lord william montagu douglas scott | this article does not cite any references or sources. ( february 2008 ) | lieutenant - colonel lord william walter montagu douglas scott mc ( 17 january 1896 – 30 january 1958 ) was a scottish aristocrat and politician. the 2nd son of john montagu douglas scott, 7th duke of buccleuch, he was educated at eton college and at the royal military college, sandhurst. he was commissioned into the 10th hussars. promoted lieutenant in 1915, he won the military cross in 1918 and was shortly afterwards promoted captain. from 1925 to 1926 he was adc to the governor - general of canada. he retired in 1927. he rejoined the army in the second world war, serving in italy and reaching the rank of lieutenant - colonel. in 1937 he married lady rachel douglas home ( 10 april 1910 – 4 apr 1996 ), younger daughter of charles douglas - home, 13th earl of home. the couple had one son and four daughters, and lived at eildon hall, st boswells, roxburghshire. - hansard 1803 – 2005 : contributions in parliament by lord william montagu douglas scott | parliament of the united kingdom | earl of dalkeith | member of parliament for roxburgh and selkirk archibald james florence macdonald | this article about a conservative member of the parliament of the united kingdom born in the 1890s is a stub. you can help wikipedia by expanding it. |


position as emperor was now secure, manuel ordered the release of isaac. then he ordered 2 golden pieces to be given to every householder in constantinople and 200 pounds of gold ( including 200 silver pieces annually ) to be given to the byzantine church. the empire that manuel inherited from his father had undergone great changes since its foundation by constantine, eight centuries before. in the time of his predecessor justinian i ( 527 – 565 ), parts of the former western roman empire had been recovered including italy, africa and part of spain. however, the empire had diminished greatly following this, the most obvious change had occurred in the 7th century : the soldiers of islam had taken egypt, palestine and much of syria away from the empire irrevocably. they had then swept on westwards into what in the time of constantine had been the western provinces of the roman empire, in north africa and spain. in the centuries since, the emperors had ruled over a realm that largely consisted of asia minor in the east, and the balkans in the west. in the late 11th century the byzantine empire entered a period of marked military and political decline, which had been arrested and largely reversed by the leadership of manuel ' s grandfather and father. yet the empire that manuel inherited was a polity facing formidable challenges. at the end of the 11th century, the normans of sicily had removed italy from the control of the byzantine emperor. the seljuk turks had done the same with central anatolia. and in the levant, a new force had appeared – the crusader states – who presented the byzantine empire with new challenges. now, more than at any time during the preceding centuries, the task facing the emperor was daunting indeed. second crusade and raynald of chatillon prince of antioch the first test of manuel ' s reign came in 1144, when he was faced with a demand by raymond, prince of antioch for the cession of cilician territories. however, later that year the crusader county of edessa was engulfed by the tide of a resurgent islamic jihad under imad ad - din atabeg zengi. raymond realized that immediate help from the west was out of the question. with his eastern flank now dangerously exposed to this new threat, there seemed little option but for him to prepare for a humiliating visit to constantinople. swallowing his pride, he made the journey north to ask for the protection of the emperor. after submitting to manuel, he was promised the support that he had requested, and his allegiance to byzantium was secured


for a humiliating visit to constantinople. swallowing his pride, he made the journey north to ask for the protection of the emperor. after submitting to manuel, he was promised the support that he had requested, and his allegiance to byzantium was secured. expedition against konya in 1146 manuel assembled his army at the military base lopadion and set out on a punitive expedition against masud the sultan of rum, who had been repeatedly violating the frontiers of the empire in western anatolia and cilicia. there was no attempt at a systematic conquest of territory, but manuel ' s army defeated the turks at acroenus, before capturing and destroying the fortified town of philomelion, removing its remaining christian population. the byzantine forces reached masud ' s capital, konya, and ravaged the area around the city, but could not assault its walls. amongst manuel ' s motives for mounting this razzia there included a wish to be seen in the west as actively espousing the crusading ideal ; kinnamos also attributed to manuel a desire to show off his martial prowess to his new bride. whilst on this campaign manuel received a letter from louis vii of france announcing his intention of leading an army to the relief of the crusader states. arrival of the crusaders manuel was prevented from following up his early successes in the east, for events to the west meant that his presence was urgently required in the balkans. in 1147 he granted a passage through his dominions to two armies of the second crusade under conrad iii of germany and louis vii of france. at this time, there were still members of the byzantine court who remembered the passage of the first crusade, which was a defining event in the collective memory of the age and one which had fascinated manuel ' s aunt, anna komnene. many byzantines feared the crusade, a view endorsed by the numerous acts of vandalism and theft practiced by the unruly armies as they marched through byzantine territory. byzantine troops followed the crusaders, attempting to police their behaviour, and further troops were assembled in constantinople, ready to defend the capital against any acts of aggression. this cautious approach was well advised, but still the numerous incidents of covert and open hostility between the franks and the greeks on their line of march, for which it seems both sides were to blame, nearly precipitated a conflict between manuel and his guests. manuel took the precaution – which his grandfather had not taken – of making repairs to the city walls, and pressed the two kings for guarantees concerning


seems both sides were to blame, nearly precipitated a conflict between manuel and his guests. manuel took the precaution – which his grandfather had not taken – of making repairs to the city walls, and pressed the two kings for guarantees concerning the security of his territories. conrad ' s army was the first to enter the byzantine territory in the summer of 1147, and it figures more prominently in the byzantine sources, which imply that it was the most troublesome of the two. a [ › ] after 1147, however, the relations between the two leaders became friendlier. by 1148 manuel had seen the wisdom of securing an alliance with conrad, whose sister - in - law bertha of sulzbach he had earlier married ; he actually persuaded the german king to renew their alliance against roger ii of sicily. unfortunately for the byzantine emperor, conrad died in 1152, and despite repeated attempts, manuel could not reach an agreement with his successor, frederick i barbarossa. b [ › ] cyprus invaded yet manuel ' s attention was to be drawn to antioch again in 1156, when raynald of chatillon, the new prince of antioch, claimed that the byzantine emperor had reneged on his promise to pay him a sum of money, and vowed to attack the byzantine province of cyprus. he arrested the governor of the island and nephew of the emperor, john komnenos, and the general michael branas. the latin historian william of tyre deplored this act of war against fellow christians, and described the atrocities committed by raynald ' s men in considerable detail. having ransacked the island and plundered all its wealth, raynald ' s army mutilated the survivors before forcing them to buy back their flocks at exorbitant prices with what little they had left. thus enriched with enough booty to make antioch wealthy for years, the invaders boarded their ships and set sail for home. raynald also sent some of the mutilated hostages to constantinople as a vivid demonstration of his disobedience and his contempt for the byzantine emperor. manuel responded to this outrage in a characteristically energetic way. in the winter of 1158 – 59, he marched to cilicia at the head of a huge army ; the speed of his advance ( manuel had hurried on ahead of the main army with 500 cavalry ) was such that he managed to surprise the armenian thoros of cilicia, who had participated in the attack on cyprus. all the towns and cities of cilic


of his advance ( manuel had hurried on ahead of the main army with 500 cavalry ) was such that he managed to surprise the armenian thoros of cilicia, who had participated in the attack on cyprus. all the towns and cities of cilicia fell to manuel immediately, and thoros himself was forced to flee into the mountains at the last moment : he is said to have survived by sheltering alone under rocks on a hillside, where an old shepherd would bring him food to keep him alive. manuel in antioch meanwhile, news of the advance of the byzantine army soon reached antioch. realising that he had no hope of defeating manuel, raynald also knew that he could not expect any help from king baldwin iii of jerusalem. baldwin did not approve of raynald ' s attack on cyprus, and in any case had already made an agreement with manuel. thus isolated and abandoned by his allies, raynald decided that abject submission was his only hope. he appeared before the emperor, dressed in a sack and with a rope tied around his neck, and begged for forgiveness. manuel at first ignored the prostrate raynald, chatting with his courtiers ; william of tyre commented that this ignominious scene continued for so long that all present were " disgusted " by it. eventually, manuel forgave raynald on condition that he became a vassal of the empire, effectively surrendering the independence of antioch to byzantium. peace having been restored, a grand ceremonial procession was staged on 12 april 1159 for the triumphant entry of the byzantine army into the city, with manuel riding through the streets on horseback while the prince of antioch and the king of jerusalem followed on foot. manuel dispensed justice to the citizens, and presided over games and tournaments for the crowd. in may at the head of a united christian army he started on the road to edessa, but he abandoned the campaign, when he secured the release by nur ad - din, the ruler of syria, of 6, 000 christian prisoners captured in various battles since the second crusade. despite the glorious end of the expedition, it is argued by modern scholars that manuel finally achieved much less than he hoped in terms of imperial restoration. c [ › ] satisfied with his efforts thus far, manuel headed back to constantinople. on their way back, his troops were surprised in line of march by the turks. despite this, they won a complete victory, routing the enemy army from the field and inflicting heavy losses. in the following year he drove


back to constantinople. on their way back, his troops were surprised in line of march by the turks. despite this, they won a complete victory, routing the enemy army from the field and inflicting heavy losses. in the following year he drove the turks out of isauria. italian campaign roger ii of sicily in 1147 manuel was faced with war by roger ii of sicily, whose fleet had captured the byzantine island of corfu and plundered thebes and corinth. however, despite being distracted by a cuman attack in the balkans, in 1148 manuel enlisted the alliance of conrad iii of germany, and the help of the venetians, who quickly defeated roger with their powerful fleet. in 1149, manuel recovered corfu and prepared to take the offensive against the normans, while roger ii sent george of antioch with a fleet of 40 ships to pillage constantinople ' s suburbs. manuel had already agreed with conrad on a joint invasion and partition of southern italy and sicily. the renewal of the german alliance remained the principal orientation of manuel ' s foreign policy for the rest of his reign, despite the gradual divergence of interests between the two empires after conrad ' s death. the death of roger in february 1154, who was succeeded by william i, combined with the widespread rebellions against the rule of the new king in sicily and apulia, the presence of apulian refugees at the byzantian court, and frederick barbarossa ' s ( conrad ' s successor ) failure to deal with the normans encouraged manuel to take advantage of the multiple instabilities that existed in the italian peninsula. he sent michael palaiologos and john doukas, both of whom held the high imperial rank of sebastos, with byzantine troops, 10 byzantine ships, and large quantities of gold to invade apulia ( 1155 ). the two generals were instructed to enlist the support of frederick barbarossa, since he was hostile to the normans of sicily and was south of the alps at the time, but he declined because his demoralised army longed to get back north of the alps as soon as possible. b [ › ] nevertheless, with the help of disaffected local barons including count robert of loritello, manuel ' s expedition achieved astonishingly rapid progress as the whole of southern italy rose up in rebellion against the sicilian crown, and the untried william i. there followed a string of spectacular successes as numerous strongholds yielded either to force or the lure of gold. papal


achieved astonishingly rapid progress as the whole of southern italy rose up in rebellion against the sicilian crown, and the untried william i. there followed a string of spectacular successes as numerous strongholds yielded either to force or the lure of gold. papal - byzantine alliance the city of bari, which had been the capital of the byzantine catapanate of southern italy for centuries before the arrival of the normans, opened its gates to the emperor ' s army, and the overjoyed citizens tore down the norman citadel. after the fall of bari, the cities of trani, giovinazzo, andria, taranto, and brindisi were also captured, and william who arrived with his army ( which included 2, 000 knights ) was heavily defeated. encouraged by the success, manuel dreamed of restoration of the roman empire at cost of union between orthodox and catholic church, a prospect which would frequently be offered to the pope during negotiations and plans for alliance. if there was ever a chance of reuniting the eastern and western churches, and coming to reconciliation with the pope permanently, this was probably the most favourable moment. the papacy was never on good terms with the normans, except when under duress by the threat of direct military action. having the " civilised " eastern roman empire on its southern border was infinitely preferable to the papacy than having to constantly deal with the troublesome normans of sicily. it was in pope hadrian iv ' s interests to reach a deal if at all possible, since doing so would greatly increase his own influence over the entire orthodox christian population. manuel offered a large sum of money to the pope for the provision of troops, with the request that the pope grant the byzantine emperor lordship of three maritime cities in return for assistance in expelling william from sicily. manuel also promised to pay 5, 000 pounds of gold to the pope and the curia. negotiations were hurriedly carried out, and an alliance was formed between manuel and hadrian. | " alexios komnenos and doukas... had become captive to the sicilians ' lord [ and ] again ruined matters. for as they had already pledged to the sicilians many things not then desired by the emperor, they robbed the romans of very great and noble achievements. [ they ]... very likely deprived the roman of the cities too soon. " | it was at this point, just as the war seemed decided in manuel ' s favour, that things started to go wrong for him. the byzantine commander michael pal


they ]... very likely deprived the roman of the cities too soon. " | it was at this point, just as the war seemed decided in manuel ' s favour, that things started to go wrong for him. the byzantine commander michael palaiologos had alienated byzantium ' s allies by his attitude, and this had stalled the campaign as count robert iii of loritello refused to speak to him. although the two were reconciled, the campaign had lost some of its momentum : michael was soon recalled to constantinople, and his loss was a major blow to the campaign. the turning point was the battle for brindisi, where the sicilians launched a major counterattack by both land and sea. at the approach of the enemy, the mercenaries that had been hired with manuel ' s gold demanded huge rises in their pay. when this was refused, they deserted. even the local barons started to melt away, and soon john doukas was left hopelessly outnumbered. the arrival of alexios komnenos bryennios with some ships did not retrieve the byzantine situation in any respect. d [ › ] the naval battle was decided in the sicilians ' favour, while john doukas and alexios bryennios ( along with 4 byzantine ships ) were captured. manuel then sent alexios axouch to ancona to raise another army, but, by this time, william had already retaken all of the byzantine conquests in apulia. the defeat at brindisi put an end to the restored byzantine reign in italy ; in 1158 the byzantine army left italy, and never saw it again. both nicetas choniates and kinnamos, the major byzantine historians of this period, agree, however, that the peace terms axouch secured from william allowed manuel to extricate himself from the war with dignity, despite a devastating raid by a sicilian fleet of 164 ships ( carrying 10, 000 men ) on euboea and almira in 1156. failure of the church union during the italian campaign, and, afterwards, during the struggle of the papal curia with frederick, manuel tried to seduce the popes by hints of a possible union between the eastern and western churches. although in 1155 pope hadrian had expressed his eagerness to prompt the reunion of the catholic and orthodox churches, e [ › ] hopes for a lasting papal - byzantine alliance came up against insuperable problems. pope adrian iv and his successors demanded recognition of their religious authority over all christians everywhere


eagerness to prompt the reunion of the catholic and orthodox churches, e [ › ] hopes for a lasting papal - byzantine alliance came up against insuperable problems. pope adrian iv and his successors demanded recognition of their religious authority over all christians everywhere, and wished themselves to reach superiority over the byzantine emperor ; they were not at all willing to fall into a state of dependence from one emperor to the other. manuel, on the other side, wanted an official recognition of his secular authority on both east and west. such conditions would not be accepted by either side. even if a pro - western emperor such as manuel agreed to it, the greek citizens of the empire would have rejected outright any union of this sort, as they did almost three hundred years later when the orthodox and catholic churches were briefly united under the pope. in spite of his friendliness towards the roman church and his cordial relations with all the popes, manuel was never honoured with the title of augustus by the popes. and although he sent twice ( in 1167 and 1169 ) an embassy to pope alexander iii offering to reunite the greek and latin churches, the latter refused, under pretext of the troubles that would follow that union. ultimately, a deal proved elusive, and the two churches have remained divided. the final results of the italian campaign were limited in terms of the advantages gained by the empire. the city of ancona became a byzantine base in italy, accepting the emperor as sovereign. the normans of sicily had been damaged, and now came to terms with the empire, ensuring peace for the rest of manuel ' s reign. the empire ' s ability to get involved in italian affairs had been demonstrated. however, given the enormous quantities of gold which had been lavished on the project, it also demonstrated the limits of what money and diplomacy alone could achieve. the expense of manuel ' s involvement in italy must have cost the treasury a great deal ( probably more than 2, 160, 000 hyperpyra or 30, 000 pounds of gold ), and yet it produced only limited solid gains. byzantine policy in italy after 1158 after 1158 and under the new conditions, the aims of the byzantine policy changed. now manuel decided to oppose the tendency of the hohenstaufen dynasty to annex italy, which frederick believed should acknowledge his power. when the war between frederick and the north italian cities started, manuel actively supported the lombard league with money subsidies. the walls of milan, demolished by the germans, were restored by the aid of the byzantine emperor. frederick '


believed should acknowledge his power. when the war between frederick and the north italian cities started, manuel actively supported the lombard league with money subsidies. the walls of milan, demolished by the germans, were restored by the aid of the byzantine emperor. frederick ' s defeat at the battle of legnano, on 29 may 1176 seemed rather to improve manuel ' s position in italy. according to kinnamos, cremona, pavia, and a number of other " ligurian " cities went over to manuel ; his relations were also particularly favourable in regard to genoa, pisa, but not in regard to venice. in march 1171 manuel had suddenly broken with venice, ordering all 20, 000 venetians on imperial territory to be arrested and their property confiscated. venice, incensed, sent a fleet of 120 ships against byzantium, which, owing to an epidemic and being pursued by 150 byzantine ships, was forced to return without great success. in all probability, friendly relations between byzantium and venice were not restored in manuel ' s lifetime. balkan frontier on his northern frontier manuel expended considerable effort to preserve the conquests made by basil ii over one hundred years earlier and maintained, sometimes tenuously, ever since. due to distraction from his neighbours on the balkan frontier, manuel was kept from his main objective, the subjugation of the normans of sicily. relations had been good with the serbs and hungarians since 1129, so the serb rebellion came as a shock. the serbs of rascia, being so induced by roger ii of sicily, invaded byzantine territory in 1149. manuel forced the rebellious serbs, and their leader, uros ii, to vassalage ( 1150 – 1152 ). he then made repeated attacks upon the hungarians with a view to annexing their territory along the sava. in the wars of 1151 – 1153 and 1163 – 1168 manuel led his troops into hungary and a spectacular raid deep into enemy territory yielded substantial war booty. in 1167, manuel sent 15, 000 men under the command of andronikos kontostephanos against the hungarians. kontostephanos scored a decisive victory at the battle of sirmium which enabled the byzantine empire to conclude a very advantageous peace with the hungarian kingdom by which syrmia, bosnia, and dalmatia were ceded. by 1168 nearly the whole of the eastern adriatic coast lay in manuel ' s hands. efforts were also made towards a diplomatic annexation of hungary. the hungarian heir bela, younger brother


which syrmia, bosnia, and dalmatia were ceded. by 1168 nearly the whole of the eastern adriatic coast lay in manuel ' s hands. efforts were also made towards a diplomatic annexation of hungary. the hungarian heir bela, younger brother of the hungarian king stephen iii, was sent to constantinople to be educated in the court of manuel, who intended the youth to marry his daughter, maria, and to make him his heir, thus securing the union of hungary with the empire. in the court bela assumed the name alexius and received the title of despot which had previously been applied only to the emperor himself. however, two unforeseen dynastic events drastically altered the situation. in 1169, manuel ' s young wife gave birth to a son, thus depriving bela of his status as heir of the byzantine throne ( although manuel would not renounce the croatian lands he had taken from hungary ). then, in 1172, stephen died childless, and bela went home to take his throne. before leaving constantinople, he swore a solemn oath to manuel that he would always " keep in mind the interests of the emperor and of the romans ". bela iii kept his word : as long as manuel lived, he made no attempt to retrieve his croatian inheritance, which he only afterwards reincorporated into hungary. relations with russia manuel komnenos attempted to draw the russian principalities into his net of diplomacy directed against hungary, and to a lesser extent norman sicily. this polarised the russian princes into pro - and anti - byzantine camps. in the late 1140s three princes were competing for primacy in russia : prince iziaslav ii of kiev was related to geza ii of hungary and was hostile to byzantium ; prince yuri dolgoruki of suzdal was manuel ' s ally ( symmachos ), and vladimirko of galicia is described as manuel ' s vassal ( hypospondos ). galicia was situated on the northern and northeastern borders of hungary and, therefore, was of great strategic importance in the byzantine - hungarian conflicts. following the deaths of both iziaslav and vladimirko, the situation became reversed, when yuri of suzdal, manuel ' s ally, took over kiev and yaroslav, the new ruler of galicia, adopted a pro - hungarian stance. in 1164 - 5 manuel ' s cousin andronikos, the future emperor, escaped from captivity in byzantium, and fled to the court of yaroslav in galicia


the new ruler of galicia, adopted a pro - hungarian stance. in 1164 - 5 manuel ' s cousin andronikos, the future emperor, escaped from captivity in byzantium, and fled to the court of yaroslav in galicia. this situation, holding out the alarming prospect of andronikos making a bid for manuel ' s throne sponsored by both galicia and hungary, spurred the byzantines into an unprecedented flurry of diplomacy. manuel pardoned andronikos and persuaded him to return to constantinople ( 1165 ). a mission to kiev, then ruled by prince rostislav, resulted in a favourable treaty and a pledge to supply the empire with auxiliary troops ; yaroslav of galicia was also persuaded to renounce his hungarian connections and return fully into the imperial fold. as late as the year 1200 the princes of galicia were providing invaluable services against the empire ' s, at this time cuman, enemies. the restoration of relations with galicia had an immediate benefit for manuel when, in 1166, he dispatched two armies to attack the eastern provinces of hungary in a vast pincer movement. one army crossed the walachian plain and entered hungary through the transylvanian alps ( southern carpathians ), whilst the other army made a wide circuit to galicia and, with galician aid, crossed the carpathian mountains. since the hungarians had most of their forces concentrated on the sirmium and belgrade frontier they were caught off guard by the byzantine invasion and the hungarian province of transylvania was thoroughly ravaged by the byzantine armies. invasion of egypt alliance with the kingdom of jerusalem control of egypt was a decades - old dream of the crusader kingdom of jerusalem, and king amalric i of jerusalem needed all the military and financial support he could get for his policy of military intervention in egypt. amalric also realised that if he were to pursue his ambitions in egypt, he might have to leave antioch to the hegemony of manuel who had paid 100, 000 dinars for the release of bohemond iii. in 1165, he sent envoys to the byzantine court to negotiate a marriage alliance ( manuel had already married amalric ' s cousin maria of antioch in 1161 ). after a long interval of two years, amalric married manuel ' s grandniece maria komnene in 1167, and " swore all that his brother baldwin had sworn before. " f [ › ] a formal alliance was negotiated in 1168, whereby the two rulers arranged for a conquest and partition of egypt, with


for joint military ventures that would keep the king of jerusalem in his debt, and also allow the empire to share in territorial gains. failure of the expedition the joined forces of manuel and amalric laid siege to damietta on 27 october 1169, but the siege was unsuccessful due to the failure of the crusaders and the byzantines to co - operate fully. according to byzantine forces, amalric, not wanting to share the profits of victory, dragged out the operation until the emperor ' s men ran short of provisions and were particularly affected by famine ; amalric then launched an assault, which he promptly aborted by negotiating a truce with the defenders. on the other hand, william of tyre remarked that the greeks were not entirely blameless. whatever the truth of the allegations of both sides, when the rains came, both the latin army and the byzantine fleet returned home, although half of the byzantine fleet was lost in a sudden storm. despite the bad feelings generated at damietta, amalric still refused to abandon his dream of conquering egypt, and he continued to seek good relations with the byzantines in the hopes of another joined attack, which never took place. in 1171 amalric came to constantinople in person, after egypt had fallen to saladin. manuel was thus able to organise a grand ceremonial reception which both honoured amalric, and underlined his dependence : for the rest of amalric ' s reign, jerusalem was a byzantine satellite, and manuel was able to act as a protector of the holy places, exerting a growing influence in the kingdom of jerusalem. in 1177, a fleet of 150 ships was sent by manuel i to invade egypt, but returned home after appearing off acre due to the refusal of count philip of flanders and many important nobles of the kingdom of jerusalem to help. kilij arslan ii and the seljuk turks between 1158 – 1161, a series of byzantine campaigns against the seljuk turks of the sultanate of rum resulted in a treaty favourable to the empire. according to the agreement certain frontier regions, including the city of sivas, should be handed over to manuel in return for some quantity of cash. however, when it became clear that the seljuks had no intention of honouring their side of the bargain, manuel decided that it was time to deal with the turks once and for all. therefore, he assembled the full imperial army, and marched against the seljuk capital, iconium ( konya ). manuel


sublaeum to be dismantled, but not the fortifications of dorylaeum. nevertheless, defeat at myriokephalon was an embarrassment for both manuel personally and also for his empire. the komnenian emperors had worked hard since the battle of manzikert, 105 years earlier, to restore the reputation of the empire. yet because of his over - confidence, manuel had demonstrated to the whole world that byzantium still could not defeat the seljuks, despite the advances made during the past century. in western opinion, myriokephalon cut manuel down to a humbler size : not that of emperor of the romans but that of king of the greeks. the defeat at myriokephalon has often been depicted as a catastrophe in which the entire byzantine army was destroyed. manuel himself compared the defeat to manzikert ; it seemed to him that the byzantine defeat at myriokephalon complemented the destruction at manzikert. in reality, although a defeat, it was not too costly, and did not significantly ruin the byzantine army. most of the casualties were borne by the right wing, largely composed of allied troops commanded by baldwin of antioch, and also the baggage train, which was the main target of the turkish ambush. the limited losses inflicted on native byzantine troops were quickly made good and in the following year manuel ' s forces defeated a force of " picked turks ". john komnenos vatatzes, who was sent by the emperor to repel the turkish invasion, not only brought troops from the capital but also was able to gather an army along the way which allowed him to score a victory over the turks at the battle of hyelion and leimocheir ; a sign that the byzantine army remained strong and that the defensive program of western asia minor was still successful. after the victory on the meander, manuel himself advanced with a small army to drive the turks from panasium, south of cotyaeum. however, in 1178 a byzantine army retreated after encountering a turkish force at charax, allowing the turks to capture many livestock. the city of claudiopolis in bithynia was besieged by the turks in 1179, forcing manuel to lead a small cavalry force to save the city and then, even as late as 1180, the byzantines succeeded in scoring a victory over the turks. however, the continuous warfare did have a serious effect upon manuel ' s vitality ; he declined in health and in 1180 succumbed to a slow fever


, even as late as 1180, the byzantines succeeded in scoring a victory over the turks. however, the continuous warfare did have a serious effect upon manuel ' s vitality ; he declined in health and in 1180 succumbed to a slow fever. furthermore, like manzikert, the balance between the two powers began to gradually shift – manuel never again attacked the turks and, after his death, they began to move further and further west, deeper into byzantine territory. doctrinal controversies ( 1156 – 1180 ) during manuel ' s reign three major theological controversies occurred. in 1156 – 1157 the question was raised, whether christ had offered himself as a sacrifice for the sins of the world to the father and to the holy spirit only, or also to the logos ( i. e., to himself ). in the end a synod held at constantinople in 1157 adopted a compromise formula, that the word made flesh offered a double sacrifice to the holy trinity, despite the dissidence of patriarch of antioch - elect soterichus panteugenus. ten years later, a controversy arose as to whether the saying of christ, " my father is greater than i " referred to his divine nature, to his human, or the union of these two natures. demetrius of lampe, a byzantine diplomat recently returned from the west, ridiculed the way the verse was interpreted there, that christ was inferior to his father in his humanity, but equal in his divinity. manuel on the other hand, perhaps with an eye on the project for church union, found that the formula made sense, and prevailed over a majority in a synod convened on 2 march 1166 to decide the issue, where he had the support of the patriarch luke chrysoberges and later patriarch michael iii. those who refused to submit to the synod ' s decisions had their property confiscated or were exiled. g [ › ] the political dimensions of this controversy are apparent from the fact that a leading dissenter from the emperor ' s doctrine was his nephew alexios kontostephanos. a third controversy sprung up in 1180, when manuel objected to the formula of solemn abjuration, which was exacted from muslim converts. one of the more striking anathemas of this abjuration was that directed against the deity worshipped by muhammad and his followers : and before all, i anathematize the god of muhammad about whom he [ muhammad ] says, " he is god alone, god made of solid, hammer - beaten


indeed received a title ( sebastokrator ). he was briefly married to eirene komnene, illegitimate daughter of andronikos i komnenos, in 1183 – 1184, and was then blinded by his father - in - law. he lived until at least 1191 and was known personally to choniates. - alexios komnenos, a pinkernes ( " cupbearer " ), who fled constantinople in 1184 and was a figurehead of the norman invasion and the siege of thessalonica in 1185. by other lovers : - a daughter whose name is unknown. she was born around 1150 and married theodore maurozomes before 1170. her son was manuel maurozomes, and some of her descendants ruled the seljuk sultanate of rum. - a daughter whose name is unknown, born around 1155. she was the maternal grandmother of the author demetrios tornikes. foreign and military affairs as a young man, manuel had been determined to restore by force of arms the predominance of the byzantine empire in the mediterranean countries. by the time he died in 1180, 37 years had passed since that momentous day in 1143 when, amid the wilds of cilicia, his father had proclaimed him emperor. these years had seen manuel involved in conflict with his neighbours on all sides. manuel ' s father and grandfather before him had worked patiently to undo the damage done by the battle of manzikert and its aftermath. thanks to their efforts, the empire manuel inherited was stronger and better organised than at any time for a century. while it is clear that manuel used these assets to the full, it is not so clear how much he added to them, and there is room for doubt as to whether he used them to best effect. | " the most singular feature in the character of manuel is the contrast and vicissitude of labour and sloth, of hardiness and effeminacy. in war he seemed ignorant of peace, in peace he appeared incapable of war. " | manuel had proven himself to be an energetic emperor who saw possibilities everywhere, and whose optimistic outlook had shaped his approach to foreign policy. however, in spite of his military prowess manuel achieved but in a slight degree his object of restoring the byzantine empire. retrospectively, some commentators have criticised some of manuel ' s aims as unrealistic, in particular citing the expeditions he sent to egypt as proof of dreams of


his military prowess manuel achieved but in a slight degree his object of restoring the byzantine empire. retrospectively, some commentators have criticised some of manuel ' s aims as unrealistic, in particular citing the expeditions he sent to egypt as proof of dreams of grandeur on an unattainable scale. his greatest military campaign, his grand expedition against the turkish sultanate of iconium, ended in humiliating defeat, and his greatest diplomatic effort apparently collapsed, when pope alexander iii became reconciled to the german emperor frederick barbarossa at the peace of venice. historian mark c. bartusis argues that manuel ( and his father as well ) tried to rebuild a national army, but his reforms were adequate for neither his ambitions nor his needs ; the defeat at myriokephalon underscored the fundamental weakness of his policies. according to edward gibbon, manuel ' s victories were not productive of any permanent or useful conquest. his advisors on western church affairs included the pisan scholar hugh eteriano. internal affairs choniates criticised manuel for raising taxes and pointed to manuel ' s reign as a period of excession ; according to choniates, the money thus raised was spent lavishly at the cost of his citizens. whether one reads the greek encomiastic sources, or the latin and oriental sources, the impression is consistent with choniates ' picture of an emperor who spent lavishly in all available ways, rarely economising in one sector in order to develop another. manuel spared no expense on the army, the navy, diplomacy, ceremonial, palace - building, the komnenian family, and other seekers of patronage. a significant amount of this expenditure was pure financial loss to the empire, like the subsidies poured into italy and the crusader states, and the sums spent on the failed expeditions of 1155 – 1156, 1169, and 1176. the problems this created were counterbalanced to some extent by his successes, particularly in the balkans ; manuel extended the frontiers of his empire in the balkan region, ensuring security for the whole of greece and bulgaria. had he been more successful in all his ventures, he would have controlled not only the most productive farmland around the eastern mediterranean and adriatic seas, but also the entire trading facilities of the area. even if he did not achieve his ambitious goals, his wars against hungary brought him control of the dalmatian coast, the rich agricultural region of sirmium, and the danube trade route from hungary to the black sea. his balkan expeditions are said to have taken great boot


not achieve his ambitious goals, his wars against hungary brought him control of the dalmatian coast, the rich agricultural region of sirmium, and the danube trade route from hungary to the black sea. his balkan expeditions are said to have taken great booty in slaves and livestock ; kinnamos was impressed by the amount of arms taken from the hungarian dead after the battle of 1167. and even if manuel ' s wars against the turks probably realised a net loss, his commanders took livestock and captives on at least two occasions. this allowed the western provinces to flourish in an economic revival which had begun in the time of his grandfather alexios i, and which continued till the close of the century. indeed it has been argued that byzantium in the 12th century was richer and more prosperous than at any time since the persian invasion during the reign of herakleios, some five hundred years earlier. there is good evidence from this period of new construction, and new churches even in remote areas strongly suggest that wealth was widespread. trade was also flourishing ; it has been estimated that the population of constantinople, the biggest commercial center of the empire, during manuel ' s reign was between half a million and one million, making it by far the largest city in europe. a major source of manuel ' s wealth was the kommerkion, a customs duty levied at constantinople on all imports and exports. the kommerkion was stated to have collected 20, 000 hyperpyra each day. furthermore, the byzantine capital was a city undergoing expansion. the cosmopolitan character of constantinople was being reinforced by the arrival of italian merchants and crusaders en route to the holy land. the venetians, the genoese and others opened up the ports of the aegean to commerce, shipping goods from the crusader kingdoms of outremer and fatimid egypt to the west and trading with byzantium via constantinople. these maritime traders stimulated demand in the towns and cities of greece, macedonia and the greek islands, generating new sources of wealth in a predominantly agrarian economy. thessaloniki, the second city of the empire, hosted a famous summer fair which attracted traders from across the balkans and even further afield to its bustling market stalls. in corinth, silk production fuelled a thriving economy. all this is a testament to the success of the komnenian emperors in securing a pax byzantina in these heartland territories. to the rhetors of his court, manuel was the " divine emperor ". a generation after his death, choniates referred to


the success of the komnenian emperors in securing a pax byzantina in these heartland territories. to the rhetors of his court, manuel was the " divine emperor ". a generation after his death, choniates referred to him as " the most blessed among emperors ", and a century later john stavrakios described him as " great in fine deeds ". john phokas, a soldier who fought in manuel ' s army, characterised him some years later as the " world saving " and glorious emperor. manuel would be remembered in france, italy and the crusader states as the most powerful sovereign in the world. a genoese analyst noted that with the passing of " lord manuel of divine memory, the most blessed emperor of constantinople... all christendom incurred great ruin and detriment. " william of tyre called manuel " a wise and discreet prince of great magnificence, worthy of praise in every respect ", " a great - souled man of incomparable energy ", whose " memory will ever be held in benediction. " manuel was further extolled by robert of clari as a " a right worthy man, [... ] and richest of all the christians who ever were, and the most bountiful. " a telling reminder of the influence that manuel held in the crusader states in particular can still be seen in the church of the holy nativity in bethlehem. in the 1160s the nave was redecorated with mosaics showing the councils of the church. manuel was one of the patrons of the work. on the south wall, an inscription in greek reads : " the present work was finished by ephraim the monk, painter and mosaicist, in the reign of the great emperor manuel porphyrogennetos komnenos and in the time of the great king of jerusalem, amalric. " that manuel ' s name was placed first was a symbolic, public recognition of manuel ' s overlordship as leader of the christian world. manuel ' s role as protector of the orthodox christians and christian holy places in general is also evident in his successful attempts to secure rights over the holy land. manuel participated in the building and decorating of many of the basilicas and greek monasteries in the holy land, including the church of the holy sepulchre in jerusalem, where thanks to his efforts the byzantine clergy were allowed to perform the greek liturgy each day. all this reinforced his position as overlord of the crusader states, with


in the holy land, including the church of the holy sepulchre in jerusalem, where thanks to his efforts the byzantine clergy were allowed to perform the greek liturgy each day. all this reinforced his position as overlord of the crusader states, with his hegemony over antioch and jerusalem secured by agreement with raynald, prince of antioch, and amalric, king of jerusalem respectively. manuel was also the last byzantine emperor who, thanks to his military and diplomatic success in the balkans, could call himself " ruler of dalmatia, bosnia, croatia, serbia, bulgaria and hungary ". byzantium looked impressive, when manuel died in 1180, having just celebrated the betrothal of his son alexios ii to the daughter of the king of france. thanks to the diplomacy and campaigning of alexios, john, and manuel, the empire was a great power, economically prosperous, and secure on its frontiers ; but there were serious problems as well. internally, the byzantine court required a strong leader to hold it together, and after manuel ' s death stability was seriously endangered from within. some of the foreign enemies of the empire were lurking on the flanks, waiting for a chance to attack, in particular the turks in anatolia, whom manuel had ultimately failed to defeat, and the normans in sicily, who had already tried but failed to invade the empire on several occasions. even the venetians, the single most important western ally of byzantium, were on bad terms with the empire at manuel ' s death in 1180. given this situation, it would have taken a strong emperor to secure the empire against the foreign threats it now faced, and to rebuild the depleted imperial treasury. but manuel ' s son was a minor, and his unpopular regency government was overthrown in a violent coup d ' etat. this troubled succession weakened the dynastic continuity and solidarity on which the strength of the byzantine state had come to rely. ^ a : the mood that prevailed before the end of 1147 is best conveyed by a verse enconium to manuel ( one of the poems included in a list transmitted under the name of theodore prodromos in codex marcianus graecus xi. 22 known as manganeios prodromos ), which was probably an imperial commission, and must have been written shortly after the germans had crossed the bosporus. here conrad is accused of wanting to take constantinople by force, and to install a latin patriarch ( manganeios prodromos, no 20. 1 ). ^ b : according


have been written shortly after the germans had crossed the bosporus. here conrad is accused of wanting to take constantinople by force, and to install a latin patriarch ( manganeios prodromos, no 20. 1 ). ^ b : according to paul magdalino, one of manuel ' s primary goals was a partition of italy with the german empire, in which byzantium would get the adriatic coast. his unilateral pursuit, however, antagonized the new german emperor, frederick barbarossa, whose own plans for imperial restoration ruled out any partnership with byzantium. manuel was thus obliged to treat frederick as his main enemy, and to form a web of relationships with other western powers, including the papacy, his old enemy, the norman kingdom, hungary, several magnates and cities throughout italy, and, above all, the crusader states. ^ c : magdalino underscores that, whereas john had removed the rupenid princes from power in cilicia twenty years earlier, manuel allowed toros to hold most of his strongholds he had taken, and effectively restored only the coastal area to imperial rule. from raynald, manuel secured recognition of imperial suzerainty over antioch, with the promise to hand over the citadel, to instal a patriarch sent from constantinople ( not actually implemented until 1165 – 66 ), and to provide troops for the emperor ' s service, but nothing seems to have been said about the reversion of antioch to direct imperial rule. according to magdalino, this suggests that manuel had dropped this demand on which both his grandfather and father insisted. for his part, medieval historian zachary nugent brooke believes that the victory of christianity against nur ad - din was made impossible, since both greeks and latins were concerned primarily with their own interests. he characterises the policy of manuel as " short - sighted ", because " he lost a splendid opportunity of recovering the former possessions of the empire, and by his departure threw away most of the actual fruits of his expedition ". according to piers paul read, manuel ' s deal with nur ad - din was for the latins another expression of greeks ' perfidy. ^ d : alexios had been ordered to bring soldiers, but he merely brought his empty ships to brindisi. ^ e : in 1155 hadrian sent legates to manuel, with a letter for basil, archbishop of thessaloniki, in which he exhorted that bishop to procure the reunion of the churches. basil answered


empty ships to brindisi. ^ e : in 1155 hadrian sent legates to manuel, with a letter for basil, archbishop of thessaloniki, in which he exhorted that bishop to procure the reunion of the churches. basil answered that there was no division between the greeks and latins, since they held the same faith and offered the same sacrifice. " as for the causes of scandal, weak in themselves, that have separated us from each other ", he added, " your holiness can cause them to cease, by your own extended authority and the help of the emperor of the west. " ^ f : this probably meant that amalric repeated baldwin ' s assurances regarding the status of antioch as an imperial fief. ^ g : according to michael angold, after the controversy of 1166 manuel took his responsibilities very seriously, and tightened his grip over the church. 1166 was also the year in which manuel first referred in his legislation to his role as the disciplinarian of the church ( epistemonarkhes ). - p. magdalino, the empire of manuel i komnenos, 3 - p. magdalino, the empire of manuel i komnenos, 3 – 4 - a. stone, manuel i comnenus - gibbon, the decline and fall of the roman empire, 72 - gibbon, the decline and fall of the roman empire, 72 * j. h. norwich, a short history of byzantium * a. stone, manuel i comnenus - j. norwich, byzantium : the decline and fall, 87 – 88 - " byzantium ". papyros - larousse - britannica. 2006. - j. cinnamus, deeds of john and manuel comnenus, 33 – 35 * p. magdalino, the empire of manuel i komnenos, 40 - w. treadgold, a history of the byzantine state and society, 640 - j. cinnamus, deeds of john and manuel comnenus, 47 * p. magdalino, the empire of manuel i komnenos, 42 - a. komnene, the alexiad, 333 - p. magdalino, the byzantine empire, 621 - letter by the emperor manuel i komnenos, vatican secret archives. - p. p. read, the templars, 238 - p. p. read, the templars, 239 - william of tyre, historia


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gestarum ( a history of deeds done beyond the sea ), translated by e. a. babock and a. c. krey ( columbia university press, 1943 ). see the original text in the latin library. secondary sources - abbe guettee ( 1866 ). " chapter vii ". the papacy : its historic origin and primitive relations with the eastern churches. archived from the original on 2009 - 10 - 27. - angold, michael ( 1995 ). " church and politics under manuel i komnenos ". church and society in byzantium under the comneni, 1081 – 1261. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 26432 - 4. - angold, michael ( 1997 ). the byzantine empire, 1025 – 1204. longman. isbn 0 - 582 - 29468 - 1. - birkenmeier, john w. ( 2002 ). " the campaigns of manuel i komnenos ". the development of the komnenian army : 1081 – 1180. brill academic publishers. isbn 90 - 04 - 11710 - 5. - bradbury, jim ( 2006 ). " military events ". the routledge companion to medieval warfare. read country books. isbn 1 - 84664 - 983 - 8. - brand, charles m. ( 1989 ). " the turkish element in byzantium, eleventh - twelfth centuries ". dumbarton oaks papers ( dumbarton oaks, trustees for harvard university ) 43 : 1 – 25. doi : 10. 2307 / 1291603. jstor 1291603. - brooke, zachary nugent ( 2004 ). " east and west : 1155 – 1198 ". a history of europe, from 911 to 1198. routledge ( uk ). isbn 0 - 415 - 22126 - 9. - ( greek ) " byzantium ". papyros - larousse - britannica ( volume xiii ). 2006. isbn 960 - 8322 - 84 - 7. - curta, florin ( 2006 ). " chronology ". southeastern europe in the middle ages, 500 – 1250. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 81539 - 8. - day, gerald. w. ( june 1977 ). " manuel and the genoese : a reappraisal of byzantine commercial policy in the late twelfth century ". the journal of economic history 37 ( 2 ) : 289 –


- 8. - day, gerald. w. ( june 1977 ). " manuel and the genoese : a reappraisal of byzantine commercial policy in the late twelfth century ". the journal of economic history 37 ( 2 ) : 289 – 301. doi : 10. 1017 / s0022050700096947. - duggan, anne j. ( 2003 ). " the pope and the princes ". adrian iv, the english pope, 1154 – 1159 : studies and texts edited by brenda bolton and anne j. duggan. ashgate publishing, ltd. isbn 0 - 7546 - 0708 - 9. - garland lynda, stone andrew. " bertha - irene of sulzbach, first wife of manuel i comnenus ". online encyclopedia of roman emperors. retrieved 2007 - 02 - 05. - gibbon, edward ( 1995 ). " xlviii - the decline and fall ". the history of the decline and fall of the roman empire ( volume iii ). penguin classics. isbn 0 - 14 - 043395 - 3. - hamilton, bernard ( 2003 ). " william of tyre and the byzantine empire ". porphyrogenita : : essays on the history and literature of byzantium and the latin east in honor of julian chrysostomides, edited by charalambos dendrinos, jonathan harris, eirene harvalia - crook and judith herrin. ashgate publishing, ltd. isbn 0 - 7546 - 3696 - 8. - hanson, graig l. ( 2003 ). " manuel i komnenos and the " god of muhammad " : a study in byzantine ecclesiastical politics ". medieval christian perceptions of islam : a book of essays edited by john tolan. routledge. isbn 0 - 415 - 92892 - 3. - harris, jonathan ( 2003 ). byzantium and the crusades. hambledon and london. isbn 1 - 85285 - 298 - 4. - harris, jonathan and tolstoy, dmitri, ' alexander iii and byzantium ', in alexander iii ( 1159 - 81 : the art of survival, ed. p. clarke and a. duggan, ashgate, 2012, pp. 301 – 13. isbn 978 07546 6288 4 - heath, ian ( 1995 ). byzantine armies 1118 – 1461 ad ( illustrated by angus mcbride ). osprey publishing. isbn


, ashgate, 2012, pp. 301 – 13. isbn 978 07546 6288 4 - heath, ian ( 1995 ). byzantine armies 1118 – 1461 ad ( illustrated by angus mcbride ). osprey publishing. isbn 1 - 85532 - 347 - 8. - hillenbrand, carole ( 2003 ). " the imprisonment of raynald of chatillon ". texts, documents, and artefacts : islamic studies in honour of d. s. ( donald sidney ) richards edited by chase f. robinson. brill academic publishers. isbn 90 - 04 - 10865 - 3. - jeffreys, elizabeth ; jeffreys michael ( 2001 ). " the " wild beast from the west " : immediate literary reactions in byzantium to the second crusade ". the crusades from the perspective of byzantium and the muslim world edited by angeliki e. laiou and roy parviz mottahedeh. dumbarton oaks research library and collection. isbn 0 - 88402 - 277 - 3. - kazdan, alexander p. ; epstein, ann wharton ( 1990 ). " popular and aristrocratic popular trends ". change in byzantine culture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. university of california press. isbn 0 - 520 - 06962 - 5. - kurtz, johann heinrich ( 1860 ). " dogmatic controversies, 12th and 14th centuries ". history of the christian church to the reformation. t. & t. clark. isbn 0 - 548 - 06187 - 4. - " letter by the emperor manuel i komnenos to pope eugene iii on the issue of the crusades ". vatican secret archives. archived from the original on 2007 - 02 - 02. retrieved 2007 - 02 - 05. - madden, thomas f. ( 2005 ). " the decline of the latin kingdom of jerusalem and the third crusade ". the new concise history of the crusades. rowman & littlefield. isbn 0 - 7425 - 3822 - 2. - macgillivray nicol, donald ( 1988 ). " the parting of the ways ". byzantium and venice : a study in diplomatic and cultural relations. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 42894 - 7. - magdalino, paul ( 2005 ). " the byzantine empire ( 1118 – 1204 ) ". the new cambridge medieval history edited by rosamond mckitterick, timothy reuter, michael k


42894 - 7. - magdalino, paul ( 2005 ). " the byzantine empire ( 1118 – 1204 ) ". the new cambridge medieval history edited by rosamond mckitterick, timothy reuter, michael k. jones, christopher allmand, david abulafia, jonathan riley - smith, paul fouracre, david luscombe. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 41411 - 3. - magdalino, paul ( 2002 ). " the medieval empire ( 780 – 1204 ) ". the oxford history of byzantium by cyril a. mango. oxford university press. isbn 0 - 19 - 814098 - 3. - magdalino, paul ( 2002 ). the empire of manuel i komnenos, 1143 – 1180. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 52653 - 1. - mayer, hans, eberhard ( 2005 ). " the latin east, 1098 – 1205 ". the new cambridge medieval history edited by rosamond mckitterick, timothy reuter, michael k. jones, christopher allmand, david abulafia, jonathan riley - smith, paul fouracre, david luscombe. cambridge university press. isbn 0 - 521 - 41411 - 3. - norwich, john julius ( 1998 ). a short history of byzantium. penguin. isbn 0 - 14 - 025960 - 0. - norwich, john j. ( 1995 ). byzantium : the decline and fall. alfred a. knopf, inc. isbn 0 - 679 - 41650 - 1. - obolensky, dimitri ( 1971 ). the byzantine commonwealth : eastern europe 500 – 1453. london : weidenfeld and nicolson. isbn 1 - 84212 - 019 - 0. - ( greek ) paparrigopoulos, constantine ; karolidis, pavlos ( 1925 ). history of the hellenic nation db. athens : eleftheroudakis.. - read, piers paul ( 2003 — english edition 1999 ). the templars ( translated in greek by g. kousounelou ). enalios. isbn 960 - 536 - 143 - 4. - rogers, randal ( 1997 ). " the capture of the palestinian coast ". latin siege warfare in the twelfth century. oxford university press. isbn 0 - 19 - 820689 - 5. - treadgold


- 143 - 4. - rogers, randal ( 1997 ). " the capture of the palestinian coast ". latin siege warfare in the twelfth century. oxford university press. isbn 0 - 19 - 820689 - 5. - treadgold, warren ( 1997 ). a history of the byzantine state and society. stanford university press. isbn 0 - 8047 - 2630 - 2. - sedlar, jean w. ( 1994 ). " foreign affairs ". east central europe in the middle ages, 1000 – 1500. university of washington press. isbn 0 - 295 - 97290 - 4. - stone, andrew. " manuel i comnenus ( a. d. 1143 – 1180 ) ". online encyclopedia of roman emperors. retrieved 2007 - 02 - 05. - ( greek ) varzos, konstantinos ( 1984 ). η γενεαλογια των κομνηνων [ the genealogy of the komnenoi ]. thessaloniki : byzantine research centre., vols. a1, a2 & b - vasiliev, alexander alexandrovich ( 1928 – 1935 ). " byzantium and the crusades ". history of the byzantine empire. isbn 0 - 299 - 80925 - 0. - zeitler, barbara. " cross - cultural interpretations of imagery in the middle ages ". find articles. retrieved 2007 - 02 - 27. [ dead link ] further reading | wikimedia commons has media related to : manuel i comnenus | manuel i komnenos komnenid dynastyborn : 28 november 1118 died : 24 september 1180 john ii komnenos alexios ii komnenos


armstrong. in his second term as governor, both houses of the general assembly were controlled by whigs, and the legislature approved proposals to create a new state bank and to expand state support for internal improvements such as roads, railroads, and canals. an advocate for public education, cannon designated some revenues from the state bank to pay for schools. cannon was publicly criticized for his implementation of the new laws, especially in east tennessee, where voters grew impatient over his lack of support for the hiwassee railroad. in 1839, state democrats, determined to defeat cannon, convinced rising politician and speaker of the u. s. house of representatives james k. polk to run against him. the two candidates toured the state together to give a series of public debates, the first of which took place at murfreesboro on april 11, 1839. cannon typically delivered slower, more methodical arguments, and was outshone in the debates by the quicker and wittier polk. in the election, polk narrowly defeated cannon by a vote of 54, 680 to 52, 114. cannon died in nashville at the age of sixty, just two years after his last candidacy for governor. he is interred in a cemetery on the grounds of his estate in williamson county near allisona. opposition to andrew jackson throughout his political career, newton cannon was known for his personal and political antagonism toward andrew jackson, whose policies he consistently opposed. three different supposed interactions between the two men all have been suggested as explanations for the origin of cannon ' s antipathy to jackson. the earliest of these interactions involved a horse track known as clover bottom that jackson owned together with a pair of brothers, william and patten anderson. cannon is purported to have lost substantial amounts of money and other possessions from gambling at clover bottom, and is said to have blamed jackson and the andersons for his losses, suspecting them of fixing races. the second encounter occurred in 1812, when cannon served on a jury in a trial for one of three brothers who were accused of murder in the death of patten anderson. after the jury returned a verdict of not guilty, jackson is said to have shaken his fist at cannon, saying " i ' ll mark you, young man. " perhaps the most compelling explanation is cannon ' s disapproval of jackson ' s military leadership when he served as a detachment leader under jackson ' s command during the creek war. cannon is said to have believed that jackson had deliberately exposed cannon and his men to unnecessary dangers. family life and legacy cannon was married twice. in 1813, he married leah


he served as a detachment leader under jackson ' s command during the creek war. cannon is said to have believed that jackson had deliberately exposed cannon and his men to unnecessary dangers. family life and legacy cannon was married twice. in 1813, he married leah pryor perkins. she died in 1816. in 1818, he married rachel starnes willborn. he was the father of ten children. a daughter, rachel adeline cannon maney, was for many years an owner of the oaklands estate in murfreesboro. the civil war journals of a grandson, also named newton cannon, were published in 1963 as the reminiscences of newton cannon : first sergeant, 11th tennessee cavalry, c. s. a. - newton cannon at find a grave - jonathan m. atkins. " newton cannon ", in tennessee encyclopedia of history and culture ( online edition ). last accessed june 3, 2011. - john trotwood moore and austin powers foster ( 1923 ), tennessee : the volunteer state, 1769 - 1923, the s. j. clarke publishing company. page 25. - portrait of newton cannon, tennessee portrait project website, accessed may 27, 2011 - diane black, tennessee senators, territorial general assembly 1794 to 106th general assembly, 2009 - 10, tennessee state library and archives. - governor ' s information : tennessee governor newton cannon, national governors association website, 2004. accessed may 31, 2011. - newton cannon at the biographical directory of the united states congress - mark eaton byrnes ( 2001 ), james k. polk : a biographical companion, abc - clio, isbn 1 - 57607 - 056 - 5, isbn 978 - 1 - 57607 - 056 - 7. pages 29 - 30. - phillip langsdon, tennessee : a political history ( franklin, tenn. : hillsboro press, 2000 ), pp. 59, 72 - 73, 81 - 84, 93 - 95. - jonathan m. atkins. " william carroll " in tennessee encyclopedia of history and culture ( online edition ). last accessed june 3, 2011. - jonathan m. atkins ( 1997 ), parties, politics, and the sectional conflict in tennessee, 1832 - 1861. university of tennessee press. page 12. - " tennessee portrait project ". national society of colonial dames of america in tennessee. retrieved september 19, 2012. - stanley folmsbee, sectionalism and internal improvements in tennessee, 1796 – 1845 ( knoxville, tenn. : east tennessee historical society, 1939 ),


national society of colonial dames of america in tennessee. retrieved september 19, 2012. - stanley folmsbee, sectionalism and internal improvements in tennessee, 1796 – 1845 ( knoxville, tenn. : east tennessee historical society, 1939 ), pp. 42 - 44, 121 - 125, 151 - 153. - robert s. brandt ( 1995 ), touring the middle tennessee backroads, john f. blair, publisher. isbn 0 - 89587 - 129 - 7, isbn 978 - 0 - 89587 - 129 - 9. pages 181 - 182. - " newton cannon ". find a grave. retrieved september 19, 2012. - tara mitchell mielnik. " early horse racing tracks ", in tennessee encyclopedia of history and culture ( online edition ). last accessed june 3, 2011. - elbert watson ( 1964 ), governor newton cannon papers, tennessee state library and archives, accessed may 30, 2011 - history of oaklands plantation, oaklands historic house museum website, accessed may 31, 2011 - williamson county historical society, accessed may 31, 2011 - carroll van west. " cannon county ", in tennessee encyclopedia of history and culture ( online edition ). last accessed june 3, 2011. | wikimedia commons has media related to : newton cannon | - find a grave - national governors association - the tennessee encyclopedia of history and culture - tennessee portrait project | united states house of representatives | | u. s. representative for tennessee ' s 5th congressional district george washington lent marr | u. s. representative for tennessee ' s 4th congressional district | governor of tennessee james k. polk


splash ( fluid mechanics ) in fluid mechanics, a splash is a sudden disturbance to the otherwise quiescent free surface of a liquid ( usually water ). the disturbance is typically caused by a solid object suddenly hitting the surface, although splashes can occur in which moving liquid supplies the energy. this use of the word is onomatopoeic. splashes are characterized by transient ballistic flow, and are governed by the reynolds number and the weber number. in the image of a brick splashing into water to the right, one can identify freely moving airborne water droplets, a phenomenon typical of high reynolds number flows ; the intricate non - spherical shapes of the droplets show that the weber number is high. also seen are entrained bubbles in the body of the water, and an expanding ring of disturbance propagating away from the impact site. physicist lei xu and coworkers at the university of chicago discovered that the splash due to the impact of a small drop of ethanol onto a dry solid surface could be suppressed by reducing the pressure below a specific threshold. for drops of diameter 3. 4 mm falling through air, this pressure was about 20 kilopascals, or 0. 2 atmosphere. splash plate a plate made of a hard material on which a stream of liquid is designed to fall is called a " splash plate ". it may serve to protect the ground from erosion by falling water, such as beneath an artificial waterfall or water outlet in soft ground. splash plates are also part of spray nozzles, such as in irrigation sprinkler systems. see also - harold eugene edgerton, whose milkdrop coronet is arguably the most famous photograph of a splash - slosh, other free surface phenomenon - lei xu et al., " drop splashing on a dry smooth surface ", phys. rev. letts. ( 2005 )


| an aspect of fiscal policy | many countries have agreed with other countries in treaties to mitigate the effects of double taxation ( double tax avoidance agreement ). tax treaties may cover income taxes, inheritance taxes, value added taxes, or other taxes. besides bilateral treaties, also multilateral countries are in place : countries of the european union ( eu ) have also entered into a multilateral agreement with respect to value added taxes under auspices of the eu, while a joint treaty of the council of europe and the oecd exists open to all nations. tax treaties tend to reduce taxes of one treaty country for residents of the other treaty country in order to reduce double taxation of the same income. the provisions and goals vary highly ; very few tax treaties are alike. most treaties : - define which taxes are covered and who is a resident and eligible for benefits, - reduce the amounts of tax withheld from interest, dividends, and royalties paid by a resident of one country to residents of the other country, - limit tax of one country on business income of a resident of the other country to that income from a permanent establishment in the first country, - define circumstances in which income of individuals resident in one country will be taxed in the other country, including salary, self - employment, pension, and other income, - provide for exemption of certain types of organizations or individuals, and - provide procedural frameworks for enforcement and dispute resolution. the stated goals for entering into a treaty often include reduction of double taxation, eliminating tax evasion, and encouraging cross - border trade efficiency. it is generally accepted that tax treaties improve certainty for taxpayers and tax authorities in their international dealings. several governments and organizations have proposed model treaties to use as starting points in their own negotiations. the organisation for economic co - operation and development ( oecd ) model treaty is often used as such a starting point. the oecd members have from time to time agreed on various provisions of the model treaty, and the official commentary and member comments thereon serve as a guidance as to interpretation by each member country. tax residency in general, the benefits of tax treaties are available only to persons who are residents of one of the treaty countries. in most cases, a resident of a country is any person that is subject to tax under the domestic laws of that country by reason of domicile, residence, place of incorporation, or similar criteria. generally, individuals are considered resident under a tax treaty and subject to taxation where they maintain their primary place of abode. however, residence for treaty purposes


of that country by reason of domicile, residence, place of incorporation, or similar criteria. generally, individuals are considered resident under a tax treaty and subject to taxation where they maintain their primary place of abode. however, residence for treaty purposes extends well beyond the narrow scope of primary place of abode. for example, many countries also treat persons spending more than a fixed number of days in the country as residents. the united states includes citizens and green card holders, wherever living, as subject to taxation, and therefore as residents for tax treaty purposes. because residence is defined so broadly, most treaties recognize that a person could meet the definition of residence in more than one jurisdiction ( i. e., " dual residence " ) and provide a “ tie breaker ” clause. such clauses typically have a hierarchy of three to five tests for resolving multiple residency, typically including permanent abode as a major factor. tax residency rarely impacts citizenship or permanent resident status, though certain residency statuses under a country ' s immigration law may influence tax residency. entities may be considered resident based on their country of seat of management, their country of organization, or other factors. the criteria are often specified in a treaty, which may enhance or override local law. it is possible under most treaties for an entity to be resident in both countries, particularly where a treaty is between two countries that use different standards for residence under their domestic law. some treaties provide “ tie breaker ” rules for entity residency, some do not. residency is irrelevant in the case of some entities and / or types of income, as members of the entity rather than the entity are subject to tax. permanent establishment most treaties provide that business profits ( sometimes defined in the treaty ) of a resident of one country are subject to tax in the other country only if the profits arise through a permanent establishment in the other country. many treaties, however, address certain types of business profits ( such as directors ' fees or income from the activities of athletes and entertainers ) separately. such treaties also define what constitutes a permanent establishment ( pe ). most but not all tax treaties follow the definition of pe in the oecd model treaty. under the oecd definition, a pe is a fixed place of business through which the business of an enterprise is carried on. certain locations are specifically enumerated as examples of pes, including branches, offices, workshops, and others. specific exceptions from the definition of pe are also provided, such as a site where only preliminary or ancillary activities ( such as ware


certain locations are specifically enumerated as examples of pes, including branches, offices, workshops, and others. specific exceptions from the definition of pe are also provided, such as a site where only preliminary or ancillary activities ( such as warehousing of inventory, purchasing of goods, or collection of information ) are conducted. while in general tax treaties do not specify a period of time for which business activities must be conducted through a location before it gives rise to a pe, most oecd member countries do not find a pe in cases in which a place of business exists for less than six months, absent special circumstances. many treaties explicitly provide a longer threshold, commonly one year or more, for which a construction site must exist before it gives rise to a permanent establishment. in addition, some treaties, most commonly those in which at least one party is a developing country, contain provisions which deem a pe to exist if certain activities ( such as services ) are conducted for certain periods of time, even where a pe would not otherwise exist. even where a resident of one country does not conduct its business activities in another country through a fixed place or business, a pe may still be found to exist in that other country where the business is carried out through a person in that other country that has the authority to conclude contracts on behalf of the resident of the first country. thus, a resident of one country cannot avoid being treated as having a pe by acting through a dependent agent rather than conducting its business directly. however, carrying on business through an independent agent will generally not result in a pe. withholding taxes many tax systems provide for collection of tax from nonresidents by requiring payors of certain types of income to withhold tax from the payment and remit it to the government. such income often includes interest, dividends, royalties, and payments for technical assistance. most tax treaties reduce or eliminate the amount of tax required to be withheld with respect to residents of a treaty country. income from employment most treaties provide mechanisms eliminating taxation of residents of one country by the other country where the amount or duration of performance of services is minimal but also taxing the income in the country performed where it is not minimal. most treaties also provide special provisions for entertainers and athletes of one country having income in the other country, though such provisions vary highly. also most treaties provide for limits to taxation of pension or other retirement income. tax exemptions most treaties eliminate from taxation income of certain diplomatic personnel. most tax treaties also provide that certain entities exempt


income in the other country, though such provisions vary highly. also most treaties provide for limits to taxation of pension or other retirement income. tax exemptions most treaties eliminate from taxation income of certain diplomatic personnel. most tax treaties also provide that certain entities exempt from tax in one country are also exempt from tax in the other. entities typically exempt include charities, pension trusts, and government owned entities. many treaties provide for other exemptions from taxation that one or both countries as considered relevant under their governmental or economic system. harmonization of tax rates tax treaties usually specify the same maximum rate of tax that may be imposed on some types of income. as an example, a treaty may provide that interest earned by a nonresident eligible for benefits under the treaty is taxed at no more than five percent ( 5 % ). however, local law in some cases may provide a lower rate of tax irrespective of the treaty. in such cases, the lower local law rate prevails. provisions unique to inheritance taxes generally, income taxes and inheritance taxes are addressed in separate treaties. inheritance tax treaties often cover estate and gift taxes. generally fiscal domicile under such treaties is defined by reference to domicile as opposed to tax residence. such treaties specify what persons and property are subject to tax by each country upon transfer of the property by inheritance or gift. some treaties specify which party bears the burden of such tax, but often such determination relies on local law ( which may differ from country to country ). most inheritance tax treaties permit each country to tax domiciliaries of the other country on real property situated in the taxing country, property forming a part of a trade or business in the taxing country, tangible movable property situated in the taxing country at the time of transfer ( often excluding ships and aircraft operated internationally ), and certain other items. most treaties permit the estate or donor to claim certain deductions, exemptions, or credits in calculating the tax that might not otherwise be allowed to non - domiciliaries. double tax relief nearly all tax treaties provide a specific mechanism for eliminating it, but the risk of double taxation is still potentially present. this mechanism usually requires that each country grant a credit for the taxes of the other country to reduce the taxes of a resident of the country. the treaty may or may not provide mechanisms for limiting this credit, and may or may not limit the application of local law mechanisms to do the same. mutual enforcement taxpayers may relocate themselves and their assets to avoid paying taxes. some treaties


of the country. the treaty may or may not provide mechanisms for limiting this credit, and may or may not limit the application of local law mechanisms to do the same. mutual enforcement taxpayers may relocate themselves and their assets to avoid paying taxes. some treaties thus require each treaty country to assist the other in collection of taxes and other enforcement of their tax rules. most tax treaties include, at a minimum, a requirement that the countries exchange of information needed to foster enforcement. tax information exchange agreement the purpose of this agreement is to promote international co - operation in tax matters through exchange of information. it was developed by the oecd global forum working group on effective exchange of information. the working group consisted of representatives from oecd member countries as well as delegates from aruba, bermuda, bahrain, cayman islands, cyprus, isle of man, malta, mauritius, the netherlands antilles, the seychelles and san marino. the agreement grew out of the work undertaken by the oecd to address harmful tax practices. the lack of effective exchange of information is one of the key criteria in determining harmful tax practices. the mandate of the working group was to develop a legal instrument that could be used to establish effective exchange of information. the agreement represents the standard of effective exchange of information for the purposes of the oecd ’ s initiative on harmful tax practices. this agreement, which was released in april 2002, is not a binding instrument but contains two models for bilateral agreements. a number of bilateral agreements have been based on this agreement. dispute resolution nearly all tax treaties provide some mechanism under which taxpayers and the countries can resolve disputes arising under the treaty. generally, the government agency responsible for conducting dispute resolution procedures under the treaty is referred to as the “ competent authority ” of the country. competent authorities generally have the power to bind their government in specific cases. the treaty mechanism often calls for the competent authorities to attempt to agree in resolving disputes. limitations of benefits recent treaties of certain countries have contained an article intended to prevent " treaty shopping, " which is the inappropriate use of tax treaties by residents of third states. these limitation of benefits articles deny the benefits of the tax treaty to residents that do not meet additional tests. limitation of benefits articles vary widely from treaty to treaty, and are often quite complex. the treaties of some countries, such as the united kingdom and italy, focus on subjective purpose for a particular transaction, denying benefits where the transaction was entered into in order to obtain benefits under the treaty. other countries, such as the united states, focus on the objective characteristics of


, such as the united kingdom and italy, focus on subjective purpose for a particular transaction, denying benefits where the transaction was entered into in order to obtain benefits under the treaty. other countries, such as the united states, focus on the objective characteristics of the party seeking benefits. generally, individuals and publicly traded companies and their subsidiaries are not adversely impacted by the provisions of a typical limitation of benefits provision in a u. s. tax treaty. with respect to other entities, the provisions tend to deny benefits where an entity seeking benefits is not sufficiently owned by residents of one of the treaty countries ( or, in the case of treaties with members of a unified economic bloc such as the european union or nafta, by " equivalent beneficiaries " in the same group of countries ). even where entities are not owned by qualified residents, however, benefits are often available for income earned from the active conduct of a trade or business. priority of law treaties are considered the supreme law of many countries. in those countries, treaty provisions fully override conflicting domestic law provisions. for example, many eu countries could not enforce their group relief schemes under the eu directives. in some countries, treaties are considered of equal weight to domestic law. in those countries, a conflict between domestic law and the treaty must be resolved under the dispute resolution mechanisms of either domestic law or the treaty. - pension tax relief - australian tax treaties - barbados tax treaties - canada income tax treaties - dutch tax treaties - mauritius tax treaties - singapore tax treaties - united kingdom tax treaties - u. s. income tax treaties - list of u. s. estate and gift tax treaties - the exchange of tax information portal - agreements on tariffs, while technically tax treaties, are generally called agreements on tariffs and trade. - see, e. g., the speech by professor mcintyre of michigan ' s wayne state university. - " comments by new zealand revenue minister ". government of new zealand. - " model treaty ". oecd. - " official commentary ". oecd. - see, e. g., the oecd model tax convention on income and on capital, article 1 ( " oecd model " ) - see, e. g., oecd model, article 4. - see, e. g., the treaty between canada and belgium, article 4. - see, e. g., 26 u. s. c. sec. 7701 ( b ) for the u. s. " substantial presence " test for residency


e. g., the treaty between canada and belgium, article 4. - see, e. g., 26 u. s. c. sec. 7701 ( b ) for the u. s. " substantial presence " test for residency. - see 26 u. s. c. sec. 7701 ( a ) ( 30 ) - see, e. g., the canada / belgium treaty, supra. - see, e. g., the u. s. irs explanation of residency regarding the " green card test ". - see, e. g., the canada revenue agency discussion, and the canada / belgium treaty, supra, which defines resident by reference to local law. - see, e. g., the old treaty between the united states and the former union of soviet socialist republics, which is still in force between the u. s. and several of the former soviet republics. - see, e. g., the u. s. irs explanation of taxation of foreign partners of partnerships with a u. s. trade or business. - contrast the u. s. / italy treaty using exact oecd language with the u. s. / india treaty that has numerous special provisions. - 2008 oecd model, article 5 ( 1 ) - commentary to 2008 oecd model, ¶ 6 - 2008 oecd model, article 5 ( 3 ) - 2008 oecd model, article 5 ( 5 ) - 2008 oecd model, article 5 ( 6 ) - examples include the u. s. and singapore. - see, e. g., the singapore / india treaty. - see, e. g., the singapore / india treaty, article 15, which has a 183 day rule and a flat 15 % tax rate where services go beyond 183 days. this treaty contains all of the provisions mentioned. - see, e. g., the u. s. / canada treaty articles xix and xxi. - see, e. g., the ireland / u. s. treaty, under which dividend withholding is limited to 5 % or 15 %, depending on ownership levels, but where ireland tax law imposes no withholding tax on qualifying recipients. - see, e. g., treaties between the u. s. and france regarding income taxes and estate and gift taxes. the provisions of this treaty reflect typical patterns, and incorporate all of the features mentioned in this section. - see, e. g.,


1911 encyclopædia britannica / slidell, john | ←sleigh | | 1911 encyclopædia britannica, volume 25 | see also john slidell on wikipedia, and our 1911 encyclopædia britannica disclaimer. | slidell, john ( 1793 - 1871 ), american political leader and diplomatist, was born in new york city in 1793. he graduated from columbia college in 1810, engaged in business for a short time, then studied law, and became one of the leaders of the bar at new orleans, louisiana, where he settled permanently in 1825. he was a member of the national house of representatives as a state ' s rights democrat from 1843 to 1845, when he resigned and was sent by president polk on a secret mission to mexico, with power to adjust the difficulties growing out of the annexation of texas to the united states, and to acquire by purchase both new mexico ( including the present arizona, ) and upper california. he was not, however, received by the mexican government. from 1853 to 1861 he was a representative of louisiana in the united states senate, and was an influential working member of important committees, though he seldom took part in debate. during this period he was intimately associated with james buchanan, and is supposed to have had an important part in bringing about buchanan ' s nomination for the presidency in 1856. when louisiana seceded in 1861, slidell withdrew from the senate, and late in 1861 was sent by the confederate government as commissioner to france. with james m. mason ( q. v. ), the confederate commissioner to england, he was taken from the british steamer “ trent ” by captain charles wilkes of the united states navy, and was imprisoned at fort warren in boston harbour. in january 1862, at the demand of england, the confederate commissioners were released, and slidell proceeded to france. his mission there was to secure the recognition of the confederate states ; in this he was unsuccessful, but he was able to keep france sympathetic, and to help to secure supplies for the confederate army and navy. after the war he remained abroad, settling in england, and his daughter married a french nobleman. he died in london on the 29th of july 1871.


coleman, sa and nichols, e ( 2011 ) embedding inquiry based learning into programming via paired assessment. italics, 10 ( 1 ). pp. 72 - 77. [ journal article ] full text not available from this repository. changes within our approach to teaching can make some students feel uncomfortable. to overcome this, inquiry based learning, which is strongly supported by research in the areas of intellectual development and approaches to learning ( prince, 2007 ), can be used. inquiry based approaches should be introduced in combination with existing teaching styles in order to address the needs of all students. pair programming enhances the communication among peers and encourages students to ask questions of each other and be more ambitious in their computer programming practicals. the students subsequently gain confidence from one another to try different approaches to solving programming problems ; this enhances deeper learning. additionally, working in pairs provides some students with the courage to ask questions of the teacher while with their pair, which they may not do alone. this paper presents a case study on using pair programming to encourage inquiry based learning within programming modules, to improve attendance and practical assessment results. | item type : | | journal article | | faculties and schools : | | faculty of computing & engineering | faculty of computing & engineering > school of computing and intelligent systems | research institutes and groups : | | computer science research institute | computer science research institute > intelligent systems research centre | deposited by : | | dr sonya coleman | | deposited on : | | 11 jul 2011 09 : 06 | | last modified : | | 11 jul 2011 09 : 06 | repository staff only : item control page


the set of hamming codes are called ' forward error correction ' and give the ability for the receiving station to correct a transmission error. while this takes more bits to send the information, it means fewer retransmits and thus can actually speed up a noisy connection. the number of parity bits in the hamming code is given by the hamming rule. this is a function of the number of bits of information transmitted in a block and is represented by the following inequality : d + p + 1 > = 2p ' d ' is the number of data bits and ' p ' is the number of parity bits. hamming codes are identified by the ordered set ( c, d ) where ' c ' = ' d ' + ' p '. the hamming code ( 7, 4 ) is the classic example used which describes a word of 4 data bits long and 3 error check bits. this satisfies the above inequality : 4 + 3 + 1 > = 23 the hamming code word is created by multiplying the data bits by a generator matrix using modulo - 2 arithmetic. the result of this is called a code word vector which consists of the original data bits and the parity bits. the generator matrix used in constructing the hamming code consists of i ( the identity matrix ) and a parity generation matrix a. for a data size of 4 the following matrix is created : 1 0 0 0 | 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 | 0 1 1 g = 0 0 1 0 | 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 | 1 1 0 multiplying a 4 bit vector ( d1, d2, d3, d4 ) by g results in a 7 bit vector of the form ( d1, d2, d3, d4, p1, p2, p3 ). the a portion is what generates the parity bits. if the selection of the columns of a are unique, it is true that ( p1, p2, p3 ) is the parity calculations of three distinct subsets of the original data. to validate the code word, it is necessary to multiply the data word by ' h ' which is the [ inverse a | i ] check to form the parity check vector. h r | 1 | s | 1 0 1 1 | 1 0 0 | | 0 | | 0 | | 1 1 0 1 | 0 1 0 | * | 1 | = | 0 | | 1 1 1 0 | 0 0 1 |