " [ fn ]. the author of the musica enchiriadis then expressly emphasizes that this polyphony was called " assuete organum " [ fn ]. popular parallel music was spread throughout the whole of europe, and the origins of the church organum are probably to be sought in a popular music practice [ fn ]. up until the 16th century polyphonic music of the type of the early organum was known throughout europe [ fn ] ; thus the example in hungary [ fn ] and in catalonia, from whence comes a manuscript, the " cantorale sti. hieronimi " from the 15th century. despite its late date it also contains " two or three voice organa in the style of the 13th century with quadrate notation " [ fn ]. the last part of a choral manuscript from the first half of the 16th century forms " an almost rigid fifth organum interrupted by unison parts " [ fn ]. even in recent times, until 1928, [ fn ] this parallel organum practice existed in the icelandic tvisongvar ( plural of tvisongur ). [ fn ] another example of the organa music practice is found in macedonia in a type of social epic, in which two choruses alternating sing in epic verse and finally together end the piece in a interval of a fifth. " diese musikpraxis erinnert stark an anser fruhmittelalterliches organum. " [ fn ] [ trans mm : " this music practice very much recalls our early medieval organum " ] the drone practice was probably much more developed than the parallel music, as the large number of drone instruments in the middle ages testifies. both types of folk polyphonic music practice appear to be very old and have been spread throughout the whole of europe. they probably did not originate in the middle ages, but much earlier. their age cannot be


drone instruments in the middle ages testifies. both types of folk polyphonic music practice appear to be very old and have been spread throughout the whole of europe. they probably did not originate in the middle ages, but much earlier. their age cannot be determined, but early forms of polyphony must have been known in antiquity, since the instrumentarium of those times was too complex to allow it to be supposed that there was just a unison presentation practice [ fn ]. this variety of instruments existed also during the entire middle ages, and it appears to be certain that instruments were used for just these forms of polyphonic music. thus a northern european source reports of several instruments being played together, among these apparently some hurdy - gurdies, and to which a vocal organum was sung : " sumir leika salterium ok simphon, sumir troda [ sp ] [ tro - d / stroke - a ] organum, sumir berja bumbu, en sumir blasa i trumbu " ( some played the psalerium and simphon, others performed organum, some played the bumbu and others blew the trumbu ) [ fn ]. an instrumental basse dance from the 16th century has parallel fourths, fifths and octaves which return over the tenor and which recall the parallel organum [ fn ]. if the folk music of the middle ages had a definite instrumental character, then the use of instruments even in the early medieval church polyphony is not to be excluded from consideration. the theoreticians do not provide any basis for determining the extent to which musical instruments were used in the church organa practice but it must be nevertheless be assumed that they participated in this music practice [ fn ]. many of the preserved sources would in fact remain incomprehensible if the participation of instruments was rejected [ fn ]. in any case, the participation of instruments cannot be denied on the grounds that " it is church music for which the participation of neither organ ( organum ) nor instruments ( organa ) is handed down " [ fn ]. how would, according to this point of view, the source discussed on page 363 be valued, which reports of participation of minstrels with their instruments at the daily masses? the use of " instruments in organum " was rather " so understandable for the theoreticians that it did not need to be specially mentioned " [ fn ]. a reference to instrumental participation in


with their instruments at the daily masses? the use of " instruments in organum " was rather " so understandable for the theoreticians that it did not need to be specially mentioned " [ fn ]. a reference to instrumental participation in parallel organum is given in the paris treatise, which allows both ' human ' as well as instrumental voices for octave doubling [ fn ]. the instrumental version is supported by the frequent use of large intervals as ninths, tenths, sevenths, etc., and by the frequently prescribed individual notes isolated by pauses [ fn ]. another point which leads us to think of an instrumental presentation is the slowing down of the tempo in organum. the koln treatise, like the paris treatise as well as the musica enchiriadis emphasize the slower tempo of the organa in comparison with that of the choral presentation [ fn ], which itself slows down when instruments are added. " we know from our own experience that plain - chant slows down when it is accompanied by the organ " [ fn ]. " die verlangsamung des zietmaßes im organum ist ein besonderes merkmal der fruhen organalpraxis. sie ermoglichte es den im organum beteiligten instrumenten, wie auch sangern, ihre jeweiligen tone zu kolorieren. diese kolorierungen stellen gleichsam di verbindung zwischen den einzelnen klangen her. " [ fn ] ( " the slowing down of the tempo in organum is a special characteristic of the early organa practice. it made it possible for the participating instruments, as well as for the singers, to color their respective tones. this coloration produces, as it were the connection between the individual tones of the organum and hence between the individual sounds. " ernst ludwig waeltner considers the organum to be an essential part and a specific manner of presentation, of the liturgy [ fn ] and even assumes a definite individual instrumental - vocal formation for the early practice of organum. [ fn ] with this he accords to the sound of the organum which have been handed down in writing only a supporting function as a harmonic tonal foundation, over which it is freely improvised. the numerous instruments serve " through improvisation to increase the splendor of the organum ' s chordal pillars. it was therefore music which set large masses and means in motion


function as a harmonic tonal foundation, over which it is freely improvised. the numerous instruments serve " through improvisation to increase the splendor of the organum ' s chordal pillars. it was therefore music which set large masses and means in motion in order to achieve the fullest possible sound " [ fn ]. since the musical instruments apparently already had such a great significance for the execution of parallel organum, they must have been even more in demand for the drone organum. long sustained drone tones are found in sacred music first in the drone organa of the 11th and 12th centuries. already guido of arezzo gives an example of the drone organum [ fn ] ; this type of organum is further described in a 12th century anonymous treatise [ fn ]. the constant return to the primary tone and to the fifth have a drone character in sequences, the texts of which frequently mention musical instruments [ fn ]. " both tones are so to speak drone tones and are executed as such with instrumental accompaniment " [ fn ]. as in two short tonal pieces by perotin a " dyaphonia basilica ' ( see page 47 ) is also found in a 15th century manuscript from innsbruck ( innsbruck hs. univ. ms. 457 ) [ fn ] ; in a ' organum quadruplum ' by perotin in the f of the tenor is held for over 130 measures [ fn ], and this could be performed on the hurdy - gurdy or on wind - bag instruments ( organ, bagpipes ). the thesis of the instrumentally executed tenors is also supported by the fact that the low drone of the tenor gave its name to the lowest octave on keyboard instruments. in the instrument making treatise of henricus arnaut of zwolle ( c. 1440 ), the notes of the lowest octave of a keyboard instrument are called ' barduni ' [ fn ], as was also the low unshortened string of the bowed - instrument vielle, which ran along the side of the finger - board, characterized by hieronymus de moravia as a drone string : " secunda ( chorda ), quae bordunus est aliarum, d solum facit " [ fn ]. an excellent source for sacred instrument presentation practices is provided by the organa of the saint jacob ' s liturgy of the codex calixtinus [ fn ]. this codex originated in santiago de compostela, the most important


fn ]. an excellent source for sacred instrument presentation practices is provided by the organa of the saint jacob ' s liturgy of the codex calixtinus [ fn ]. this codex originated in santiago de compostela, the most important pilgrim center in the middle ages and at the same time a meeting place of musicians with their various instruments, for the " mittelalterlichen wallfahrtsorte und heiligtumer europas waren immer lebendiger mittelpunkt der mehrstimmigen, volkstumlichen und instrumentalmusik " [ fn ] ( " medieval pilgrim centers and shrines of europe were always lively centers of the polyphonic, popular, and instrumental music. " ) the well developed music practice in santiago was not only preserved by the hand written sources but also by especially generous representation of numerous instruments on the cathedral and on the archbishop ' s palace. the hurdy - gurdy was also pictured on both buildings which indicates that it was especially valued in the santiago instrumentarium. the two player organistrum used there was probably utilized mainly for the performance of church music, " and in most cases it was the center of a large orchestra " [ fn ]. " the organistrum is placed in the center of the group. the circumstance of a rather prominent place being given to it... suggests that it was used in sacred music rather as a church - organ " [ fn ]. the instrumental practice cultivated in santiago is indicated especially by the 23 organa of the codex calixtinus, of which, according to walter kruger, 15 were performed with drones. [ fn ] many of these organa show not only long drones but also a moving melody of the ' vox organalis ' in contrast to the ' vox principalis '. " doppelgriffe ( falls nicht mixturen ) jedenfalls auf instrumentalpraxis auch der principalis hinn. " [ fn ] ( " double fingerings ( if not ' mixturs ' ) also point to an instrumental practice of the principalis as well ". various other factors also strengthened the instrumental presentation practice of the organa. dom german prado established that the ' conductus ' of the codex has its origin in dances from toledo and seville, and that for example the conductus ' ad superni ragis ' stems from a galician dance for the bagpipes [ fn ], for which reason kruger supposed that this piece was also performed in


its origin in dances from toledo and seville, and that for example the conductus ' ad superni ragis ' stems from a galician dance for the bagpipes [ fn ], for which reason kruger supposed that this piece was also performed in santiago either on the bagpipes or on the hurdy - gurdy [ fn ]. besides, there are numerous references to instruments in the text : " clerus cum organo / et plebs cum tympano / cantet redemptori " ; " organa dulcia conveniencia sunt resonanda " [ fn ] ; " jocundetur et letetur, augmentetur / fidelium concio, / sollempnizet, modulizet, organizet / spiritali gaudio " [ fn ]. the ' symphonia ' is found in another conductus text, which is interpretated as being a hurdy - gurdy by marius schneider : " cum hera simphonia, tuba et canora " [ fn ]. the chonicler reports that the pilgrims, arranged according to nationality, presented themselves in the cathedral of santiago and sang to the accompaniment of instruments which they had brought with them from their home countries [ fn ]. in the sacred processions the musicians, and indeed instrumentalists, were represented, as was always the case with medieval pilgrimages and liturgical celebrations. the codex includes several polyphonic pieces which were suited to solemn processions accompanied by dancing and instrumental music [ fn ]. if one accepts the participation of instruments in the presentation of organum in the churches, then the next question is : ' what instruments known to us from this period were especially suited for this music practice? '. for this question one fact which is essential for the use of the instruments in this context but which often is not sufficiently considered is decisive. the organum was a church practice which was tied to the wide and high spaces of cathedrals and churches. from this in itself results a natural selection of instruments which are particularly suited for these spaces. indeed all available instruments could be used, as was often the case, but some instruments, on account of their construction and their musical possibilities sounded especially good in a church. preference was therefore given to those instruments with which the musician could produce not only a loud, but a carrying sustained tone as well. on account of the slow tempo of the organum the players of the participating instruments had to be able to hold each


. preference was therefore given to those instruments with which the musician could produce not only a loud, but a carrying sustained tone as well. on account of the slow tempo of the organum the players of the participating instruments had to be able to hold each note as long as possible. the wind and bowed instruments were well suited for this purpose, while the quickly disappearing notes of the plucked instruments were unsuitable. the organ, whose relationship to the organum practice is made clear by the common term ' organum ', seems to have been especially well suited for this presentation practice [ fn ]. if the technical aspects of this instrument were still imperfect, it was suited nevertheless as a drone instrument on account of the loud sustained tones which were attributed with special respect in the sources [ fn ]. it is certainly not correct to think that there was no connection between the organ and organum on account of the primitive mechanism of the instrument [ fn ] ; at the leonin [? ] the organ already had keys and the player was quite able to execute faster movements [ fn ]. the close relationship between the organ and parallel organum is made clear by a late quint organum, which appears in the 14th century in the first english tablature [ fn ]. aside from the organ, two other members of the wind instrument family, the double shawms and the bagpipes were of special interest for the organum, since they likewise enable the player to sustain polyphonic harmonies. among the bowed instruments the hurdy - gurdy especially belonged to the ranks of the polyphonic instruments. the medieval name of the hurdy - gurdy ' organistrum ' indicates a close relationship between the organum and this instrument. next to other shortening methods the 13th century hurdy - gurdy also had a key mechanism which appeared as if made just for played fixed organum ( ill. 2 ) [ figlink ]. " the music peculiar to this type of lyre to a great extent confirms the assumption that the vocal organum arose from an attempt to imitate the instrumental effect " [ fn ]. the individual keys of the hurdy - gurdy in illustration 2 are provided with letters for the notes, which indicate that the range of the instrument was one octave with b - flat and b. this picture clearly shows the construction of the keys, which when turned 90 degrees upward simultaneously contact all three strings. the rotating keys of the hurdy - gurdy effected a simultaneous shortening of all the strings. if the instrument had several


b. this picture clearly shows the construction of the keys, which when turned 90 degrees upward simultaneously contact all three strings. the rotating keys of the hurdy - gurdy effected a simultaneous shortening of all the strings. if the instrument had several strings and all the strings could only be shortened simultaneously, the question arises as to how these strings were tuned. van waesberghe is of the opinion that all the strings were tuned to one pitch : " zoals men ziet, wordt met een draaing van de pennen de snaar ( of de gelijkgestemde snaren ) ingekort... dit ' organistrum ' kende aanvankelijk een, twee, of drie snaren die allen dezelfde toon voortbrachten " [ fn ]. [ trans : jw : " as can be seen, the string ( or strings tuned in unison ) are shortened with a turning of the keys... this ' organistrum ' knew, originally one, two, or three strings that all produced the same tone. " ] tuning all the strings to one pitch would have meant that the particular features which the hurdy - gurdy had to offer would not have been utilized. as illustration 2 shows however, the instrument was so built that mixed tones could be played, and it certainly did not correspond to the idea behind the construction to avoid such sounds by tuning the strings to the same pitch. the hurdy - gurdy had with ' organistrum ' a name derived from ' organum '. ' organum ' however denoted not only the organ, which could without doubt produce a mixture of tones [ fn ], but also a polyphonic music practice. this polyphonic organum practice was known even in spain, despite the domination of the arabs, [ fn ] and hence it is that area from which the first preserved representations of the hurdy - gurdy come. the chronicler vergilius cordubensis of spain, in his listing of the professors and departments at the university in cordoba, mentions also two music masters and expressly the type of music which they taught : " et duo magistri legebant de musica, de ista arte quae dicitur organum " [ fn ]. only one representation of the hurdy - gurdy from this period seems to depict a one - stringed instrument ( ill. 13 ) [ figlink ] ; on


de ista arte quae dicitur organum " [ fn ]. only one representation of the hurdy - gurdy from this period seems to depict a one - stringed instrument ( ill. 13 ) [ figlink ] ; on all the other representations it is clear that the normal hurdy - gurdy was strung with more than one string. why then tune all the strings to the same pitch on an instrument which was meant to be played polyphonically? this was not necessary to strengthen the single tone, since the instrument must have had quite a loud sound, if only because of the resonating body. from the modern small hurdy - gurdies we know that the wheel causes a much stronger rubbing than a bow, and that therefore, the tone of the instrument is very loud and wide reaching. [ editor ' s note : the modern practice is to tune the melody strings in unison or in octaves. ] analogous to the other instruments of this period on which drone and mixed sounds could be produced, and corresponding to the organum practice which gave the hurdy - gurdy its name, it must be supposed that the strings were tuned to different pitches. the organum and the organistrum are closely related not only by name but also in respect to their effects. the organum was a church practice and the organistrum was at this time a respected church instrument [ fn ] ; and it was precisely with its function as a church musical instrument that van waesberghe concerned himself with in his article [ fn ]. noteworthy about the instrument mentioned is the simultaneous shortening of all three strings resulting in a division of all the strings at exactly the same places. if the three strings were not tuned to the same pitch, then they must nevertheless have been so tuned that necessarily resulting harmonies always remained consonant when the strings were shortened. thus it is not surprising that most scholars who mention this picture immediately thought of the parallel organum with its primary - fifth - octave sound and did not even consider the possibility that the three strings were all tuned the same [ fn ]. " l ' organisrum produisait donc trois sons a la fois et l ' on pouvait les soutenir indefiniment. " [ fn ] [ trans : sb : " the organistrum thus produced three tones simultaneously and could be sustained indefinitely. " ] on this hurdy - gurdy then harmonies in the sense of the fixed parallel organum were realized with the use of the keys.


] [ trans : sb : " the organistrum thus produced three tones simultaneously and could be sustained indefinitely. " ] on this hurdy - gurdy then harmonies in the sense of the fixed parallel organum were realized with the use of the keys. edmond de coussemaker considers therefore the hurdy - gurdy to be an instrument constructed for the performance of the parallel organum : " l ' instrument qui porte ce cachet de la maniere la plus frappante est ' l ' organistrum '. son nom... en est lui - meme une preuve manifeste : car ' l ' organum ' etait precisement le nom des accords formes de reunions d ' octaves, de quintes ou de quartes, ce qui indique parfaitement sa destination " [ fn ]. [ trans : sb : the instrument which demonstrates this characteristic the most strikingly is the ' organistrum '. its name... is in itself manifest proof of this : for the ' organum ' was precisely the name of the chords formed by the joining of octaves, fifths or fourths, which clearly demonstrates the purpose of the organistrum. " ] as the treatises and illustration 2 prove, the hurdy - gurdy normally had the tonal range of one octave beginning with c and including b - flat and b natural. deviations from parallel sounds were not possible for the hurdy - gurdy with rotating keys, on the other hand however the instrument already had accidentals of necessity. if one accepts the tuning of the strings in the interval of the lower fifth, or at another time the lower fourth, the following notes result : with the construction of the hurdy - gurdy which provided only these rotating keys for all three strings, the musical possibilities of the instrument were exhausted in the performance of the parallel organum. the limitations of the instrument is not due to the simultaneous shortening of all three strings, but rather to the shortening of the strings at exactly the same points, which means that the chords playable on the instrument were always similarly constructed. since the distances between keys were fixed and in each case always remained the same, no change could be brought about in the construction of individual chords. this instrument was indeed excellently suited for the presentation of a parallel organum, even without the participation of other instruments, but by its nature its tonal possibilities were so limited that its harmonies were unavoidably uniform. it could therefore not be avoided


instrument was indeed excellently suited for the presentation of a parallel organum, even without the participation of other instruments, but by its nature its tonal possibilities were so limited that its harmonies were unavoidably uniform. it could therefore not be avoided that when polyphony became more varied the hurdy - gurdy made for parallel sounds was given up. on the other hand the hurdy - gurdy with drone strings has maintained itself up to the present day. by attaching one, two, or more drones, the use of the instrument was considerably extended. with three strings, two strings could be tuned in intervals of a fifth or fourth and be shortened by keys while the third functioned as a drone string ( see page 114 ). the hurdy - gurdy found use in sacred music as a drone instrument as well. in the 13th century it was a large instrument played by clerics, which, on account of the size of its resonating body and the length of its strings, enabled the musician to produce a deep drone sound. compared to most other musical instruments it had the advantage that the player could sustain indefinitely each single note. the large organistrum was especially suited to the performance of the sustained organum with its drone sounds and the tenors with their slight ambitus and the slow alterations in the scale, since this large hurdy - gurdy as a bass instrument with its loud sound was in the position of being able to support all other instruments or voices and perhaps even to drown them out. on the other hand, the instrument was operated by two players, whereby one of these had both hands free to operate the keys. with two hands the musician could even achieve a certain fluency, so that he could play a more moving melody on the melody string. if the instrument was only to serve as a drone instrument, then double drones, double octaves but above all alternating drones, which perhaps changed several times in one piece, were produced. another advantage lay in the fact that the hurdy - gurdy ' s strings could be quickly retuned to another key. it can be said with certainty that the large organistrum for two players was a low sounding instrument and that for a long time it was used in churches as the predecessor to the organ. the frequent representation on 12th century north spanish churches seems to confirm this, since for the same period, from the 9th to the 12th century, it cannot be established that there were organs in the spanish churches. [ fn ] the large organistrum must have been exclusively


on 12th century north spanish churches seems to confirm this, since for the same period, from the 9th to the 12th century, it cannot be established that there were organs in the spanish churches. [ fn ] the large organistrum must have been exclusively a church instrument. on account of the technique required for playing it and the operation by two players it had the disadvantage as compared to other instruments that it could be played only in a sitting position. small hurdy - gurdies are found in representations only since the 13th century. they must however been around earlier, since the literary sources in the 12th century already mention the use of hurdy - gurdies in celebrations and processions. the hurdy - gurdy probably existed at some time in two different forms and had two different functions : as a large church instrument and as the small instrument of the minstrels. as far as sound goes, the large hurdy - gurdy was doubtless suited for large areas and open spaces. when we hear the considerably smaller hurdy - gurdy of modern times we are still astounded by the sharp and far - carrying sound of this instrument. hence the hurdy - gurdy for two players must have had a very loud sound, so that with its piercing tone it could properly fulfill the requirements that were placed on an instrument intended for large spaces. the opinion that the instrument, on account of its sound which was compared to a ' rasping shriek ', was played only outdoors, " where one can in any case think of the good effect " [ fn ], cannot be brought into agreement with its great popularity and its position in the medieval instrumentarium. e. the hurdy - gurdy in medieval secular music besides the large organistrum used in the church there existed already at the same time the small instrument for one player. this hurdy - gurdy was given a quite different sphere of duties, which for the secular instrumental music of the middle ages was of great importance. in this sphere however the small one - player hurdy - gurdy could only be used and enjoy such great popularity for such a long time because it offered tonal possibilities different from those of the large bass instrument of the church. by shortening the entire length of the instrument and hence the strings as well it became a descant instrument. along with the decrease in its size the hurdy - gurdy lost the disadvantage of immobility of the large organistrum ; it could now be easily transported and handled, and was thus quite suited to be played


became a descant instrument. along with the decrease in its size the hurdy - gurdy lost the disadvantage of immobility of the large organistrum ; it could now be easily transported and handled, and was thus quite suited to be played while standing or walking and hence could become one of the instruments of the minstrels. although the small hurdy - gurdy belonged to the instrumentarium of the minstrels, it was also used in the churches, since the minstrels with their instruments were not excluded from the field of church music. thus the hurdy - gurdy was a popular instrument of the pilgrims and was expressly mentioned by geoffrey chaucer in his " canterbury tales " as one of the instruments which the canterbury pilgrims played : " with harpe and pype and simphonye " [ fn ]. one of the important semi - sacred duties for the small hurdy - gurdy lay in the accompaniment of dances which were certainly cultivated in many pilgrim centers as well. above all the participants in processions and celebrations danced one part of the liturgical music, and religious dances with instrumental accompaniment even took place in churches. [ fn ] the montserrat dance of death for example was actually conducted as a round dance with choir and leader [ fn ]. the pilgrims at montserrat also danced and sang continuously between prayers [ fn ]. in this context it is significant that these dances were accompanied with instruments. even the accompaniment of cult dances by instruments has been testified to [ fn ], and when the liturgical tunes were later no longer danced to, the music nevertheless has a certain dance character and betrays its origin from dances [ fn ]. the performance of this music was generally entrusted to the medieval minstrels, whose repertoire was apparently very extensive. the same minstrels played with their instruments every type of secular and sacred music at feasts and solemnities [ fn ]. they even performed music in the church, and this practice was apparently so widespread that the councils had to forbid it from the spanish churches. [ fn ] pilgrims were accompanied on their way by minstrels who also preceded processions, marriage celebrations and other festivities with their instruments. in many areas marriage processions were led by musicians up until the 20th century. these musicians played uninterruptedly all the way to the church. thus for example in marriage festivities in some french provinces bagpipe players and hurdy - gurdy players led the way in the procession to the church [ fn