creating heat and light a canadian program tests the efficiency and future potential of residential combined heat and power systems at its residential building test center. combined heat and power systems ( chp ), which jointly produce heat and electricity from a single fuel source, can be up to 90 % efficient, compared with conventional u. s. power production, which converts only 35 % of fuel energy into delivered electricity. the rest of the fuel energy is normally lost in the form of heat. by using this heat to produce space heat and hot water, chps can decrease energy costs and increase fuel use efficiency. currently, chp units in the united states are used almost exclusively for commercial and industrial buildings. however, there is tremendous potential for using this technology in residences as well. recently, the department of energy ( doe ) assembled a team of appliance industry leaders to develop a chp system to provide more reliable and less costly energy for residential use. projects like this show that residential chp systems are a likely reality in the future of home heating and power. advancing the home chp cause chp isn ’ t just a future reality — residential systems already exist. one such system for individual residences was recently tested through a joint effort of natural resources canada, national research council canada, and canada mortgage and housing corporation at their canadian centre for housing technology ( ccht ). prototype canadian fuel cell chp plants are currently undergoing laboratory testing by manufacturers. discussions with several fuel cell companies have indicated that field testing of first - generation prototypes in a well - controlled but realistic residential setting such as the ccht would significantly accelerate development and residential integration of these systems ( see “ canadian centre for housing technology, ” p. 37 ). the ccht offers an intensively monitored real - world environment, with simulated occupancy, to assess the performance of residential chp systems in secure premises. simulated occupancy included such measures as turning lights, showers, and appliances on and off daily. separate lights in several locations were also turned on to simulate heat from occupants. residential chp systems that are currently available or are being developed are based on internal combustion engines ( ice ), on stirling engines, or on fuel cells. ice is a proven technology, but it creates noise, odors, and pollution. fuel cells hold great promise, but they are still in the prototype stage. for this project, we integrated into a residential building and tested a near - commercially available, natural gas fired, stirling engine chp that is sized for individual residences. home chp basics a


great promise, but they are still in the prototype stage. for this project, we integrated into a residential building and tested a near - commercially available, natural gas fired, stirling engine chp that is sized for individual residences. home chp basics a residential chp system must be integrated into the house ’ s electrical, space - heating, and domestic hot water ( dhw ) systems. the most common space heating system in homes is a natural gas furnace with forced air. for the chp project, an air handler ( fan plus heat exchanger ) was used to supply heated air through the same ductwork. other issues that were raised included sizing the chp system relative to average and peak electrical and thermal loads ; deciding whether the chp system is controlled by demands for electricity ( electrical lead ) or heat ( thermal lead ) ; dealing with the simultaneous production of heat and electricity ; optimizing chp system operation and run time ; determining the need for, and the sizing of, thermal and electrical storage ( especially for off - grid systems ) ; dealing with the handling and use of possible excess heat in summer ; and specifying grid connection techniques. the primary objective of our project was to develop and demonstrate a test facility at the ccht that could assess residential chp systems, and their integration into houses, under real - world conditions. a secondary objective was to assess the performance of various residential chp systems under realworld conditions. to integrate the chp system into the house ’ s various existing systems, we made numerous modifications to accommodate residential chp systems. these included electrical modifications to integrate the chp system into the house ’ s electrical system and to allow the chp to export electricity to the grid ; the design and installation of a thermal utilization module ( tum ) to integrate the chp system into the house ’ s spaceand water - heating systems ; the design and installation of a combined monitoring and control system for the chp and tum ; and the installation and connection of the chp unit. the electrical modifications accommodated the installation of chp systems with a generating capacity of up to 40 kw for either griddependent operation or stand - alone, grid - independent operation. although only one of the two ccht houses was used in this project, the electrical modifications were made to both of them, so that in the future, two chp units can be tested simultaneously. the cost of these wiring modifications was $ 5, 068 ( can $ 6, 450 ) for each house. because these houses were modified to


made to both of them, so that in the future, two chp units can be tested simultaneously. the cost of these wiring modifications was $ 5, 068 ( can $ 6, 450 ) for each house. because these houses were modified to allow for various types of chp system, both connected and offgrid, and sized up to 40 kw, the wiring scheme is more elaborate than would be the case for a normal residential installation. it is estimated that the cost to retrofit a typical residence would range from $ 1, 500 to $ 2, 500 ( can $ 2, 000 to can $ 3, 000 ). this cost could be lower if simpler installations, such as the elimination of the external disconnect switch, were acceptable to electrical authorities. the stirling engine combined heat and power system natural resources canada purchased the natural gas - fired stirling engine before the start of this project for $ 12, 000 ( current models are $ 7, 500 ). a stirling engine is an externalcombustion device, which can burn many different fuels — diesel, natural gas, propane, biogas, kerosene, and solid fuels — provided that the heat exchanger is specifically designed for the selected fuel. it has an induction motor / generator that automatically synchronizes the frequency of its alternating - current output to the grid, and cannot operate unless it is connected to an active grid. the stirling chp unit is a heat - led device ; it is turned on when there is a need for heat in the tum. the tum controls turn the circulation pump on and off according to the temperatures in the storage tank and the hot water tank. the pump is turned on if the hot water tank needs heat and can get it from the storage tank, and if the bottom of the hot water tank is between 116º and 158ºf. the house thermostat controls the operation of the air handler pump and fan, and the demand for hot water is controlled by the house ’ s simulated - occupancy system. each heat transfer loop of the tum has two thermocouples and a flowmeter. as shown in figure 2, the loops run from the chp unit to the storage tank ; from the storage tank to the hot water tank ; from the hot water tank to the air handler ; and from the hot water tank to hot water taps. data were collected, and heat flows were calculated, every ten seconds. these heat flows were averaged and saved every minute. two existing natural gas


; from the hot water tank to the air handler ; and from the hot water tank to hot water taps. data were collected, and heat flows were calculated, every ten seconds. these heat flows were averaged and saved every minute. two existing natural gas meters were used to monitor the gas consumption of the chp unit and that of the hot water tank backup burner. reviewing the data monitoring took place between march 13 and june 10, 2003. during the review and analysis of results, we realized that the amount of heat required by the house for space and water heating would affect each component of the chp system. accordingly, each of the efficiencies was plotted against the thermal output of the tum ( see figures 3 and 4 ). the performance of the chp unit and the performance of the tum both depend, to varying degrees, on the tum output. the same daily pattern of hot water demand ( 260 liters per day ) was used for all 27 runs monitored. when there was no demand for space heating, ( hot water demand only ), the average demand on the tum is 0. 48 kw. for the ten runs with no space heating, thermal utilization module output varied from 0. 39 to 0. 62 kw. this variation was due to different start and end times caused by hot water demands, and to different chp unit run time patterns. all curves in figures 3 and 4 are projected to reach close to the tum output capacity of 4. 40 kw. chp unit efficiency increased only slightly with system output. the two factors that could affect unit efficiency are the temperature of the inlet water and the length of time the unit runs. inlet water should have been cooler, on average, when demand for space heating and hot water was higher, but we did not analyze inlet water temperature, and apparently the unit is not very sensitive to it. internal temperatures are around 750ºf, so a difference of a few tens of degrees in the inlet should not make much difference. as the length of time that the unit runs before shutting off decreases, the efficiency of the unit should drop, due to the use of electricity and natural gas in start - up and of electricity in shutdown. but even with no space heating, the runs were at least 70 minutes long, so the efficiency drop was not significant. it might be greater in a unit with a smaller storage capacity. chp unit heating efficiency varied from 74 % for hot water only to about 79 % at system capacity. chp unit electrical efficiency varied from


, so the efficiency drop was not significant. it might be greater in a unit with a smaller storage capacity. chp unit heating efficiency varied from 74 % for hot water only to about 79 % at system capacity. chp unit electrical efficiency varied from 5. 5 % to about 9 % at system capacity, and the unit ’ s total efficiency varied from 79. 5 % to about 88 % at system capacity ( see figure 3 ). system energy efficiency depends significantly on thermal load ( see figure 4 ). this is because the standby losses from the tum are relatively constant, while the useful heat varies mainly with space heat load. system efficiency varies from 41 % for hot water only to over 70 % at chp capacity. system efficiency compares favorably with the efficiency ( energy factor ) of domestic water heaters, while generating by - product electricity. these efficiencies could be improved by improving the design of the tum. as shown in tables 1 and 2, there were only small differences between the two setups investigated, although setup 2 appeared to generate a slightly better electrical efficiency than setup 1. improvements to the tum efficiency could be based on modeling to determine whether two tanks are needed, or whether one larger one would do. if two are needed for some applications, one tank could be left unheated during seasons when no heating is needed, thus reducing heat losses by approximately one - half. similarly, a single stratified tank could have only its top half heated during warm seasons. control of the hot water tank burner should be integrated into the tum control, rather than being left to the aquastat on the original tank. the tum includes three pumps that consume between 73 and 86 watts each. the chp pump uses an average of 1. 19 kwh per run, or 7. 8 % of the chp net electrical output, per run. all three pumps together average 1. 95 kwh, per run, which is 12. 4 % of the chp net output, or 0. 4 % of the system output ( heat plus net chp electric ). the pump energy is therefore low compared to chp electrical generation, and insignificant compared to total output. furthermore, pump energy could be reduced if the pumps were optimized in terms of size, efficiency, and control, and would be even lower if the electrical output of the chp were higher, as it would be with a fuel cell sized for a house. two examples were selected to highlight how much electricity the chp generates


of size, efficiency, and control, and would be even lower if the electrical output of the chp were higher, as it would be with a fuel cell sized for a house. two examples were selected to highlight how much electricity the chp generates relative to house electricity demand, and to show where that electricity goes. the first example represents one of the colder periods of testing, while the second run represents a milder day ( see figure 5 and table 3 ). figure 5 shows house demand, supply by the chp unit, and net house demand from the grid. the reduction in electrical requirements from the grid due to the chp unit is apparent, as are periods of electricity being exported to the grid ( negative grid supply ). table 3 summarizes the electricity balance for these two runs. while most of the electricity produced by the chp unit goes to the house ( 94 % and 98 % in these examples ), there are still instances of export to the grid ( 6 % and 2 % ), even with this small heat - led generator. the chp unit supplies important percentages of the house ’ s electricity requirement ( 43 % and 25 % in these examples ). the future of chp use we believe that this technology has a high potential for use both in new houses and as a retrofit in existing houses. that ’ s why we will soon be starting a demonstration project that will test the ability of a newer version chp to run unattended for a year. the project will monitor the new unit ’ s gas use and its heat and electrical output. the high initial cost for homeowners may require utility sponsorship, as is happening in the united kingdom. utilities should be interested, because having large numbers of chp units in their area would reduce their peak demands, at least in the winter. restaurants and cafeteria, with their large, more or less continuous, and yearround demand for hot water for dishwashing, represent another potential market for chps. - first page - previous page enter your comments in the box below : ( please note that all comments are subject to review prior to posting. )


adhd is a neurochemical brain disorder that affects behaviors related to attention, activity and impulsivity. hope haven provides expert evaluation, treatment, therapy, summer camps and tutoring to address the special challenges adhd poses for children, their families and their teachers. the first step in evaluating adhd is gathering basic medical, educational and background information. before the first appointment, professional staff review all medical and educational history forms. subsequent steps in the evaluation process include : - psychological consultation. parent ( s ) and child meet with an adhd specialist for an in - depth assessment and interview. - medical evaluation. parent ( s ) and child meet with hope haven physician for a specific neurological screening and medical evaluation. - psychological - educational evaluation. this step is optional but may be needed to evaluate learning problems often related to adhd. - school visit. an observation of the child in a school setting and a teacher conference provide important diagnostic information. - staff conference. the professionals involved in the child ’ s care meet to discuss their results and recommendations. - family conference. a meeting is held to discuss evaluation results, recommendations and treatment options described in the written evaluation report provided at that time. children with adhd frequently exhibit the following behaviors : - inability to follow a plan - difficulty sequencing and completing steps to accomplish specific tasks - shifting from one uncompleted activity to another without closure - difficulty following through on instructions - difficulty prioritizing from most to least important - challenges sustaining effort and accuracy over time - problems completing assignments - difficulty with tasks that require memory and with test taking - inability to interpret nonverbal cues - confusion from written material as well as spoken material, lectures and audiovisual material - difficulty sustaining attention to tasks or other activities - frequent messiness or sloppiness - poor handwriting, often slow and laborious - inappropriate responses in class often blurted out - agitation under pressure and competition - frequent involvement in physically dangerous activities without considering consequences - poor adult interactions ( often defiant, manipulative ) - poor personal care and posture, negative comments about self, lack of self - esteem - difficulty using unstructured time - losing things necessary for a task - poor use of time. adhd treatment options are individualized but may include medication therapy, counseling, tutoring, and outside referrals for related services. the most effective treatment of adhd requires full cooperation of teachers and parents working closely with other professionals such as physicians, psychologists, psychiatrists, speech and other educational specialists.


graduates need to understand credit published : saturday, september 8, 2012 at 8 : 17 p. m. last modified : saturday, september 8, 2012 at 8 : 17 p. m. if you ' ve got a recent high school graduate who ' s getting ready to head off to college or join the workforce, let me share a few lessons i learned the hard way about managing personal finances that you can pass along to your kids. young adults are just starting to build their credit history. in the coming months they ' ll probably encounter many unfamiliar expenses — and many financial temptations. if they ' re not careful, a few ill - thought decisions made now could damage their credit for years to come. here are several actions your kids can take to build good financial habits and strong credit — and a few minefields to watch out for : probably the most fundamental tool for young adults to help manage their finances is a basic checking account and debit card. a few tips to pass along : n look for a bank / credit union that charges no monthly usage fee, doesn ' t require minimum balances and has conveniently located atms so you don ' t rack up out - of - network atm charges. n enter all transactions in the check register, and review your account online regularly to know when deposits, checks, purchases and automatic payments have cleared. n don ' t write checks or make debit card purchases unless the current balance will cover them — many transactions now clear instantaneously. n banks must ask whether you want overdraft protection. if you opt for coverage, understand that overdrafts can be expensive — up to $ 35 or more per transaction. n request text or email alerts when your balance drops below a certain level, checks or deposits clear, or payments are due. credit cards for young adults can be a useful tool, but they must be used responsibly. by law, people under 21 must have a parent or other responsible adult co - sign credit card accounts unless they can prove sufficient income to repay the debt. if you allow your child to become an authorized user or joint account holder on one of your accounts, remember that any account activity, good or bad, goes on both your credit reports, so careful monitoring is critical. another way to build credit history is to start out with a “ secured ” credit card — a card linked to an account into which you deposit money. typically you can charge up to the amount you ' ve deposited and then replenish the account with more funds. after they


history is to start out with a “ secured ” credit card — a card linked to an account into which you deposit money. typically you can charge up to the amount you ' ve deposited and then replenish the account with more funds. after they ' ve made several on - time payments, have your kids ask the lender to convert it to an unsecured card, or to at least add an unsecured amount to the account. just make sure the lender agrees to report your payment history to at least one of the three credit bureaus ; otherwise, the account does nothing to improve your credit. if they qualify for an unsecured credit card, have your kids follow these guidelines : n always make at least the minimum payment — on time — each month. n strive to pay off the full balance each month ; otherwise, the accumulated interest will add significantly to your repayment amount. n avoid using credit cards for cash advances, which often incur upfront fees and begin accruing interest immediately. n look for a card with no annual fee and also compare cash advance, late payment, balance transfer, over - the - limit and other fees. jason alderman is a senior director at visa inc. and runs the company ' s global financial - literacy initiative, which includes the award - winning practical money skills for life and what ' s my score? programs. reader comments posted to this article may be published in our print edition. all rights reserved. this copyrighted material may not be re - published without permission. links are encouraged.


evolution of physical activity guidelines reflects changing body of evidence scientific knowledge about physical activity and health is of little value if people cannot understand it and apply it to their lives. for the past three decades, there has been a gradual but steady development in the effort to present information on physical activity and health to the general public. research has repeatedly shown that exposure to regular, frequent bouts of physical activity stimulates physiological and metabolic changes that benefit health. it is helpful to classify these as either ( a ) chronic effects, that is, adaptations to training acquired over weeks or months, or ( b ) short - term, acute responses to each individual session of activity. while psychological, social, and environmental factors contribute significantly to physical activity behavior, it is important to recognize that activity behavior also has a biological basis and that genetic variation could affect individuals ’ propensity to be physically active or sedentary. you can read human kinetics e - books on desktop, laptop, and various mobile devices, as long as you have authorized the device or e - reader app to read e - books protected by adobe ' s digital rights management ( drm ). the human body is designed for activity. for most of our history, physical activity was required for survival, but technological advances have eliminated much of the need for hard physical labor. as our activity levels have dropped, it has become clear that a physically inactive lifestyle can lead to a host of health problems. physical activity and health, second edition, provides a comprehensive treatment of the research on the benefits of a physically active lifestyle in comparison with the harmful consequences of physical inactivity. written by leading scientists from the united states, canada, europe, and australia, physical activity and health, second edition, brings together the results of the most important studies on the relationship between physical activity, sedentarism, and various health outcomes. the second edition has been fully updated based on the latest advances in this rapidly changing field and expanded to include the following new content : a chapter on the physiology of inactivity and the effects of sedentary behavior even in people who engage in appropriate amounts of physical activity, which is an area of growing interest more extensive coverage of physical activity, aging, and the brain, including a new chapter on the relationship between physical activity and brain structures and functions a chapter on the development of national and international physical activity and health guidelines, which will help readers better understand how scientific findings are converted into practical recommendations physical activity and health, second edition, offers a detailed yet concise presentation of key concepts as well


functions a chapter on the development of national and international physical activity and health guidelines, which will help readers better understand how scientific findings are converted into practical recommendations physical activity and health, second edition, offers a detailed yet concise presentation of key concepts as well as a framework to help readers relate results from single studies or collections of studies to the overall paradigm linking physical activity and physical fitness to health. for each of the topics covered, the text provides an overview of the most important research findings, discusses the limitations of the current knowledge base, and identifies directions for future investigation. at the core of the text is a review of our current understanding of how physical activity affects health concerns such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, cancer, and obesity as well as aging and mental health. the text identifies sedentary living habits and poor fitness as major public health problems and examines the potential of physical activity to prevent disease and enhance quality of life. this complete resource also looks at the evolution of the field of physical activity and health ; variations in physical activity levels across age, sex, and ethnic groups ; the body ’ s physiological responses to physical activity ; dose - response issues ; and the influence of genetics on physical activity, fitness, and health. the book ends with an integration of the issues covered and discusses new opportunities for research. the second edition of physical activity and health continues to offer clear, user - friendly coverage of the most important concepts and research in the field. numerous special features will aid readers in their comprehension of the material. chapter outlines and callout boxes help readers key in on important topics and focus their reading, and chapter summaries, definitions of key terms, and study questions provide tools for review and self - testing. commonly used acronyms and abbreviations are found on the interior covers for handy reference. where other books have simply promoted physical activity for the individual or a population, physical activity and health, second edition, completely integrates current knowledge of the relationship between physical activity and health. with contributions from some of the finest scientists in the field, this comprehensive text offers information unmatched in accuracy and reliability. part i : history and current status of the study of physical activity and health chapter 1 : why study physical activity and health? claude bouchard, phd ; steven n. blair, ped ; and william l. haskell, phd human evolution, history, and physical activity burden of chronic diseases health and its determinants aging and health defining physical activity and physical fitness physical inactivity versus physical activity chapter 2 : historical perspectives on physical activity


and william l. haskell, phd human evolution, history, and physical activity burden of chronic diseases health and its determinants aging and health defining physical activity and physical fitness physical inactivity versus physical activity chapter 2 : historical perspectives on physical activity, fitness, and health russell r. pate, phd early beliefs about physical activity and health scientific inquiry on exercise and health evolution of physical activity guidelines chapter 3 : physical activity and fitness with age, sex, and ethnic differences peter t. katzmarzyk, phd, facsm chapter 4 : sedentary behavior and inactivity physiology marc hamilton, phd ; and neville owen, phd sedentary behavior, physical activity, and public health inactivity physiology : the underlying biology of acute and chronic muscular inactivity sedentary behavior and metabolic health : emerging epidemiological evidence humans may not have reached the pinnacle of physical inactivity a comprehensive sedentary behavior research agenda public health implications part ii : effects of physical activity on the human organism chapter 5 : metabolic, cardiovascular, and respiratory responses to physical activity edward t. howley, phd relationship of energy to physical activity oxygen consumption and cardiovascular and respiratory responses to exercise effect of training, age, and gender on maximal oxygen uptake application to exercise training and physical activity interventions chapter 6 : acute responses to physical activity and exercise adrianne e. hardman, msc, phd lipids and lipoproteins immune function and inflammation responses related to energy balance augmentation of acute effects by training chapter 7 : hormonal response to regular physical activity peter a. farrell, phd importance of hormonal regulation regular physical activity and hormonal adaptations chapter 8 : skeletal muscle adaptation to regular physical activity howard j. green, phd skeletal muscle and human survival muscle cell : composition, structure, and function muscle fiber types and subtypes muscle adaptation and functional consequences aging muscle : the role of training chapter 9 : response of liver, kidney, and other organs and tissues to regular physical activity roy j. shephard, mb, bs, md ( london ), phd, dpe, dll acute effects of physical activity chronic effects of physical activity strengths and limitations of the current evidence part iii : physical activity, fitness, and health chapter 10 : physical activity, fitness, and mortality rates michael j. lamonte, phd, mph ; and steven n. blair, ped physical activity and mortality fitness and mortality activity or fitness and mortality in adults with existing diseases quantifying the population mortality burden of inactivity chapter


and mortality rates michael j. lamonte, phd, mph ; and steven n. blair, ped physical activity and mortality fitness and mortality activity or fitness and mortality in adults with existing diseases quantifying the population mortality burden of inactivity chapter 11 : physical activity, fitness, and cardiac, vascular, and pulmonary morbidities ian janssen, phd low physical activity and low cardiorespiratory fitness as risk factors for cardiovascular morbidities low physical activity and low cardiorespiratory fitness as risk factors for pulmonary morbidities role of physical activity in patients with cardiac, vascular, and pulmonary morbidities chapter 12 : physical activity, fitness, and obesity robert ross, phd, facsm ; and ian janssen, phd definition and problem of overweight and obesity relationships among excess weight, physical activity, and fitness role of physical activity in prevention and treatment of excess weight chapter 13 : physical activity, fitness, and diabetes mellitus roeland j. middelbeek, md, ms ; and laurie j. goodyear, phd diabetes : definitions and prevalence epidemiology, etiology, and complications of type 2 diabetes impact of physical activity on insulin and glucose metabolism epidemiological evidence indicating benefits of physical activity in preventing type 2 diabetes summary of randomized controlled trials on the prevention of type 2 diabetes importance of regular physical activity for people with type 2 diabetes chapter 14 : physical activity, fitness, and cancer i - min lee, mbbs, mph, scd importance of cancer how physical activity and physical fitness decrease the risk of developing cancer how we study whether physical activity and physical fitness decrease the risk of developing cancer physical activity, physical fitness, and site - specific cancers physical activity and cancer survivors chapter 15 : physical activity, fitness, and joint and bone health jennifer m. hootman, phd, atc, facsm, fnata strengths and limitations of the evidence chapter 16 : physical activity, muscular fitness, and health neil mccartney, phd ; and stuart m. phillips, phd history of resistance training and its role in health fundamental aspects of resistance training resistance training throughout the life span resistance training in disease and disability chapter 17 : physical activity, fitness, and children thomas rowland, md understanding the exercise – health link in children measurement of physical activity in youth defining the kinds and amount of physical activities for health optimal intervention strategies biological effects on physical activity in youth chapter 18 : risks of physical activity evert a. l. m. verhagen, phd, fecss ;


physical activity in youth defining the kinds and amount of physical activities for health optimal intervention strategies biological effects on physical activity in youth chapter 18 : risks of physical activity evert a. l. m. verhagen, phd, fecss ; esther m. f. van sluijs, phd ; and willem van mechelen, md, phd, facsm, fecss risks of physical activity and sport participation minimizing risk and maximizing benefits recommendations for future research part iv : physical activity, fitness, aging, and brain functions chapter 19 : physical activity, fitness, and aging loretta dipietro, phd, mph the aging process methodological considerations in aging research demographics of physical activity among older adults dimensions of physical activity and their relationship to health and function in aging programmatic issues in promoting physical activity in older populations chapter 20 : physical activity and brain functions kirk i. erickson, phd applied questions : populations benefiting from physical activity moderating questions : factors moderating the effect of physical activity chapter 21 : exercise and its effects on mental health john s. raglin, phd ; and gregory s. wilson, ped, facsm research paradigms of exercise and mental health research exercise and depression exercise and anxiety exercise and schizophrenia putative mechanisms for the psychological benefits of exercise detrimental psychological responses to exercise : the overtraining syndrome part v : how much is required and how do we get there? chapter 22 : dose – response issues in physical activity, fitness, and health william l. haskell, phd principles guiding the body ’ s response to activity components of the physical activity dose factors determining optimal activity dose physical activity and fitness : dose for health benefits chapter 23 : from science to physical activity guidelines mark s. tremblay, phd ; and william l. haskell, phd stages of physical activity guideline development strengths, limitations, and challenges part vi : new challenges and opportunities chapter 24 : genetic differences in the relationships among physical activity, fitness, and health tuomo rankinen, phd ; and claude bouchard, phd basics of human genetics events in human genes and genomes genetic variation in exercise traits among sedentary people genetics of physical activity level individual differences in response to regular exercise genes and responses to exercise trait - specific response to exercise personalized exercise medicine chapter 25 : an integrated view of physical activity, fitness, and health william l. haskell, phd ; steven n. blair, ped ; and claude bouchard, phd physical activity versus inactivity : universal value versus damaging consequences developing


chapter 25 : an integrated view of physical activity, fitness, and health william l. haskell, phd ; steven n. blair, ped ; and claude bouchard, phd physical activity versus inactivity : universal value versus damaging consequences developing and implementing physical activity plans research questions and issues about the contributors about the editors a textbook for upper - undergraduate and graduate students in kinesiology, exercise science, physical education, public health, health promotion, preventive medicine, and human biology. a reference for professionals. claude bouchard, phd, is the director of the human genomics laboratory at pennington biomedical research center, a campus of the louisiana state university system, where he also holds the john w. barton sr. chair in genetics and nutrition. he was director of the physical activity sciences laboratory at laval university, quebec city, canada, for over 20 years. dr. bouchard holds a bped from laval university, an msc in exercise physiology from the university of oregon at eugene, and a phd in population genetics from the university of texas at austin. for four decades, his research has dealt with the role of physical activity, and the lack thereof, on physiology, metabolism, and indicators of health, taking into account genetic uniqueness. he has performed research on the contributions of gene sequence variation and the benefits to be expected from regular activity in terms of changes in cardiovascular and diabetes risk factors. dr. bouchard has served as program leader for four consensus conferences and symposia pertaining to various aspects of physical activity and health. he has published more than 1, 000 scientific papers and has edited several books and monographs dealing with physical activity and health. dr. bouchard is the recipient of the willendorf award from the international association for the study of obesity, the sandoz award from the canadian atherosclerosis society, the albert creff award of the national academy of medicine of france, and four honoris causa doctorates ( katholieke universiteit leuven, university of south carolina, university of guelph, and brock university ). he is a foreign member of the royal academy of medicine of belgium and a member of the order of canada. dr. bouchard is former president of the canadian society for applied physiology, the north american association for the study of obesity, and the international association for the study of obesity. he is a fellow of the american college of sports medicine, the american heart association, the american society of nutrition, and the american association for the


, the north american association for the study of obesity, and the international association for the study of obesity. he is a fellow of the american college of sports medicine, the american heart association, the american society of nutrition, and the american association for the advancement of science. steven n. blair, ped, is a professor at the arnold school of public health at the university of south carolina in columbia. his research focuses on the associations between lifestyle and health, with a specific emphasis on exercise, physical fitness, body composition, and chronic disease. as one of the most highly cited exercise scientists currently active in research, dr. blair has published more than 550 articles, chapters, and books in scientific and professional literature. he also was the senior scientific editor for the u. s. surgeon general ' s report on physical activity and health. dr. blair has received numerous awards, including the honor award from the american college of sports medicine, population science award from the american heart association, u. s. surgeon general ’ s medallion, folksam epidemiology prize from the karolinska institute of stockholm, and a merit award from the national institutes of health. he also has received honorary doctoral degrees from universities in the united states, belgium, and england. dr. blair is a fellow of the american college of epidemiology, society of behavioral medicine, american college of sports medicine, american heart association, and american academy of kinesiology and physical education. he was also elected to membership in the american epidemiological society. he was the first president of the national coalition for promoting physical activity and is a past president of the american college of sports medicine and the american academy of kinesiology and physical education. william l. haskell, phd, is emeritus professor of medicine in the stanford prevention research center and the division of cardiovascular medicine, stanford school of medicine. he holds an honorary md degree from linkoping university in sweden. for more than 40 years, his research has investigated the relationships between physical activity and health. he has been involved at the national and international levels in the development of physical activity and fitness guidelines and recommendations for physical activity in health promotion and disease prevention. dr. haskell has served as principal investigator on major nih - funded research projects demonstrating the health benefits of physical activity. for the past 17 years, he has been a member of the planning committee and faculty for the cdc - sponsored research course on physical activity and public health. from 1968 to 1970, he was program director for the president ' s council on


moved from the city. northwest railroad built 6 kilometers away from polna caused another economical decline. railroad dobronin - polna was built in 1903 without passenger service. the most significant incident of the 19th century was the murder of a 19 - year - old anezka hruzova in the brezina forest. a polna jew, leopold hilsner *, was wrongfully accused of the crime. tomas garrigue masaryk, later the first president of czechoslovakia engaged himself in this affair. * ( see below and here for hilsner affair ) in 1906, the telephone network were installed. a power plant was built in 1911. by l930, there were only 51 jews left. only three polna jews survived wwii ' s deportations to concentration camps. by the late l980 ' s, the synagogue was abandoned and crumbling and slated for demolition, a common occurance under soviet rule. the l990 ' s brought intense activity - it was urgent to repair these sites before they crumbled. the polna synagogue was saved and reopened in september 2000. in 1949 polna became part of the havlickuv brod okres. in 1960, after another territorial reorganization it became part of the jihlava okres. wikipedia and other sources [ february 2009 ] the jewish cemetery is700 metres nw of hus´ square, behind the street " pod kalvarii ". since 16th century, it had been enlarged several times. with valuable baroque, classicistic, and new gravestones, the cemetery has been preserved by the group of local enthusiasts since 1988. in the last decade, the attention of some newspapers and magazines was attracted by the rumour about the possible origin of adolf hitler´s ancestors in polna. especially the gravestone of rosalia muller, nee huttler, in the right part of the cemetery, attracted attention. the oldest gravestones are from the 17th century, the newest from 1940. + 420 567212102 or 737937350. http : / / www. ipa. cz / polna synagogues without jews : [ see photos, maps, history! ] " just off the main cobblestone town square in polna, a town between prague and brno an ancient arched passageway leads to the old ghetto complex. the ghetto has been relatively undisturbed since the jews were moved in, in 1681, and it had a jewish community until ww ii. the complex, now a national heritage zone, but


ancient arched passageway leads to the old ghetto complex. the ghetto has been relatively undisturbed since the jews were moved in, in 1681, and it had a jewish community until ww ii. the complex, now a national heritage zone, but nevertheless a proletarian neighborhood, is on a sloping meadow. there are 32 houses in an upper, triangular court and a lower, smaller, rectangular one. the synagogue, once a dilapidated, stone building between the two courts, has been restored as a concert and exhibition hall. a small section houses polna ' s judaica, formerly hoarded by the nazis to prague. by 1532, there was a significant jewish community in polna, then a thriving market town for the textile industry. the jews, as merchants and moneylenders, settled among christian neighbors but were never free from discrimination, humiliation and disdain. through the centuries, decrees in polna ' s legal patent book show that jews did not have to perform certain civic duties such as army service or night guard, but engaging in trade was restricted, whereas king, nobility and church extracted gold. they were forbidden to sell meat to christians, or to testify against christians in court. the feudal lord, cardinal dietrichstein excluded non - catholics from his diocese in 1654, but, oddly, allowed jews in, because he regarded them as witnesses to the miracles and prophecies of the old testament. in response to complaints from the gentiles, during the cardinal ' s visit to polna in 1676, he established a ghetto at dolni ulice ( lower street ) near the small jewish cemetery on the edge of town. but local landowners resented the jewish presence, and the area suffered from poor sanitation. the ghetto was moved in 1681 to its present location. in their new environment, the jews were permitted an autonomous municipal unit with a jewish judge. they could build a tannery and dig a well. the town register lists magistrates izak michl, izak herschl, abraham ahron, jakob giml and elias wolf as some of the earliest community leaders. for the first few years, the kehillah met and prayed in a wooden hut in a member ' s yard. in 1682, the parnassim and the town magistrate signed an agreement to have the town build a new, furnished synagogue, a vaulted well and a mikveh. the jews paid construction costs over time and an additional annual fee. the synagogue was completed two years later. the kehillah continued to grow.


to have the town build a new, furnished synagogue, a vaulted well and a mikveh. the jews paid construction costs over time and an additional annual fee. the synagogue was completed two years later. the kehillah continued to grow. there were 50 families by 1714 and a permit to build a community hall was secured. by the end of the 18th century, there were 87 families and 16 new houses were added. in the mid 19th century, the kehillah ' s membership peaked at 770 people, constituting 128 families, causing some of the more affluent members to move out of the crowded ghetto. the interior of the synagogue was refurbished in 1861 with the financial help of a descendent of count dietrichstein only to burn down tragically two years later in the worst fire of polna ' s history. the torah scrolls were rescued but the jews ' homes were destroyed and the synagogue had to be completely rebuilt. * the " hilsneriade " brought polna to the attention of all europe. in april 1899, a simple - minded but guiltless jewish man, leopold hilsner, was tried for the murder of a christian girl living in veznicka, a village two miles from polna, and sentenced to death. anti - semitic feelings surfaced quickly, a pogrom was initiated and jewish stores were boycotted for a long time. thomas masaryk, highly regarded as a symbol of national independence and justice, demanded a retrial - not to defend the accused but to " defend the christians against superstition ". hilsner ' s sentence was changed to life imprisonment but he was freed in 1916, in the broad amnesty following the death of emperor franz josef i. in 1961, as the woman ' s brother lay dying at the age of 93, he confessed to killing his sister to save himself the cost of her dowry. the last rabbi of polna, rabbi david alt, emigrated in 1920 after most of the ghetto houses had been sold to christians and only 85 jews remained. nazis confiscated all jewish property and, of the 40 jews deported from polna, only 2 adults and 2 children returned. " [ february 2009 ] | last updated on sunday, 14 june 2009 20 : 18 |


the civilian economy the lean years by the time pearl harbor was attack, civilian claims upon the war economy had been severely reduced. the national store of capital equipment employed in purposes other than those directly concerned with the war was diminishing through under - maintenance and lack of replacement. 1 the civilian standard of living had fallen considerably. after 1941 there was no scope for further dramatic reductions in the civilian share of the national output. although it was still necessary further to constrict civilian demands whenever possible, it was no less necessary to make sure that the standard of living and the maintenance of capital equipment did not fall below the minimum compatible with efficiency and high morale. there was of course no simple definition of this minimum ; policy was necessarily built up by a long - continuing series of particular decisions. as regards capital equipment, every application for a licence for machinery or building could be judged on its merits. it was much more difficult to decide where the minimum standard of living lay. as the prime minister once reminded his colleagues, great britain was ' a modern community at war, and not hottentots or esquimaux '. there was no certainty even in calculating the number of calories needed for bodily strength, let alone the indispensable minimum quantity of clothing or the quantity of fuel needed for minimum warmth. still less could the government decide in advance how low the production of essential consumer goods — cups for example, or needles or saucepans — should be allowed to fall. for a time, production could be cut drastically without serious results. but, as the war dragged on year after year, household and trade stocks were used up and the search for crockery or something to cook in — both indispensable needs in modern life — consumed more time and temper than the economies in labour or raw materials justified. it was important to keep supplies of such essentials at an adequate, even if a modest level. nor was it possible to eliminate ruthlessly all those goods which, by the strictest standards of austerity, might be called unessential in a war economy. long wars are full of anxiety, tedium and exhaustion and workers cannot give their best over a stretch of years if they have no relaxations. opinions could indeed differ widely about the desirable level of the supply of ' unessentials '. the zealots of efficiency and sacrifice could always make a strong case for decisions that would free some extra shipping space or release some extra labour for the munitions industries. but might not the war effort be better served


of ' unessentials '. the zealots of efficiency and sacrifice could always make a strong case for decisions that would free some extra shipping space or release some extra labour for the munitions industries. but might not the war effort be better served by maintaining the supply of tobacco, horse - racing, cinemas, ice - cream or flowers — things which would strengthen the will to work or brighten dreary lives? to such a question it could be answered that this was a hard war, that victory was still in doubt and since the major economies that additional resources could be released for direct war purposes. the reduction in the standard of living was throughout determined largely by a process of trial and error and by the prevailing balance of opinion about public psychology. after the disasters in the early months of 1942, for example, the mood was a strong desire for sacrifice. in march, the lord president ' s committee called for a more drastic curtailment of activities not essential to the war effort. but the ' civilian ' purposes which used scarce resources such as shipping in the greatest quantities were not deemed to come with this category. food was the outstanding example : in essentials, food standards did not suffer from the shipping vicissitudes of 1942 and 1943. 2 significant reduction in the quantity or the variety of diet — even temporary reductions — were strenuously resisted on the grounds that they would impair health and the ability to work. rations had their ups and downs, but in general they remained adequate and reasonably palatable and varied. civilians could, moreover, not only eat rations at home but also unrationed meals in canteens or restaurants. early in 1942, the government reconsidered the rationing of restaurant meals — a proposal hitherto rejected because the economy in food would be small in relation to the administrative difficulties. once more it was dropped, mainly because can teen meals could not be excepted. all that emerged from much anxious thought was some new regulations for restaurant meals — in particular, the restriction of courses and a 5s. maximum charge. 3 this was a response to public uneasiness about luxury feeding in war time. the government had concluded that it would harm the war effort to impose further cuts on food supplies. they came to the same conclusion about tobacco. in march 1942, the president of the board of trade informed the lord president ' s committee that in order to meet current consumption and prevent stocks from falling below the danger level 112, 000 tons of tobacco must be imported during the year. tobacco imports, it


march 1942, the president of the board of trade informed the lord president ' s committee that in order to meet current consumption and prevent stocks from falling below the danger level 112, 000 tons of tobacco must be imported during the year. tobacco imports, it was clear, could be increased only at the expense of other cargoes, but the government felt that in the interests of efficiency and morale, tobacco supplies should be maintained at the level of demand. on the other hand, the abolition of the basic civilian petrol ration, which had been strongly opposed in 1942 for social and political reasons, was accepted in march 1942. the most significant changes affecting civilian standards during the last years of war were those in the range of goods covered by the board of trade. before pearl harbor, supplies of all goods had already been steadily reduced in order to release shipping and labour ; in the opinion of the president of the board of trade, some of the restrictions had gone almost too far. nevertheless, the screw could still be turned tighter. in the spring of 1942, for example, it was decided to cut the general clothing ration for the year 1942 – 43 by about a quarter. this brought the volume of adults ' clothing purchases down to something like half of pre - war ; the volume of children ' s clothing was down to about sixty percent. 4 wherever possible, the board of trade was still zealous in cutting its demands. it was always anxious to eliminate unessential production. but it was also increasingly concerned with maintaining supplies of essential consumer goods to meet maximum requirements. the old methods of control by limitation of supplies orders were not suitable for the new times. 5 although a certain flexibility had been introduced into the orders, they still covered broad classes of goods and could not discriminate sufficiently between the essential and unessential products in any class. moreover, they controlled the disposal of supplies and not actual production. more direct methods of control were therefore necessary. they were not possible, however, without certain change of heart in the board of trade. when the board had first discussed utility clothing in the summer of 1941, there had been a strong feeling that the government could not hope to force large numbers of firms to making something they did not want to make. policy, therefore, had been based at that time on the provision of incentives rather than on control and directions. the first departure from this general policy occurred in the autumn of 1941 with hollow - ware production. an acute shortage of pans, kettles, buckets, etc. had developed. in order


the provision of incentives rather than on control and directions. the first departure from this general policy occurred in the autumn of 1941 with hollow - ware production. an acute shortage of pans, kettles, buckets, etc. had developed. in order to ensure that the limited supplies of labour and material remaining to the industry were used to the best advantage, production was permitted henceforward only under licence ; licences were granted for nothing except essential articles made to approved specifications. 6 it soon became clear that some such direct control was needed also for clothing. hitherto, the policy of inducements had regulated the proportions of utility and non - utility production. it had failed to secure a balanced production of different garments. clothing is, after all, interchangeable only within narrow limits ; an abundance of stockings is no compensation for a lack of shoes and it is useless to offer stock - size garments to outsize people or adult clothing to children. producers faced with artificial market conditions and with demand muffled and distorted by price control, could neglect essential goods in favour of others that were more profitable or for other reasons more attractive to them. the board of trade, therefore, realised that it must take new measures to ensure real economy and a fair deal to the majority of consumers. in the early summer of 1942 the control of textile and clothing by quotas was dropped and a new apparel and textiles order7 required manufacturers to comply with any directions regulating or prohibiting manufacture or supply. with this order behind it, the board of trade could do much more to equate the demand and supply for particular types of clothing. it collected estimates of demand through consumer surveys and by watching statistics of stocks and sales. production was then organised to meet demand. these planned budgets, moreover, proved themselves to be a much more authentic basis for assessing claims upon raw materials ands labour. 8 these new methods of control spread further. towards the end of april 1942, the president of the board of trade submitted to the lord president ' s committee proposals to control production in a much wider range of consumer goods, in some cases to prohibit manufacture altogether and in other to limit production as far as possible to price - controlled utility goods in quantities sufficient for essential civilian needs. the president made it clear that widespread prohibition of manufacture would be involved. it might prove impossible to absorb some of the elderly workers thus released and in many small industries, businesses might be closed down completely. the lord president ' s committee was not in a less drastic mood and was inclined to think that the price of the board ' s


prove impossible to absorb some of the elderly workers thus released and in many small industries, businesses might be closed down completely. the lord president ' s committee was not in a less drastic mood and was inclined to think that the price of the board ' s proposals would be too high ; nevertheless discussions were begun with the industries concerned and the new policy was launched in the summer of 1942. in june of the same year, the manufacture of pottery9 and of pencils10 was controlled, and in august control of manufacture and supply was extended to a long list of consumer goods11 — floor coverings, metal furniture, domestic electric appliances, sports gear, mechanical lighters, fountain pens, umbrellas, musical instruments and furniture. there was no uniform control. the purpose and the detailed method varied from product to product. with pottery, as with hollow - ware, the aim was to produce as many essential articles as possible with labour force that had already been depleted quite enough or even perhaps too far ; only specified articles made in plain undecorated ware were licensed. with musical instruments, on the other hand, the aim of control was rather to squeeze still more resources out of the industry. under the limitation of supplies orders a small general quota had been allowed ; but under the new controls manufacture of musical instruments was licensed only for supply to organised bodies connected with the forces, schools and so on ; the one exception was a small supply of gramophone records and needles for the ordinary civilian. in some of the controlled industries, the products — for example, pencils and cigarettes lighters — were standardised ; in others they were not. in some cases, licenses to manufacture clearly specified the people to whom the goods were to be supplied ; this principle applied to musical instruments and also to sports gear, metal furniture and some kinds of electrical appliances. in other cases, however — umbrellas, or cigarette lighters or fountain pens — the supply had obviously to be an open one. one of the most interesting and comprehensive control was that over furniture. 12 for most people, new furniture in wartime was quite unnecessary. but the severe shortage of cheap furniture hit certain class, such as newly married couples and bombed out people, very hard. the furniture control was designed to meet these special needs. an advisory committee drew up, for the essential pieces of furniture, specifications which combined good, simple design with the maximum economy of materials and labour. manufacture was restricted to these models and a distribution scheme confined purchases to those whose needs were greatest. it is clear that since the orders controlling manufacture


the essential pieces of furniture, specifications which combined good, simple design with the maximum economy of materials and labour. manufacture was restricted to these models and a distribution scheme confined purchases to those whose needs were greatest. it is clear that since the orders controlling manufacture wand supply licensed only essential types of production, they involved prohibitions on all the rest in the same class. some classes of goods, however, still remained under control by limitation of supplies. others had never been effectively controlled. in its efforts to eliminate unessential production and transfer material and — more particularly — labour to war purposes, the board of trade made an order13 in the summer of 1942 prohibiting the manufacture of a long list of fripperies ranging through jewelery, metal toys, ornamental glassware, fancy goods, bird cages and a miscellany of household gadgets. for some time, no materials had been issued for the manufacture of these goods ; but the prohibitions were needed to buttress raw material control by making it impossible — for example — to use existing stocks of material. to avoid harshness towards elderly or disabled workers, licences to manufacture goods on the prohibited lists were granted if materials were not scarce and if the ministry of labour testified that the workers could not be absorbed into some useful alternative employment. as the war went on, the distinction between essential and unessential civilian goods became more and more marked. as repeated calls were made upon civilian industries to release still more labour, the unessential industries declined still further ; on the other hand, the board of trade fought to maintain and sometimes to increase the labour necessary for producing essential civilian goods. its efforts were not always successful. it proved almost as difficult to expand the over - contracted textile industries as to resuscitate the coal industry. ad many essential goods remained too scarce throughout the war. the shortage of necessities for children — perambulators, rubber teats and footwear for example — was particularly acute, for the wartime rise in the birth rate had taken the government unaware. 14 another example was the laundry services ; there was anxiety that they might break down under the combined pressure of civilian and forces ' work. bus services were also inadequate. trouble had begun in 1941 with a shortage of buses and, in spite of the allocation of new buses and, in spite of the allocation of new buses to civilian transport, the difficulties persisted throughout the war. the prime minister himself was emphatic about the need to improve bus services and so lessen general fatigue. housing was perhaps the most


new buses and, in spite of the allocation of new buses to civilian transport, the difficulties persisted throughout the war. the prime minister himself was emphatic about the need to improve bus services and so lessen general fatigue. housing was perhaps the most serious of all the civilian shortage in the last years of the war. by the end of 1942 conditions were already very bad. about 300, 000 families were living in houses that had been or would in ordinary times have been condemned as slums ; 2½ million families were first living a spartan existence in bombed houses which had only received first - aid repairs ; another vast number was living in overcrowded conditions. air raid damage and destruction, living in overcrowded conditions. air raid damage and destruction, military requisitioning, the evacuation of coastal areas and, most of all, the virtual cessation of new housebuilding since 1939, had all played their part. the minister of health insisted that morale would suffer if housing conditions were not improved. early in 1943, therefore, the war cabinet agreed that repairs should begin on some of the 97, 000 houses made uninhabitable by bombs and that 3, 000 cottages should if possible be built in rural areas. but the work went very slowly and by mid - 1943 housing conditions were worse than ever. the lord president ' s committee agreed therefore that, after the demands for war building had been met, housing should have first call on any immobile building labour. a few months later the government authorised some conversion of large houses into flats and the completion of partly finished houses. in the spring of 1944, the government was anticipating that all repairable bomb - damaged houses would be repaired by the end of the year ; but the flying - bombs and rockets extinguished such hopes. bad housing was left as one of the worst social and economic legacies of the war. 15 measures to reduce the nation ' s domestic capital and standard of living were frequently accompanied by controversy ; some people thought successive cuts went too far, others that they could go considerably further. it is important to understand the basis of this controversy. the arguments for or against these sacrifices scarcely ever hinged upon the question whether the united kingdom could, in the long run, afford them ' nobody doubted that the full price of victory must be paid, whatever might be its final cost to the national economy. opinions differed, not on the sum but on the means of achieving it. would the indirect ill effects of any individual cut outweigh the direct benefit to the war effort? would


be paid, whatever might be its final cost to the national economy. opinions differed, not on the sum but on the means of achieving it. would the indirect ill effects of any individual cut outweigh the direct benefit to the war effort? would efficiency and morale suffer? would the administrative costs by too heavy? even in retrospect, it is not easy to find the right balance. as far as the standard of living is concerned, it is probably that the degree of austerity achieved was about right — a great contribution was made to the country ' s war needs and the morale of the population remained high right to the end of the six hard years of war. on the other hand, since the war lasted six, not three years, 16 some of the cuts in capital formation proved to have gone too deep. the great transfer of resources from civilian to direct war purposes would have been impossible without the country ' s approval. people were ready for lower standards of life and most industries accepted reduced standards of capital equipment. there were however some instances in which the surrender of resources was limited by the unwillingness to cooperate of the people adversely affected. this was a contributory reason for the government ' s decision in the summer of 1942 to drop the proposals for fuel rationing. 17 opposition also deterred the government from enforcing drastic economies in many of the distribution services. this was true of some of the schemes for transport economy through ' zoning '. 18 the same was to some extent true of local retail deliveries. for example, whereas milk deliveries were drastically reorganised in order to save labour, the only restriction on bread distribution was a limitation of deliveries to three a week : as many bakers as wished to could still deliver in the same street. similarly, coal distribution was never rationalised. the government was not ready to force the 20, 000 or so coal merchant even to pool their orders to collieries in order to save transport ; 19 much less would they compel the pooling of supplies, stocks, labour and vehicles at the merchants ' depots. other failures or disappointments must be recorded. there had been discussion about the concentration of non - food retail trades ever since the concentration of industry proposals were formulated. 20 a policy was needed which would extract from these trade as much labour and storage space as possible while maintaining essential shopping facilities. it was desirable to reduce the number of retail outlets without causing unnecessary hardship amongst shopkeepers. in the hope of finding some such policy, the board of trade had set up at retail trade committee


labour and storage space as possible while maintaining essential shopping facilities. it was desirable to reduce the number of retail outlets without causing unnecessary hardship amongst shopkeepers. in the hope of finding some such policy, the board of trade had set up at retail trade committee in may 1941. the extreme inadequacy of statistics about retail trade, the acute differences between different sections such as the cooperative societies, big department stores, multiple stores and small traders, and the vaguenesss of the committee ' s terms of reference were some of the main reasons for its delay in producing any concentration proposals. 21 at length, in june 1942, the committee recommended voluntary withdrawals from the trade, to be compensated by a compulsory levy on continuing trades. these proposals were not very helpful — voluntary withdrawals would not yield sufficient labour — and a storm of opposition in the press, the trades and the house of commons22 greeted the suggestion of a levy. small retailers, after all, constituted only one example of a very large category of people equally valuable to society, equally hit by war conditions and with an equal claim to assistance. the government turned down the proposals of the retail trade committee. henceforward, the board of trade in its retail trade policy was increasingly concerned with the survival of the small traders. supplies to them were to be safeguarded and the demands for labour and storage space were to be met as far as possible from the big shops. it is possible to measure the changes in the civilian economy during the last years of the war? some of the tables in the statistical summary give a broad guide. even though the figures in table 1 ( a ) on p. 347 do not allow for changes in prices, it is quite clear that ' civilian ' capital equipment continued to diminish at an uncomfortably high rate through 1942, 1943 and 1944. on the other hand, table 1 ( b ) shows that the total volume of purchases of consumers ' goods and services did not change significantly after 1941. in 1942 and 1943 purchases were a little lower than in 1941 and in 1944 a little higher. the figure for total purchases, however, conceals important fluctuations between individual categories of goods and services. for example, the nation had more travel, more entertainment, more smoking — though some of this increase was due to the large numbers of allied servicemen stationed in the united kingdom. on the other hand, far fewer household goods were bought and private motoring dwindled almost to nothing. these figures do not pretend to be more than than the very crudest guide to changes in the


of allied servicemen stationed in the united kingdom. on the other hand, far fewer household goods were bought and private motoring dwindled almost to nothing. these figures do not pretend to be more than than the very crudest guide to changes in the standard of living. they cannot take full account of changes in quality and they make no allowance for restrictions in consumers ' choice nor for the general conditions of wartime life. moreover, the figures show total national consumption, and at a time when the size and composition of the population is changing there are bound to be great variations of individual experience. but in spite of all their inadequacies there figures help to give some idea of the contribution that the war effort exacted from civilian standards in britain. the experience of the united states and canada was very different. in these countries, too, additions to the stock of ' non - war ' buildings and capital equipment ceased, many capital goods were not replaced as they wore out and stocks of civilian goods were run down. but when peacetime uses of war property ( munitions plant, army trucks, merchant ships, etc. ) are taken into account, the united kingdom alone suffered a net reduction in national capital. 23 as for consumer goods and services, the table on p. 500 shows the differences of expenditure in the three countries. in part, this table underlines the conclusions drawn from the international study of manpower figures ; 24 increase in total output in the united states and canada was much greater than in the united kingdom ; the diversion of production from civilian purposes was much less. the table also reflects the effects of the shipping shortage upon the united kingdom with its dependence upon imported food and materials. in all three countries, consumer goods using materials for which there were directly competing demands from the munitions industries became scarce — metal household goods, for example. in the united kingdom in addition, all goods depending on imports became scarce. finally, because civilian production was cut two years earlier in the united kingdom than in canada and the united states, the united kingdom ran down its stocks much sooner. in canada and the united states this unused reserve helped, even in 1944, to maintain the level of consumer purchases. all consumer goods and services percentage changes in per capita purchases by groups ( valued as far as possible at pre - war prices ) 1. food ( a ) 2. alcoholic beverages and tobacco 3. clothing and footware + 2325 + 925 + 222 4. housing ( b ) 5. fuel and power 6. household goods ( mainly electrical and metal ( d ) ) 7


. food ( a ) 2. alcoholic beverages and tobacco 3. clothing and footware + 2325 + 925 + 222 4. housing ( b ) 5. fuel and power 6. household goods ( mainly electrical and metal ( d ) ) 7. household goods ( other ) ( d ) + 2625 + 325 + 15 8. other personal effects ( d ) + 4325 + 1825 ( c ) 9. reading matter ( d ) + 2425 + 725 + 22 10. amusements ( d ) + 1025 + 625 + 53 11. motor vehicles and their operation - 5225 - 6125 - 52 12. public transport ( d ) + 8725 + 5925 + 95 13. postal telephone and telegraph services ( d ) + 3325 + 1725 ( c ) 14. miscellaneous services + 1925 + 825 + 1125 + 525 15. total consumption + 1625 + 425 + 1625 + 525 source : the impact of the war on civilian consumption in the united kingdom, the united states and canada ; this book and its appendices give a detailed analysis of the table. it also reconciles the u. k. figures with those appearing in the white papers on national income and expenditure the population base used for calculating per capita expenditure in total and for most individual categories is the total civilian population. in groups 9, 10, 12, 13, the population base is the total civilian population plus the armed forces stationed in the country ; in group 2 it is civilians aged fourteen and over plus the armed forces stationed in the country. ( a ) including non - alcoholic beverages. the changes shown represent changes in the value of food consumption rather than of purchases. ( b ) rent, rates ( in the u. k. ) and water charges. ( c ) these items are included in miscellaneous services ; so are some household goods, some amusements and the value of room and board furnished to commercial employees. the percentage change is to 1943. ( d ) the change is to 1943. ( e ) the pre - war year is 1935. thus the country ' s standard of living fell heavily. it was a chief aim of financial policy to distribute the burden of this fall as fairly as possible. another chief aim was so to arrange financial incentives that the transfer of resources to war purposes would be eased and encouraged. intensive study of these ends and of the means to fulfil them had occupied much time and thought within the government since the first days of war. the rearrangement of incentives involved no single decision of policy but was rather


be eased and encouraged. intensive study of these ends and of the means to fulfil them had occupied much time and thought within the government since the first days of war. the rearrangement of incentives involved no single decision of policy but was rather a general aim to be remembered in a whole range of discussions at ministerial and administrative levels. to spread the cost of the war fairly, and to control the inflation that was inherent in such an immense war effort, demanded more specific action. a network of firm policies was needed. by the time pearl harbor was attacked, all the main threads of this network were woven. 26 the gap between spendable incomes and available goods had been narrowed not merely by a great campaign for voluntary savings but by resolute taxation. direct taxation had been increased up to the limits beyond which incentives to all - out production might be stifled, or hardships in individual cases become intolerable ; indirect taxation on all but the minimum essential of lits had mopped up more purchasing power. on the other hand, the cost - of - living index was stabilised. the index was pegged mainly by manipulating food subsidies, although a beginning had also been made with the production to strict specification of essential goods whose prices could be strictly controlled. stabilisation was designed both to prevent claims for increased wage rates and to ensure that essential goods that were scarce did not go simply to those who could pay the highest price. price control by itself was not of course enough ; it had to be buttressed by rationing over as wide a field as possible. by the beginning of 1942, all these principles were accepted and in practice. apart from a brief resurrection of the problem of wages policy in the late summer of 1942, 27 all the main elements of financial policy remained settled. for the rest of the war they were not called into question. the ever - increasing strain on the civilian economy mean of course that taxation needed to become even more drastic and strict price control and rationing more extensive. direct taxation was thought to have reached its practical limit ; but in 1942 and again in 1943 indirect taxation on tobacco, alcohol, entertainments and luxury goods was raised. the percentage of expenditure borne out of revenue increased, in fact, throughout the war — from thirty - nine percent in 1940 to fifty - five percent in 1944. this steady rise, and the actual height of the percentage, were indeed notable landmarks in the financial history of modern wars ; in 1918 a percentage of twenty - nine had been thought a fair performance. moreover, control of the loan


five percent in 1944. this steady rise, and the actual height of the percentage, were indeed notable landmarks in the financial history of modern wars ; in 1918 a percentage of twenty - nine had been thought a fair performance. moreover, control of the loan markets made it possible for the government to borrow at low and steady rates of interest the sums still necessary after taxation to finance its immense expenditures. as for prices, stabilisation of the cost - of - living index continued. rising costs at home and abroad made it increasingly expensive ; government subsidies rose from £72 millions in 1940 to £215 millions in 1944. the stabilisation policy was undoubtedly of the greatest value in keeping the economy steady. but, although it put a greatest value in keeping the wages - level somewhere near the level of the spring of 1941. when the stabilisation policy was first introduced, wage rates had risen six percent less than the cost of living ; but by the spring of 1944 they had risen eleven percent more than the cost of living. some of the increases were indeed necessary to remedy anomalies in particular industries, and others were justified by increases in productivity ; others however had been granted for much less satisfactory reasons. in these circumstances, the chancellor of the exchequer, in his 1944 budget speech, contemplated a range of the cost - of - living index of 30 — 35 percent over pre - war, instead of the 25 – 30 percent laid down in 1941. 28 the cost - of - living index was stabilised largely through subsidies ; most of them were on food but some of them were on raw materials and a few on manufactured articles — for example, woollen and cotton utility cloth. from 1942 onwards, means were increasingly found for keeping the cost of living steady without subsidies. closer control over the production of many consumer goods made is possible to fix their prices more strictly and in some cases actually to reduce costs by longer productions and so forth. 29 the price control legislation of 194130 had opened the way to fixing precise ceiling prices at every stage of production and distribution. this was by far the best method of price control since it alone could be properly enforced. but these maximum prices could only be fixed for articles that were clearly defined and unidentifiable. for these reasons, the government had launched the utility clothing scheme and the arrival in 1942 of good quantities of utility clothes on the market, together with the remission of purchase tax on them, at last sent the clothing items in the cost - of - living index down. 31 the board of trade was anxious


scheme and the arrival in 1942 of good quantities of utility clothes on the market, together with the remission of purchase tax on them, at last sent the clothing items in the cost - of - living index down. 31 the board of trade was anxious to control not only the significant items in the official cost - of - living index but also the actual wartime cost of living. from 1942, therefore, the utility principle spread over a much wider field. for the purposes of price control, it may be noted, the existence of a formal utility scheme was not the essential condition ; what mattered was that there should be some workable identification. in general, the closer the specification the more effective was the price control. the arrangements for producing utility goods very seldom achieved anything approaching complete standardisation. nor were the specifications often close enough to guard against deterioration in quality. a bigger obstacle to rigid price control was the difference between manufacturers ' costs. the accounting systems of many firms were indeed so imperfect that it was difficult to determine their costs, and even when accounts were satisfactory, different firms used many different methods of costing. when costs were ascertained, the board of trade was faced with the familiar quandary. ceiling prices had to be fixed at a level that would cover high - cost manufacturers without additional restraint, these ceiling prices would tend to become minima, or quality would deteriorate ; the low - cost manufacturer would then reap excessive profits. the board of trade usually stipulated, therefore, that manufacturers should charge either the fixed ceiling price or their costs plus a percentage, whichever was the lower. this arrangement, however, was difficult to police among a host of manufacturers and it also bore the usual disadvantages of the cost plus system. price control under the 1941 legislation was, with all its imperfections, a great improvement on what had gone before. but it must be remembered that it never covered the whole field. except in a very few industries such as furniture and hosiery it was not considered practicable to achieve anywhere near 100 percent utility production. goods outside utility and ' near - utility ' schemes were covered only be ineffective price controls — the old prices of goods act or later ' standstill ' orders. the inefficiency of price control over non - utility or unessential goods, the imperfections even of the ceiling price methods and the tendency of distributors to deal in more expensive goods — all these reinforced the need for strong production controls to ensure that firms did not divert their efforts away from cheap or essential goods. 32 price control


, the imperfections even of the ceiling price methods and the tendency of distributors to deal in more expensive goods — all these reinforced the need for strong production controls to ensure that firms did not divert their efforts away from cheap or essential goods. 32 price control, on the whole, kept scarce essential goods with the reach of the general public. unless it was combined with rationing, however, shop shortages and queues were substituted for high prices as a method of distribution. unfortunately, there were all kinds of limitations on the extension of rationing. food did not cause much difficulty ; more and more foods were brought within the points scheme, other foods were reserved for priority classes such as children and expectant mothers, sweets and chocolates were rationed from the middle of 1942. but there were other essential goods and services which proved more troublesome. as we have seen, administrative difficulties were too great to permit the rationing of travel ; difficult problems of administration and enforcement were a main reason for abandoning fuel rationing. tobacco could probably have been combined with sweets in a personal points scheme, but, in the interests of morale, it has been decided instead to maintain imports at the level of demand. there was increasing concern over the distribution of household goods — the pans, crockery, brushes, bed clothes and so forth — which were so elusive in the shops. from time to time in 1942 and 1943, various points schemes for these goods were discussed. the difficulties, however, always proved too great. problems of equity would be particularly acute because of the infrequent intervals at which most household goods were bought, the great importance of a household ' s initial stocks, and the different sizes of households. special cases and businesses and institutional users would produce administrative nightmares, to say nothing of the technical difficulties of drawing up a pointing list and collecting coupons. and, after all, the ration could only be minute. if rationing covered bed linen, bedding, hollow - ware, crockery, glassware, and cutlery, the total retail value of the goods available for domestic users would only be about £20 millions a year — less than half the value of the sweets ration. after allowing for the special claims of new households, the general ration might be about 1¾d. a head a week. 33 the idea was inevitably turned down as impracticable. for some goods, however, special distribution schemes were worked out. permits to but utility furniture, for example, were granted only to priority classes such as newly


. a head a week. 33 the idea was inevitably turned down as impracticable. for some goods, however, special distribution schemes were worked out. permits to but utility furniture, for example, were granted only to priority classes such as newly married couples, bombed - out people, parents setting up house because they were expecting children, or parents needing beds for growing children. a system of priority dockets ensured that the same people had first call on the limited supplies of bed clothes and floor coverings. or again, specific clothes in very short supply such as rubber boots were reserved by the device of buying permits for the people who needed them most. many goods, too, were confined to special classes of users by the controls over manufacture and supply — metal beds for hospitals or sports goods for schools and the forces. all these measures supported price control and were also the extension of a well - grounded social policy. there was little dispute about them. the difficult questions of financial policy in these last years of the war arose rather over particular discrepancies in standards of life or particular industrial problems. one of the sharpest issues raised in the press and parliament was over differences of pay between civilians and the fighting services. it was this public criticism which spurred the government to action. a debate in the house of commons at the end of 1941, the prospect of a debate in the autumn of 1942 and again in the spring of 194434 set ministerial discussion afoot and produced revisions of pay. the subject was difficult and the habit of comparing civilian and service rates of pay could be misleading, since the systems of pay differed so fundamentally. payments in kind, dependents ' allowances, relief from income tax and the chances of proficiency pay, tradesmen ' s pay and promotion had all to be taken into account. 35 but although when all this was taken into account the total pay of a private seemed near the average industrial earnings, many privates had been earning more than the average civilian in civilian life, and there were innumerable cases of servicemen ' s families living near the families of workers earning much more than the industrial average. before the 1942 revisions, the government admitted that there was a general discrepancy between civilians ' and servicemen ' s families. for example, the allowance for the wife and two children of a private, including his own compulsory allotment of pay for their support, was only 38s. a week. war service grants could be made to prevent excessive hardship, but they did not prevent the smaller continual hardships of life nor


children of a private, including his own compulsory allotment of pay for their support, was only 38s. a week. war service grants could be made to prevent excessive hardship, but they did not prevent the smaller continual hardships of life nor exclusion from the minor luxuries of wartime existence — entertainments, the more expensive points foods and so forth. the pay revisions of 1942 concentrated on improving children ' s allowances ; at the same time compulsory allotments of pay to families were reduced and postwar credits introduced in the first review of that year, and int he second review there was a basic increase in pay for other ranks and improved promotion prospects for officers. the 1942 revisions were intended as final. but civilian wages went upwards and by 1944 the gap between service and civilian pay seemed even wider than before. again there was parliamentary criticism and again a government review. large increases in allowances were made36 — a private ' s wife with two children would now receive 60s. instead of 43s. by this stage in the war the serviceman was pretty well off compared with his civilian counterpart. among civilians, too, there were considerable differences in the standard of living. across the gulf which separated them, workers of the badly paid industries eyed with resentment neighbours and relations with higher wages earned, probably, in less dirty and arduous occupations. l the bitterness was greatest among the coalminers. the wages and finances of coalmining were the most difficult individual problem of financial policy in the last years of the war. we have seen how total coal production and productivity were both falling rapidly in the first half of 1942. not least among the causes was the fierce discontent in the coalfields and the awakening of the old antagonisms which had been sleeping fitfully during the first two years of war. 37 the causes of this ill - feeling were complex and many of them were immovably rooted in the memories of the years between the wars. but early in 1942 the most important single and immediate grievance was undoubtedly wages. on a list of the earnings of some hundred industries, coalminers than stood about fifty - ninth. 38 tied by the essential work order to a risky, dirty and exhausting occupation which they have always regarded with a strange mixture of pride and disgust, the miners saw neighbours from their villages and towns earning higher wages in the nearby munitions factories. in the first half of 1942, moreover, more than 36, 000 ex - miners were brought back to the mines from other industries at a great loss of wages


the miners saw neighbours from their villages and towns earning higher wages in the nearby munitions factories. in the first half of 1942, moreover, more than 36, 000 ex - miners were brought back to the mines from other industries at a great loss of wages to themselves. 39 at the same time, coal earning threatened an actual fall. for an important part of mining wages was settled by the division of the disposable proceeds of the industry ( that is, total proceeds less all other costs other than wages ) between profits and wages in settled proportions : and now, since individual costs other than timber were rising, disposable proceeds tended to fall and wages with them. the mineworkers ' federation presented a claim for a wage improvement which would be more than a mere adjustment to the cost of living — a national minimum wage for adults of 85s. a week and considerable increases in shift payments. the owners ' counter - proposal was that any wage increase should be partly a bonus on attendance and partly a bonus on output. at the beginning of june 1942, the government submitted these proposals and counter - proposals to a board of investigation, generally known as the greene board. the recommendations were ready in a fortnight40 and were accepted. the miners ' claim for a national minimum wage was agreed and the figure was put at 85s. for all adult underground workers. the claim for an unconditional wages increase was also approved, but the increase was put at 2s. 6d. a shift for adult workers, instead of the 4s which the miners asked. the greene award aimed primarily at improving the conditions of the adult mineworkers. it was indeed the first major installment of general revision of mining wages and raised the miner from fifty - ninth to twenty - third on the list of industrial earnings. the miners accepted the solution and the industrial troubles died away. this award did not attempt to relate wages directly to production. but to encourage increased production, the committee also recommended a bonus for any increase in output beyond a certain standard. should the bonus be based on output of the pit or of the district? a pit scheme would relate the bonus most nearly to efforts of individuals. output at individual pits, however, often varied through underground conditions outside of workers ' control, and a bonus influenced by these variations might be fruitful in disputes. the choice went, therefore, to the district bonus. it began to operate in september 1942. when the greene board reviewed it after a year ' s working, they could but pronounce it a failure.


variations might be fruitful in disputes. the choice went, therefore, to the district bonus. it began to operate in september 1942. when the greene board reviewed it after a year ' s working, they could but pronounce it a failure. 41 in the later months of 1942 a fair number of districts had earned the bonus, but during 1943 only two or three districts out of the twenty - five had qualified. though a failure, the output bonus could not be abolished without difficulty. negotiations for a new kind of bonus, therefore, began and dragged on into 1944, when they were caught up into national wage settlements. in 1942, the green board had been asked to consider not only the immediate wages issues but also the establishment of some permanent machinery in the coal industry for national conciliation over wages and conditions of work. the discontent of 1942 had shown that existing loose methods to be wholly inadequate. by the spring of 1943, a new scheme had been devised with proper machinery, at the three stages of negotiation — nationally, in the districts and in the pits. above the national negotiating committee of both sides of the industry was established a national tribunal whose three members were drawn from outside the industry ; this tribunal was to be the final arbiter when agreement in the industry proved impossible. 42 the new machinery was soon tested. for, but the autumn of 1943, the coalfields were once more turbulent. again the reasons were many and involved. again, wages were prominent among the immediate grievances. 43 the miners claimed a new minimum wage of £6 for adult workers underground, with appropriate revisions for other workers, and an adjustment of piece - work rates throughout the industry to preserve the conventional wage relations between one worker and another. in due course the claim went to the national tribunal, 44 which awarded a minimum rate of £5 for adult workers underground with revisions for other workers ; the claim for increased piece rates was still refused. this award of january 1944 made arguments and passions still stormier. for in the worst paid fields, minimum rates were now raised to the point where they overlapped those of some of the better paid mineworkers ; men whose rates were previously different now found themselves receiving the same rates, sometime for entirely different work. miners and owners began negotiations for the removal of the ' anomalies ' caused by the award. these negotiations portended that general raising of wage rates which the tribunal had tried to avoid, unaccompanied by the overhaul of the whole wage structure which it had declared to be necessary. moreover,