whether you have many tattoos or would never consider getting one, you may be surprised to learn that 40 % of americans between the ages 26 - 40 and 36 % between ages 18 - 25 have at least one tattoo. once associated with marginalized, oppressed, victimized or transient groups in the population, tattoos are increasingly part of mainstream culture. americans spend $ 1. 65 billion dollars annually on tattoos. while the reasons for tattoos are as varied as the people who choose to get them, certain trends have been identified. one is the choice of a tattoo in the aftermath of trauma. - across generations and wars, those in the military have used tattoos as tributes to fallen comrades. - in the aftermath of 9 / 11, civilians and firefighters throughout the world choose tattoos as an indelible reminder of the terrorist assault, the courage of first responders and the loss of so many. - sociologists, glen gentry and derek alderman estimate that there are thousands of katrina and new orleans - related tattoos reflecting both horrific images of crumbling buildings and gushing floodwater, as well as signs and symbols of a beloved city. - in the wake of the unprecedented destruction from hurricane sandy, tattoos and tattoo fundraisers have emerged. the message of one seems particularly meaningful - “ hold steadfast. ” do these tattoos have healing potential? a close consideration suggests that both the reasons and the choice of tattoos reflect many of the factors associated with recovery after trauma. healing from the body out - whether a traumatic event involves a car accident, escape from freezing floodwaters or the loss of a child, it is registered in our body in terms of the survival reflexes of fight, flight and freeze. - encoded under these conditions, our memory of the traumatic event is not registered as narrative, but as fragments of highly charged visual images, bodily feelings, tactile sensations or sensory reactivity to reminders of the event. - as such, trauma experts encourage us to work from the body out in the course of recovery and healing — to attend to the sensations, senses, and images that carry the imprint of trauma. the tattoo ’ s use of the body to register a …


david biello is the associate editor for environment and energy at scientific american. follow on twitter the world is waiting for a clean revolution, a shift away from the greenhouse gas - emitting, mountain - leveling, air - polluting, fossil - fuel burning way of life. the world may have to wait a long time if past energy transitions are anything to go by, according to environmental scientist vaclav smil of the university of manitoba — especially since fossil fuel energy is so cheap. " energy is dirt cheap. oil is cheaper than any mineral you can buy, " smil noted. " the percent of disposable income devoted to energy is about 10 percent. " smil spoke at the recent equinox summit at the perimeter insitute in waterloo, ontario, which was specifically charged with devising a new energy scenario for 2030, one that would cut greenhouse gas emissions while extending modern energy to the billions of people who lack it today. the summit called for a range of options, from power plants that harvest energy from hot rocks to solar - battery combos for rural electrification. the only problem : all of those resources require fossil fuels to build in the first place. steel and cement — the essential substrate of energy equipment and cities — require coal ( or, even worse, charcoal ) to be burned. cheap plastic photovoltaics require polymers made from oil. the fertilizer that feeds a global population of seven billion requires the conversion of natural gas to more than 140 million tons of ammonia per year. even advanced nuclear reactors would need large, oil - burning machines to mine the uranium or thorium fuel. " a wind turbine is a pure embodiment of power from fossil fuels, " smil noted. " we are fundamentally a fossil fuel civilization. everything around us we have fossil fuels to thank for. " nor is the world in danger of finishing off the supply of fossil fuels anytime soon. " instead of running out of gas, we ran into gas in the shale, " smil said. " we ’ re not running out of anything on a human scale. " that may be a good thing since the alternatives currently on offer — such as biofuels to substitute for oil - derived fuels — can do more harm than good. " it ’ s insane. it ’ s taking food from the mouths of babies, " smil said. " it ’ s a make work project for farmers. " plus it took three decades, tens of billions of dollars in subsidies and a dead zone in the gulf


insane. it ’ s taking food from the mouths of babies, " smil said. " it ’ s a make work project for farmers. " plus it took three decades, tens of billions of dollars in subsidies and a dead zone in the gulf of mexico ( a result of fertilizer run - off ) to allow ethanol from corn — the most productive per hectare crop on the planet — to supply 10 percent of u. s. car fuel. and that ’ s relatively fast ; liquefied natural gas took more than 150 years from conceptual discovery to actual shipments, a timespan similar to the shift from wood to coal, for example. " we should focus our resources and attention on what has the best chance to succeed, " smil said. " that ’ s not biofuels, that ’ s not wind. it is pv, " or photovoltaic modules for converting light energy to electricity. and what has an even better chance of success — and immediate impact — is reforming the current energy system, whether through better building codes that require more insulation and triple - pane windows or making the most efficient use of fossil fuels. after all, if all of canada switched to more than 90 percent efficient natural gas furnaces, the country would produce 40 percent less co2. " there is no renewable energy that will get you 40 percent less carbon on a scale like that, " smil said. " changing furnaces is an energy transition. "


there ’ s a third more carbon dioxide in the air than at the start of the industrial revolution. the carbon acts like insulation in the atmosphere, or like glass in a greenhouse — that ’ s why it ’ s called a greenhouse gas – and it is warming the air, which warms the seas. the current carbon dioxide concentration is higher than it has been for several million years and rising 100 times faster than any time in the past 650, 000 years. warmer ocean water is already having dramatic effects. some corals bleach and die when water gets too warm for too long. bleaching means corals eject algae cells that live inside them and provide them with food and often color. what happens to reefs will affect the hundreds of millions of people worldwide who depend on reefs for food and income. ocean warming and higher air temperatures also melt polar ice. as polar ice melts, animals that need ice suffer. polar bears, some seals and many penguins require ice to live. at the base of the antarctic food web, shrimp - like krill require ice and they are vital food sources for many antarctic whales, seals, seabirds, and fishes. melting land - ice, such as glaciers, raises sea levels. ( sea ice is already displacing all the water it will displace, and like ice cubes in a drink, sea ice does not raise sea level when it melts. ) meanwhile, as seawater warms it expands a little, also raising sea levels. global sea level rise threatens coastal habitat – both marine environments and human settlements. because such a large proportion of people live within 50 miles of a coast, it ’ s estimated that over 600 million people — roughly one in ten people on earth, will be directly affected by sea level rise. entire island nations in the south pacific may disappear beneath the waves as the ocean envelops them. rising sea levels threaten habitats such as coral reefs and coastal mangroves, as well as low islands relied upon by many millions of breeding seabirds. the solution : we need an energy economy based on renewable energy, especially energy sources that do not have to be burned, such as the power of the sun, wind, tides, and the heat of the earth — the power that drives the whole planet. 3 things you can do to curb ocean warming : 1. conserve energy at home and at work. 2. switch to renewable energy whenever possible. 3. change your driving habits to conserve fuel – walk, ride a bike or carpool. other great ways


things you can do to curb ocean warming : 1. conserve energy at home and at work. 2. switch to renewable energy whenever possible. 3. change your driving habits to conserve fuel – walk, ride a bike or carpool. other great ways you can make a difference. links & videos warming 101 – carl ’ s blog baked alaska – carl ’ s blog global warming – national wildlife foundation coral reef bleaching affects fish communities – science daily coral reef bleaching impacts – coral reef resilience global climate change & krill – antarctic krill conservation project polar bear habitat 2010 warmest year on record – usa today aquarius ocean circulation, nasa until now, researchers did not have a full set of data on ocean salinity and how it impacts climate change. climate change affects everything, state of the world ’ s oceans climate change affects everything. all the organisms that live in the ocean are used to being bathed in it, are used to its temperature, are used to where the ocean currents flow and all those things change with global climate change. coral bleaching firsthand, penn state research iliana baums, an assistant professor of biology at penn state, dons scuba gear for work. she studies coral reef ecosystems, the “ forests of the oceans, ” diverse habitats that are vital to many species of ocean life. warming ocean temperatures disrupt that ecosystem and cause episodes of coral bleaching,


bryn mawr classical review 2007. 04. 68 corinne ondine pache, baby and child heroes in ancient greece. urbana and chicago : university of illinois press, 2004. pp. 234 ; b / w figs. 68. isbn 0 - 252 - 02929 - 1. $ 40. 00. reviewed by lesley a. beaumont, university of sydney ( email @ example. com ) word count : 3897 words [ the reviewer apologises for the lateness of this review. ] while the subject of ancient greek hero cult has long been popular among classical scholars, pache ' s work is the first monograph to focus specifically on child heroes. the volume is divided into six chapters which treat the children of medea, the children of herakles, linos and demophon, pelops, opheltes - arkhemoros, and melikertes - palaimon. each chapter systematically deals with the ancient literary sources for the myths in question, the iconographic evidence, and the archaeological and ancient literary material that relate to the cult and ritual established for each hero. the chronological boundaries of the study are broad, covering the homeric to roman periods, and the work ranges spatially across the ancient greek world. discussion of the evidence is close and detailed, and the book will be of greatest use to the interested specialist. in her introduction p. underscores the difference between adult and child heroes : namely, that while the former are usually defined by their actions in life, the latter derive their hero status not from their deeds but rather from their untimely death. she defines child heroes as those who die, usually by violent or unnatural means, before reaching puberty and who, following their death, are immortalised and elevated to the status of hero. she also offers a brief overview of earlier seminal work on adult heroes and their cults, and attempts to explain the previous scarcity of scholarly comment on child heroes in part as a result of academic approaches that viewed heroes either as " powerful dead human beings or minor, local, highly specialized demoted gods " ( 4 ), categories into which heroised children could not easily be fitted. she further stresses the importance for our understanding of the meaning of child heroes and their cult of a multi - disciplinary approach that gives equal consideration to the primary evidence of ancient literature, art and archaeology. chapter 1 begins the study by examining the children of medea. p. deals first with the evidence of the ancient literary sources for the development of the myth : her


approach that gives equal consideration to the primary evidence of ancient literature, art and archaeology. chapter 1 begins the study by examining the children of medea. p. deals first with the evidence of the ancient literary sources for the development of the myth : her scope is wide, ranging from the early greek version of eumelos, as retold by pausanias, to latin authors. two main variants of the myth are emphasised : one in which medea herself kills her children, and one in which the corinthians are responsible for their death and are punished by the loss of their own children. in both cases, the slaughter of the children of medea requires atonement to be made by the establishment of funeral rites for the children. in contrast to the dual co - existing literary variants of the myth, the surviving visual representations depict medea alone as the children ' s killer, while the corinthians escape blame. all extant images date to post 400 bc and occur on south italian, or less commonly etruscan, red - figure ceramics, in roman wall paintings from pompeii and herculaneum, or in roman relief sculpture, which includes sarcophagi : p. believes them all to be related to dramatic versions of the myth. the chapter closes with a discussion of the evidence for the cult of the children of medea, and p. first revisits the scholarly debate concerning whether the cult was located at corinth or at perachora : on balance p. favours placing the cult in the sanctuary of hera akraia at perachora. while noting that we know very little about the children ' s cult, p. underscores not only the expiatory and mourning aspects of the rites but also the initiatory elements expressed in the year - long segregation of fourteen corinthian children and their subjection to hair cutting and the donning of special garments. chapter 2 deals with the children of herakles. p. first examines the numerous ancient literary sources for the myth, according to most of which herakles himself in a fit of madness slays his own offspring. p. notes two main variants of the myth : one in which herakles slaughters the children with weapons such as arrows or club ( euripides, seneca, moskhos, diodoros ) and an alternative version in which he throws the children into a fire ( pherekydes, apollodoros ). the latter variant can perhaps be connected


arrows or club ( euripides, seneca, moskhos, diodoros ) and an alternative version in which he throws the children into a fire ( pherekydes, apollodoros ). the latter variant can perhaps be connected to pindar ' s isthmian 4, which, in focussing on the theban cult of the sons of herakles rather than the myth, tells of a night time fire ritual held in their honour. though pindar does not specify that these were the children slain by herakles, p. reasonably points to this being the case, and further links to the children the establishment of theban athletic contests also mentioned by pindar, thus seeing here the same pattern of expiatory funerary games that in her subsequent chapters becomes evident for other child heroes. though no archaeological evidence for the theban cult survives, pausanias records the presence at thebes of a tomb of the children of herakles. p. stresses the recurrence of themes seen already in the myth of medea ' s children, such as parental violence and the need to compensate for the children ' s deaths, and points out other links between the herakles and medea stories : notably that when medea flees to thebes following the slaughter of her own offspring, she there encounters the maddened herakles, who has killed his sons, and proceeds to cure him of his madness. in terms of the visual portrayal of the sons of herakles, p. notes that both main variants of the myth are represented, with herakles seen either throwing his children into the fire or killing them with a weapon. while the visual sources for the myth are few, and consist of mainly late fourth - century bc south italian figure decorated ceramics, an alternative schema to the slaughter theme is the depiction of the already dead children in the underworld, shown together with their mother megara and often accompanied by herakles, himself engaged in one of his expiatory labours. chapter 3 treats linos and demophon, two children who die untimely deaths but who, as a result, are heroised by the direct actions of the gods : apollo in the case of linos, and demeter in the case of demophon. p. begins with the myth of linos, the fullest account of which is provided by konon in the first century bc. indeed, with no extant visual representations of the story, and no surviving archaeological evidence for the cult, the primary sources


p. begins with the myth of linos, the fullest account of which is provided by konon in the first century bc. indeed, with no extant visual representations of the story, and no surviving archaeological evidence for the cult, the primary sources for the myth and ritual of this child hero rest solely on the ancient literary accounts. the myth and cult of medea ' s children is centred on corinth, and that of herakles ' children on thebes. with linos, however, the focus is shifted to argos, where psamathe, daughter of king krotopos, gave birth to the child following her liaison with apollo. fearful of her father ' s reaction, psamathe exposes the baby, who is taken into the care of a shepherd until attacked and killed by the sheepdogs of the king. krotopos, meanwhile, puts psamathe to death for her lack of chastity and apollo, in response, visits a plague on the argives. p. here draws a comparison between the narrative of the death of linos and that of the children of medea, given that punishment for the unjust deaths is visited on the living community and requires atonement to be made via the foundation of an annual civic festival. accordingly, the argives offer prayers and sing a dirge ( the ' linos ' ) for linos and weep for both the child and his mother. they also name one of their months ' arneios ', because linos was raised among lambs, and at the festival of arnis they sacrifice as many dogs as they can find. though p. makes little further comment on this festival, it would have here been worth noting the archaeological evidence for apparent dog sacrifice found elsewhere in association with deceased children : i think here primarily of the hellenistic well in the athenian agora which contained remains of 450 foetuses, neonates, or infants, together with the bones of more than 130 dogs. 1 p. then turns to demophon, who, like linos, is absent from the extant visual sources, but whose myth is recounted most fully in the homeric hymn to demeter. here metaneira, queen of eleusis, commits her son demophon to the care of demeter, who begins the process of immortalising the child by placing him in a fire in order to purify him of mortal corruption. when the horrified metaneira witnesses this, she interrupts demeter and thus brings to a


care of demeter, who begins the process of immortalising the child by placing him in a fire in order to purify him of mortal corruption. when the horrified metaneira witnesses this, she interrupts demeter and thus brings to a halt the immortalisation of her son. demophon, as a result, is destined to die, but demeter decrees that he is to become the recipient of a hero cult. the cult includes a ritual fight, which p. connects to the eleusinian games, thus placing demophon in a category of child heroes honoured by the foundation of athletic competitions. the concept of the immortalisation of children by fire is a fascinating one, and p. observes that this is exactly what thetis tried with the baby achilles until interrupted by peleus. she also notes that the term katakryptein ( conceal ) is used both in the homeric hymn to demeter, when the goddess plunges demophon into the fire, and again in the pausanias - related account of eumelos when medea conceals her children in the sanctuary of hera, expressly in order to immortalise them. p. thus sees a pattern emerging in the myths of demophon and the children of medea where fire is an agent of immortalisation, and connects this also to the theban fire rituals held in honour of the children of herakles. p. further astutely points out the similarities of the demophon story with that of the egyptian isis and the child of astarte, as related by plutarch. isis, searching for her husband osiris ( as demeter searches for persephone ), comes to byblos where the queen entrusts her with one of her children ( as metaneira entrusts demophon to demeter ). in an attempt to immortalise the child, isis immerses the infant in fire, but is interrupted by the queen ( as was the case with demeter, demophon and metaneira ). in the context of these tales and rituals of immortalisation of children by fire, i found myself contemplating the phoenician ritual practice of burning young children in the fire, a practice usually referred to by modern scholars as ' infant sacrifice '. if, however, the concept of fire as an agent employed in order to purify a child of mortality was as widespread across the mediterranean as the myths of demophon and the children of astarte suggest, it is perhaps possible that the phoenic


however, the concept of fire as an agent employed in order to purify a child of mortality was as widespread across the mediterranean as the myths of demophon and the children of astarte suggest, it is perhaps possible that the phoenician practice of infant immolation was also intended to immortalise and heroise the child via its untimely physical death. chapter 3 closes with a skilful weaving together of the threads linking linos, demophon, and the children of astarte. having pointed out the close parallels between the myths of demophon and astarte ' s children, p. observes the link established by herodotos between linos and maneros, the oldest of astarte ' s offspring. when maneros dies of fear under the terrible gaze of isis, the goddess institutes a cult for the dead child, a cult which involves the singing by the living of a mourning dirge, which herodotos states is one and the same as the ' linos ' song. thus p. underscores the widespread importance of mourning rituals in the cults observed for child heroes. in chapter 4, p. deals with the unusual case of pelops, whom she suggests provides the link between the local child hero cults treated thus far, and the panhellenic athletic festivals established in honour of the baby heroes whom she discusses in chapters 5 and 6. beginning with the literary accounts of the myth, she notes that pelops is both reported as dying a childish untimely death when killed by his father tantalos and served as dinner to the gods, an act that resulted in the establishment of expiatory games in his honour, and yet he is also claimed to have been brought back to life subsequently by the gods. later as an adult, he competes against oinomaos for the hand of hippodameia and is credited with founding the olympic games in compensation for oinomaos ' unjust demise during the chariot race. p. discusses the archaeological evidence for the shrine of pelops at olympia, centred according to pindar olympian 1 on the tomb of the hero, and located between the heraion and the temple of zeus, though she notes difficulties involved in determining when the cult was first established. in terms of the visual representations of the young pelops killed by his father and later revived by the gods, p. points to a number of figured lekythoi depicting adolescent boys in cauldrons. none of these can, however,


in terms of the visual representations of the young pelops killed by his father and later revived by the gods, p. points to a number of figured lekythoi depicting adolescent boys in cauldrons. none of these can, however, be identified as pelops with any certainty, and p. discusses the not uncommon mythological motif of a cauldron used as a means of either killing or reviving a child ( pelops, melikertes, learkhos, child of lykaon ), dependent on whether the cauldron is under the control of an adult male or female respectively. we might add here the observation that it is again the fire that heats the cauldron that is thus implicitly identified as an agent of immortalisation. chapters 5 and 6, which account for half of the book ' s total length, deal in detail with opheltes - arkhemoros and melikertes - palaimon, the child heroes of the panhellenic nemean and isthmian games respectively. in her account and analysis of the myth of opheltes - arkehemoros, p. focuses largely on the evidence of bacchylides, euripides and statius. the seven against thebes come to nemea and, in their search for water, encounter baby opheltes with his nurse hypsipyle. in order to assist them, hypsipyle leaves opheltes alone in a meadow, where the child picks flowers and falls asleep, only to be attacked and killed by a great serpent. in response, amphiaraos founds funeral games for opheltes who, raised to the status of hero, is renamed arkhemoros. as p. makes clear, pointing not only to the story of opheltes but also to that of persephone, the flowery meadows of ancient greece were potentially dangerous places closely associated with the underworld. she also notes the close association in greek myth of sleep with death, underscoring the particular risks of sleep for young babies, and goes on to an insightful discussion of the expression in ancient and modern lullabies of parental fears concerning the vulnerability of young children to the threat of death. the iconographical sources depicting the baby opheltes range from south italian red - figure vessels of the fourth century bc to first and second century ad stone reliefs, argive coins and a fresco. the most common representational schema is that of the baby


the mother of melikertes, threw herself into the sea together with the child, for reasons that vary depending on the source consulted. when melikertes ' body is brought ashore by a dolphin, sisyphos establishes funeral games in honour of the dead child who, now elevated to the status of a hero, becomes known as palaimon. prior to the roman period, iconographic sources for the narrative are few, though p. illustrates an interesting hellenistic silver plate, which depicts ino suckling her infant while riding on the back of a triton, a rare representation in ancient greek art of a nursing child. most of the later images appear, not surprisingly, on first - and second - century ad roman coins from corinth : these most frequently depict either the baby melikertes in ino ' s arms or a child riding a dolphin. a few coins from the second and third centuries ad almost certainly record the contemporary shrine of melikertes - palaimon at isthmia, and can be read in conjunction with the excavated evidence of the isthmian palaimonion and with pausanias ' s description of this same heroon. the coins depict a round temple with colonnade : sometimes a statue of melikertes riding the dolphin is visible within the temple and frequently a door appears in the base of the building. thus placed, this door accords with pausanias ' s reference to the existence in the palaimonion at isthmia of an underground adyton where, he tells us, binding oaths were sworn. while the earliest archaeological evidence recovered at isthmia of a heroon built for the child dates to the roman period, the evidence presented by plutarch of a night time contest held in honour of melikertes attests to the much earlier existence of cultic activity for the child. both plutarch ' s observation of nocturnal rituals and also the later evidence of pausanias and the coins for a subterranean adyton, accord well with the archaeological recovery from the palaimonion of a large number of uniquely shaped lamps, thus confirming the central importance of the performance of night time cult activity in the child ' s honour. p. might here have further drawn attention to the recurrence of night and darkness as a significant feature in the cult of a number of the child heroes examined : that is, not only in the case of melikertes - palaimon, but also in the night time fire rituals


the recurrence of night and darkness as a significant feature in the cult of a number of the child heroes examined : that is, not only in the case of melikertes - palaimon, but also in the night time fire rituals held for the children of herakles at thebes, and in the nocturnal attempted immortalisation by fire of demophon by demeter and of the child of astarte by isis. p. does, however, underscore in the cult of melikertes - palaimon the features of lament, mourning and sacrifice commonly found in the rites of many child heroes, and stresses the pattern of the foundation of expiatory athletic ( funerary ) games that we have witnessed already in the case of herakles, demophon, pelops, and opheltes - arkhemoros. she also points to the evidence of plutarch, philostratos and ailios aristeides for the practice at the isthmian palaimonion of secret rituals of an initiatory character, and compares these to the initiatory elements of the cult of medea ' s children, also located within corinthian territory. p. further stresses that the cult of melikertes - palaimon, although most famous at isthmia, was not localised in the same way as that of the other child heroes she treats : palaimon was also revered on tenedos and in asia minor, and she explains this wide geographic presence of his cult as a result of the manner of his death at sea, which allowed multiple communities to claim discovery of the child ' s body. a major underlying, and oft - repeated, hypothesis of the book is that the myths and cults of the child heroes discussed gave expression to parental anxiety and guilt related to the death of children, particularly in those cases such as the offspring of medea or herakles, where a parent was directly or indirectly responsible for the child ' s demise. however, the basis upon which this psychoanalytical model is constructed is never properly justified by the author, nor is any comment made to the effect that greek myth conversely many times tells of parents threatened or murdered by their children, thus raising the possibility that mythological narrative provided a vehicle for the expression of the tensions that existed between the generations. p. ' s rather ungrounded hypothesis is thus open to the criticism that she appears to reflect back onto antiquity our own deeply - felt twenty - first


possibility that mythological narrative provided a vehicle for the expression of the tensions that existed between the generations. p. ' s rather ungrounded hypothesis is thus open to the criticism that she appears to reflect back onto antiquity our own deeply - felt twenty - first century western societal and parental feelings of guilt towards children. in this context it is important to recognise significant differences between the contemporary west and ancient greece : notably that in ancient greece the reality of infant mortality was an ever - present and accepted part of life, and further that the intentional exposure of infants was, at least in parts of greece in certain periods, an act consciously engaged in at the societal or parental level. while parental anxiety concerning a wanted child ' s survival and future may have been real enough, the emotional or psychological response of guilt suggested by p. to have been engendered by a child ' s death is, therefore, worth debating. p. is, however, on much safer theoretical ground when she observes that " narratives of child heroes... stress the dangers inherent in childhood and making the transition to adulthood " ( 6 ), and in this context the initiatory rituals present in child hero cults and further the iconographic presentation noted by p. of opheltes - arkhemoros and melikertes - palaimon as infants before their death and as older children or adolescents once immortalised are highly significant. religious ritual and the heroisation of mythological children must thus surely have provided a psychological and practical focus for worshippers, both for juveniles experiencing their passage through childhood and also for adults managing the harsh reality of raising children in the classical world. p. concludes her study on a strong note by commenting that " vernant describes epic as not only a literary genre, but also as ' one of the institutions the greeks developed to give an answer to the problem of death in order to acculturate death and integrate it into social thought and life. ' ( j. - p. vernant, mortals and immortals : collected essays ( 1991 ), 86 ) this definition could just as well describe the institution of hero cult, which makes sense of the meaningless of death by effectively keeping the hero alive through poetry as well as through cult rituals " ( 182 - 3 ). this is a welcome addition to the existing scholarly literature on heroes and hero cult, and p. does us a service not only by her collection in one place of ancient literary and iconographic sources for each myth considered, but also by her careful analysis of, and commentary on, the common


existing scholarly literature on heroes and hero cult, and p. does us a service not only by her collection in one place of ancient literary and iconographic sources for each myth considered, but also by her careful analysis of, and commentary on, the common aspects of the cultic rituals practised for child heroes. the book is not, however, an easy read : as p. explains, her monograph grew out of her doctoral thesis, and the resulting book still bears the hallmark of the dissertation, with the minutiae of detailed argument sometimes engaged in at the cost of the bigger picture. chapters are often of markedly, and unnecessarily, uneven length and vary widely in their depth of discussion : that on pelops, for example, is accorded only eleven pages while that on opheltes - arkhemoros extends to forty pages, not all of which are equally enlightening. only a handful of pertinent references are absent from the otherwise excellent bibliography. 2 1. s. i. rotroff, aja 103 ( 1999 ), 284 - 5 : l. m. little, aja 103 ( 1999 ), 284 : l. m. snyder, aja 103 ( 1999 ), 284 : m. a. liston & j. k. papadopoulos, hesperia 73 ( 2004 ), 23 - 26. 2. l. a. beaumont, " mythological childhood : a male preserve? ", bsa 90 ( 1995 ), 339 - 61. e. kearns, " between god and man : status and function of heroes and their sanctuaries " in a. schachter et al, le sanctuaire grec ( geneva, 1992 ), 65 - 107. b. menadier, " the sanctuary of hera akraia and its religious connections with corinth ", in r. hagg, ed. peloponnesian sanctuaries and cults. proceedings of the ninth international symposium at the swedish institute at athens, 11 - 13 june 1994 ( stockholm, 2002 ), 85 - 92. it should also be noted that g. ekroth ' s phd thesis, listed in p. ' s bibliography, has been published in a reworked form : g. ekroth, the sacrificial rituals of greek hero - cults in the archaic to the early hellenistic periods. kernos suppl. 12 ( liege, 2002 ).


the methodology is straightforward. you take your subject and slide them into an fmri machine, a humongous sleek, white ring, like a donut designed by apple. then you show the subject images of people engaging in social activities — shopping, talking, eating dinner. you flash 48 different photos in front of your subject ' s eyes, and ask them to figure out what emotions the people in the photos were probably feeling. all in all, it ' s a pretty basic neuroscience / psychology experiment. with one catch. the " subject " is a mature atlantic salmon. and it is dead. functional magnetic resonance imaging ( fmri ) is a powerful tool that allows us to capture incredible amounts of information about what happens in our brains. it ' s relatively new — neuroscientists began using fmri in the early 1990s — and it produces colorful images that help bring numbers to life for the general public. all of those things are strengths for fmri. unfortunately, they ' re also all weaknesses. new tools vastly expand our understanding of the human body... but they also mean that we have to develop new standards so that different studies using the same tool can actually be compared to one another. images of the human brain help make science more understandable... but they can also be incredibly misleading when the public doesn ' t have a good idea of what the pictures show. amassing vast quantities of information is great... but it also makes it easy to end up with false positives — coincidences of chance that look like something a lot more important. enter the dead salmon. in 2009, a team led by neuroscientist craig bennett and psychologist abigail baird ran an fmri experiment using the salmon as their subject. not only did they really put a dead ( and frozen ) fish into an fmri machine, later analysis of their data actually produced evidence of brain activity — as if the dead fish were thinking. it wasn ' t, of course. but bennett ' s and baird ' s research — which recently won a 2012 ignobel award — was meant to show how easily scientists can mislead themselves and why well - done statistics are vital. i got to speak with bennett and baird last week. in the interview, they talked about the study, how fmri really works, and what scientists have to do to make sure they can trust their own results. maggie koerth - baker : let ' s start with the basics. as a layperson, i see fmri images in the news


how fmri really works, and what scientists have to do to make sure they can trust their own results. maggie koerth - baker : let ' s start with the basics. as a layperson, i see fmri images in the news all the time, but i ' m not really certain that i could tell you how fmri works or what it ' s actually measuring. can you explain? craig bennett : we ' re not directly measuring activity in the brain. you ' d need electrodes implanted in the brain itself for that. we ' re actually measuring the amount of magnetic disruption in the brain. we use a trick of how brain and body work. oxygenated and deoxygenated blood have different magnetic properties. abigail baird : if a brain region is doing a lot of work it ' s probobably going to be bringing in a lot of oxygen through increased blood flow. the premise is that if an area is working harder it will need more nutrients and oxygen and that will be delivered through the blood. using blood flow as measure of brain activity is reliable, but it ' s a very slow response. true brain activity happens when cells are communicating using neurotransmitters and electricity. real, actual brain activity is measured with electrodes in the brain or someting like eeg that records electrical activity. the problem with doing that is that when you use eeg, you don ' t know exactly where the signal is coming from or what the signal means. fmri presupposes that brain activity relies on oxygen but there ' s a 4 - 6 second delay because that ' s how long it takes for the call for more blood to go out. it ' s a slow response and in a way it ' s a sloppy response. we ' re assuming that there are more leftovers here in spot a then spot b, so there must be brain activity here and not there. cb : the best description i ' ve heard is that it ' s like coming up on thhe scene of a car accident and being able to tell what happened based on the skid marks. we have to try to interpret by the changes what was going on when the activity happened. it ' s a proxy. mkb : so when we see those images with areas of the brain popping out in bright colors, that ' s not necessarily telling us that one part of the brain is active and the rest isn ' t. ab : i ' m so tired about hearing about " the brain lighting up ". it


areas of the brain popping out in bright colors, that ' s not necessarily telling us that one part of the brain is active and the rest isn ' t. ab : i ' m so tired about hearing about " the brain lighting up ". it makes it sound like you see lights in the head or something. that ' s not how the brain works. it suggests a fundamental misunderstanding of what fmri results mean. those beautiful colorful maps... they ' re probability maps. they show the likelihood of activity happening in a given area, not proof of activity. according to our analysis, there ' s a higher likelihood of this region using more blood because we found more deoxygenated blood in this area. it ' s also correlational. here ' s a time frame and the changes we ' d expect, so we see which bits of brain correlate with that. cb : we ' ve had methods to look inside the brain of a living human for decades, and we ' ve gotten quality science out of that method. what does fmri add? the big thing is spatial location, you can say where in the brain activity is happening to a much greater degree. it ' s really mostly about that. but what that buys you is the ability to produce really pretty maps of the brain. you get a greyscale image with the colored spots that indicate what ' s significant. but that ' s not showing brain activity, it ' s showing a statistic. i drew a line in the sand and said these dots are the ones that crossed the line. it makes for drammatic and pretty presentation of data. if you have a page of jargon people will believe it at a certain level. but if you put a picture of the brain with active voxels [ a three - dimensional pixel ] people will believe it even more because a picture of the brain is next to it. we have a powerful tool and ability to create dramatic persuasive figures. and we can use it in improper ways. mkb : so how do we know that the data we get from fmris is useful, at all? if it ' s just correlational, and doesn ' t really show you where activity is happening? cb : this is why we have to do tightly controlled experiments. to do it right, you ' ll take two conditions, almost exactly matched except for one critical thing. some of the studies i really like are visual studies. i could show you the same stimulus, say a flashing circle of light, but


experiments. to do it right, you ' ll take two conditions, almost exactly matched except for one critical thing. some of the studies i really like are visual studies. i could show you the same stimulus, say a flashing circle of light, but i ' d change the position of it. whether it ' s inn the top third or the bottom third of your field of vision. just by changing the position and comparing each position to each other you can see which parts of the brain are sensitive to each spot. that ' s a narrow study and a really good control. ab : more than a couple papers have been sesationalistic. there have been comparisons of republican and democratic brains. that ' s ridiculous and it ' s a misuse of fmri. it ' s not a specific enough question. mkb : can you explain what you mean by a specific question here? ab : in an fmri study you have to stimulate the brain in some way. so what are you showing the brain in order to make distinction between republicans and democrats? say it ' s pictures of people on welfare, and democrats showed more activation in one area and republicans in another. it doesn ' t actually tell you anything about democrats and republicans. those results might tell you something about compassion. or how we process compassion. but to say there are fundamental differences as a whole group between two groups of people, when there ' s so much variation within the group, it ' s just silly. i could get the same result... find big differences... with two groups of democrats. remember, the brain doesn ' t just light up and those images are showing statistics, not all activity. if you see the same thing in several different studies, you can trust it more. but you should be suspect of one study of a handful of people, especially if the question wasn ' t specific enough and the researchers just went fishing to see what would happen. also, what you ' re seeing is an average of the group, not each individual. you could have a group of 40 people and 39 out of the 40 show activity in one area, but that area might still get dropped from the final images because everybody didn ' t have it. so you need to consider the individuals, not just the group. mkb : let ' s get back to that dead salmon you worked with. if fmri is measuring changes in blood flow — or changes in oxygenation which indicate a change in blood flow — why would you see any signal at all in the brain of


we tend to call that a trend — something might be happening. that has held throughout history of psychology and neuroscience and it ' s pretty good. but we ' d never had any tools that produced the magnitude of data that fmri has. instead of making comparisons between two groups of 40 people, you ' re making comparisons between 100, 000 points in the brain and that. 01 no longer says as much because you have so much more information to work with. cb : here ' s my analogy, if i give you a dart and say, " try to hit the bullseye ", you have some chance of hitting it. your chance is not 0. but, depending on skill, you might hit more or less often. so you try the throw with one dart and hit on first throw, that ' s impressive. that ' s like finding a result. but if you only hit it once out of 100 tries, it ' s less impressive. in fmri it ' s like having 60, 000 darts you can throw. some will hit the bullseye by chance and we need to try to correct for that. we tend to set a threshold and say anything over is legitimate and anything under is not. but what our team found is that in a surey of literature, between 25 - 40 % of published papers were using an improper correction. you have a lot more chances of finding significance so you need to be more conservative of saying what is a legit result. ab : so if you have a really specific hypothesis you can stick to the traditional numbers. but if you don ' t know what you ' re looking for and you just want to see " what lights up ", then you ' re getting lots more chances to see things that could be just random. that ' s when you need to be more strict about what you consider real. and people aren ' t always as careful about that as they could be. mkb : so you ' re saying that, right now, there ' s a pretty good chance that a lot of the research papers that use fmri are showing results that are every bit as wrong as the results you got while studying a dead salmon? cb : up to 40 % of papers published in 2008 didn ' t do proper correction, so are there incorrect results in literature? absolutely. even if we correct perfectly you ' ll probably have 5 % incorrect. there will always be false positives. but as a field we need to do as good a job as possible to release the best results we can. what we


borghese gardens seed catalog tree seedling and bulb emporium a catalog of heirloom seeds, seedlings and bulbs from the 17th century villa borghese ( secret gardens ) in rome. working from the original lists of rare and unusual flowers, trees, herbs, fruits, vegetables, and plants carried back to rome from the explorers of the americas...... the restoration of the villa borghese to its seventeenth - century appearance was begun in 1997 and has been based on extensive historical research of numerous documents preserved in the borghese family archives at the vatican. among the most important recent projects has been the refurbishment of the secret gardens known as the flower garden, the garden of blooms and views, and the garden of the bitter oranges. using this historical information the designs of the gardens were reconstructed with flowers used for the original plantings. within the three gardens, more than 250 varieties of plants permit three rounds of seasonal flowering that include rare and precious flowers that have disappeared from roman gardens and have been reintroduced for the first time. these include such flowers as fritillaries, numerous varieties of antique tulips, old roses, many aromatic plants, and flowers such as the sunflower, marigolds, and four o ' clocks that were rarities in the seventeenth century because of their recent importation from the americas. the gardens thus have returned to their original state as true living museums. the entire borghese gardens park was organized on a formal, symmetrical plan with lanes and small squares lined with statues and fountains. the giardini segreti ( secret gardens ) located on either side of casino were the most important and well - tended of the gardens. since the renaissance, secret gardens, whose roots lie in the kitchen gardens of medieval convents, have been a common garden type. their name is an allusion to the fact that they are enclosed by walls that form outdoor rooms, thereby creating a private passage from the closed, interior spaces to the open air of the surrounding park. alberta campitelli seedlings from directgardening : the borghese gardens in rome were built in 1605, when cardinal scipione borghese converted the existing vineyards into one of the largest landscape gardens in all of rome. scipione borghese was nephew to camillo borghese - pope paul v - who oversaw the completion of st peter ' s basillica at the vatican. when you visit rome be sure to look for the name inscribed at the main entrance portico. it reads bvr


was nephew to camillo borghese - pope paul v - who oversaw the completion of st peter ' s basillica at the vatican. when you visit rome be sure to look for the name inscribed at the main entrance portico. it reads bvrghesivs - latin for borghese. " borghese " at the vatican borghese gardens " temple of aesculapius " in rome, pope paul v ( camillo borghese ) financed the completion of st. peter ' s basilica, and improved the vatican library. he restored the aqua traiana, an ancient roman aqueduct ( named after him acqua paola ), bringing water to the rioni located on right bank of the tiber ( trastevere and borgo ). like many popes of the time he was also allegedly guilty of nepotism, and his nephew scipione borghese wielded enormous power on his behalf, consolidating the rise of the borghese family. paul v also established the bank of the holy spirit in 1605. emporium ( medieval latin from greek emporos = ' merchant ' ) is a term used for a store selling a wide variety of goods, and for marketplaces or trading centres in ancient cities ( see emporia ( ancient greece ) and emporia ( early medieval ) ).


a music genre is a term that describes the process of dividing different kinds of music into categories. these categories vary by definition of the word " genre, " and there appears to be several definitions. in his book form in tonal music, douglass m. green lists the madrigal, the motet, the canzona, the ricercar, and the dance as examples of genres ( from the renaissance period ). according to green, " beethoven ' s op. 61 and mendelssohn ' s op. 64 are identical in genre - both are violin concertos - but different in form. mozart ' s rondo for piano, k. 511, and the agnus dei from his mass, k. 317 are quite different in genre but happen to be similar in form. " some treat the terms genre and style as the same, and state that genre should be defined as pieces of music that share a certain style or " basic musical language. " others state that genre and style are two separate terms, and that secondary characteristics such as subject matter can also differentiate between genres. a music genre ( or sub - genre ) could be defined by the techniques, the styles, the context and the themes ( content, spirit ). also, geographical origin is sometimes used to define the music genre, though a single geographical category will normally include a wide variety of sub - genres. a list of genres of music ( including subgengres ) can be found at list of music genres. however, there are a number of criteria with which one may classify musical genres, including : - the art / popular / traditional distinction - regional and national distinctions - fusional origins art music, also known as " serious music, " primarily refers to classical music, including european classical music, or others listed at list of classical music styles ( including non - european classical music ), contemporary classical music ( including electronic art music, experimental music and minimalist music ). art music also includes some forms of jazz. popular music ( not to be confused with pop music ) is music belonging to any of a number of musical styles that are accessible to the general public and are disseminated by one or more of the mass media. traditional music is the modern name for what used to be called " folk music ", before the term " folk music " was expanded to include a lot of non - traditional material. the defining characteristics of traditional music are : - oral transmission : the music is passed down, or learned, through singing and listening and sometimes dancing - cultural


, before the term " folk music " was expanded to include a lot of non - traditional material. the defining characteristics of traditional music are : - oral transmission : the music is passed down, or learned, through singing and listening and sometimes dancing - cultural basis : the music derives from and is part of the traditions of a particular region or culture. regional and national musicedit it is possible to categorize music geographically. for example, the term " australian music " could include australian rock music, australian traditional music in the european style ( eg. waltzing matilda ), aboriginal australian music, australian classical music, and australian jazz. in the west, nearly all music except traditional music has a fusional origin. a fusion genre is a music genre that combines two or more genres. for example, rock and roll originally developed as a fusion of blues, gospel and country music. the main characteristics of fusion genres are variations in tempo, rhythm and sometimes the use of long musical " journeys " that can be divided into smaller parts, each with their own dynamics, style and tempo. artists who work in fusion genres are often difficult to categorise within non - fusion styles. most styles of fusion music are influenced by various musical genres. while there are many reasons for this, the main reason is that most genres evolved out of other genres. when the new genre finally identifies itself as separate, there is often a large gray area in which musicians are left. these artists generally consider themselves part of both genres. a musician who plays music that is dominantly blues, influenced by rock, is often labelled a blues - rock musician. the first genre is the one from which the new one evolved. the second genre is the newer and less - dominant genre in the artist ' s playing. an example of a blues - rock group would be stevie ray vaughan and double trouble. vaughan, a texas blues guitarist, surrounded by a world in which rock was dominating music, used rock and blues together. one of the problems with the grouping of music into genres is that it is a subjective process that has a lot to do with the individual ' s personal understanding and way of listening to music. this is especially true in sub - genres. one example is led zeppelin, which could be called heavy metal, hard rock, classic rock, folk, or blues, depending on one ' s interpretation ( and not helped by the fact that they made excursions into other genres such as electric folk ). another difficulty with grouping artists into genres is that, for many, their style of


rock, folk, or blues, depending on one ' s interpretation ( and not helped by the fact that they made excursions into other genres such as electric folk ). another difficulty with grouping artists into genres is that, for many, their style of music changes over time. some genre labels are quite vague. many were originally contrived by marketing executives or music critics ; post - rock, for example, is a term devised and defined by simon reynolds. another example of this is video game music, which while defined by its media, can also represent its own style, as well as that of any other musical genre. categorising music, especially into finer genres or sub genres, can be difficult for newly emerging styles or for pieces of music that incorporate features of multiple genres. attempts to pigeonhole particular musicians in a single genre are sometimes ill - founded as they may produce music in a variety of genres over time or even within a single piece. some people feel that the categorisation of music into genres is based more on commercial and marketing motives than musical criteria. john zorn, for example, a musician whose work has covered a wide range of genres, wrote in arcana : musicians on music that genres are tools used to " commodify and commercialise an artist ' s complex personal vision ". - ↑ green, douglass m. form in tonal music. holt, rinehart, and winston, inc., 1965. p. 1. - ↑ peter van der merwe 1989, p. 3 - ↑ moore, allen " categorical conventions in music discourse : style and genre " music & letters, vol. 82, no. 3 ( aug., 2001 ), pp. 432 - 442


paphnutius of scetis, saint, " the one who belongs to god, " name borne, particularly in the fourth century, by several monks among whom it is sometimes difficult to distinguish. john cassian, during his sojourn in egypt between 385 and 400, knew an abba paphnutius who was then priest of scetis and to whom he ascribes his third conference, " on the three renunciations. " paphnutius was renowned for his taste for seclusion. he had established his cell several miles from the church, where he was seen only on saturdays and sundays ; on the other days it was very difficult to see him. for this reason he was nicknamed " bubal, " from the name of the desert antelope. according to john cassian, paphnutius was then over ninety years old. he was still alive in 399, since, according to cassian ( x, 2 - 3 ), in that year he was the only priest of scetis to welcome the letter of patriarch theophilus denouncing anthropomorphite errors. in the life of saints maximus and domitius ( amelineau, 1894, p. 312 ) he is called " a disciple of macarius " ( the egyptian ) and " father of scetis " after him. however, according to cassian ( xviii, 15 ) he succeeded isidorus in this function. on the other hand, in chapter 47 of his historia lausiaca, palladius speaks of a paphnutius surnamed kephalas and reports a long discourse that he delivered before palladius himself — hence after 390 — on the reasons virtuous monks fall away. this paphnutius, it seems, lived at nitria or the kellia, if he is to be identified with the disciple of macarius alexandrinus who bore the name and is mentioned by palladius in chapter 18. he also is mentioned in the apophthegmata patrum, once with the surname kephalas. among the apopthegms in the alphabetical collection that are placed under the name of paphnutius, it is difficult to know which ones should be attributed to him. in the opinion of e. c. butler ( 1904, vol. 2, pp. 224 - 25 ) and h. g. evelyn - white ( 1932, p. 121 ), among others,


know which ones should be attributed to him. in the opinion of e. c. butler ( 1904, vol. 2, pp. 224 - 25 ) and h. g. evelyn - white ( 1932, p. 121 ), among others, paphnutius the bubal and paphnutius kephalas are the same person. in favor of this identification, butler puts forward some literal correspondences that he has noted in the discourse of the bubal in cassian, and that of kephalas in palladius. the latter mentions, among the monks whom melania the elder met at nitria when she visited the desert about 373 and whom she followed during their exile in palestine, a " paphnutius of scetis. " perhaps this is another person ; the identification remains uncertain. normally the surnames served to distinguish people of the same name. on the other hand, it is certain that the anchorite paphnutius who appears in the historia monachorum in aegypto must be distinguished from the preceding two. he lived in the thebaid, in the region of herakleopolis, where he died shortly before the travelers passed through that region in 394 - 395. perhaps this paphnutius is the one to whom is attributed the life of onophrius edited by e. a. w. budge ( 1914, pp. 205 - 224 ) and by e. amelineau ( 1885, pp. 166 - 94 ). several greek papyri in the british museum ( p lond. 1923 - 1929 ), published by h. i. bell ( pp. 103 - 120 ) preserve a series of letters addressed to a monk paphnutius by various people who ask for the help of his prayers. they are dated by their editor in the middle of the fourth century. there is, however, nothing to identify this paphnutius with any of the preceding ones. click tabs to swap between content that is broken into logical sections.


birth certificate registers in october 1913 secretary of the department of external affairs, atlee hunt, sent a circular to the state customs departments asking if they kept records of chinese australians who used their birth certificates as identity papers when travelling overseas. queensland already kept such a register, and hunt felt that : such a register is very desirable to enable a check to be kept on persons claiming admission to australia on birth certificates, as it is an easy matter for a number of copies of the same certificate to be obtained, and the experience of the past shows that in some instances several chinese have attempted, sometimes successfully, to land on copies of the same certificate. ( naa : a1, 1913 / 20069 ) an example of the early difficulties that both chinese australians and government officials had with using birth certificates as identification can be found in the case of fred hong see ( see naa : bp342 / 1, 13021 / 357 / 1903 ). fred was born in sydney in 1885 to chinese parents who, when he was very young, took their son back to china. fred ’ s father later died and, in 1903, fred returned to live with other relatives in sydney. when he arrived, customs officer j. t. t. donohoe doubted his identity and would not allow him to land. donohoe ’ s suspicions were based on the fact that fred could not speak any english and his feeling that fred looked older than the age stated on the birth certificate he presented. fred was quickly sent on his way back to china, and it was only through the threat of legal action by his well - respected relatives in sydney and their payment of a deposit of £100 that fred was permitted to stop at brisbane for re - examination. with evidence provided by fred ’ s relatives, the brisbane collector of customs, w. h. irving, was satisfied that he was, in fact, telling the truth. after atlee hunt ’ s approval, fred was allowed to stay. this is the copy of fred hong see ’ s birth certificate that he presented to officials on his return to australia in 1903. it can be found with other correspondence about the case in naa : bp342 / 1, 13021 / 357 / 1903. in the decade after the introduction of the immigration restriction act, the processes for its administration continued to be refined and tightened, primarily to prevent the fraudulent entry of chinese into australia. hunt ’ s request for the keeping of birth certificate registers came about from a concern that ‘ as other channels of fraudulent entry are being blocked, the chinese will


administration continued to be refined and tightened, primarily to prevent the fraudulent entry of chinese into australia. hunt ’ s request for the keeping of birth certificate registers came about from a concern that ‘ as other channels of fraudulent entry are being blocked, the chinese will make a determined effort to utilize birth certificates to that end. ’ his customs circular of 1913 set out the details that customs officers should record to enable correct identification on a person ’ s return to australia : - number of birth certificate - date of issue - date of birth - where born - date of departure from australia - remarks concerning departure - date of return - by whom examined, landed or rejected - general remarks the collectors of customs responded thus : - victoria reported that had been keeping a register from the beginning of the year ( 1913 ), but without the level of detail requested. - new south wales had not been keeping records, but was now ordering a book for the purpose. - western australia had no special register, but would immediately open one. - south australia said they had not had any need for a register, as there had been no cases of chinese being admitted on birth certificates there. - tasmania would begin keeping a record, but had only had four cases to date. - and the northern territory had been keeping record of chinese arriving on birth certificates since 1911. it became the practice for birth certificates to be endorsed by customs officials on a person ’ s departure. this usually included taking a handprint and attaching a photograph, as well as recording the details in a register. some people also went through the formality of applying for a cedt. the two remaining registers to my knowledge, only two of the birth certificate registers still exist, those for queensland and new south wales. the queensland register is held in the brisbane office of the national archives, and a digital copy is available through recordsearch : the first volume, of 16 double pages, has suffered flood damage and can be difficult to read in parts. the second volume, which has 23 double pages, is much more legible. a sample page from the second volume is shown below – this is a left - hand page, with the remainder of the details about each person completed on the corresponding right - hand page. the single register for new south wales, held in the national archives ’ sydney office, is more substantial than those for queensland, demonstrating the greater amount of travel that occurred from sydney. the register contains around 150 double pages and includes an alphabetical index at the front. the entries date from 1904 to 1962 ; those before 1913 were


office, is more substantial than those for queensland, demonstrating the greater amount of travel that occurred from sydney. the register contains around 150 double pages and includes an alphabetical index at the front. the entries date from 1904 to 1962 ; those before 1913 were presumably copied from records elsewhere. it is also fragile and difficult to read in places, but it has recently also been digitised and made available through recordsearch : the page reproduced below is a left - hand page, with further details about the travels of each person available on the corresponding right - hand page. making use of the registers these registers are valuable sources of information about chinese australian families in queensland and new south wales, and can provide missing pieces of information for people who did not apply for cedts when they travelled overseas ( which many australian - born chinese did not ). having them digitised is great, especially for those of us who can ’ t easily get to the brisbane or sydney reading rooms – but what would be even more useful is if the information contained in the registers was in a form that could be searched and sorted. i ’ m working on a bigger project relating to chinese families in new south wales, based around a database of information sourced from marriage and birth records up to 1918. i ’ m part - way into transcribing relevant details from the published bdm indexes with 1000 entries ( out of an estimated 3000 – 4000 ) in the database so far! the information found in the birth certificate registers obviously relates very strongly to this, so i have another crazy plan to also transcribe the information held in the sydney register. it ’ s not going to be a quick job – and it ’ s one that could easily be shared since the new south wales register is online. so, if you happen to have some spare time and don ’ t mind deciphering old handwriting, i ’ d love to hear from you!


the immune system is engaged in a process of somatic selection. it is constantly distinguishing foreign molecules or bacteria, viruses, and even another person ' s skin from the molecules of an individual body, or soma. the well - spring of immunologic defense is scattered through the body in the tissues and organs of the lymphatic system and is carried out by a set of proteins called antibodies. the ultimate target of all immune responses is an antigen, which is usually a foreign molecule from a bacterium or other invader. specialized antigen - presenting cells, such as macrophages, roam the body, ingesting the antigens they find and fragmenting them into antigenic peptides. lymphocytes are white blood cells that destroy pathogenic microbes that enter the body. they can also attack cancer cells or act against foreign cells in transplants. if regulation of the immune system breaks down, lymphocytes can attack cells belonging to the very body they are meant to protect, leading to a potentially fatal auto - immune disease. there are two kinds of lymphocytes t - cells and b - cells. they are produced in the thymus and bone marrow respectively. after leaving these primary lymphoid organs, they circulate in the blood until they reach one of the numerous secondary lymphoid organs, such as the lymph nodes, spleen, and tonsils. ( here they leave the bloodstream and enter the lymph system ) much of the activation of lymphocytes occurs in the lymph nodes. they then travel through the fluid in the lymphatic vessels until they reach the bloodstream and spread their protective influence around the body. eventually the lymphocytes flow into other lymph nodes and the cycle begins again. traditional immunology is antigen driven, and the immune system is seen only as a defense against infectious challenge. for the new trends in immunology, what is needed is an organism - centered view, in which notions of immune networks are carriers of internal dynamics. in this view, the central self - recognition properties of the immune system are more fundamental ( and certainly more unexplored ) than the peripheral responses to infections. a question of particular interest in immunology today is how the immune system can react to so many different antigens without attacking the self. how can so many different antigen - specific lymphocytes develop and still not attack the myriad tissues and cell types that are part of the body? the immune


chicago - - a study of 17 middle school students suggests that physical fitness gains made by obese children who participated in a lifestyle - focused physical education class during the school year were lost after the three - month summer break, according to a report in the june issue of archives of pediatrics & adolescent medicine, one of the journal of the american medical association ( jama ) / archives journals. children increasingly live in an environment with reduced amounts of physical activity coupled with easy access to calories, according to background information in the article that was posted on the web site www. medicalnewstoday. com. this can result in obesity, poor cardiovascular fitness, insulin resistance, type 2 diabetes, high cholesterol and hypertension. dr. aaron l. carrel and colleagues at the university of wisconsin children ’ s hospital in madison, wi, previously conducted a randomized controlled trial in which 17 overweight children over the age of 12 were assigned to participate in a lifestyle - focused, fitness - oriented physical education class for nine months. at the end of the trial, students in the class achieved significant improvements in cardiovascular fitness and also had reduced fasting insulin levels, which indicate a lower risk for diabetes. for the new study, the same children — all of whom remained at the same school and repeated the fitness class — were assessed again at the beginning and at the end of the next school year. “ improvements seen during the nine - month school - year intervention in cardiovascular fitness, fasting insulin levels and body composition were lost during the three - month summer break, ” the authors write. during the break, average fitness level as measured by maximum oxygen consumption — the amount of oxygen the body can use, with higher levels indicating better fitness — decreased by 3. 2 milliliters per kilogram per minute. percentage of body fat increased by an average of 1. 3 percent, and fasting insulin levels also increased. “ developing and evaluating interventions to influence students ’ opportunities for healthful choices has been a focus of school - based health promotion research, including nutrition programs and physical education, ” the authors write. “ however, when interventions occur in a school - based setting, and are confined to the school year, an inherent question is one of sustainability. ” the children were not given any instructions regarding exercise over the summer, creating three months of unsupervised activity, the authors note. “ these data show that in children, efforts to improve insulin sensitivity and reduce risk of type 2 diabetes mellitus and other morbidities of insulin resistance


altarpiece of st george - place of origin : valencia, spain ( painted ) first quarter of the 15th century ( painted ) master of the centenar ( attributed to, production ) marcal de sas, andres ( formerly ascribed to, production ) - materials and techniques : tempera and gilt on pine panel - museum number : - gallery location : raphael, room 48a this large altarpiece is a fine example of the valencian school during the international gothic style in the first quarter of the 15th century. it was traditionally attributed to the german painter established in valencia, andres marcal de sas ( ca. 1393 - 1410 ) although this attribution is still subject to debate and leads to more cautiously call the artist responsible for this work ' master of the centenar ' according to the provenance of the retable most likely executed for the chapel of the confraternity of the centenar de la ploma. the altarpiece illustrates the legend of the st george, a christian warrior saint, said to have lived at the end of the 3rd century. it is composed of 3 superimposed central panels surmounted by the holy spirit and christ enthroned flanked by two prophets. on each side are depicted 10 scenes of the life of the saint, combining two different narrative cycles : the victory of st george against the dragon and the martyrdom of the saint while the predella panel illustrates 10 scenes of the passion of christ. large altarpiece composed of 20 panels representing scenes from the legend of st george with a predella illustrating 10 scenes from the passion of christ ; on the upper register is represented the christian hierarchy with christ, the virgin and child, prophets and apostles while the all composition is subdivided by full - length figures of saints and prophets. place of origin valencia, spain ( painted ) first quarter of the 15th century ( painted ) master of the centenar ( attributed to, production ) marcal de sas, andres ( formerly ascribed to, production ) materials and techniques tempera and gilt on pine panel height : 6. 6 m altarpiece, width : 5. 5 m altarpiece object history note purchased on the paris market by j. c. robinson for the south kensington museum, 1864 historical significance : this altarpiece is traditionally attributed to the german artist established in valencia, spain, andres marcal de sas ( ca. 1393 - 1410 ) ( post, 1930 ) even though this attribution is not entirely convincing as it mainly relies on a consistent feature of the retable


the german artist established in valencia, spain, andres marcal de sas ( ca. 1393 - 1410 ) ( post, 1930 ) even though this attribution is not entirely convincing as it mainly relies on a consistent feature of the retable, the prominent long nose seen by various scholars as the hall - mark of marcal de sas ( on the ground of a comparison with a fragment of the incredulity of st thomas, valencia cathedral museum, the only surviving work of the eight listed under his name ). despite an obvious unity of style, it has been considered as the work of several hands : pedro nicolau, the main associate of marcal de sas, gonzalo perez and miguel alcaniz have all been suggested as collaborators in this work. recent studies have more cautiously proposed to identify the artist responsible for the execution of the altarpiece as the master of the centenar ( heriard dubreuil, 1987 ). this name was forged on the provenance of the work which was probably destined to the confraternity of the valencian civic militia dedicated to st george and called in fact the ' centenar de la ploma '. the company was originally founded as a company of hundred ( ' centenar ' ) archers in 1365. their insignia, a crossbow, stands alongside the cross of st george at the top of the outer frame. the confraternity was abolished in 1711, when philip v abrogated the local laws and institutions of the kingdom and city of valencia. the style of the artist who was probably a direct follower of marcal de sas, if not marcal himself, suggested the influence of early 15th - century franco - flemish artists such as jacques coene ( act. 1398 - 1404 ), sometimes identified as the boucicaut master ( documented 1402 ). the altarpiece depicts the legend of the christian warrior and martyr st george, said to have been born in capaddocia, asia minor and to have died at lydda in palestine about the end of the 3rd century. he is venerated as the patron saint of several cities and countries in europe including venice and england. st george appears to be the patron saint of catalonia from the very beginning while the region was taking shape. the cult of this saint spread with the conquest of new territories by the counts of barcelona in the 13th century. the city of valencia however devoted a cult to st vincent ferrer. the legend of st george is narrated in jacobus of voragine '


the cult of this saint spread with the conquest of new territories by the counts of barcelona in the 13th century. the city of valencia however devoted a cult to st vincent ferrer. the legend of st george is narrated in jacobus of voragine ' s golden legend ( 13th century ) but also with variations in several apocryphal texts. in the present case, it seems that the artist followed a 14th century catalan version ( see r. d ' alos - moner, sant jordi patro de catalunya, barcelona, 1926, pp. 16 - 61 ), in which appear additional torture scenes here illustrated. the legend of st george is partially similar to that of perseus as he fought a dragon by the sea - shore, outside the walls of a city, in order to rescue the king ' s daughter who was being offered as a sacrifice. these scenes are represented in the upper registers ( from left to right ) : - as a saint warrior st george is dub a knight by the virgin and exhibits his main attribute, the red cross. - the following panel shows a child and a ram sacrificed to the dragon - the princess of silene is chosen as the next sacrifice. the larger panel in the lower centre shows the rescue of the princess while the last panel of the upper register on the right illustrates the subduing of the dragon led into the city in order to be put to death there. the dragon is traditionally considered a symbol of evil struck down by the saint warrior, which illustrates therefore the struggle between good and evil. the saint then baptised the king and the people of silene ( far left of the middle register ). a few examples of narrative cycles dedicated to st george have survived such as in the oratory of st george, padua, and an altarpiece now in the wallraf - richartz - museum, cologne, but scenes illustrating the martyr of the saint, described in the lower half of the altarpiece, are fairly rare and occur principally in churches or institutions of which he is the patron. according to the legend, st george was a roman soldier under the reign of diocletian ( 244 - 311 ). when diocletian promulgated an edict against the christians, st george stood up and defended his faith before the emperor. this scene is illustrated in the panel next to the baptism of the people of silene. in spite of the emperor ' s efforts to make him renounce his faith, st george remained constant and was therefore sentenced to death. the subsequent


the emperor. this scene is illustrated in the panel next to the baptism of the people of silene. in spite of the emperor ' s efforts to make him renounce his faith, st george remained constant and was therefore sentenced to death. the subsequent tortures, from which st george resuscitated three times, are illustrated in the lower registers as follows ( from left to right ) - the present order resulting from a rearrangement of the panels after the restoration undertaken in 1969 - 72 : - st george is tortured on a table ; - st george is put in prison ; - st george is tied between two wheels ; - st george is tied between two posts and swan in half ; - st george is tortured in a cauldron ; - st george prays ; - st george is drawn naked through the city ; - st george is eventually beheaded. the central panel illustrating the defeat of the moors against the christian army led by james i of aragon ( 1213 - 1276 ) at the battle of el puig in 1237 does not belong to the story of st george but illustrates an important episode in the formation of catalonia. legend has it that the victory was due to the providential help of the saint who appeared to james i while fighting the moors. a parallel between the two superimposed central panels is therefore evident : st george striking the devil is implicitly associated with james i striking the moors and commonly called ' infidels ' as they did not share the same religious faith as the christians. j. berg sobre points out that the islamic force is depicted as a bunch of ugly warriors, consistent with the militant anti - muslim sentiment during the re - conquest of spain. the retable illustrates thus the victory of christian faith over the devil and the muslims to which they are implicitly identified. the retable is therefore dominated by the christian hierarchy, which frames the legend of st george in the upper and lower sections while full - length figures of saints and prophets divide each scenes. in the upper registers are indeed represented the holy spirit, followed by christ holding the orb underneath, flanked by the two prophets moses and elijah. immediately below, the first of the central panels from the top is the virgin nursing the child crowned by christ and surrounded by angels. on each side are represented the four evangelists ( from left to right ) : st john, st luke, st mark and st matthew. in the lower section, the predella below comprises 10 scenes of the passion ( from left to right ) : agony in the garden,


four evangelists ( from left to right ) : st john, st luke, st mark and st matthew. in the lower section, the predella below comprises 10 scenes of the passion ( from left to right ) : agony in the garden, betrayal, christ before caiaphas, flagellation, mocking of christ, christ bearing the cross, crucifixion, deposition, entombment and resurrection. according to j. berg sobre, the altarpiece of st george is a typical example of the valencian retable format of around 1400, in which the large proportions of the various components appear as a predominant feature. in this respect, some of the impact of the individual paintings is lost on the spectator. the altarpiece of st george appears as a fine example of the ' international gothic style ' which combine medieval and early renaissance elements. for instance the extensive use of gilt and ornamental plaster shaping decorative elements such as mullions, friezes, and canopies, of which consists the almost entire background, look still medieval in style whereas the painted architectural features and the thrones are reminiscent of models from the italian and flemish early renaissance. typical of the international gothic is also the new attention to realism and nature, especially in the representation of plants and animals. the violent expression and twisted pose of the figures as well as the realism of the torture scenes pervaded with horrific details are particularly striking. analogously the palette appeared richer and more varied than that of the preceding romanesque period, including vermilion, cadmium, violet, green, lilac, ochre, white, grey, and yellow. hence their sumptuous appearance and curious combination of realistic details and unworldly idealism. historical context note in italy, the altar became a primary setting for painting on panel - hence the appellation ' altarpiece ' - a format developed in western art from the example of byzantine icons. an early format consisted in gabled vertical panels representing a full - length saint flanked by scenes of his or her life and soon developed to include several individual compartments to form a polyptych which frames could become increasingly elaborate. they eventually transformed the altarpiece into an architectonic structure resembling in detail and spatial principles the facades of contemporary full - scale gothic architecture. in italy such altarpieces were usually made of wood and painted, while in northern europe they were commonly executed in stone. a new type of altarpiece soon appeared in 15th - century italy, known as pala,, and was closer to a framed picture


such altarpieces were usually made of wood and painted, while in northern europe they were commonly executed in stone. a new type of altarpiece soon appeared in 15th - century italy, known as pala,, and was closer to a framed picture. in the interest of clarity and unity, numerous medieval screens separating the choir and high altar from the nave were removed. the religious reforms of the 16th century brought new attention and some important changes to the form and function of the altarpiece. under protestant auspices, the altarpiece iconography was restricted to subjects well - suited to the sacrament celebrated at the altar, such as the last supper while the dynamic qualities that characterize baroque art brought important changes to altarpiece design. important altarpieces consisting of a single painting or relief continued to be made, but increasingly architecture was used as the theatrical setting for the three - dimensional display of the altarpiece ' s subject in sculpture. altarpieces adorned both high altars and side altars. high altars often carried large altarpieces with elaborate programmes while side altars served a more private piety and their altarpieces were often endowed by private individuals. tempera and gilt on pine panel, ' altarpiece of st george ', master of the centenar, valencia, first quarter of the 15th century bibliographic references ( citation, note / abstract, nal no ) c. m. kauffmann, catalogue of foreign paintings, i. before 1800. london : victoria and albert museum, 1973, pp. 180 - 84, cat. no. 221. the following is the full text of the entry : marzal de sas ( active 1393 - after 1410 ) spanish ( valencian ) school he presumably came from saxony, as he is recorded as ' mestre marcal de sas, pintor alamany ' ( the german painter ) in valencian documents. during the period 1393 - 1405 he received eight major commissions and was clearly one of the most important painters in valencia. unfortunately only one fragment of his work survives : the panel of the incredulity of st thomas in valencia cathedral museum, which has been identified as having formed part of a retable of st thomas painted by marzal for st thomas ' s chapel in the cathedral in 1400. the last documentary record of him is in 1410, when he was suffering from ' grave poverty and illness ' and received free lodgings from the city, but his survival into the second decade of the century is suggested by the fact that


in 1400. the last documentary record of him is in 1410, when he was suffering from ' grave poverty and illness ' and received free lodgings from the city, but his survival into the second decade of the century is suggested by the fact that his daughter, who married in 1430, was probably born in ca. 1412 - 15. the style of the incredulity of st thomas has been described as germanic and may be linked with bohemian painting of ca. 1380. lit. for the documents see j. sanchis y sivera, pintores medievales en valencia, 1930, pp. 48 - 52 ; l. cervero y gomis, pintores valentinos : su cronologia y documentation ( separata de anales del centro de cultura valenciana ), valencia, 1964, p. 121 ff. ; id. in archivo de arte valenciano, xxvii, 1956, p, 107. for a discussion of his work see below under post and saralegui. ascribed to marzal de sas altar - piece of st george central panels : st george fighting the dragon ; a christian army under james i of aragon defeating the moors, with the help of st george, at the battle of puig ( 18th october 1237 ) ; the virgin nursing the child and crowned by christ and angels, surmounted by christ with the orb, flanked by moses and the holy dove at the very top. on the sides : sixteen scenes of the life and martyrdom of st george, with the four evangelists surrounded by angels in the upper register. in the pilasters : twenty - four prophets, some bearing scrolls inscribed with their names. in the outer frame : twelve apostles, separated from each other by panels containing blank squares, which are 19th century replacements ; the four squares at the top still contain the original arms : the crossbow and the cross of st george. predella : the agony in the garden, the betrayal, christ before caiaphas, the flagellation, the mocking, christ bearing the cross, the crucifixion, the resurrection ( the outer two panels have been cut down by a third ). tempera and gilt on pine 21 ft 9 in. x 18 ft ( 6. 6 x 5. 5 m. ) the attribution to marzal de sas is due to post ( 1930 ), who pointed to similarities, particularly of facial types, with the incredulity of st thomas ( 1400 ) in valencia cathedral.


x 5. 5 m. ) the attribution to marzal de sas is due to post ( 1930 ), who pointed to similarities, particularly of facial types, with the incredulity of st thomas ( 1400 ) in valencia cathedral. there are, however, several difficulties involved in this attribution : 1. the st george retable represents a more fully developed stage of the international gothic style than the incredulity of st thomas and should be dated ca. 1410 - 20. the armour has been dated ca. 1420 ( manu, 1933 ). 2. marzal de sas is recorded as suffering from ' grave poverty and illness ' in 1410 and his activity after that date remains conjectural. 3. our knowledge of his work is based solely on the incredulity of st thomas : a small fragment of an altar - piece, now in an almost invisible condition. taking these factors into account, it will be seen that the attribution to marzal de sas, which has been widely accepted, must remain tentative. for some time it had been recognized that the order of the panels did not follow the sequence of the story of st george. the confusion had arisen because, within each wing, certain panels had been moved ; the extent of dislocation had been limited by the fact that some compartments could not be separated because a single wooden panel had been used for two scenes one below the other. consequently, when the retable was dismantled for cleaning in 1969 - 72, a reconstruction was attempted, re - arranging the panels to fit the sequence of the story. in the reconstructed retable the order of scenes follows the text with only one exception ; 1 st george armed by the virgin and angels. 2 silene, libya ; the dragon threatening the city was pacified by the sacrifice of a man and a sheep. 3 when the lot fell upon the king ' s daughter, the king protested but was forced to give up his daughter. 4 after st george had pierced the dragon ( central panel ), he tied it up with the princess ' s girdle. 5 so impressed were the inhabitants of silene that the king, queen, princess and 15, 000 men were baptised by bishop alexander. 6 st george, now in the habit of a christian, denounced the pagan gods as devils before dacian, the local ruler. 7 as st george refused to sacrifice to apollo, he was tortured on a cross, his flesh scraped with iron combs. 8 he was then placed on a


of a christian, denounced the pagan gods as devils before dacian, the local ruler. 7 as st george refused to sacrifice to apollo, he was tortured on a cross, his flesh scraped with iron combs. 8 he was then placed on a table, nailed to it and tied to it with chains and tortured. 9 after this he was put in prison, where christ and the angels came to him in the night to give him comfort. 10 dacian ordered the enchanter to mix a strong poison ; st george drank it without coming to any harm and, when the enchanter saw his magic overcome by a power stronger than his own, he knelt at the feet of st george and prayed to him to make him a christian, whereupon dacian had him executed on the spot. ( this is the only scene still out of place in the sequence of the story ; it cannot be moved, as it is on the same panel as the scene below. ) 11 st george was then tortured between two wheels with sharp points. 12 dacian ordered him to be tied to two posts and sawn asunder. 13 he was then placed in a cauldron of molten lead, but, with the lord ' s protection, he seemed well at ease as though in a bath. 14 st george now pretended to worship the idols but instead prayed for the destruction of the temple. 15 he was then drawn naked through the city. 16 and, finally, beheaded. when this had been done, fire fell from heaven and burnt dacian and all his servants. most of these scenes can be found in the golden legend, which was the most popular source of saints ' lives in the later middle ages, but this does not appear to have been the artist ' s source. two of the scenes - st george nailed to the table ( scene 8 ) and sawn asunder ( scene 12 ) - do not appear in the golden legend, but are described in the 14th century catalan version ( see r. d ' alos - moner, sant jordi patro de catalunya, barcelona, 1926, pp. 16 - 61 ). in various details, also the scenes on the retable fit more closely with this version than with the golden legend, which provides a further indication that the artist was using a manuscript close to the catalan text. iconographically, the scene of st george and the dragon follows the standard type of the period and may be compared, for example, with that in the hours of marechal de boucicaut


was using a manuscript close to the catalan text. iconographically, the scene of st george and the dragon follows the standard type of the period and may be compared, for example, with that in the hours of marechal de boucicaut, ca. 1408 ( paris, musee jacquemart andre, ms. 2, fol. 23 ). there are relatively few equally extensive cycles of the life of st george earlier than the retable and those that exist ( e. g. altichiero ' s frescoes in the oratorio di s. giorgio in padua, 1378 - 84 ) are not very similar. the closest earlier cycle is contained in a 14th century passional of hungarian origin, but italian in style and character ( ms. vat. lat, 8541, fols. 54v, 55, 56v ) ; it consists of ten scenes, nine of which are paralleled in the retable. in spain only one earlier cycle of st george is extant ; the altar - piece by luis borrassa in. the convent of vilafranca del panades, near barcelona ( c. 1392 - 1400 ) and this contains only five scenes of his life. however, two of these are very similar and it seems likely that at least some of the retable ' s models could be found in contemporary spain. it has long been recognized that the insignia at the top of the outer frame - the cross of st george and a crossbow - are those of a confraternity of valencian civic militia dedicated to st george and called the ' centenar de la ploma ', originally founded as a company of 100 archers in 1365. the foundation of the confraternity followed in 1371 and in 1393 its membership was fixed at 500 men and 600 women. it was a large and wealthy institution and its privileged status in valencian affairs is indicated by the fact that it served as the custodian of the city banner. the confraternity was abolished in 1711, when philip v abrogated the local laws and institutions of the kingdom and city of valencia. chandler post ( iii, p. 58 f. ; vi, p. 583 ) argued that the retable was originally in the chapel of the centenar de la ploma in the church of st george ( s. jorge ), valencia, which was demolished in the 19th century, and this identification has been widely accepted ever since. however, the altar - piece in this chapel is described in


, 51 ; j. gudiol ricart, ars hispania, ix ; pintura gotica, madrid, 1955, p. 143 f., fig. 109 f. ; m. de riquer, l ' arnes del cavaller, armes i armadures catalanes medievals, barcelona, 1968, p. 112, figs. 162, 165 ; c. m. kauffmann, ' the altar - piece of st. george from valencia ' in v. & a. museum, yearbook, ii, 1970, pp. 65 - 100 ( with full lit. ). a. l. mayer, geschichte der spanischen malerei, 1922, p. 35 ff., repr. e. tormo, levante - guias calpe, madrid : 1923, p. cxxxiii f. c. r. post, a history of spanish painting, iii, 1930, p. 58 ff., figs. 269 - 71. l. de saralegui in archivo de arte valenciano, xix, 1933, p. 36 ff., fig. 1. l. de saralegui in archivo de arte valenciano, xxii, 1936, pp. 32 - 9, fig. 40 f. j. g. mann, ' notes on the armour worn in spain... ' in archaeologia, lxxxiii, 1933, p. 293, pl. 83. a. marguillier, saint georges, l ' art et les saints, paris, n. d., repr. pp. 49, 51. j. gudiol ricart, ars hispania, ix ; pintura gotica, madrid, 1955, p. 143 f., fig. 109 f. m. de riquer, l ' arnes del cavaller, armes i armadures catalanes medievals, barcelona, 1968, p. 112, figs. 162, 165. c. m. kauffmann, ' the altar - piece of st. george from valencia ' in v. & a. museum, yearbook, ii, 1970, pp. 65 - 100. b. myers, st george and the dragon, unpublished dissertation, new york university, 1933. m. heriard dubreuil, valencia y el gotico internacional, 2 vol., valencia : 1987, pp. 60, 86, 122 - 123, 146, fig.