food waste problem in the u. s.? it is — not to put too fine a point on it — huge. that ’ s not particularly eloquent, but it ’ s true. there are a lot of different studies out there, from the epa [ environmental protection agency ], from universities around the u. s., and from the department of agriculture, and the numbers vary. so we don ’ t have an exact number in terms of either how much food waste is generated in the u. s. or how much is disposed of, but we know that more than 30 million tons are being sent to landfill, which is a tremendous amount. that equates to tens of billions of pounds of food being thrown away every year, and that ’ s just in the u. s. the way i think about it, to put it in context, is we work closely with feeding america, which is a network of food banks across the country. they think of 1. 2 pounds of food as a meal. when we think of throwing away tens of billions of pounds every year in the u. s., that figure really helps put it all in perspective. what are some of the causes of food waste? they really vary. there are the obvious losses along the supply chain due to spoilage and things like that, especially with fresh or frozen foods. but there are also other causes that people don ’ t think of right away when they think about food waste. these can be things like mislabeled packaging or mislabeled product. a lot of times what happens with mislabeled products is when they get to the retail environment or somewhere along the supply chain, they are recognized as mislabeled, and often they are thrown away. that ’ s an opportunity for donation. that ’ s certainly what the major food banks all across the country will tell you. these food banks are really working with both the retail and the consumer products industry to help make the process easier for the decision maker to donate that food to a food bank. the food bank can then help fix the label, make sure that it ’ s accurate and meets all standards and requirements, and then turn that perfectly nutritious, healthy food over to their customers. when you talk about mislabeled packaging, are you talking about things such as ingredient mislabeling? it can be anything from ingredient mislabeling to not having something on the label that needs to be there. i am certainly not a food donation expert,


##labeled packaging, are you talking about things such as ingredient mislabeling? it can be anything from ingredient mislabeling to not having something on the label that needs to be there. i am certainly not a food donation expert, but as i understand it, sometimes product comes off the line, and the label is just incorrect in some small way. groups like feeding america and other big networks have the capability to print out a corrected label, and they have volunteers who will put the new label right on the package. that food can then be donated rather than sent to landfill. what percentage of food waste results from consumers throwing food away? that ’ s a big component of the food waste - to - landfill issue for sure. again, because there aren ’ t particularly hard and fast numbers available right now on food - waste disposal, we don ’ t know exactly how much is coming from the consumer in - home section of that value chain, but we do know that it is significant. do you advocate composting for food waste and related packaging? oh yes, absolutely! anything that we can do to lead on finding alternatives to landfill for organic materials like food waste is really beneficial to the environment. seeing that innovation in our infrastructure and seeing more opportunities arise for that kind of beneficial alternative to landfill has been really heartening and really exciting. food waste is not a new problem. why do you think it ’ s become such a big topic lately? that ’ s such a great question, especially because we ’ ve been preparing and using food in our homes for such a long time. i think part of the reason is this overall commitment to sustainability. we are starting to look more closely at the different aspects of sustainability, and food waste is certainly one part of that. i think it is also because new infrastructure opportunities are really growing and improving in the u. s. certainly in parts of the u. s., there are a lot of alternatives. so instead of disposing of your food to landfills, now new things are possible for waste. that has renewed the conversation. then probably another reason is that the level of understanding about the impacts of food waste and how much waste there is has increased dramatically what are some of the social, environmental, and economic impacts of food waste? feeding america has put out a statistic that one in six americans is food insecure, which is a tremendously high number. so there is this wonderful opportunity for us to feed the hungry in the u. s. from an environmental perspective,


? feeding america has put out a statistic that one in six americans is food insecure, which is a tremendously high number. so there is this wonderful opportunity for us to feed the hungry in the u. s. from an environmental perspective, food waste in a landfill creates methane gas, which is a very potent greenhouse gas — more potent than carbon dioxide. mitigating that greenhouse gas helps us on the climate - change front. in terms of economic impact, there are tremendous efficiency gains that can be made by taking a hard look at our supply chains and seeing if we can find value in what we previously thought of as waste. there seems to be an overwhelming perception by consumers that food packaging is wasteful. what can we do to change that perception? consumers, as we all know, interact with packaging in a very intense, personal way. they use it every day ; it ’ s something they think about a lot. as i said before, packaging is there to protect the product, so helping consumers understand its role and also telling the story of all that our industry is doing to make our packaging more sustainable will really help change that perception. sharing stories of packaging innovation and redesign and the reasoning and the technology behind these initiatives is really powerful and really impactful to consumers. because consumers do care. how can cpgs balance creating more sustainable packaging while at the same time providing optimum food protection? again, it comes back to this overall industry commitment to sustainability and to providing a quality product that will reach consumers. whenever cpgs think about redesigning or designing packaging, they must factor in the whole supply chain. so there is this balance between having that quality product reach the consumer effectively and making sure that the packaging is as sustainable and optimized as possible. what are some of the technical optimizations in sustainable packaging that can help reduce food waste? i don ’ t have any specific examples right now, but i can tell you that these exact kinds of emerging solutions and new technologies are a big part of the food waste initiative that the gma has launched with the fmi [ food marketing institute ]. we actually will be coming out with a list of best practices and new technologies soon, but i don ’ t have any right now that i can give you. can you tell me more about the food waste initiative? the food waste opportunities and challenges initiative is a cross - industry initiative launched by gma and fmi in june of 2011. it ’ s a three - year project. we pulled in representatives from across the value chain, recognizing that food


food waste initiative? the food waste opportunities and challenges initiative is a cross - industry initiative launched by gma and fmi in june of 2011. it ’ s a three - year project. we pulled in representatives from across the value chain, recognizing that food waste happens at many places along the supply chain — as food moves, so does food waste. we brought in representatives from the manufacturing, retail grocery, restaurant, quick - serve, and foodservice industries. we also brought in knowledge partners like waste management and feeding america that really understand what happens to food and food waste at the end of the retail chain. that leadership group identified two overall goals for the project. these goals are very simple and straightforward : to send less food waste to landfill, and to send more food to food banks. the way we will do that is through four distinct deliverables. the first is an assessment ; so understanding the sources and causes of food waste. as i said earlier, right now there are a lot of estimates and extrapolations from various sources, and we think we will be able to really add to the available data. we are doing both a high - level assessment on the sources and causes of food waste across the u. s., and then also a deeper dive, a more quantitative assessment, using data from our industry, the retail grocery industry, and restaurants. the second piece is the emerging solutions and best practices deliverable. we will be looking at the new technologies and emerging solutions that are being piloted, used, or coming on the horizon that can help us move the needle on either diverting food waste from landfill to beneficial alternatives or reducing food waste in the first place through packaging innovations and the like. the third deliverable is around policy, so what are the policy options that the private sector can support that will help potentially remove some of the barriers to either increasing donations or sending food waste to alternatives other than landfills. then finally there is the communications piece — reaching out to stakeholders, engaging with groups like the epa, recruiting new members or new industries, and coordinating with the many other trade associations, industry groups, and coalitions that are working on this issue to make sure we are collaborating and not reinventing the wheel. it ’ s a very exciting project, and gma and fmi are really excited to be able to staff it and lead it on behalf of both of our members. obviously, it ’ s an issue that ’ s really important to our membership, and it ’ s of particular interest to our board because food waste and


sexual risk behaviors among young peoplein bamenda, cameroon context : increases in levels of awareness of hiv and greater knowledge about its transmission and prevention have not always been associated with decreases in risky sexual behaviors among young people in cameroon. more information is needed about the factors associated with these behaviors. methods : data on social, demographic and economic characteristics and sexual behavior were collected from 671 youths living in bamenda, cameroon, in 1995. multivariate techniques were used to analyze the effects of these characteristics on early initiation of intercourse, sex with multiple partners, casual sex and nonuse of condoms. results : the average age at first intercourse was 15. 6 for males and 15. 8 for females. the main reason given for initiating sexual activity was curiosity ( 53 % of males and 42 % of females ). some 37 % of females and 30 % of males, however, said their first sexual experience had not been voluntary. the most important factors in initiation of sex before age 16 were father ' s ethnicity, attending school and having a primary or middle - school education. family composition and household standard of living were the factors most consistently associated with sexual risk behaviors. compared with youths living in a household with a high standard of living, those living in a poor household were 1. 4 times as likely to be sexually active at the time of the survey and 1. 3 times as likely to have had casual sex in the previous year. young people living with only one parent were 1. 6 times as likely as those in two - parent households to be sexually active, 2. 8 times as likely to have multiple concurrent partners, 1. 7 times as likely to have had casual sex in the previous year and 1. 1 times as likely not to be using condoms. living with grandparents generally had a protective effect, while living with a sibling, alone or with other persons generally increased the likelihood of engaging in sexual risk behaviors. conclusions : youths with few economic resources and those with less stable living environments are more likely than other youths to engage in sexual behaviors that put them at risk of contracting hiv. improving the living conditions of families, especially those headed by single women, could help curb the spread of aids. international family planning perspectives, 2000, 26 ( 3 ) : 118 - 123 & 130 sexuality is an area that has long attracted sociologists and anthropologists as well as demographers because of the identified relationships between sexual behaviors and certain reproductive health problems. in sub - saharan africa, the first studies on sexual behavior were conducted to determine the causes of widespread infer


has long attracted sociologists and anthropologists as well as demographers because of the identified relationships between sexual behaviors and certain reproductive health problems. in sub - saharan africa, the first studies on sexual behavior were conducted to determine the causes of widespread infertility and sterility, especially in central africa. most concluded that these problems resulted from decreased control of elders over young people, economic hardship and the presence of societies with permissive sexual customs. 1 these factors were considered to have contributed to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases ( stds ) that cause infertility ( gonorrhea, chlamydia and mycoplasma ) or disrupt pregnancy ( syphilis ). after the beginning of the aids epidemic in the early 1980s, some stds were found to increase the probability of sexual transmission of hiv. 2 because the majority of african women do not use modern contraceptive methods, those who are sexually active are at high risk of conception. thus, in this region of the world, there is a high risk of maternal and infant mortality because of early pregnancy, induced abortion ( which, in the many countries where it is illegal, is often carried out in unsafe circumstances ), short interpregnancy intervals, and high and prolonged fertility. 3 despite these risks, little research has been done in sub - saharan africa to determine the factors affecting sexual behavior, especially in young people. the few studies that have been done have been essentially quantitative and descriptive. among health problems related to sexuality, aids is currently the main concern of the public authorities in africa ; its prevalence continues to increase in most of the countries in the region, with disastrous psychosocial, demographic and socioeconomic repercussions. in cameroon, as everywhere else in africa, sensitization and information programs on aids have been implemented along with efforts to promote the use of condoms. however, these programs have had limited results. in fact, in certain social strata, an appreciable increase in the level of awareness about aids and prevention methods has not translated into adoption of healthy sexual behaviors. 4 the prevalence of aids and its rate of increase are higher in northwest province than in the other provinces of cameroon. 5 bamenda, the capital of the province, had a population estimated at about 111, 000 in the 1987 census ; a large proportion of its inhabitants are younger than 25. the city is home to several ethnic groups. some, like the makon - banyague, have permissive sexual customs. others, including the metta, the bali -


1987 census ; a large proportion of its inhabitants are younger than 25. the city is home to several ethnic groups. some, like the makon - banyague, have permissive sexual customs. others, including the metta, the bali - ngemba, the tikari - nsoh and the bamileke, impose strict control of sexual activity. this article examines socioeconomic and demographic characteristics in a sample of 671 young people in bamenda to identify the factors associated with risky sexual activity. it focuses on young people because they engage in more frequent sex and have a long period of sexual activity before them ; thus, the future prevalence of aids depends heavily on the direction that prevention programs take with respect to young people. definition of concepts for the purposes of this study, adolescence is considered to encompass approximately ages 12 - 25, a period of transition between childhood and adulthood during which the individual assumes his position as an active member of society. it is divided into four overlapping stages : sexual awakening ( 12 - 15 ), first sexual intercourse ( 14 - 17 ), gender role definition ( 16 - 19 ) and social role definition ( 18 - 25 ). the first two stages correspond to biological and physiological adolescence and the latter two to psychological and social adolescence. in this study, first sexual intercourse occurring during physiological adolescence ( i. e., before age 16 ) is considered precocious. the sexual risk behaviors that we examine are those that expose young people to a greater risk of infection by the aids virus. they include having multiple concurrent sex partners, having had sex with a casual partner and failing to use a condom during sexual intercourse. this study is based on the following hypotheses : • adolescents usually do not obtain information about sex from their parents or guardians. • for the most part, they are informed about hiv, its main means of transmission and its methods of prevention. • large proportions have precocious sexual intercourse and engage in sexual behavior that may expose them to hiv infection. • sociocultural and socioeconomic factors influence their sexual behavior. to test these hypotheses, the study used data from the survey on the sexual behavior of the young people of bamenda, which was conducted in august 1995. in the first phase of this two - phase cluster survey, five neighborhoods were randomly selected in proportion to the size of their populations. in the second phase, interviewers followed a preset itinerary from household to household until they reached the sample size of young people for a given neighborhood. the survey collected information on


neighborhoods were randomly selected in proportion to the size of their populations. in the second phase, interviewers followed a preset itinerary from household to household until they reached the sample size of young people for a given neighborhood. the survey collected information on the participants ' social, economic and demographic characteristics, on the characteristics of the households in which they lived and on their family environment. it also asked questions about the young people ' s sex education by their parents or guardians, their awareness of aids, their knowledge about methods of preventing infection with hiv, their sources of information about aids, the measures they had taken to prevent the disease and their sexual behaviors. simple cross - tabulation was used to determine the proportion of young people who had obtained information about sex and sexuality from their parents or guardians, the level of awareness about aids and the use of methods of aids prevention. multivariate classification analysis was then used to examine the characteristics of young people who had had precocious first sexual intercourse, and logistic regression was used to look at the characteristics of those who had engaged in risky sexual behaviors. males were more heavily represented than females in the sample ( 59 % vs. 41 % ). nearly all ( 96 % ) of the young people were unmarried, so those who were married were excluded from further analysis, leaving 646 in the final sample. at the time of the survey, 31 % of the unmarrried young people interviewed had had primary schooling, 43 % had reached middle school, 16 % had reached high school and 5 % had continued their education beyond high school ; only 5 % had had no schooling ( table 1 ). | table 1. percentage distribution of young people in bamenda, cameroon, by selected characteristics, according to gender, survey on the sexual behavior of the young people of bamenda, 1995 | | characteristic | | all | | male | | female | | ( n = 646 ) | | ( n = 378 ) | | ( n = 268 ) | | age | | 12 - 14 | | 20. 3 | | 16. 4 | | 25. 8 | | 15 - 18 | | 33. 2 | | 30. 5 | | 37. 1 | | > = 19 | | 46. 5 | | 53. 1 | | 37. 1 | | currently in school | | yes | | 69. 0 | | 63. 1 | | 77. 2 | | no | | 31. 0 | | 36. 9 | | 22. 8 | | employment | |


| 37. 1 | | currently in school | | yes | | 69. 0 | | 63. 1 | | 77. 2 | | no | | 31. 0 | | 36. 9 | | 22. 8 | | employment | | not working | | 24. 1 | | 13. 9 | | 48. 3 | | agriculture / fishing / | | livestock breeding | | 2. 6 | | 3. 0 | | 1. 7 | | commerce | | 22. 5 | | 29. 1 | | 6. 9 | | manager / office worker | | 10. 3 | | 11. 7 | | 6. 9 | | skilled worker | | 23. 1 | | 22. 6 | | 24. 1 | | specialized worker | | 17. 4 | | 19. 7 | | 12. 1 | | educational level | | none | | 4. 8 | | 4. 8 | | 4. 9 | | primary | | 30. 6 | | 32. 5 | | 27. 5 | | middle school | | 42. 9 | | 37. 3 | | 50. 9 | | high school | | 16. 3 | | 17. 3 | | 15. 1 | | higher education | | 5. 3 | | 8. 1 | | 1. 6 | | religion | | catholic | | 43. 5 | | 46. 3 | | 39. 7 | | protestant | | 43. 5 | | 41. 4 | | 46. 2 | | muslim | | 4. 6 | | 4. 9 | | 4. 2 | | traditional | | 4. 4 | | 3. 8 | | 5. 3 | | other | | 4. 0 | | 3. 5 | | 4. 6 | | father ' s job | | not working | | 5. 0 | | 5. 5 | | 4. 6 | | agriculture / fishing / | | livestock breeding | | 18. 9 | | 18. 1 | | 19. 9 | | commerce | | 17. 5 | | 18. 7 | | 15. 7 | | manager / office worker | | 37. 3 | | 36. 0 | | 39. 1 | | skilled worker | | 8. 8 | | 8. 5 | | 9. 2 | | specialized worker | | 8. 9 | | 9. 1 | | 8. 8 | | other | | 3. 6 | | 4. 1 | | 2. 7 | | total | | 100. 0


| | 9. 2 | | specialized worker | | 8. 9 | | 9. 1 | | 8. 8 | | other | | 3. 6 | | 4. 1 | | 2. 7 | | total | | 100. 0 | | 100. 0 | | 100. 0 | | among nonstudents only ( n = 200 ). | overall, approximately three of five young people said they had discussed one or more sexual topics with their schoolmates or friends. on the other hand, fewer than two of five had discussed such issues in a family setting. most of those who said that they had had such discussions with family members had had them either with their elders or with their mother. on average, the young people in our sample thought that the ideal age for starting sex education was 13. 8 years for girls and 15. 0 years for boys. awareness of aids overall, 97 % of the young people had heard of aids ( table 2 ). about half had obtained information about aids from radio ( 54 % ) or television ( 50 % ), while smaller proportions had heard about the syndrome from friends or school ( 17 % each ), newspapers ( 14 % ) and health centers or family ( 9 % each, not shown ). the level of aids awareness varied very little by gender. | table 2. percentage of young people giving specified responses to measures of knowledge of hiv and awareness of means of transmission and prevention, by gender | | measure | | all | | males | | females | | has heard of hiv / aids | | yes | | 97. 1 | | 96. 8 | | 97. 4 | | no | | 2. 9 | | 3. 2 | | 2. 6 | | means of hiv transmission known | | sexual intercourse | | 93. 5 | | 93. 2 | | 93. 9 | | mother - to - child | | 13. 7 | | 14. 2 | | 13. 1 | | shared needles | | 38. 5 | | 41. 0 | | 34. 8 | | infected blood | | 51. 4 | | 52. 1 | | 50. 4 | | high - risk groups known | | prostitutes | | 66. 4 | | 66. 9 | | 65. 9 | | people who are unfaithful | | 39. 5 | | 38. 6 | | 40. 7 | | everyone | | 17. 9 | | 19. 9 | | 15. 0 | | knows a means of prevention | | yes


people who are unfaithful | | 39. 5 | | 38. 6 | | 40. 7 | | everyone | | 17. 9 | | 19. 9 | | 15. 0 | | knows a means of prevention | | yes | | 76. 3 | | 80. 4 | | 70. 6 | | no | | 23. 7 | | 19. 6 | | 29. 4 | | means of prevention known | | fidelity | | 15. 0 | | 10. 1 | | 17. 6 | | abstinence | | 24. 3 | | 23. 5 | | 25. 2 | | condom use | | 89. 2 | | 89. 7 | | 88. 3 | | knows condoms are effective against hiv | | yes | | 71. 7 | | 73. 1 | | 69. 2 | | no | | 28. 3 | | 26. 9 | | 30. 8 | sexual intercourse was identified by most of the young people ( 94 % ) as a way in which hiv is transmitted, followed by infected blood ( 51 % ), shared needles ( 39 % ) and maternal transmission ( 14 % ). prostitutes ( 66 % ) and individuals who are unfaithful to their sexual partners ( 40 % ) were cited as the groups at greatest risk of contracting the virus. the most commonly mentioned methods of preventing aids were use of condoms ( 89 % ), abstinence ( 24 % ) and fidelity ( 15 % ). again, there were few differences by gender in these responses. the main measures that these young people had taken to prevent aids ( not shown ) were abstaining from sex ( 64 % ), being faithful to one partner ( 55 % ), using condoms with casual partners ( 19 % ) and limiting the number of partners ( 13 % ). females were more likely than males to have adopted abstinence ( 71 % vs. 60 % ) and fidelity ( 61 % vs. 45 % ), while males were more likely to have adopted condom use ( 22 % vs. 15 % ). first sexual intercourse for the most part, males and females had begun having sexual intercourse before they were 18 ( table 3 ). however, three males out of 10 ( versus two females out of 10 ) had already had sex by age 14. consequently, the mean age at first sexual intercourse was slightly lower for males than for females ( 15. 6 vs. 15. 8 ). on average, the young people surveyed thought that the ideal age to begin having


already had sex by age 14. consequently, the mean age at first sexual intercourse was slightly lower for males than for females ( 15. 6 vs. 15. 8 ). on average, the young people surveyed thought that the ideal age to begin having sexual intercourse was 18 — approximately two and one - half years later than their actual mean age at first sexual activity. | table 3. percentage distribution of young people, by characteristics of first sexual experience, according to gender | | characteristic | | all | | male | | female | | age at first sex | | < = 14 | | 24. 3 | | 28. 0 | | 18. 7 | | 15 - 17 | | 55. 2 | | 46. 9 | | 67. 6 | | 18 - 22 | | 20. 5 | | 25. 1 | | 13. 7 | | age of first partner | | same age | | 31. 2 | | 40. 1 | | 17. 5 | | younger | | 21. 4 | | 34. 2 | | 1. 4 | | older | | 47. 4 | | 25. 7 | | 81. 1 | | first sex was voluntary | | yes | | 67. 2 | | 70. 1 | | 62. 7 | | no | | 32. 8 | | 29. 9 | | 37. 3 | | intends to continue relationship with first partner | | yes | | 69. 1 | | 65. 6 | | 75. 3 | | no | | 30. 9 | | 34. 4 | | 24. 7 | | intends to marry first partner | | yes | | 25. 6 | | 19. 6 | | 36. 4 | | no | | 74. 4 | | 80. 4 | | 63. 6 | | motivation for first sexual experience | | forced to have sex | | 35. 2 | | 30. 0 | | 40. 0 | | curiosity | | 48. 5 | | 53. 0 | | 41. 5 | | urging of friends | | 13. 2 | | 11. 5 | | 18. 5 | | other | | 3. 1 | | 5. 5 | | 0. 0 | | total | | 100. 0 | | 100. 0 | | 100. 0 | most females ( 81 % ) had first had sex with someone older than themselves, while most males had done so with someone of the same age ( 40 % ) or younger than themselves ( 34 % ). some 37 % of females and


. 0 | most females ( 81 % ) had first had sex with someone older than themselves, while most males had done so with someone of the same age ( 40 % ) or younger than themselves ( 34 % ). some 37 % of females and 30 % of males said their first sexual experience had not been voluntary. force aside, the main reason cited for initiating sexual intercourse was curiosity ( 53 % of males and 42 % of females ), followed by the influence of friends ( 12 % and 19 %, respectively ). a multiple classification analysis ( results not shown ) indicates that in this group of young people, having had intercourse before age 16 was strongly correlated with the father ' s ethnicity, with school and youth - group attendance and with educational level. all other things being equal, early sexual intercourse was most likely to occur among the tikari - nsoh and the bamileke : some 54 - 55 % of the young people belonging to these groups had engaged in sexual activity before age 16, compared with only 32 % of bali - ngemba young people. precocious sexual intercourse was least likely among young people whose father belonged to ethnic groups that were not native to northwest province ( 30 % ). school attendance was positively correlated with precocious entry into sexual activity. however, the relationship between educational level and early first intercourse was negative, especially after middle school. all else being equal, 49 % of young people with a primary or middle - school education had had intercourse before age 16, compared with 29 % of those with a high school education. contrary to the result expected, youth - group attendance was negatively correlated with early initiation of sexual activity. the relationship between gender and age at first intercourse became highly significant after the effects of other factors were taken into account, with 50 % of males and 35 % of females having had sex before age 16. other sexual behaviors among young people who had already had sexual intercourse, 27 % had multiple sexual partners at the time of the survey, while 16 % said that they had no current partner ( data not shown ). forty - one percent of sexually experienced young people had had casual sexual intercourse during the previous 12 months. only 25 % of the young people who were sexually active at the time of the survey were using condoms. at every age, the proportion of males who had several concurrent sexual partners or who had had casual sex was higher than that of females. these indicators of sexual behavior also correlated with characteristics of the young people and their families ( table 4 ). compared with sexually experienced young people whose father


of males who had several concurrent sexual partners or who had had casual sex was higher than that of females. these indicators of sexual behavior also correlated with characteristics of the young people and their families ( table 4 ). compared with sexually experienced young people whose father ' s ethnic group was not native to northwest province, for example, those whose father belonged to the bali - ngemba, bamileke, makon - banyague or " other northwest " groups were significantly more likely to be sexually active at the time of the survey ( odds ratios of 1. 1 each ). sexual activity was significantly less common among youths whose father was a farmer or fisherman than among those whose father was an office worker ( 0. 6 ). it was more common among those whose parents did not live together ( 1. 5 ), those whose parents had a polygamous marriage ( 1. 8 ) and those living in a poor household ( 1. 4 ) than among youths without those characteristics. in addition, compared with young people who lived with both parents, those who lived with their grandparents were significantly less likely to be sexually active ( 0. 3 ), while those who lived alone, with a brother or sister or with one parent were more likely to be sexually active ( 1. 2 - 1. 6 ). young people who had had intercourse before they were 16 were less likely than those who had not to be sexually active at the time of the survey ( 0. 7 ). | table 4. odd ratios from logistic regression analyses on the probability of being sexually active at the time of the survey, of having more than one sex partner at the time of the survey, of having had casual sexual relations during the 12 months preceding the survey and of not using condoms at the time of the survey | | characteristic | | sexually active | | multiple partners | | casual sex in past 12 months | | nonuse of condoms | | father ' s ethnicity | | makon - banyague | | 1. 12 * | | 1. 11 | | 1. 05 | | 1. 16 * | | bamileke | | 1. 10 * | | 1. 17 * | | 1. 07 | | 1. 30 * | | bali - ngemba | | 1. 10 * | | 0. 93 | | 0. 94 | | 0. 93 | | tikari - nsoh | | 0. 91 | | 0. 71 | | 1. 09 | | 1. 09 | | metta | | 0. 86


| 0. 93 | | 0. 94 | | 0. 93 | | tikari - nsoh | | 0. 91 | | 0. 71 | | 1. 09 | | 1. 09 | | metta | | 0. 86 | | 0. 71 * | | 0. 79 * | | 0. 87 * | | other northwest | | 1. 10 * | | 0. 75 * | | 0. 93 | | 1. 07 | | foreigners ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | father ' s job | | not working | | 1. 35 | | 1. 54 * | | 0. 86 | | 2. 07 * | | agriculture / fishing / livestock | | 0. 61 * | | 0. 57 * | | 0. 83 | | 0. 75 | | commerce | | 1. 16 | | 0. 76 | | 1. 22 | | 0. 47 * | | manager / office worker ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | skilled worker | | 1. 25 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 08 | | 0. 53 * | | specialized worker | | 0. 74 | | 1. 12 | | 1. 34 | | 1. 03 | | other | | 1. 17 | | 1. 49 | | 0. 82 | | 3. 94 * | | parents ' type of marriage | | polygamous | | 1. 75 * | | 0. 91 | | 1. 04 | | 0. 86 | | monogamous ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | cohabitation by parents | | yes ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | no | | 1. 54 * | | 0. 68 | | 1. 19 * | | 1. 09 | | household standard of living | | poor | | 1. 43 * | | 0. 88 | | 1. 29 * | | 0. 79 * | | average | | 0. 94 | | 1. 29 * | | 1. 35 * | | 0. 95 | | high ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | persons


| 0. 94 | | 1. 29 * | | 1. 35 * | | 0. 95 | | high ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | persons with whom respondent lived during childhood | | parents ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | other | | 0. 97 | | 0. 95 | | 1. 28 * | | 0. 76 * | | persons with whom respondent lived at time of survey | | both parents ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | one parent | | 1. 64 * | | 2. 83 * | | 1. 65 * | | 1. 12 * | | brother / sister | | 1. 23 * | | 4. 02 * | | 1. 15 * | | 0. 65 * | | grandparents | | 0. 30 * | | 0. 00 * | | 0. 49 * | | 1. 07 | | alone | | 1. 49 * | | 2. 75 * | | 2. 26 * | | 0. 48 * | | other persons | | 1. 23 | | 1. 94 * | | 0. 84 * | | 1. 68 * | | sufficient resources | | yes ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | no | | 0. 97 | | 0. 95 | | 1. 23 * | | 1. 12 * | | educational level | | none | | 1. 41 | | 0. 59 | | 1. 02 | | 0. 74 | | primary | | 0. 91 | | 1. 38 | | 1. 46 * | | 0. 92 | | middle school | | 1. 31 | | 0. 91 | | 1. 27 * | | 1. 27 * | | high school ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | higher education | | 0. 50 | | 1. 38 | | 1. 11 | | 0. 93 | | gender | | female | | 1. 05 | | 0. 78 * | | 0. 59 * | | 1. 05 | | male ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 |


| | 0. 93 | | gender | | female | | 1. 05 | | 0. 78 * | | 0. 59 * | | 1. 05 | | male ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | first sexual intercourse before age 16 | | yes | | 0. 72 * | | 1. 53 * | | 1. 51 * | | 1. 06 | | no ( ref ) | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | 1. 00 | | * p¾. 05. this variable is based on the presence of selected durable goods ( television, radio, etc. ) in the household. note : ref = reference group. | compared with young people whose father ' s ethnic group was foreign to northwest province, those whose father belonged to the bamileke were more likely to have more than one sexual partner at the time of the survey ( odds ratio of 1. 2 ), while those whose father belonged to the metta or " other northwest " groups were less likely to do so ( 0. 7 - 0. 8 ). the likelihood of having multiple partners was significantly higher among youths whose father was unemployed and those living in a household with an average standard of living ( 1. 3 - 1. 5 ) ; it was significantly lower among those whose father worked as a farmer or fisherman ( 0. 6 ). compared with those who lived with both parents, youths who lived with their grandparents were significantly less likely to have multiple partners ( odds ratio of 0. 0 ), while those who lived alone, with one parent, with a sibling or with other persons were more likely to have more than one partner ( 1. 9 - 4. 0 ). females were significantly less likely than males to have multiple partners at the time of the survey ( 0. 8 ), and young people who had had sex before age 16 were more likely than those who had not to have more than one partner ( 1. 5 ). youths whose father belonged to the metta were less likely than those whose father ' s ethnic group was not native to northwest province to have had a casual partner in the 12 months preceding the survey ( odds ratio of 0. 8 ). neither the father ' s occupation nor the parents ' type of marriage had any effect on this behavior. however, young people whose parents did not live together were significantly more likely to have had a casual partner in the previous year ( 1. 2


). neither the father ' s occupation nor the parents ' type of marriage had any effect on this behavior. however, young people whose parents did not live together were significantly more likely to have had a casual partner in the previous year ( 1. 2 ). youths from a family with a poor or average standard of living were significantly more likely than those from a family with a high living standard to have had casual sex ( odds ratios of 1. 3 - 1. 4 ). in comparison with adolescents who had lived with their parents during childhood, those who had lived with other persons were more likely to have had a recent casual partner ( 1. 3 ). compared with those who lived with both parents at the time of the survey, young people who lived with their grandparents or with other persons were significantly less likely to have had casual sex in the last year ( 0. 5 - 0. 8 ), while those who lived with only one parent, with a sibling or alone were more likely to have done so ( 1. 2 - 2. 3 ). casual sex was also more likely among youths who did not have sufficient resources to meet their needs than among those who did ( odds ratio of 1. 2 ). compared with young people with a high school education, those who had a primary or middle - school education were more likely to have had a casual partner in the year before the survey ( 1. 3 - 1. 5 ). females were less likely than males to have had a casual partner ( 0. 6 ), and young people who had had sex before they were 16 were more likely than other youths to have done so ( 1. 5 ). compared with youths whose father ' s ethnic group was foreign to northwest province, those whose father belonged to the makon - banyague or the bamileke were more likely not to be using condoms at the time of the survey ( odds ratios of 1. 2 - 1. 3 ), while those belonging to the metta were less likely not to be using them ( 0. 9 ). of all sexual risk behaviors examined, nonuse of condoms was the one most influenced by the father ' s occupation : compared with youths whose father was an office worker, those whose father was unemployed were more likely not to be using condoms ( 2. 0 ), while those whose father worked in commerce or was a skilled worker were less likely not to be using them ( 0. 5 each ). living in a poor household was associated with a reduced likelihood of condom nonuse ( odds ratio of


. 0 ), while those whose father worked in commerce or was a skilled worker were less likely not to be using them ( 0. 5 each ). living in a poor household was associated with a reduced likelihood of condom nonuse ( odds ratio of 0. 8 ). in addition, compared with youths who had lived with their parents during childhood, youths who had lived with other persons were less likely not to be using condoms ( 0. 8 ). furthermore, in comparison with young people who were living with both parents at the time of the survey, those who were living alone or with a brother or sister were less likely not to be using condoms ( 0. 5 - 0. 7 ), while those who were living with one parent or with other persons were more likely not to be using them ( 1. 1 - 1. 7 ). failure to use condoms was also more likely among youths who did not have sufficient resources than among those who did ( 1. 1 ). finally, young people with a middle - school education were more likely not to be using condoms at the time of the survey than were those with a high school education ( 1. 3 ). like research conducted in other regions of cameroon and in other african countries, 6 this study found that communications between adolescents and their parents or guardians on the subject of sex were poor. according to one observer, the low level of sex education in the family setting appears to result both from a lack of adequate parental knowledge about the subject and because the traditional education that the parents received placed little emphasis on explanation and verbalization. 7 these results point to the need for education programs to improve parents ' knowledge of the reproductive health of young people, to prepare them for establishing good and open relationships with their children and to give appropriate advice in the area of sex education. these results also bear witness to the need for introducing sex education programs in schools and youth centers. the young people surveyed were well informed about aids, its main means of transmission and methods of prevention, but they continued to have sexual relations that could expose them to infection. thus, informing and educating young people about sex and aids does not seem to be sufficient to motivate them to change their sexual behaviors. the results of this study reveal that nearly half of the young people surveyed had had sexual intercourse before age 16, that most were sexually active at the time of the survey and that about one - third had several sex partners, but that only one - fourth were using condoms. moreover, two out of five had had casual sex during the 12


intercourse before age 16, that most were sexually active at the time of the survey and that about one - third had several sex partners, but that only one - fourth were using condoms. moreover, two out of five had had casual sex during the 12 months preceding the survey. consequently, aids prevention programs should place a greater emphasis on fidelity, reducing the number of sex partners and using condoms. the fact that the percentage of young people using condoms in bamenda was far higher than what has been found at the national level in other studies suggests that aids awareness may have positively influenced condom use in bamenda. this awareness may also explain at least part of the difference observed in bamenda between the percentage of young people who are sexually active and the percentages who have several partners or engage casual sex. these differences support recommendations for aids prevention programs. our differential analyses of the sexual behavior of young people showed that the age at which first sexual intercourse occurs is correlated with social and cultural factors, while sexual risk behaviors are related both to those factors and to economic factors. the differences in sexual behavior by ethnicity lend support to the theories of murdock, 8 whose pertinence has long been recognized by other researchers searching for the causes of infertility in central africa. 9 consequently, these differences may reflect differences in sexual permissiveness among ethnic groups in northwest province. this explanation, however, seems insufficient, because the positive relationship observed between membership in the bamileke or tikari - nsoh group — the two groups that impose strict control of sexual mores — and the behaviors involved can only be explained by a tendency to rebel against traditional sexual norms. the relationship between precocious sexual intercourse and school attendance may reflect the fact that school promotes the meeting of young people of the opposite sex in an environment that is not controlled by their family. indeed, curiosity and the influence of schoolmates or friends were mentioned by many of them as reasons for their first sexual intercourse. the negative relationship between educational level and precocious first sexual intercourse, which confirms findings of studies done in benin10 and in cameroon, 11 may reflect the fact that remaining in school for a long time delays social maturation. as the results of this study have revealed a strong positive relationship between early first intercourse and most of the other sexual behaviors being studied, actions aimed at delaying entry into sexual activity by young people should also be part of the content of the aids prevention programs in africa. parents should monitor their adolescent children ' s choice of friends. the finding that almost four in 10 young


behaviors being studied, actions aimed at delaying entry into sexual activity by young people should also be part of the content of the aids prevention programs in africa. parents should monitor their adolescent children ' s choice of friends. the finding that almost four in 10 young women said that their first sexual experience had not been voluntary suggests that parents need to mobilize their communities against sexual violence toward girls. young peoples ' sexual risk behaviors are influenced by both cultural factors and economic factors ; this means that their environment and living conditions are extremely important. in addition, it underscores the importance of the living arrangements of parents and their cohabitation with their young children. as noted in a study set in uganda, " most of the students ' sexual activities occurred when parents were away or when the students were staying with relatives. also, although numbers were small, generally orphans and children living with single parents were more likely to engage in sexual activities.... " 12 young people who live with their parents are less likely to have emotional problems, 13 and their behavior is more likely to be under their parents ' control. the results of this study suggest that noncohabitation by parents, conjugal instability and noncohabitation with children may raise the risk that adolescents will engage in risky sexual activity. consequently, sensitization of parents about these problems should be included in aids prevention programs intended to motivate adolescents to avoid risky sexual behaviors. as young people who have unemployed fathers, live in poor households or have insufficient resources to meet their needs are at greater risk than their peers of having several sex partners and of engaging in casual sexual intercourse, poverty appears to contribute to risky sexual activity. to satisfy their material needs, they may engage in sexual activity with multiple partners or casual partners or agree to have sex without a condom. data derived from qualitative research conducted along with our survey confirm these results, as most of the young women who participated in individual interviews declared that they had sexual intercourse in exchange for money, gifts or clothing : " because i have children, i cannot have sexual relations with a man if he does not give me something. " — a single 21 - year - old woman " i got involved in this sexual life because i lost my parents, i have two children and i don ' t have a husband to help me resolve my problems and those of my children.... this life provides me the wherewithal i need to solve my little family ' s problems, but if i get married or find a job, i ' ll give it


husband to help me resolve my problems and those of my children.... this life provides me the wherewithal i need to solve my little family ' s problems, but if i get married or find a job, i ' ll give it up, because it exposes me to a lot of risks. " — a single 19 - year - old woman " i can ' t have sexual relations with boys at all because they don ' t have the wherewithal. however, responsible men almost all help me when i have money problems. " — a single 21 - year - old woman men, on the other hand, frequently adopt risky sexual behavior to procure the maximum gratification of their sexual desires. however, adolescent males claim that some of their schoolmates and friends do so for economic reasons. this is particularly true of boys from poor families, who may receive aid from girls in the form of work ( such as domestic help ) or money, or assistance from married women who clandestinely keep single boys in exchange for sexual gratification. still, girls are particularly likely to engage in risky sex for economic reasons, which negatively influences their power to require use of condoms during sexual intercourse. improvement of the living conditions of families in bamenda, particularly those of single mothers, might well reduce the transmission of hiv over the long term. 1. romaniuk a, la fecondite des populations congolaises, paris / la haye : mouton, 1967 ; laurentin r, infecondite en afrique noire : maladies et consequences sociales, paris : maason, 1974 ; sala - diakanda m, infecondite de certaines ethnies, in : tabutin d, ed., population et societes en afrique au sud du sahara, paris : l ' harmattan, 1988, pp. 191 - 216 ; and evina a, infecondite et sous - fecondite : evaluation et recherche des facteurs. le cas du cameroun, cahiers de l ' iford ( institut de formation et de recherche demographiques ), no. 1, yaounde, cameroon : iford, 1990. 2. cameron dw et al., female to male transmission of human immunodeficiency virus type 1 : risk factors for seroconversion in men, lancet, 1989, 2 ( 8660 ) : 403 - 407 ; plum


2. cameron dw et al., female to male transmission of human immunodeficiency virus type 1 : risk factors for seroconversion in men, lancet, 1989, 2 ( 8660 ) : 403 - 407 ; plummer fa et al., cofactors in male - female transmission of human immunodeficiency virus type 2, journal of infectious diseases, 1991, 163 ( 2 ) : 233 - 239 ; laga m, nzila n and goeman j, the interrelationship of sexually transmitted diseases and hiv infection : implications for the control of both epidemics in africa, aids, 1991, 5 ( suppl 1 ) : s55 - s63 ; laga m et al., non - ulcerative sexually transmitted diseases as risk factors for hiv - 1 transmission in women : results from a cohort study, aids, 1993, 7 ( 1 ) : 95 - 102 ; auvert b, epidemiologie du sida en afrique, in : vallin j, ed., populations africaines et sida, paris : la decouverte, 1994, pp. 63 - 118 ; and grosskurth h et al., impact of improved treatment of sexually transmitted diseases on hiv infection in rural tanzania : randomised controlled trial, lancet, 1995, 346 ( 8974 ) : 530 - 536. 3. oum t, maternite et paternite precoces au cameroun, research report, yaounde, cameroon : project women, health and development, 1993 ; ilinimugabo a, walla g and azombo m, causes et consequences des grossesses chez les adolescentes au cameroun, research report, series 3, yaounde, cameroon : center for african family studies and cameroon national association for family welfare, 1996 ; fewou a, contribution a l ' etude de la grossesse et de l ' accouchement chez la femme agee a yaounde, doctoral dissertation, yaounde, cameroon : university center of health sciences ( cuss ), university of yaounde i, 1983 ; boerma jf, maternal mortality in sub - saharan africa : levels, causes and interventions, annales de l ' iford, 1988, 12 ( 1 ) : 49 - 68 ; dackam n, mfoulou r and sala - diakanda m, population et sante familiale


causes and interventions, annales de l ' iford, 1988, 12 ( 1 ) : 49 - 68 ; dackam n, mfoulou r and sala - diakanda m, population et sante familiale en afrique, london : international planned parenthood federation, 1990 ; akoto e, determinants socio - culturels de la mortalite des enfants en afrique noire. hypotheses et recherche d ' explication, louvain - la - neuve, france : academia, 1993 ; nasah bt et al., the risk approach for reducing maternal mortality : the yaounde experience, research report, yaounde, cameroon : world health organization - human reproduction project - faculty of medicine and biomedical sciences, university of yaounde i ( who - hrp - fmbs ), 1996 ; and leke r, replication of high risk approach in pilot rural areas in cameroon : first phase, study report, yaounde, cameroon : who - hrp - fmbs, 1996. 4. trebucq a, adolescence, comportement sexuel et risque d ' infection a vih a yaounde, yaounde, cameroon : organisation pour la lutte contre les endemies en afrique centrale ( oceac ) / ministere de la sante ( minisante ), 1988 ; ngoule d, les infections vih et les femmes au cameroun : enquete sur les connaissances, attitudes, croyances et pratiques dans les localites de yaounde et ebolowa, yaounde, cameroon : cuss, 1989 ; houehouegbe a, evina a and rafalimanana h, enquete sur les connaissances, attitudes, pratiques et croyances relatives au sida dans les provinces du sud - ouest et nord - ouest cameroun, yaounde, cameroon : iford / german technical corporation ( gtz ) / minisante, 1990 ; louis jp et al., comportements sexuels et risque d ' infection a vih : enquete ( sur les connaissances, attitudes, croyances et pratiques ) en milieu scolaire a yaounde, yaounde, cameroon : oceac / institut francais de recherche scientifique


( sur les connaissances, attitudes, croyances et pratiques ) en milieu scolaire a yaounde, yaounde, cameroon : oceac / institut francais de recherche scientifique pour le developpement en cooperation ( orstom ) / unite de lutte contre le sida ( uls ), 1990 ; songue p, etude anthropologique portant sur les connaissances et comportements des prostituees et leurs clients en matiere de sexualite et sida a yaounde, study report, family health international / aidstech / minisante, 1990 ; tchuppo jp et al., resistance au changement des conduites sexuelles face au sida : une etude psychologique des obstacles a l ' utilisation des preservatifs ( le cas des etudiants de l ' universite de yaounde ), study report, yaounde, cameroon : university of yaounde i, 1990 ; garcia - calleja j et al., kabp and hiv seroprevalence study in yabassi district ( littoral cameroon ), yaounde, cameroon : uls / gtz / who, 1992 ; chambon r et al., mst et sida dans un marche frontalier au cameroun : enquete sur les connaissances, attitudes, croyances et pratiques et de seroprevalence a mbaimboumn, yaounde, cameroon : oceac / association francaise des volontaires du progres / centre pasteur / uls, projet fac nord, 1993 ; tchuppo jp et al., les etudiants des universites de douala et yaounde face au sida et aux mst : donnees qualitatives sur les connaissances, attitudes et pratiques, yaounde, cameroon : aidscap / population services international, 1993 ; and cheta c et al., evaluation du projet de prevention des mst / sida a base communautaire dans quatre departements de la province de l ' extreme - nord du cameroun, yaounde, cameroon : institut de recherche et des etudes de comportement - save the children, 1996. 5. cheta c and


rapports sexuels n ' avaient pas ete volontaires. les facteurs les plus importants d ' initiation sexuelle avant l ' age de 16 ans etaient l ' origine ethnique du pere, la scolarisation et l ' instruction au niveau primaire ou du premier cycle secondaire. la composition de la famille et le niveau de vie du foyer se sont averes les facteurs le plus regulierement associes aux comportements sexuels a risques. par rapport aux jeunes vivant dans un foyer jouissant d ' un niveau de vie eleve, les plus pauvres etaient 1, 4 fois plus susceptibles d ' etre sexuellement actifs au moment de l ' enquete et 1, 3 fois plus susceptibles d ' avoir eu des rapports sexuels de passage au cours de l ' annee precedente. les jeunes vivant avec un seul parent etaient 1, 6 fois plus susceptibles que ceux membres d ' un foyer comprenant deux parents d ' etre sexuellement actifs, 2, 8 fois plus susceptibles d ' avoir plusieurs partenaires, 1, 7 fois plus susceptibles d ' avoir eu des rapports de passage durant l ' annee precedente et 1, 1 fois plus susceptibles de ne pas utiliser le preservatif. le partage du foyer des grands - parents avait generalement un effet protecteur, tandis que la vie avec un frere ou une sur, seul ou seule ou avec d ' autres personnes accroissait generalement la probabilite d ' adoption de comportements sexuels a risques. conclusions : les jeunes economiquement demunis et ceux vivant dans des milieux moins stables sont plus susceptibles que les autres d ' adopter des comportements sexuels leur faisant courir le risque de contracter le sida. l ' amelioration des conditions de vie des familles — celles dirigees par des femmes celibataires, surtout — pourrait aider a ralentir la propagation de la maladie.


patricia sullivan. days of hope : race and democracy in the new deal era. chapel hill : university of north carolina press, 1996. xiii + 335 pp. $ 23. 95 ( paper ), isbn 978 - 0 - 8078 - 4564 - 6 ; $ 59. 95 ( cloth ), isbn 978 - 0 - 8078 - 2260 - 9. reviewed by vanessa l. davis ( truman state university ) published on h - south ( august, 1997 ) three days after the 1938 report on the economic conditions of the south was released to the public, the new york times reprinted a political cartoon from the cleveland news. striking in its simplicity, the cartoon depicted a white man and woman struggling in a field and joined together by a yoke labeled " economic inequality. " the caption simply read " dixie. " in many ways this cartoon encapsulates the liberal attitudes following the report ' s release. although the southern authors of the report went to great lengths to explain the external and internal sources of southern poverty, many americans simply continued to view the south not as a distinct and potentially wealthy agricultural region and system, but as an area of the nation that was woefully behind the economic and industrial times. the source of economic inequality in the south, this popular opinion went, was a lack of technological and economic modernization coupled with an incomprehensible refusal to shed old anti - progressive traditions and attitudes. and, for most americans, that was a problem devoid of racial concerns. much like our cleveland news cartoon, the nation, even the report itself, presented the southern economic and social problems devoid of any racial dimensions. the distinct economic, social, and political disadvantages of african americans were never acknowledged. yet when one discusses the economic conditions of the south, and franklin roosevelt ' s subsequent new deal programs meant to address those conditions, race can hardly be ignored. for not only were race and poverty inextricably linked in the southern united states, but, according to patricia sullivan ' s days of hope : race and democracy in the new deal era, the politics designed to remedy these economic problems created a unique period of opportunity for those involved in reversing the second class status of southern african americans. sullivan ' s thesis that the national crisis of southern poverty created opportunities for southern liberals to attempt to change the deep - rooted economic, political, and racial traditions of the south is promising, well - researched, and in - line with recent evaluations of the new deal as a crucial moment in post - civil


created opportunities for southern liberals to attempt to change the deep - rooted economic, political, and racial traditions of the south is promising, well - researched, and in - line with recent evaluations of the new deal as a crucial moment in post - civil war southern history. in the introduction to days of hope, sullivan boldly proclaims that her work is " the study of a generation, " one that she pursues through the examination of three central themes : the changing relationship between the federal government, the south, and the democratic party ; the dynamic role that post - world war ii black southerners played in voting rights challenges ; and the development of mostly - young southern liberals and the organizations they formed to further their crusades for economic and racial justice in the south ( pp. 8 - 9 ). the heroes and heroines of sullivan ' s study are, for the most part, young idealists of both races who created and used a variety of political and labor organizations to further their struggles and who capitalized on the political urgency and opportunity created by the great depression and roosevelt ' s new deal. in this narrative of the new deal south, men and women such as palmer weber, virginia and clifford durr, clark foreman, john mccray, charles houston, and lucy randolph mason rise to the surface and represent a new breed of southern liberal. many were at the beginning of the depression young, well - educated, politically and socially liberal, and, for the most part, from financially stable backgrounds. they questioned the morality of racial discrimination, and were willing to create interracial organizations. they were also a part of a much larger national and international movement aimed at addressing economic and social inequality, the popular front movement. the story of the challenge to the " southern way of life " that these young reformers mount is rooted in the connection between economics, race, and position in southern society, a society where economic destitution was used to buttress racial discrimination. nowhere was this more evident than in the distribution of factory jobs after roosevelt ' s national recovery administration ( nra ) established minimum wages. when forced to begin paying a national minimum wage, southern factory owners either closed down their factories or replaced their black workers with white workers. economic opportunity, or in this case the lack thereof, became yet another way to reinforce the second class status of african americans while at the same time attempting to further white racial and political unity. despite the problems that new deal reforms might have created in their application, sullivan argues that the urgency of the depression


, became yet another way to reinforce the second class status of african americans while at the same time attempting to further white racial and political unity. despite the problems that new deal reforms might have created in their application, sullivan argues that the urgency of the depression created a window of opportunity for political, economic, and social change in the south ( p. 66 ). one of the first activists to embody that potential for change in sullivan ' s narrative is clark foreman, the white atlanta native who became roosevelt ' s first special advisor on the economic status of negroes. in many ways, foreman is the logical choice for sullivan to begin with since he embodies many of the characteristics that the other young turks of southern reform share. foreman grew up in the heart of the new south, atlanta, georgia, and benefited from the economic and social status of his family. after receiving a bachelor of arts degree from the university of georgia he attended harvard for one year and eventually completed his education with a grand tour of europe. while in europe, foreman attended the london school of economics, became friends with many of england ' s leading radicals, and observed firsthand the impact of abject poverty on developing european nations. upon his return to atlanta, foreman was a changed man. he no longer held many of the views considered proper in atlanta society, and instead of entering into the business world of his father, foreman became secretary of the georgia committee of the commission on interracial cooperation ( cic ). from this position foreman had the opportunity to explore interracial politics and worked to improve the availability of public services to atlanta african - americans. but even his cic involvement was not enough for foreman, who grew increasingly frustrated at only being able to respond to what he believed were merely symptoms of much deeper racial and economic problems. in an effort to address the root causes of racial discrimination and economic poverty, foreman jumped at the chance to become roosevelt ' s first special advisor on the economic status of negroes. in so doing, foreman became a part of a growing contingent of the young, educated, and idealistic soldiers running franklin roosevelt ' s battle against poverty. just as foreman ' s intellectual and ethical development is in many ways representative of the development of other southern white radicals, the political career of palmer weber is also instructive. unlike foreman, weber did not share the economic advantages of a powerful southern family. raised in relative poverty, weber spent his formative years in the blue ridge sanitarium recovering from glandular tuberculosis. it was here and not in


instructive. unlike foreman, weber did not share the economic advantages of a powerful southern family. raised in relative poverty, weber spent his formative years in the blue ridge sanitarium recovering from glandular tuberculosis. it was here and not in the dining clubs of harvard or around the tables of london radicals that weber received his early education in radicalism, particularly marxism. after securing a scholarship to attend the university of virginia, weber continued his political self - education by becoming involved in the university ' s liberal discussion group and the local chapter of the national student league. these interests and his reading of marx and plato eventually led palmer to pursue a ph. d. in philosophy. however, his anti - lynching crusades and other activities alienated the university community, and a lack of faculty recommendations for a teaching position led weber into public service with a washington, d. c. staff position with the tolan committee on interstate migration. weber is particularly central to sullivan ' s thesis as not only a major oral history source, but also as a way to discuss and explore the intricate interactions between various political, labor, and civil rights organizations. coming shortly after america ' s first red scare, the american version of the international popular front movement challenged american, particularly southern, understandings of democracy and political involvement. throughout the south organizations like the southern conference for human welfare ( schw ) were created as a means of addressing the racial and economic concerns of this region that roosevelt labeled " the nation ' s number one economic problem. " in addition to its radical membership, organizations such as the schw, the congress of industrial organizations - political action committee ( cio - pac ), the highlander folk school, the national citizens political action committee, and the progressive party struggled to join together a broad coalition of members and supporting organizations that ran the gamut from union leaders to roosevelt administration appointees to weathered civil rights activists. at the heart of these efforts was the understanding that activists like palmer weber championed - - racial and economic matters were intimately linked together and the only way to further reforms in either category was through national political action. unfortunately for many of these organizations, they ran into difficulties as they attempted to negotiate the increasingly hostile and complex world of national and southern politics. despite their efforts at national legislation outlawing lynching and the poll tax, these organizations were often frustrated by roosevelt ' s and the democratic party ' s unwillingness to completely alienate the increasingly powerful and conservative cadre of southern democrats. this reticence of the national democratic party toward


it also challenged the seating of the regular state delegation at the 1944 democratic national convention. although the pdp failed to unseat the regular delegation, it marked the first time that an all - black delegation mounted such a challenge and formed the basis for not only further organizational work in south carolina, but also a precedent for the unsuccessful 1964 mississippi freedom democratic party challenge and the successful 1968 loyal democrats of mississippi challenge. the 1944 convention challenge and the subsequent removal of progressive vice president henry wallace from the democratic ticket highlight the ways in which the battle between liberal and conservative democrats were shaping both southern and national democratic politics. in fact, the impact of these battles is made abundantly clear in the 1948 progressive party presidential campaign of henry wallace and the mixed reception he received on the southern campaign trail. although sullivan does an outstanding job exploring the nuances and interactions of these mostly southern - grown progressive organizations and their efforts at racial and economic equality, her analysis sometimes leaves important questions unanswered. several times she claims, sometimes even through the words of participants such as virginia foster durr, that southern blacks were " the generating force " in the struggle for southern civil rights and voting campaigns ( p. 195 ). unfortunately, despite these claims of their central importance, sullivan spends relatively little time discussing black efforts. perhaps even more unfortunate, the analysis that sullivan does provide focuses primarily on organizations such as the national association for the advancement of colored people ( naacp ). undoubtedly, the naacp took the lead in the formal political organization of groups of southern blacks, but its dedication to these local branches was scatter - shot at best. although naacp membership in the south increased because of the efforts of ella jo baker, the organization ' s fiery director of branches, the national organization was less concerned with developing local leadership and campaigns than it was with using local membership dues to finance its national legal and political battles. in fact, this lack of national concern for local problems and development eventually led to the angry resignation of baker. and the naacp was not above removing or limiting financial and staff support for southern state branches if it felt that no significant national gains could be made. thus, although local naacp branches had existed throughout mississippi since 1918, the national organization resisted appointing a full - time field secretary until 1954. in effect, by focusing most of her attention on the naacp and other national organizations, sullivan sometimes neglects an analysis of local black efforts at improving the lot of southern african americans. ( although in all fairness, one should note that sullivan does provide a compelling analysis of the efforts by blacks


her attention on the naacp and other national organizations, sullivan sometimes neglects an analysis of local black efforts at improving the lot of southern african americans. ( although in all fairness, one should note that sullivan does provide a compelling analysis of the efforts by blacks to challenge voter discrimination in georgia and south carolina. however, even here sullivan ' s analysis tends towards focusing on the leadership of these movements and their relationship with her radical southern organizations rather than an analysis of the efforts made by local african americans. ) this focus on national organizations and leaders exemplifies another problem with days of hope - - the disturbing lack of local southern voices. although she agrees with the prevailing thesis that most southerners applauded new deal relief efforts despite the opposition of southern political leaders, sullivan ' s neglect to analyze these southerners renders them voiceless. considering that the final portion of days of hope is most concerned with exploring the efforts of southern liberals to create coalitions that would increase their national and local political power, sullivan ' s limited exploration of local political and social attitudes impedes any understanding of the tactics and frustrations involved in these coalition efforts. in fact, the world of the local southerner, black or white, is missing from sullivan ' s narrative. although there is ample discussion of the motivations and workings of the leaders of groups such as the schw and the cio - pac, readers are left wondering what the attitudes and actions were of the rank and file of these organizations. this is an especially puzzling omission given sullivan ' s argument that these organizations not only engaged in efforts to create national political support for their changes but also attempted to discover ways to lessen the political power and prestige of the conservative southern political leaders that they believed were limiting southern racial and economic gains. the lack of a local focus also corresponds to a surprisingly small amount of class analysis. again, by focusing on the leaders of these organizations, most of whom experienced some form of economic or educational privilege, sullivan skirts significant class analysis. make no mistake, economic and class issues are primary themes in both these liberal activists and sullivan ' s analysis of them, but they remain rather large, abstract issues to be grappled with on a national level. thus, during her discussion of new deal legislation in the south, particularly nra minimum wage requirements and aaa crop reductions, sullivan spends little time exploring the relatively minimum impact that these programs had on improving the economic situation of southern blacks. instead of affirming harvard sitkoff ' s assertion that the glorification of the


nra minimum wage requirements and aaa crop reductions, sullivan spends little time exploring the relatively minimum impact that these programs had on improving the economic situation of southern blacks. instead of affirming harvard sitkoff ' s assertion that the glorification of the new deal and franklin roosevelt by black southerners was a response based on " what they believed could be and has been rather than damning him on a standard of what might be, " sullivan falls prey to an all - too - optimistic evaluation of the new deal ' s effect on southern african americans and southern society. furthermore, given the economic and educational advantage of most of sullivan ' s radical subjects, one is also left wondering how their own economic experiences of privilege affected their liberal political beliefs, and, more importantly, their interactions with most southerners. one gets a sense from sullivan ' s narrative that these activists and their organizations were, in the words of the new testament, " in the world but not of the world. " questions such as " how well were these radicals able to communicate with southern workers? " and, " how did they attempt to translate their economic and political theories of class and race into the vernacular of the voting south? " are left unanswered. we are given some hint of the difficulties that such an interaction posed with sullivan ' s discussion of congress of industrial organization ( cio ) unionizing efforts. faced with attempting to cultivate union membership in the south, sullivan records that the cio ' s radical message of racial equality became watered down by local white southern union members. this occurrence would suggest that the progressive organizations that sullivan writes about not only met opposition among many southerners, but could also be co - opted for conservative purposes. however, without further analysis, the question of the ultimate effectiveness of these organizations is left unanswered. despite these analytical lapses, sullivan offers the most compelling argument to date about the importance of the new deal period as a fundamental turning point in southern history. echoing the arguments made by the likes of alan brinkley, numan bartley, and harvard sitkoff, days of hope furthers the trend in southern history to view the new deal period as a fundamental point for change in the south, although most of these scholars do qualify their discussions by emphasizing the long - term affects of the new deal. undoubtedly, the depression and second world war did create ample opportunities for long - term economic, political, and social change. by discussing the political challenges launched by liberal democrats against both conservative southern democrats and a somewhat unwilling national democratic party


of the new deal. undoubtedly, the depression and second world war did create ample opportunities for long - term economic, political, and social change. by discussing the political challenges launched by liberal democrats against both conservative southern democrats and a somewhat unwilling national democratic party, sullivan highlights the beginning of a redefinition of party politics that would ultimately culminate in the political aspects of the civil rights movement and the demise of a solid democratic south. furthermore, sullivan ' s discussion of the long term effects of black voter registration efforts in south carolina and georgia support harvard sitkoff ' s assertion that " the seeds that would later bear fruit had been planted. they would continue to be nurtured by the legal and political developments, the ideas articulated, the alliances formed, and the expectations raised during the new deal years. the sprouts of hope prepared the ground for the struggles to follow. harvest time would come in the next generation. " in fact, perhaps sullivan ' s greatest contribution to this growing discussion is her detailed analysis of labor ' s contribution to the changing economic and political environment of the south. thus, despite the occasional analytical lapses, days of hope provides a framework for situating the later cooperative civil rights efforts between organized labor, political radicals, and southern activists, and provides a much - needed context for current scholarship on the southern civil rights movement. patricia sullivan ' s days of hope : race and democracy in the new deal era provides readers with a thorough, informative, and thought - provoking account of the new deal. despite its analytical lapses, it is a book worth reading for scholars interested in the shifting nature of southern and national politics as well as scholars interested in the coalitions and events that under - girded the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.. summer, " dixie, " new york times, 21 august 1938, sec. iv p. 9.. john dittmer, local people : the struggle for civil rights in mississippi ( urbana : university of illinois press, 1994 ), 48 - 49.. harvard sitkoff, " the impact of the new deal on black southerners, " in the new deal and the south, eds. james c. cobb and michael v. namorato ( jackson, ms : university press of mississippi, 1984 ), 128.. harvard sitkoff, a new deal for blacks : the emergence of civil rights as a national issue, vol. 1 the depression decade ( new york : oxford university press, 1978 ), 335. copyright ( c ) 1997 by


), 128.. harvard sitkoff, a new deal for blacks : the emergence of civil rights as a national issue, vol. 1 the depression decade ( new york : oxford university press, 1978 ), 335. copyright ( c ) 1997 by h - net, all rights reserved. this work may be copied for non - profit educational use if proper credit is given to the author and the list. for other permission, please contact h - net @ h - net. msu. edu. if there is additional discussion of this review, you may access it through the list discussion logs at : http : / / h - net. msu. edu / cgi - bin / logbrowse. pl. vanessa l. davis. review of sullivan, patricia, days of hope : race and democracy in the new deal era. h - south, h - net reviews. copyright © 1997 by h - net, all rights reserved. h - net permits the redistribution and reprinting of this work for nonprofit, educational purposes, with full and accurate attribution to the author, web location, date of publication, originating list, and h - net : humanities & social sciences online. for any other proposed use, contact the reviews editorial staff at email @ example. com.


become a fan of h2g2 the british museum, in london, uk, is one of the world ' s most fascinating museums. it contains so much information about so many of the world ' s people, the journeys they have made, and how we all ultimately got to where we are today. one thing that strikes visitors as they make their way around the museum is the similarity - the many things in common - that we today share with our ancestors. and also the similar customs and practises that humans have always shared around the world at any given point in their history. here are a couple of examples : entering through the ' rear ' entrance, there is a display of chinese porcelain. one of the artefacts is a ' grave pass ' - a painted tablet describing the life of a particular inhabitant of a tomb, her life and deeds and her legal right, under chinese law, to occupy that tomb. moving on into the egyptian display, we find examples of the egyptian book of the dead - documents that were placed with the deceased, describing their life and times, and evidence that they were being buried in proper accordance with egyptian law. more than four thousand years and thousands of miles separated these two burial traditions, but the similarities between them are striking. in one of the roman rooms is a display of roman army artefacts. and one of those artefacts is a 1st century centurion ' s boot. an examination of this 2000 - year - old army boot, and then an examination of a modern - day boot ( perhaps one you ' re wearing ) is quite revealing. the only real difference is the synthetic sole on the modern boot - the rest of the design is pretty much identical. alongside the boots is an inscribed bronze tablet - a page from a booklet. the booklet is a record of the career of an auxiliary in the roman army. it describes his career, when he joined, the regiments he served in, his achievements, and where and when he was discharged. this is remarkably similar to the modern - era army logs that perhaps belong to your own grandfathers. there is an old saying that those who do not learn from the past are doomed to repeat it. however, learning from history - the history of human culture - can help us understand that our differences are fewer than many believe. it can also be a jolly good laugh to go and see some of the things people have put up with throughout the years! things to see the museum is home to thousands of artefacts but there are three that shouldn ' t be missed : the rosetta


it can also be a jolly good laugh to go and see some of the things people have put up with throughout the years! things to see the museum is home to thousands of artefacts but there are three that shouldn ' t be missed : the rosetta stone was the key that unlocked the mysteries of egyptian hieroglyphs. it ' s a slab of black basalt inscribed by ancient egyptians with a royal decree praising their king, ptolemy v. the same inscription is written in three languages ; in hieroglyphic, in demotic, and in greek - thus enabling people to translate ancient egyptian texts into modern languages. the elgin marbles are the bas relief sculptures that used to adorn the acropolis in athens and were smuggled out of greece by lord elgin in order to preserve them. the elgin marbles are a major bone of contention between the uk and greece. the mausoleum of halicarnassus is one of the seven wonders of the world. it ' s a monumental marble tomb of king mausolus of caria1 in asia minor and only fragments remain, most of which are in the british museum. the nearest london underground tube station is tottenham court road, on both the northern and central lines. come out of the station at the new oxford street exit and walk along new oxford street until you reach museum street. walk along museum street for a few minutes, and you ' ll see the museum looming up beside you. the british museum is very big, and it would certainly take you a couple of days to see all the exhibits. however, there are so many things to see that it is well worth the time. you can pick out your favourite era, people, location or creation ( religious icons, time pieces, and so on ) and go straight to it. but you would, of course, be missing out on other things. a far better idea is to proceed slowly, carefully observing as you go along, letting yourself be amazed and fascinated and even educated by the activities of human beings over the last few thousand years. the cafe inside is exorbitantly expensive and it ' s recommended taking a walk outside to one of the nearby pubs or cafes - there are plenty of them around that area, and it gets you out into the fresh air. as the museum charges no official entry fee2, you can wander in and out as much as you like. there are very few places to rest if you are tired or infirm, unless you feel like wrestling a security guard for his seat. but be warned - they fight back


could lead to potential cures for glaucoma, age - related macular degeneration a team led by iqbal ahmad, ph. d., professor of ophthalmology and visual sciences, can now turn adult limbal stem cells from the cornea into cells similar to powerfully - regenerative embryonic stem cells in animal models. these new cells can generate retinal progenitor cells that could potentially cure conditions such as glaucoma and age - related macular degeneration. the work builds off that of drs. john b. gurdon and shinya yamanaka, who won this year ' s nobel prize in science after they genetically altered adult stem cells into induced pluripotent stem cells ( ipsc ) - - which mirror the qualities of embryonic stem cells. " whenever a breakthrough such as that is made, it becomes a rung on the ladder that leads to further development, " dr. ahmad said. rather than use genetic manipulation, dr. ahmad ' s team soaks the adult limbal stem cells in an enhanced tissue culture. the soak in the solution changes the molecular make - up of the limbal cells so that they become ipscs. dr. ahmad ' s team has transplanted its new ipscs into the retinas of mice with experimental glaucoma. early tests show that the cells have started to transform into retinal cells that degenerate in glaucoma. they have shown that these newly generated retinal cells make the neural connections needed to restore sight. further tests will show if sight is restored, dr. ahmad said, but the work has shown enough promise to secure a $ 1. 48 million, four - year r01 grant from the national institutes of health. the newly created retinal cells also can be studied to see what genes are responsible for sight degeneration and what genes fight vision loss. this could lead to drugs that block the degenerative genes or bolster the genes that fight vision loss, dr. ahmad said. " we ' ve shown that changing the environment around these adult stem cells can change the cells themselves, " dr. ahmad said. " we now seek more efficient ways to create these transformative environments to cultivate these powerful cells that may offer hope to so many. " through world - class research and patient care, unmc generates breakthroughs that make life better for people throughout nebraska and beyond. its education programs train more health professionals than any other institution in the


it may surprise you to know that cholesterol itself isn ' t bad. in fact, cholesterol is just one of the many substances created and used by our bodies to keep us healthy. some of the cholesterol we need is produced naturally ( and can be affected by your family health history ), while some of it comes from the food we eat. there are two types of cholesterol : " good " and " bad. " it ' s important to understand the difference, and to know the levels of " good " and " bad " cholesterol in your blood. too much of one type — or not enough of another — can put you at risk for coronary heart disease, heart attack or stroke. cholesterol comes from two sources : your body and food. your liver and other cells in your body make about 75 percent of blood cholesterol. the other 25 percent comes from the foods you eat. cholesterol is only found in animal products. a cholesterol screening measures your level of hdl and ldl. hdl is the " good " cholesterol which helps keep the ldl ( bad ) cholesterol from getting lodged into your artery walls. a healthy level of hdl may also protect against heart attack and stroke, while low levels of hdl ( less than 40 mg / dl for men and less than 50 mg / dl for women ) have been shown to increase the risk of heart disease. if you need to increase your hdl to your reach your goals, studies show that regular physical activity, such as at least 150 minutes of moderate - intensity aerobic physical activity ( e. g. brisk walking ) every week or 75 minutes of vigorous intensity aerobic physical activity ( e. g., jogging, running ) or a combination of both every week can help your body produce more hdls. reducing trans fats and eating a balanced, nutritious diet is another way to increase hdl. if you smoke - stop : cigarett smoking can decrease your hdl. if these measures are not enough to increase your hdl to goal, your healthcare practitioner may prescribe a medication specifically to increase your hdls. ldl cholesterol is the " bad " cholesterol. when too much of it circulates in the blood, it can clog arteries, increasing your risk of heart attack and stroke. ldl cholesterol is produced naturally by the body, but many people inherit genes from their mother, father or even grandparents that cause them to


the hardin cemetery disaster hardin, missouri in ray county, missouri in 1993, a record breaking flood occurred along the missouri and mississippi river that resulted in the destruction of a community cemetery that was on a scale never before experienced. before the flooding, the cemetery contained a total of 1576 burials. of these, 793 graves were washed out by the flood waters. for some weeks afterward, remains from the cemetery were recovered and in many cases were at quite a long distance from the cemetery. eventually, 645 remains were recovered which means that an additional 148 remains were never located. of the recovered remains, only 120 were able to be identified. those remains that were recovered but could not be identified were later buried together in a mass grave at the cemetery marked by a large memorial. today, the cemetery still shows the incredible damage done by the flooding. the cemetery now is basically in three sections : portions of the original cemetery are present on the east and west sides of the large middle portion that was cut away by the flooding. the west section contains two memorials to commemorate the disaster. to the east is a smaller section that was also part of the original cemetery and also includes a section of numerous tombstone placed close together. these are tombstones that were recovered from the destroyed portion of the cemetery but could not be matched with any of the recovered remains. despite the years that have passed, to view the damage that was done is still a sobering sight. even now, it is difficult to image the heartache the families have had to deal with. the hardin cemetery is located just east of hardin, missouri on the south side of highway 10. hardin is in ray county, missouri and is about ten miles east of richmond, missouri on highway 10. at richmond traveling west, highway 10 becomes highway 210. this large memorial is located on the west side of the cemetery. the text reads as follows : " on july 12, 1993, floodwaters from the missouri river gained entrance to the cemetery. as the water rose, the a second memorial records the names of those displaced by the flooding and reads as follows : this is a view of the cemetery from the east side looking to the west. at the the far side are tombstones on the west side of the cemetery. the center portion where water can be seen is the washed away portion of the cemetery. the cut away area is rather deep and is normally filled with rainwater creating a lake in the center of the cemetery. this view is of the washed away area of the cemetery and looking to the east. this


the washed away portion of the cemetery. the cut away area is rather deep and is normally filled with rainwater creating a lake in the center of the cemetery. this view is of the washed away area of the cemetery and looking to the east. this gives some idea of the depth of the area removed by the flood waters. this was the the middle area of the cemetery and is where all of the graves were removed by the destructive action of the flood. this is the area of relocated tombstones that were recovered but could not be matched with any of the recovered remains. this view is from the east side of the cemetery looking to the west with the lake area located between. all photos and text are copyright 2011 - 2013 by hearthstone legacy publications. also available : ray county, missouri history, genealogy and maps this site features a growing collection of more than 300 arkansas illinois indiana iowa kansas kentucky louisiana massachusetts missouri north carolina ohio tennessee texas county history and genealogy titles. click on the links above or the navigation buttons on the upper left sidebar to view other titles available. click on the search tab to search our entire inventory. * * * * * would you like to be notified of new publications, new features, upcoming genealogy conferences, plus exclusive special offers and promotions available only to our newsletter subscribers? subscribers to our free newsletter are always the first to know! do you enjoy history and genealogy? visit : the lives of our ancestors do you like free? check out the free genealogy and map resources at my genealogy hound send mail to questions or comments about this web site.


today the nation honors the life of martin luther king jr., the reverend and activist who led the american civil rights movement. as king studied nonviolence as practiced by gandhi and imagined by henry david thoreau, now his own life and work are the subject of study. here are 12 essential reads about the short life of king, who was assassinated in 1968 at age 39. " the king years : historic moments in the civil rights movement " ( 2013 ), " parting the waters : america in the king years, 1954 - 63 " ( 1986 ), " pillar of fire : america in the king years, 1963 - 1965 " ( 1998 ), and " at canaan ' s edge : america in the king years, 1965 - 68 " ( 2006 ), all by taylor branch. branch ' s latest book on king, published last month, is a condensed, highlight - heavy sampling of his award - winning trilogy about king. the first book, " parting the waters, " was a winner of the pulitzer prize for history in 1987, and the two following books were also highly praised. totaling almost 3, 000 pages, branch ' s exhaustive trilogy provides a deep look into king ' s life. " martin luther king jr. : a life " ( 2002 ) by marshall frady. for those who might want a less voluminous introduction to king, frady ' s slender volume, part of the penguin lives biography series, provides a lively overview of king ' s life and work. " bearing the cross : martin luther king jr. and the southern christian leadership conference " ( 1986 ) by david j. garrow. garrow ' s 1981 book " the fbi and martin luther king jr. " publicly explicated the surveillance the fbi conducted of king, but it was 1986 ' s " bearing the cross " that is considered a more significant book. researching it, garrow interviewed more than 700 people, and went on to receive a pulitzer prize in 1987. " martin ' s big words : the life of dr. martin luther king jr. " ( 2001 ) by doreen rappaport, illustrated by bryan collier. for children ages 5 and up, this picture book biography was awarded a caldecott honor and is an accessible introduction to king. " my life with martin luther king jr. " ( 1994 ) by coretta scott king. the 1994 edition of king ' s personal 1969 memoir was reframed for high school students, with updated language. " the martin luther king, jr., encyclopedia " ( rev


luther king jr. " ( 1994 ) by coretta scott king. the 1994 edition of king ' s personal 1969 memoir was reframed for high school students, with updated language. " the martin luther king, jr., encyclopedia " ( rev. 2008 ) by clayborne carson, tenisha armstrong, susan carson, erin cook, and susan englander. history professor clayborne carson leads the martin luther king jr. research and education institute at stanford university and has produced six volumes of king ' s written work, papers, letters and speeches. this encyclopedia, aimed at students grade 10 and up, is an entry into king ' s life and work. " reporting civil rights : american journalism 1941 - 1963 " and " reporting civil rights : american journalism 1963 - 1973 " anthologies by the library of america. these anthologies show the world king entered, the challenges the civil rights movement faced and what the cost of its victories were, up close. authors include langston hughes, james baldwin, john steinbeck, charlayne hunter, john hersey, joan didion, gordon parks and earl caldwell, the only reporter to witness the assassination of king. " martin luther king jr. : the essential box set : the landmark speeches and sermons of martin luther king, jr. " ( 2009 ) this 15 - hour - long audiobook includes recordings of king ' s significant speeches, showing off his gifts as an orator, with additional narration by colleagues and scholars placing them in context.