polycystic ovarian syndrome polycystic ovarian syndrome ( pcos ) is a condition of unknown cause. it is associated with problems such as irregular ( usually less frequent ) menstrual cycles, excessive hair growth, acne, obesity, infertility and the possible development of diabetes and osteoporosis. treatment for pcos depends on the associated problems and can include weight reduction, hormones or - in some cases - an operation. normally the ovary produces large amounts of the female hormone estrogen, lesser amounts of the male hormone testosterone, and the pregnancy hormone progesterone ( which is only produced in greater amounts after ovulation and during pregnancy ). in pcos, testosterone levels may be mildly increased. causes of pcos the causes of pcos are unknown. in some cases, it seems to run in the family ; for other women, the condition only occurs when they are overweight. recent research suggests that pcos is related to insulin resistance and the development of diabetes, especially in women who are overweight. women who have pcos may have problems such as : - irregular menstrual cycles - menstruation may be less frequent due to less frequent ovulation, and may be either heavier or lighter than average - amenorrhea - some women with pcos do not menstruate, in some cases for many years - obesity - the cause of this is unclear - excessive hair growth - may be due to increased testosterone - acne - the cause is unclear - infertility - related to less frequent or absent ovulation there may also be long term health risks. some women with pcos develop diabetes, especially if overweight. women with infrequent periods are at risk of osteoporosis. diagnosing polycystic ovarian syndrome pcos is usually diagnosed based on the woman ' s history and an examination. it may be confirmed by ultrasound and by measuring hormone levels in the blood. early diagnosis is important, as it will allow symptoms to be managed and may prevent long term health problems from developing. it is important that a broad approach ( by a general practitioner with interest or expertise in this area, or perhaps involving several specialists - for example, an endocrinologist or a gynecologist ) be used to manage and treat pcos. if only one or two symptoms are addressed on a short term basis, the woman may be left with long term clinical problems. the treatment for pcos will depend on the


the french revolution : a history title : the french revolution : a history. publisher : british library, historical print editionsthe british library is the national library of the... show synopsis title : the french revolution : a history. publisher : british library, historical print editionsthe british library is the national library of the united kingdom. it is one of the world ' s largest research libraries holding over 150 million items in all known languages and formats : books, journals, newspapers, sound recordings, patents, maps, stamps, prints and much more. its collections include around 14 million books, along with substantial additional collections of manuscripts and historical items dating back as far as 300 bc. the historical works of the french revolution collection includes books from the british library digitised by microsoft. this collection contains works in both french and english highlighting the history of the girondists and the jacobins, the storming of the bastille, the napoleonic wars, restorations of the monarchy, the spread of secularism, and the role of women. + + + + the below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. this data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification : + + + + british library carlyle, thomas ; 1837. 3 vol. ; 8. 1059. e. 22 - 24.


glaucoma - health information what is glaucoma glaucoma is a condition affecting the eye, where pressure of fluid inside the eye increases above the normal level and affects vision. the progression of the disease may lead to destruction of the nerve fibre and impaired vision in later life. how does it occur the eye is approximately the size of a ping - pong ball and its walls are composed of several layers of muscles. the innermost layer of this wall is called the retina and is light sensitive, being responsible for detecting light rays and sending them to the brain via the optic nerve which transmits the light in the form of electric impulses. this helps to establish vision. inside the eyeball is a lens suspended by muscles near the front of the eye and this focuses incoming light rays from outside onto the retina. in front of the lens is the iris which, by alteration of its diameter, controls the amount of light entering the eye. the eyeball is filled with jelly like fluid which fills the inside of the eyeball and gives the eye its shape and tension. the fluid between the lens and the front of the eye is known as aqueous humour and fills the area known as the anterior chamber whilst the remainder of the eye behind the lens is known as the posterior chamber and the contents known as vitreous humour. this liquid is constantly being produced by cells in the eye and is drained away through a drainage channel. thus the constant flow of liquid maintains a constant pressure in the eyeball called the intraocular pressure and in health is between 15 and 20 mm mercury. if there is an excessive production or an inadequate drainage of fluid the pressure will rise abnormally high to a point where vision is affected. this is glaucoma. glaucoma affects more than 1 % of the general population over 40 years. the incidence increases with age up to 3 % over 70 and is one of the major causes of registerable blindness in the uk. why does it happen in glaucoma, for reasons not quite known, the thin fluid does not drain as quickly as it should. when this happens the fluid backs up and puts pressure on the delicate optic nerve which can then become damaged. at first, the increased fluid pressure damages only those nerve cells and fibres that control " side vision ". as a result this peripheral vision is destroyed. in the final stages of the disease, the pressure destroys the fibres which permit central vision resulting eventually in total loss of vision. if caught early the damage may


fibres that control " side vision ". as a result this peripheral vision is destroyed. in the final stages of the disease, the pressure destroys the fibres which permit central vision resulting eventually in total loss of vision. if caught early the damage may be slight and both medical and surgical treatments exist which can stop progression of the disease. the amount of pressure it takes to cause damage varies from person to person and that is why individual screening is important. who is at risk - the chance of developing glaucoma increases with advancing age - it tends to run in families - diabetics are at higher risk - patients who have suffered eye injury or had eye surgery are at risk of this complication - glaucoma is more common in afro - americans what are the symptoms glaucoma occurs in two forms, namely acute and chronic : acute glaucoma : in this case there is a sudden blockage of the duct that drains the aqueous fluid at the front of the eye resulting in an abrupt rise in the intraocular pressure. as the pressure increases the normally clear cornea at the front of the eye becomes waterlogged and hazy. the eye becomes painful and red. there may be " haloes " around lights and blurring of vision. nausea and vomiting may also occur. this form of glaucoma is more common in the long sighted who have smaller eyes and older people in whom the lens actually grows larger. in both cases the drainage canal in front of the iris closes off. this is known as angle closure glaucoma. chronic glaucoma : by contrast, in this case, the blockage is gradual and there may or may not be a build up of pressure great enough to cause pain and discomfort. the intraocular pressure rises gradually and the eye adjusts partially to the raised pressure so the patient may not realise that there is a problem even though the optic nerve is being gradually damaged as the blood supply is being slowly cut off by the pressure. the effect on the vision is to cause blank areas to occur and enlarge until there remains only a small central island of vision. in chronic glaucoma the increase in pressure is not great enough to cause pain and discomfort and in this condition the drainage canal remains open but becomes silted up preventing drainage of the aqueous humour in front of the iris. what are the tests regular eye examinations by an optician or ophthalmologist are the most important ways to detect glaucoma. the examination


becomes silted up preventing drainage of the aqueous humour in front of the iris. what are the tests regular eye examinations by an optician or ophthalmologist are the most important ways to detect glaucoma. the examination ( which is quite painless ) will comprise the following : - measurement of the intraocular pressure ( called tonometry ) - inspection of the drainage angle of the eye ( called gonioscopy ) - evaluation of the optic nerve ( called ophthalmoscopy ) - testing of the visual field of each eye what is the treatment acute glaucoma : this is a medical emergency and the patient should be referred to hospital immediately. the aim will be to reduce the pressure as soon as possible and open the drainage channel for the eye fluid. a drug called acetazolamide which prevents eye fluid being formed is given initially, as well as eye drops called pilocarpine to the affected eye which make the pupil smaller and open up the drainage canal. if the pressure settles quickly then surgery or a laser can be used to drill a hole at the edge of the iris near the white of the eye to open up the drainage canal and so relieve the pressure. chronic glaucoma : treatment is commonly by anti - glaucoma drops of various types and the aim here is to control the eyeball pressure gradually and help prevent further loss of vision. the eye specialist will prescribe beta blocking drugs ( eg. timoptol ) which reduce production of fluid into the eye. they may be used alone or with pilocarpine drops or with adrenaline drop, both of which have effects on the production and drainage of fluid within the eye. acetazolamide tablets may be used also. a treatment called laser trabeculoplasty may work in some cases. this involves the creation of a drainage canal from within the eye to the exterior part just below the upper eyelid and so improve the drainage process. are there side effects of treatment the eye drops have side effects. pilocarpine makes the pupil small and alters vision, whilst adrenaline can make the eyes sore and red. beta blockers can worsen asthma - type breathing difficulties. acetazolamide tablets may cause pins and needles in the hands and nausea. are there recommended lifestyle changes practically speaking, the eye drops should be stored in a cool place and if opened will last about four weeks. should hospital admission be necessary or a holiday planned, then it is important not


the us department of labor requires large employers to collect diversity statistics annually and suggests they be based on employees ’ classification of themselves. in cases in which employees do not self - identify, federal regulations allow some administrators to make judgment calls on the correct categories using “ employment records or observer identification. ’ ’ the linked article also recounts the history of harvard law ' s perceived diversity problem circa 1990, just before warren arrived. lawprof derrick bell had gone on " strike " ( unpaid leave ) to protest, some students brought a lawsuit ( unsuccessful ), and the u. s. department of labor audited what the article calls " harvard ' s diversity practices " and found 10 violations. warren arrived in 1992 ( as a visiting professor ), at which point she " had been listing herself for seven years as a minority in a legal directory often used by law recruiters to make diversity - friendly hires. " she was still on that list when harvard law gave her a permanent position in 1995. the administrator responsible for harvard law school ’ s faculty diversity statistics from 1996 to 2004, the period in question, was alan ray, a citizen of the cherokee nation who, like warren, has fair skin, blue eyes, and oklahoma roots. but ray, now president of elmhurst college in illinois, said in a statement that he “ did not encourage the law school to list any faculty member as one particular race or ethnicity, including professor warren. ’ ’ he further said through a spokeswoman that he “ never encouraged any faculty member to list himself or herself in a particular way. ’ ’ ray added that harvard “ always accepted whatever identification a faculty member wanted to provide, ’ ’ a characterization another highly placed former harvard administrator backed up. in 1996, law school news director mike chmura, speaking to the harvard crimson, identified warren as a native american professor. i find it hard to believe that — after all the uproar over diversity in 1990 — that the law school could quietly pass off warren as its " first woman of color. " there were so many people who were genuinely angry over the lack of diversity. why would they have tolerated the school making such a lame assertion? wouldn ' t they have wanted to keep up the pressure? if you were at harvard in the 1990s, what do you remember about this? in 1997, the fordham law review, citing chmura, referred to warren as harvard law ’ s “ first woman of color. ’ ’ the globe article has more detail about harvard ' s " affirmative action plan, " a 1999 document, which


? in 1997, the fordham law review, citing chmura, referred to warren as harvard law ’ s “ first woman of color. ’ ’ the globe article has more detail about harvard ' s " affirmative action plan, " a 1999 document, which " lists one native american senior professor at the entire university, " and, in a section on the law school, specifies that there is " a single native american senior professor. " this must be warren, right? but this document also defines native american in a way that would not include warren : " a person having origins in any of the original peoples of north america and who maintains cultural identification through tribal affiliation or community recognition. " the inference is that harvard itself lied on diversity documents filed with the federal government ( and posted on line for years ). note that this information is used to recruit students, some of whom may care a great deal about whether there are faculty who seem as though they will be special mentors. i wonder whether there were students who chose harvard and sought out warren as a mentor because of her perceived status as a native american. there ' s something very odd here. a lot of things, actually. this isn ' t just about whether elizabeth warren is a worthy candidate for the u. s. senate. this is about more general chicanery about diversity at harvard and even more general deception and manipulation in the politics of diversity.


who is affected? on the basis of comparisons of large groups of people with alzheimer ' s disease with others who have not been affected, researchers suggest that there are a number of risk factors. this means that some people are more likely to suffer from the disease than others. however, it is unlikely that the disease could be traced to a single cause. it is more likely that a combination of factors lead to its development, with the importance of particular factors differing from one person to another. about one person out of twenty over the age of 65 suffers from alzheimer ' s disease and less than one person in a thousand under the age of 65. however, it is important to note that although people do tend to become forgetful as times goes on, the vast majority of people over 80 stay mentally alert. this means that although the likelihood of suffering from alzheimer ' s disease increases with age, old age does not itself cause the disease. nevertheless, recent evidence suggests that age related problems such as arteriosclerosis may be important contributing factors. also, as people are now living longer than in the past, the number of people with alzheimer ' s disease and other forms of dementia will most probably increase. some studies have suggested that more women are affected by the disease than men at any one time. however, this can be misleading because women as a group live longer than men. this means that if men were to live as long as women and did not die of other illnesses, the number suffering from alzheimer ' s disease would be about the same as that for women. genetic factors ( heredity ) in an extremely limited number of families alzheimer ' s disease is a dominant genetic disorder. members of such families inherit from one of their parents the part of the dna ( the genetic make - up ), which causes the disease. on average, half the children of an affected parent will develop the disease. for the members of such families who develop alzheimer ' s disease, the age of onset tends to be relatively low, usually between 35 and 60. the onset is fairly constant within the family. a link between chromosome 21 and alzheimer ' s disease has been discovered. as down ' s syndrome is caused by an anomaly in this chromosome, many children with down ' s syndrome will develop alzheimer ' s disease if they reach middle age, although they may not display the full range of symptoms. there is evidence to suggest that a person who has received a severe blow to the head may be at risk of developing alzheimer ' s disease. this risk is higher if at the time of


ethics of dementia research the universal declaration on the human genome and human rights ( unesco, 1997 ) is of relevance to research, treatment or diagnosis affecting an individual ’ s genome and covers areas such as human dignity, the rights of people concerned and the way that such treatment, diagnosis or research is carried. in the general preamble to the declaration it is stated : “ recognizing that research on the human genome and the resulting applications open up vast prospects for progress in improvising the health of individuals and of humankind as a whole, but emphasizing that such research should fully respect human dignity, freedom and human rights, as well as the prohibition of all forms of discrimination based on genetic characteristics. ” two types of genetic characteristics might be identified in the course of research, namely genetic mutations and a person ’ s genetic susceptibility. in an extremely limited number of families, alzheimer ’ s disease is a dominant genetic disorder. it is transmissible and known as familial alzheimer ’ s disease ( fad ). the first gene to be identified was the amyloid precursor protein ( app ) on chromosome 21 but this is limited to approximately 20 families. in most cases, the mutation occurs in the presenilin - 1 gene on chromosome 14. in a very small group of families, the fault is in the presenilin - 2 gene on chromosome 1 ( lovestone and gauthier, 2001 ). on average, half the children of an affected parent will develop the disease. for the members of such families who develop alzheimer ’ s disease, the age of onset tends to be relatively low, usually between 35 and 60. it is important to bear in mind that these genes are associated with the early onset, or familial form of the disease occurring in late middle age and that more than 90 % of cases of alzheimer ’ s disease occur in the 65 + age group ( eisenstein, 2011 ). in 2009 and 2010, a genome - wide association study, led to the discovery of additional gene variants of cr1, clu and picalm, and in 2011 of the gene variant bin 1 ( all of which are believed to affect the development of late onset alzheimer ’ s disease ( eisenstein, 2011 ; vaughn, 2011 ). there is no single gene responsible for all cases of alzheimer ’ s disease. however, everyone risks developing the disease at some time and it is now known that there is a gene which can affect this risk. this gene is found on chromosome 19 and it is responsible for the


gene responsible for all cases of alzheimer ’ s disease. however, everyone risks developing the disease at some time and it is now known that there is a gene which can affect this risk. this gene is found on chromosome 19 and it is responsible for the production of a protein called apolipoprotein e ( apoe ). there are three main types of this protein : allele ε2, ε3 and ε4 and as every person inherits two allele, six combinations are possible. the ε4 allele, although uncommon, makes it more likely that alzheimer ’ s disease will occur and at an earlier age. just one copy would increase the likelihood fourfold, whereas two copies would lead to a tenfold increase in risk ( eisenstein, 2011 ). the ε2 allele, on the other hand, is believed to offer some degree of protection. however, the ε4 allele does not cause the disease, but merely increases the likelihood. for example, a person of 50, would have a 2 in 1, 000 chance of developing alzheimer ’ s disease instead of the usual 1 in 1, 000, but might never actually develop it. there is no way to predict whether a particular person will develop the disease. it is possible to test for the apoe4 gene mentioned above, but such a test does not predict whether a particular person will develop alzheimer ’ s disease or not. it merely indicates that s / he is at greater risk. there are in fact people who have had the apoe4 gene, lived well into old age and never developed alzheimer ’ s disease, just as there are people who did not have apoe4, who did develop the disease. nevertheless, researchers may be interested in a person ’ s genetic status, even if this is limited to his / her susceptibility to develop dementia, as it may be affect the drug they are testing or lead to the development of more targeted and hence more effective drugs ( i. e. which will be more effective for some people than others ). however, whilst research into genetic status or susceptibility is of vital importance for the development of medication for dementia, the outcome of such research could have negative implications for some groups of people. in 2001, alzheimer europe produced a position paper on genetic testing in which it recognised the importance of research into genetic factors linked to dementia ( which might further our understanding of the cause and development of the disease and possibly contribute to future treatment ). at the same time, it cautioned against the use of


genetic testing in which it recognised the importance of research into genetic factors linked to dementia ( which might further our understanding of the cause and development of the disease and possibly contribute to future treatment ). at the same time, it cautioned against the use of any genetic test for dementia unless such test was known to have a high and proven success rate either in assessing the risk of developing the disease ( or not as the case may be ) or in detecting the existence of it in a particular individual. alzheimer europe did not, at that time, consider the ethical issues linked to genetic research. emotional disturbance or benefit a person who discovers by any means that s / he possesses a gene known to result in dementia may suffer emotional distress which is why genetic counselling is so important. in the case of badly conducted research, there is a risk of the person finding out about his / her genetic status “ in passing ” ( e. g. based on allocation to a particular group or if it was used as a criterion for inclusion in a study ), without there being any provisions for genetic counselling. on the other hand, for some people, genetic testing resulting in a normal result may spare people and their relatives the stress of not knowing and years of uncertainty. this would of course only apply to genetic tests which had been reliably shown to be capable of predicting future disease ( please see sub - section 7. 8. 6 on mere susceptibility ). in most cases, genetic information is probabilistic ( white, 2000 ). however, leibowitz ( 1999 ) points out that people react very differently to the perceived risk of disease based on statistical probability. whereas some people will interpret 45 % probability as meaning that they are less than likely to be affected, others will treat a 3 % probability as practically a diagnosis. she concludes, “ genetic information on an individual level has the potential to change people ’ s lives through the infinitely powerful mechanisms of the mind. the danger lies in distortion and despair ; the hope lies in a realistic understanding and appreciation of life. ” ( leibowitz, 1999 ). however, as people are likely to react very differently and unpredictably with regard to personal risk, one might ask whether it is justifiable to risk psychological harm in the sole interests of research. possible impact on relatives in the case of forms of dementia which are genetically inherited from parents, the identification of that gene in one person could have a dramatic impact on the lives of other family members who did not necessarily receive the counselling that the


research. possible impact on relatives in the case of forms of dementia which are genetically inherited from parents, the identification of that gene in one person could have a dramatic impact on the lives of other family members who did not necessarily receive the counselling that the person participating in the research received. there are very few families in which dementia is genetically inherited but this does not make it any less of an ethical issue. moreover, should there be an increased interest in carrying out research on this particular group of people, the problem would occur more frequently. in “ pedigree studies ”, which study the incidence and progression of a disease in families, pressure may be exerted within families on certain relatives to take part in a study which might eventually reveal unexpected information about their risk of developing that disease ( white, 2000 ). this raises the issue of voluntariness, which is an important condition for informed consent. discrimination and stigmatization an obvious risk linked to identifying a person ’ s genetic status or susceptibility is that they may suffer some form of discrimination if such information was disclosed to a third party ( e. g. in the domain of healthcare, insurance, banking or housing ). as long as a person does not know such information, s / he does not risk such discrimination ( provided that confidentiality is maintained by the researchers ), but once known, the person may be legally obliged to reveal it in certain circumstances and thereby suffer the consequences. this might include not being able to obtain a loan or travel insurance, or having to pay higher insurance premiums. as significant advances are made by researchers every year, it cannot be known at a particular moment in time the predictive value or implications of specific genetic information nor how society will respond to such knowledge. even in the absence of actual discrimination, a person with a particular genetic status or susceptibility may feel stigmatized and suffer the consequences of anticipated discrimination. this could be the case not only for the person who was tested but also any of his / her relatives who are equally concerned by the results of the test. on the other hand, anderlik and rothstein ( 2001 ) argue that singling out genetic information for special protection ( please see sub - section on genetic exceptionalism ) may actually increase the likelihood of stigma through the implication that such information must be particularly shameful. in its position statement on genetic testing for late - onset alzheimer ’ s disease, the american geriatrics society ( 2000 ) draws attention to the fact that very little if anything is known about the “


implication that such information must be particularly shameful. in its position statement on genetic testing for late - onset alzheimer ’ s disease, the american geriatrics society ( 2000 ) draws attention to the fact that very little if anything is known about the “ genetic literacy ” of older adults. many left school before dna was discovered and before prenatal genetic testing became available. they may therefore be less familiar with genetic concepts and have more difficulty grasping the issues at stake such as what they are agreeing to and the implications of having or not having access to the results of any genetic test administered in the context of research. genetic exceptionalism is the belief that genetic information is qualitatively different from other forms of medical or personal information. this is generally accompanied by the belief that such information should be treated differently in law ( dow, 2009 ) and may have implications for research. this is reflected article 4 of the international declaration on human genetic data ( unesco, 2003 ). article 4 – special status ( a ) human genetic data have a special status because : ( i ) they can be predictive of genetic predispositions concerning individuals ; ( ii ) they may have a significant impact on the family, including offspring, extending over generations, and in some instances on the whole group to which the person concerned belongs ; ( iii ) they may contain information the significance of which is not necessarily known at the time of the collection of the biological samples ; ( iv ) they may have cultural significance for persons or groups. ( b ) due consideration should be given to the sensitivity of human genetic data and an appropriate level of protection for these data and biological samples should be established. there may also be strongly held beliefs that genetic information is inherently unique and symbolically equated with the uniqueness of the individual. it ’ s protection may therefore be seen by some as a reflection of respect for individuals as unique members of the human species ( dow, 2009 ). shah ( 2001 ) criticises such assumptions, suggesting that health and identity cannot be reduced to the sum of our genes. moreover, health insurers typically have access to non - genetic medical information which may have predictive value ( such as a history of past tuberculosis in one ’ s family ). legislation to protect genetic information has been described as under - inclusive and leading to inequity as it is based on the fact that whilst genetic risks transcend social class, many non - genetic risk factors ( e. g. environmental factors ) frequently do not ( suter, 2001 ). according to dow (


leading to inequity as it is based on the fact that whilst genetic risks transcend social class, many non - genetic risk factors ( e. g. environmental factors ) frequently do not ( suter, 2001 ). according to dow ( 2009 ), genetic exceptionalism may lead to a paternalistic approach to genetics and the application of the “ precautionary principle ” which implies that when potential adverse effects of an activity are not fully understood, such activities should not be proposed ( united nations world charter for nature, 1982 ) or should require proof of cost - effectiveness in the light of perceived threats of serious or irreversible damage. he argues that whilst there is a need to protect people, there is a risk that genetic exceptionalism might lead to regulations which deny the public the tremendous benefits that might result from research into how genetic information predicts disease and improves medical outcomes. anxiety about the possible implications on insurance contracts of knowing one ’ s genetic status may prevent people from taking part in research or lead to hostility against such research. insurance companies may also be concerned about the possible asymmetry of information resulting in adverse selection ( i. e. people with a high risk, which is unknown to the insurer, purchasing more insurance ). joly et al. ( 2003 ) point out that the restriction of access to genetic information may even be counter - productive in that life insurers are interested in covering a maximum number of applicants. having access to genetic information might actually fuel research by the insurance industry to broaden the insurability of the general population by gaining more precise information about the link between genetic tests and mortality rate. rather than proposing greater protection of genetic information, joly et al. ( 2003 ) propose the use of moratoria, codes of conduct established in collaboration with the general public and transparency on the part of insurance companies. where the genetic information obtained is only linked to the likelihood of a person developing alzheimer ’ s disease ( his / her apoe4 status ), the risk of discrimination and stigmatization is still present. people carrying the allele associated with the highest risk of developing dementia may never actually develop dementia and people carrying the allele associated with the lowest risk of developing alzheimer ’ s disease might develop it. as genetic susceptibility status is not a biomarker in that it cannot determine with any degree of certainty that a person will develop alzheimer ’ s disease and there is as yet no cure for alzheimer ’ s disease, alzheimer europe stated in its position of genetic testing that it was


is not a biomarker in that it cannot determine with any degree of certainty that a person will develop alzheimer ’ s disease and there is as yet no cure for alzheimer ’ s disease, alzheimer europe stated in its position of genetic testing that it was not in favour of promoting the use of such tests. we felt that the results of susceptibility testing could cause considerable distress to some people who do not fully understand their basis and limitations, particularly if the tests were to become widely available without there being adequate provisions for genetic counselling. the right to be informed within the context of research, which is by definition based on uncertainty, the value of susceptibility testing may be justifiable. it may, for example, contribute towards the development of more targeted drugs. however, is it morally right for researchers to withhold information about a person ’ s genetic status which indicates the presence or likelihood of a medical condition? even if the research participant never develops that condition, they might want to make certain changes in their lives based on that information ( e. g. making informed decisions about their future care and treatment or delaying the possible or certain development of the condition by adapting their lifestyle habits ). it is stated in article 5c of the the universal declaration on the human genome and human rights ( 1997 ) that each individual has the right to decide whether to be informed or not of the results of genetic examination and that the resulting consequences should be respected. there is also the issue of transparency. participants should be informed if researchers take genetic samples for use in any study ( e. g. one which is not directly related to genetics but for which such data may be useful in comparing different sub - groups ). in some cases, such information is not essential to the main study, although beneficial to the future development of drugs which are more targeted to individuals. in such cases, layered consent might be useful ( white, 2000 ). - research affecting an individual ’ s genome shall be undertaken only after rigorous and prior assessment of the potential risk and benefits pertaining thereto. - genetic researchers should abide by laws pertaining to this type of research. - researchers should try to avoid contributing towards the coercion of relatives to take part in certain forms of genetic research. - no genetic samples should be taken or genetic information recorded without the awareness and informed consent of the participant ( or his / her legal representative ). - as genetic testing may have implications for family members, potential participants should be encouraged to involve relatives in the consent process. - researchers should ensure that participants


metachromatic leukodystrophy ( mld ) by alexander kurz metachromatic leukodystrophy ( mld ) is an autosomal recessive disorder of myelin metabolism. due to the deficiency of the enzyme arylsulfatase a sulfatides ( cerebroside sulfate ) accumulate in the white matter of the central and peripheral nervous system as well as in other body organs including kidney, liver, pancreas, testes, and retina. the sulfatides show a peculiar staining which is called „ metachromatic “. there are late infantile, juvenile, and adult variants of the disease. symptoms and course in the adult variant of mld onset may occur from the mid - teens to the seventh decade. the most common signs are personality or behavioural change and signs of intellectual deterioration. patients show impairment of memory and concentration, and their behaviour becomes childish. atypical psychotic features are common and often lead to a misdiagnosis of schizophrenia. progressive dementia is usually accompanied by spasticity, unvoluntary movements, emotional lability and involuntary movements. evidence of peripheral neuropathy is variable, but occasionally this is the presenting feature. the disease may progress slowly over several decades ; the mean survival time is 14 years. in the final stages patients are mute, blind, quadriparetic, and unresponsive. causes and risk factors the defect in mld involves the lysosomal enzyme arylsulfatase. a number of mutations were identified in the arylsulfatase a ( arsa ) gene ( 22q13. 31 ). inheritance is autosomal recessive. the arylsulfatase a deficit generates an abnormal storage of sulfatides. microscopically there is diffuse demyelinisation in the white matter of the central nervous system, ventricular enlargement and atrophy of the corpus callosum with loss of oligodendroglia and accumulation of sulfatide - containing metachromatic granules in neurons and glial cells. similar changes are seen in the peripheral nerves. the prevalence is estimated at 1 : 40. 000 ( ben - yoseph and mittchell, 1995 ). the diagnosis of mld can be established during life by the demonstration of reduced activity of arylsulfatase a in peripheral blood leukocytes or by the finding of metachromatic lipid material in centrifuged urine or peripheral nervous tissue. the cerebrospinal fluid


during life by the demonstration of reduced activity of arylsulfatase a in peripheral blood leukocytes or by the finding of metachromatic lipid material in centrifuged urine or peripheral nervous tissue. the cerebrospinal fluid may show an elevated protein content. nerve conduction studies may reveal evidence of a peripheral neuropathy with slowed motor nerve conduction and absent sensory action potentials. the ct shows symmetrical hypodensities of the white matter whereas brain atrophy is only mild. abnormal signal in the periventricular white matter on t2 - weighted mri scanning appears to be more specific. proton mrs shows reduced n - acetylaspartate and increased myoinositol in affected areas. genetic test can be used to identify mutations in the arylsulfatase a gene on chromosome 22 or mutations in the sufatid activator gene on chromosoms 10 ( rare ). care and treatment bone marrow transplantation is used in mld to replace the deficient enzyme. after successful transplantation, enzyme activity increases to normal or heterozygote levels, and the correction is permament without the need for further treatment. the new enzyme levels prevent the accumulation of sulfatades and contribute to the removal of abnormal tissue deposits. in patients with mld bone marrow transplantation slows down or even halts the progression of the disease and stabilises clinical, neurophysiologic, and neuroradiologic features. these favourable result occur when transplantation is performed early in the disease. at more advanced stages results have been disappointing. results in significant improvements in the clinical course of mld. outcomes based on neuropsychological tests indicate continued maintenance and in some cases increase in cognitive function. united leukodystrophy foundation 2304 highland drive sycamore, illinois usa 60178 http : / / www. ulf. org / you can also contact the department of neurology. - j austin, d armstrong, s fouch, c mitchell, d a stumpf, l shearer, o briner : metachromatic leukodystrophy ( mld ). viii. mld in adults : diagnosis and pathogenesis. arch neurol 18 : 225 - 240, 1968 - e bayever, s ladisch, m philippart, n brill, m nuwer, r s sparkes, s a feig : bone - marrow transplantation for metachromatic leucod


18 : 225 - 240, 1968 - e bayever, s ladisch, m philippart, n brill, m nuwer, r s sparkes, s a feig : bone - marrow transplantation for metachromatic leucodystrophy. lancet ii : 471 - 473, 1985 - t a betts, w t smith, r e kelly : adult metachromatic leukodystrophy ( sulphatide lipidosis ) simulating acute schizophrenia : report of a case. neurology 18 : 1140 - 1142, 1968 - v gieselmann, j zlotogopra, a harris, d a wenger, c p morris : molecular genetics of metachromatic leukodystrophy. hum mutat 4 : 233 - 242, 1994 - t. hagemann et al. : clinical symptoms of adult metachromatic leukodystrophy and arylsulfatase a pseudodeficienty. arch neurol 52 : 408 - 413, 1995 - w krivit, e shapiro, w kennedy, m lipton, l lockman, s smith, c g summers, d a wenger, m y tsai, n k c ramsay, j h kersey, j k yao, e kaye : treatment of late infantile metachromatic leukodystrophy by bone marrow transplantation. new eng. j. med. 322 : 28 - 32, 1990 - w krivit, c peters, e g shapiro : bone marrow transplantation as effective treatment of central nervous system disease in globoid cell leukodystrophy, metachromatic leukodystrophy, adrenoleukodystrophy, mannosidosis, fucosidosis, aspartylglucosaminuria, hruler, maroteaux - lamy, and sly syndromes, and gaucher disease type iii. curr opin neurol 12 : 167 - 176, 1999 - c navarro, j m fernandez, c dominguez, c fachal, m alvarez : late juvenile metachromatic leukodystrophy treated with bone marrow transplantation : a 4 - year follow - up study. neurology 46 : 254 - 256, 1996 - g. waltz et al. adult metachromatic leukodystrophy. value of computed tomographic scanning and magnetic resonance imaging of the brain.


we again suggest that readers purchase a copy of genealogist ’ s handbook for atlantic canada research, edited by terrence m. punch. available from our sales department for $ 10. 00 ( plus $ 2. 50 postage and handling ), this book is the most up - to - date discussion of research methodology in atlantic canada, with details about records and sources. it will save you much time and help you better plan your next trip “ down home ”! originally a part of nova scotia, new brunswick was set off as a separate colony in 1784, the year after large numbers of loyalists came into saint john to join pre - loyalist new englanders along the st. john river and others who had established themselves in the wilds of western nova scotia. later influxes of irish and scots to northern and eastern new brunswick, yorkshiremen to westmorland county, english to southern new brunswick, germans via philadelphia to the fundy shore of what is now albert county, and scotch - irish baptists into eastern new brunswick, plus large - scale irish immigration into saint john in the 1840s and 1850s all come together to make new brunswick a varied and interesting genealogical challenge. the only officially bilingual province in canada, about one - third of the population is of french origin - mostly acadian, with some in northern new brunswick akin to the quebecois. their customs are as different as their dialects ( chiaque or joual ). new brunswick also has a considerable population of native americans, belonging mainly to the maliseet and micmac tribes, with some admixture of other races. and of course, the city of saint john is a modem urban port which draws people from all backgrounds. we have much new brunswick source material at nehgs. 25 reels of microfilm cover all existing county marriage registers to 1888, when the province officially began keeping vital statistics ( incomplete until after 1900 ). the registers for victoria county and the early years of sunbury county are lost, but for the latter some substitute records, 1766 - 1888, have been published in book form and are available here. also in print are marriage registers for queens county ( 1812 - 1861 ) and kings county ( a & b ). readers should check as well b. wood - holt ’ s early marriage records of new brunswick before 1839 ( 1986 ). another key set of new brunswick microfilms at the society contains late registrations of births ( 1810 - 1888, 12 reels ), often filed many years after the event. a recent publication by wallace


of new brunswick before 1839 ( 1986 ). another key set of new brunswick microfilms at the society contains late registrations of births ( 1810 - 1888, 12 reels ), often filed many years after the event. a recent publication by wallace hale, early new brunswick probate records, 1785 - 1835 ( 1989 ) abstracts probate documents from all regions of the province. print cemetery inscriptions include burial records of the loyalist burial ground in saint john, cemeteries of albert county, and cedar hill extension cemetery, in saint john. most 1851 census records have now been published, along will a few for later census years and an index to the 1871 census for st. john county. and the indefatigable daniel johnson has published 38 volumes of the ongoing new brunswick vital statistics from newspapers, so far covering 1784 - 1876. all newspapers for the province are said to be abstracted therein. anyone beginning new brunswick research must consult researching your ancestors in new brunswick, canada ( c. 1979 ) by robert f. fellows, in addition to our genealogist ’ s handbook cited above. fellows discusses the various classes of records at the archives, and provides helpful hints about research in repositories throughout the province. a partial list of good genealogies of new brunswick families might include the descendants of daniel and elizabeth ( disbrow ) keith ; kicrsteads of new brunswick, canada ; the hors ( e ) man family ; the descendants of edmund and jane ( webb ) price ; the wests of coles island ; the bowser family ; and others, all available here. numerous u. s. genealogies treat branches which “ went down ” into new brunswick as well. les familles de caraquet covers genealogies of the various acadian families of caraquet in some detail. and our library also subscribes to generations, quarterly of the new brunswick genealogical society, which features cemetery records, queries, and articles of interest. a surname index through march 1987 is available at nehgs. prince edward island the micmacs called it minegoo, or abegweit, but this small island has been known as st. john ’ s island, then prince edward island, since europeans came there in the first half of the 18th century. famed for its wonderful potatoes and other garden crops ( thus the epithet “ garden of the gulf ’ ), it should perhaps be more famous for its major export, people. while the population of “ the island ” has never been greater than now


century. famed for its wonderful potatoes and other garden crops ( thus the epithet “ garden of the gulf ’ ), it should perhaps be more famous for its major export, people. while the population of “ the island ” has never been greater than now ( approximately 130, 000 ), every generation has sent thousands of its residents to all corners of the world. the ubiquitous “ islander ” can be found every - where, and where there is one, there are often many. large numbers came to the greater boston area and to the lumber camps of maine and new hampshire ; others went to new york city and perth amboy, new jersey ; and some can be found in pennsylvania coal mining communities. still others went to the great lakes region, to mining towns of the black hills, to butte, montana, and to denver. many settled in and around oakland, california. people of island descent may be found in all parts of north america. this migration often seemed to complete a circle, as descendants of new england fishermen and loyalists returned to the areas their ancestors had left earlier. as with the rest of atlantic canada, the largest immigration occurred ca. 1880 - 1920. since 1924 and the advent of us. immigration restrictions, movement from canada to the states has diminished. previously it was easy to move back and forth over “ the line, ” and many a young woman from “ down east ” had only to marry an american to become a u. s. citizen, leaving no immigration or naturalization paper trail. as with other parts of atlantic canada, the island ’ s population is a mixture of native americans, french acadians, new englanders, loyalists from coastal colonies and direct arrivals from the british isles. approximately one - third is said to be of scottish descent, one - fourth of irish descent, and one - fourth of english descent. about 15 percent is acadian - but not all island acadians speak french or practice a unique culture. many island communities are still predominantly scottish, irish, french or micmac. some are ethnically even more specific, with populations mostly of monaghan irish or scottish highlanders from the isle of skye. mac - donald catholic scots are still very visible at the east end of the island. accents and word choices from different parts of the island denote the predominant strain in each area. relatively little in - migration and, until recently, not much movement within the island itself, have allowed communities to retain distinctive characteristics. we have much at the library to help researchers with island ancestry, including the surviving colonial and federal


strain in each area. relatively little in - migration and, until recently, not much movement within the island itself, have allowed communities to retain distinctive characteristics. we have much at the library to help researchers with island ancestry, including the surviving colonial and federal censuses through 1891 ( the first federal census was in 1881 ; in 1871 the island was not yet a member of the confederation owing to an argument with ottawa over funding for the railroad ). however, the first place to look is the master name index, a microfilm copy of the massive card file at the p. e. i. museum and heritage foundation. this file contains census and various newspaper abstracts, all island gravestone inscriptions, early land grants, inquisitions post mortem, funeral home records, references to landowners on the 1880 atlas, and items from many other sources. in addition, we have microfilm copies of virtually all island catholic church records to 1900, and of many presbyterian, united church, methodist, bible christian, and anglican church records. of particular note is “ the roman catholic book, ” a fragment of a catholic church register kept from 1809 - 1811 by bishop maceachern as he made his rounds of the island and other parts of the maritimes. this fragment was discovered a few years ago between the walls of an old house in scotchfort, but the records cover all parts of the island plus other areas around the gulf of st. lawrence. in 1925 all congregational churches in canada ( there were never any on the island ), all methodist churches ( which had earlier absorbed the bible christians ), and some presbyterian churches came together in “ church union ” as the united church of canada ; on must look among the archives of each united church for records of its predecessors. many presbyterian churches, however, remained “ out of union. ” other microfilm holdings include marriage registers, 1832 - 1888 ( found some years ago in the attic of province house ), and all marriage bonds, 1849 - 1902. in the 1970s, the department of health called in all church registers from around the province and abstracted them onto cards. we have microfilms of pre - 1886 baptismal and pre 1906 death / burial records. also on film are several early diaries such as those of benjamin chappell ( 1775 - 1788, august 1797 - july 1817 ), and rev. robert dyer ( 1859 - 1883, covering the alberton area ). we expect to add others later. all researchers will want to familiarize themselves with alan rayburn ’ s geographical names of prince edward island ( 1973


july 1817 ), and rev. robert dyer ( 1859 - 1883, covering the alberton area ). we expect to add others later. all researchers will want to familiarize themselves with alan rayburn ’ s geographical names of prince edward island ( 1973 ), while meacham ’ s 1880 atlas showing property owners lot by lot ( “ lot ” means “ township ” in island parlance ) will help you locate the exact place where your ancestors lived. in many cases the farm is still owned by relatives. ian robertson ’ s the p. e. i. land commission of 1860 ( 1988 ) is helpful for understanding the complicated land question on the island. genealogist ’ s handbook for atlantic canada research covers the various island record repositories and discusses various features of the records themselves. the island magazine, a semi - annual journal of history and genealogy, contains, among other items, passenger lists ( few exist ), lists of people involved in the irish “ repeal ” movement, and discussions of land records. those with irish interests will want to read relevant chapters of the irish in canada by robert o ’ driscoll and lorna reynolds ( 2 vols., 1988 ), plus the three special “ irish ” issues of the abegweit review ( especially if you are a goodwin or mcguigan ). loyalist descendants will want to read an island refuge : loyalists and disbanded troops on the island of st. john ( 1983 ), edited by orb jones and david haslam. many questions will be answered by such fine community histories as j. clinton morrison ’ s along the north shore : a social history of township 11, p. e. i., 1765 - 1982 ( 1984 ). published genealogies include the exemplary wrights of bedeque ( 2 vols. ), and william schunnan, loyalist, and his descendants ( 2 vols. ), along with the kinsman family of prince edward island ; genealogy of the match family ; leaves from the birches of avoca ( on the denis birch family ) ; emigrant from the highlands ( on the morrisons of sutherlandshire ) ; and works on the beairsto and lidstone families. the macleods of prince edward island attempts to identify all bearers of one of the most common surnames on the island. in sum then, your first step in tracing island ancestry should be a visit to 101 newbury st. ask for george f. sanborn, jr. director of library operations, who has a special interest in this province and may be able


- historic sites the great diamond fraud two slick miners fooled tiffanys and rothschilds until a geologist found the fake “ mountain of gems ” february 1956 | volume 7, issue 2 in england, baron rothschild was watching developments. after the testimony of tiffany and janin, the baron ordered his agents to get control of the gem enterprise. ralston laughed at this move but he had rothschild ’ s agent, a. gansel, elected to the board of directors. meanwhile, arnold and slack decided they had had enough of the last company. after showing several corporation officials how to locate the diamond field, they sold out. they took for their interest $ 300, 000 each and a percentage of the future profits. king and gardner still were sure that the mine was fraudulent, and they decided that they must talk to henry janin. since they did not expect janin to want to talk to them, they learned where he customarily ate dinner and waited for two days until he appeared. when he entered the restaurant, king invited janin to eat with them. to their astonishment, janin opened the conversation by asking if they had heard about the arizona diamond discovery. he was proud that his name was associated with it. he related that the journey on horseback had followed an erratic course. even with their blindfolds, he could tell that at times arnold and slack seemed lost. perplexed, they argued about the position of the sun ; arnold left the party to climb a high peak in search of landmarks. long after the san franciscans were ready to give up the search, the guides removed their blindfolds and announced that they had reached their goal. the spot was at a high elevation, about 7, 000 feet above sea level, and near a conical mountain. immediately all fatigue and irritation disappeared. the party began to scratch and dig where arnold and slack pointed. within ten minutes a san franciscan found a diamond. then they all began to have fantastic success. diamonds were everywhere ; occasionally the hunters found a ruby, a garnet, a sapphire, or an emerald. janin swore that twenty rough laborers could wash out a million dollars ’ worth of diamonds per month indefinitely. when janin was spent, king and gardner began a cross - examination. “ of course, you know exactly where the place is? ” king asked. “ no. no, i don ’ t. i was taken a long distance on a train, about 36 hours. then we left the railroad at some small station where there was no attendant. we were brought out


place is? ” king asked. “ no. no, i don ’ t. i was taken a long distance on a train, about 36 hours. then we left the railroad at some small station where there was no attendant. we were brought out of the station blindfolded and put on horses which our guides secured in some way. for two days we rode, and at last they took our blinds off when we got to this mountain. if i hadn ’ t gone through it all myself, i should hardly believe it. ” “ why? ” gardner asked. “ it ’ s a curious place, a desert with a conical but flattopped mountain rising right out of it, and on the mountain you find everything from garnets to diamonds! ” king then commented, “ it ’ s a pity you had such had weather to ride in. ” “ why, we had splendid weather, ” janin said. “ in fact, we had the sun in our laces for the entire two days during the trip ; it was quite too hot. ” when the mining expert left, king explained to gardner why he had asked janin about the weather, janin was fooled about the mine ’ s location, or he had not been entirely frank with them. it was impossible to get to arizona by a 36 - hour train trip followed by a two - day ride on horseback. thirty - six hours on the central pacific would have taken the party east of promontory point in utah and on into wyoming. this checked with some information they had about rainfall. almost all the mountainous areas in nevada and utah had been covered with rains and storms at the time of the trip, yet janin had said that his trip was dry. only southwestern wyoming and northern utah had escaped the deluge. the party must have been traveling generally southward since janin made such a point about facing the sun for the entire day. unless they had wound and twisted a great deal, two days ’ trip to the south would have taken them into utah. king and gardner studied their maps. they had a faint recollection ol the mountain janin had described, but neither could place it exactly. in a few minutes, they found such a mountain on the edge of the uinta range east of salt lake city, which they had surveyed only a year before. thirty - six hours later, king arrived at rawlings springs, near what is now green river, wyoming. here he hired an elderly german prospector who had some horses to carry the barometers,


which they had surveyed only a year before. thirty - six hours later, king arrived at rawlings springs, near what is now green river, wyoming. here he hired an elderly german prospector who had some horses to carry the barometers, transits, sextants, food and books king found necessary for all his trips. king and the german cut across red canyon and the valley of the green river and up into the gulches and ravines of the uinta foothills, about 140 miles east of salt lake city. finally they climbed onto the mountain of their destination, table rock, a plateau of 6, 840 feet elevation. they arrived on november 2. at first they found nothing. quickly satisfied that their search was profitless. king quit scratching around in the rocks and began to took supper ; the old prospector, however, still continued digging, just as the meal was ready, the german called from a spot several hundred feet from their camp site. he had discovered what | an! n and the san francisco reports had promised : raw diamonds, emeralds, rubies and sapphires. the geologist and the prospector pitched camp and went to bed, but neither of them slept much. at sunrise, the prospector was again scurrying around picking up the valuable stones. suddenly he held up a stone and shouted, “ look, mr. king. this diamond field not only produces diamonds but cuts them also! ”


- historic sites shooting the moon practical rather than idealistic reasons pushed president kennedy to challenge america to land a man on the moon within the decade winter 2010 | volume 59, issue 4 gazing up at the texas night sky from his ranch, senator lyndon b. johnson did not know what to make of sputnik i, the first artificial earth satellite launched into orbit by a soviet missile on october 4, 1957. but an aide ’ s memorandum stoked his political juices. “ the issue is one which, if properly handled, would blast the republicans out of the water, unify the democratic party, and elect you president. ” back in washington johnson chaired blue - ribbon hearings to determine how the united states had fallen behind in “ the race to control the universe. ” whether or not sputniks were a threat, they were a “ technological pearl harbor ” and a terrible blow to u. s. prestige because “ in the eyes of the world first in space means first, period ; second in space is second in everything. ” in fact sputnik was no surprise to the eisenhower administration, which had monitored soviet rocket tests and expected satellite launches during the international geophysical year. but dwight d. eisenhower ’ s top priority was to establish the legality of satellite overflight in anticipation of the american spy satellites needed to verify arms control treaties with the secretive soviets. thus, the u. s. satellite mission was given to a new civilian program rather than to the army ’ s existing redstone rocket group. just four months later, eisenhower ’ s patient, building - blocks plan was dead, but not because the kennedy administration had new ideas. the new president ’ s science adviser, jerome wiesner, advised against crash programs, and kennedy himself ( fearing dead astronauts on his watch ) put safety above prestige. but vice president johnson had expansive ideas, which he impressed upon his personal choice for nasa ’ s new boss, james webb. as early as march 20 webb regaled kennedy with talk of “ pioneering on a new frontier ” to boost u. s. prestige. the president agreed to buy time by accelerating the saturn. time ran out on april 12, when yuri gagarin ’ s capsule orbited the earth and safely reentered the atmosphere. newspapers and members of congress called it another “ psychological victory of the first magnitude ” that would persuade neutral nations “ the wave of the future is russian. ” kennedy ’ s response was a staged brainstorming session in the oval office : “ can we put a man on the moon before


another “ psychological victory of the first magnitude ” that would persuade neutral nations “ the wave of the future is russian. ” kennedy ’ s response was a staged brainstorming session in the oval office : “ can we put a man on the moon before them?... if somebody can just tell me how to catch up.... there ’ s nothing more important. ” important for what? boosting public morale and the president ’ s ratings, appeasing congress, stimulating the aerospace industry, promoting science in schools, reassuring nato allies, or competing for hearts and minds in the third world? many motives pushed the young president in the same direction, especially after april 17, when the cia ’ s botched invasion of cuba made the bay of pigs a byword. two days later kennedy asked johnson to recommend a moon landing or “ any other space program which promises dramatic results. ” eminently aware of what to do with such carte blanche, johnson lobbied, leveraged, and lubricated leaders in congress, the military, and the business community until all understood how a big civilian space program could serve them as well as the country. the last holdout was webb himself. rather than expose nasa by lobbying for apollo, he insisted that the agency be given the task by an anxious nation. the whole business could have blown up on the morning of may 5, when a redstone rocket lifted off at cape canaveral with alan shepard inside the mercury capsule. its suborbital flight to an altitude of 116. 5 miles was nowhere near as impressive as gagarin ’ s orbits. but the thrill of praying and yelling “ go! go! ” at their televisions put relieved americans in the perfect mood to answer a clarion call. on may 24 johnson received a letter from webb that said : “ the president has approved the program you submitted, with very few changes, and the message will go up on wednesday. ” the message was part of an extraordinary address to a joint session of congress on may 25, 1961. kennedy listed the initiatives by which he would wage the cold war with renewed vigor. last but not least came this : “ finally, if we are to win the battle that is now going on around the world between freedom and tyranny.... i believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth. ” because congress did commit to that goal and nasa did meet that goal, kennedy


april 1989 | volume 40, issue 3 clues uncovered during the recent restoration of his house at springfield help humanize the lincoln portrait one good measure of our apparently inexhaustible interest in abraham lincoln is that this year eight hundred thousand of us will be led through his house at the corner of eighth and jackson streets in springfield, illinois. so many people edge past the horsehair furniture and stomp up and down the narrow stairs that the national park service had to close the place down in 1987, take much of it apart, and put it back together again, newly decorated and sturdily reinforced with steel, to withstand the next generation of pilgrims. i use the word pilgrims advisedly, for the refurbished house, its windows newly sealed against dust and weather, its air climate - controlled for the sake of the artifacts, the sanctioned path past its relics marked out by a narrow gray carpet and bound by wooden railings, seems more shrine than home. it is hard to believe that a prairie lawyer and politician, his wife, four sons, and a perpetually shifting cast of cooks and hired girls, cats and dogs, all ever really lived in these chaste rooms. no small boy ever tracked black illinois mud across these bright belgium carpets ; no dirt ever sullied the broom that leans against the kitchen wall ; no visiting pol ever missed the brown - and - white ceramic spittoon in the corner of the sitting room. the site ’ s curious sterility is not really the fault of the park service, which has labored hard to make this old house a home again. the structure ’ s modest size and the long lines of people who wait in front of it each day to take the twentyminute tour demand that severe limitations be placed on visitors ; much of the period furniture that fills the rooms has no genuine link with the lincolns ; and a good deal of educated guesswork has inevitably gone into the restoration. no one is even entirely certain anymore just where everyone slept. and it should not surprise us that lincoln ’ s house remains a shrine. he himself sympathized with the impulse to revere heroes. “ let us believe as in the days of our youth, ” he once said, “ that washington was spotless. it makes human nature better to believe that one human being was perfect — that human perfection is possible. ” from the moment of his assassination — and despite the hard work of a host of scrupulous biographers — lincoln has remained a martyred saint to most of us : unfailingly


human being was perfect — that human perfection is possible. ” from the moment of his assassination — and despite the hard work of a host of scrupulous biographers — lincoln has remained a martyred saint to most of us : unfailingly modest and loving, candid and forbearing, selfless and self - depreciating. but even as the lincoln home has grown more immaculate, more monumentlike, discoveries made as the work went forward offer further clues to the real human being who lived here for seventeen years, adding fresh details to a lincoln oortrait that will always be tantalizingly incomplete. reconstructing the daily lives of the lincolns is a tricky business. precisely one letter from mary todd lincoln to her husband written during the springfield years has survived, and while a handful of lincoln letters home do still exist, he was always reticent about his private life — " the most shutmouthed man that ever lived, ” a close friend said — and routinely left the details of daily living to his wife. most of his letters mirror little more than his genuine affection for mary and for the boys he called “ the codgers. ” the result is that much of what we think we know about the lincolns ’ domestic lives is distinctly second - and third - hand, drawn from the memories of friends and neighbors and family members, some unwilling to be anything but worshipful, a few with old scores to settle. opinions differ even on the quality of the meals prepared in the lincolns ’ small kitchen. one frequent springfield visitor remembered that they were “ famed for the excellence of many rare kentucky dishes and, in season,... venison, wild turkey, prairie chickens, quail and other game ” ; another guest remembered “ an old - fashioned mess of indigestion, composed mainly of cake, pies and chickens. ” most of the finds made during the recent renovation were important primarily to specialists : a staircase once led from one garret to the other ; a cistern was uncovered behind the house, and a pump relocated to conform to it ; the lincolns ’ wallpaper was gaudier than had once been thought. but two discoveries were of wider interest. the first of them has permanently altered one of the oldest legends about the lincolns. the dwelling to which the lincolns brought their year - old son, robert, in 1844 was a story - and - a - half greek revival cottage, built by dr. charles dresser, the episcopal minister who had married the


about the lincolns. the dwelling to which the lincolns brought their year - old son, robert, in 1844 was a story - and - a - half greek revival cottage, built by dr. charles dresser, the episcopal minister who had married the couple two years earlier. tradition has always held that although the family steadily grew — edward baker lincoln was born here in 1846, william wallace in 1850, thomas, known as tad, in 1853 — lincoln earned too little money to make any improvements on their increasingly crowded cottage until 1856, when mary sold off eighty acres of land inherited from her father and took it upon herself to order up a second story. lincoln was said to have been away circuit - riding while the work went on and to have claimed not to recognize his old house when he got back, asking a neighbor, “ stranger, do you know where lincoln lives? ” if he did ask such a question, he meant it purely as a joke, for it is now clear from structural evidence and the town tax records that the lincolns together improved and expanded their home not once but six times while they lived in it — in 1846, 1849, 1853, 1855, 1856, and 1860 — and apparently approved a seventh renovation from the white house in 1863. this record of constantly growing affluence and comfort is further proof that abraham lincoln ’ s celebrated penury was always relative. lincoln himself did little to dispel the myth of his poverty. illinois was traditionally a democratic state, and the whigs, with whom he identified from boyhood until their party went out of existence, were widely denounced as “ aristocratical ” ; it was not merely good politics, it was probably essential politics, that lincoln appear always a little more threadbare than he really was. in fact, as the comparative spaciousness and affluent furnishings of his home attest, he had come a very long way from the dark one - room cabins of his boyhood in kentucky and indiana and a considerable distance from the log houses of new salem. he knew his rail - splitting youth was a political asset, but he did not like to dwell upon it ; his whole boyhood, he told a campaign biographer, could be “ condensed into one line and that one line you can find in gray ’ s elegy : ‘ the short and simple annals of the poor. ’ ” his marriage to the daughter of a wealthy kentucky merchant - banker had helped make the “ flourishing about in carriages ” of springfield ’ s most fashionable citizens seem less intimidating than it had seemed when he


‘ the short and simple annals of the poor. ’ ” his marriage to the daughter of a wealthy kentucky merchant - banker had helped make the “ flourishing about in carriages ” of springfield ’ s most fashionable citizens seem less intimidating than it had seemed when he first arrived in 1837, and the house he and his wife occupied and steadily improved together nicely symbolizes the great and growing distance his will to succeed had put between the circumstances of his own life and those of his father, a gulf so wide he finally did not try to bridge it. no member of lincoln ’ s family was asked to attend his wedding ; neither his father nor his stepmother ever met his wife or saw their grandchildren. lincoln revered the memory of his mother, nancy hanks lincoln, dead when he was nine, but was frankly scornful of his father, thomas, who, he said, “ never did more in the way of writing than to bunglingly sign his own name. ” he visited thomas lincoln from time to time but never invited him to his home in springfield, did not go to see him on his deathbed in 1851, never even ordered a headstone for his grave. in fact, only one member of lincoln ’ s family is known to have stayed with the lincolns, a cousin named harriet hanks, who lived at eighth and jackson for a time while attending a local seminary for young ladies ; she later said she had been treated as a servant by mary lincoln. he may have sometimes been irritated by the pretensions of his in - laws — lincoln is supposed to have wondered why, if god was content with one d, the todds demanded two — and they evidently never quite thought him worthy of mary ; but it was the kind of life led by todds, not lincolns, that he wanted for himself and for his children. the aggregate of lincoln ’ s own schooling, he once said, was less than a year — asked in 1858 to summarize his education, he answered simply “ defective ” — but when it came time to educate his eldest son, he sent him to phillips exeter and harvard, evidently intending to make of him an eastern gentleman. he may have succeeded too well. on the centennial of his father ’ s birth in 1909, robert refused to attend the dedication of the big greek temple near hodgenville, kentucky, that now harbors the small cabin in which lincoln is alleged to have been born. archie butt, military aide to the main speaker, president theodore roosevelt, thought he knew why : “ if it be


big greek temple near hodgenville, kentucky, that now harbors the small cabin in which lincoln is alleged to have been born. archie butt, military aide to the main speaker, president theodore roosevelt, thought he knew why : “ if it be true, as i hear, that bob lincoln... does not relish the perpetuation of this cabin, ” he wrote, “ i cannot blame him. the very thought of it... would make any member of his family shudder with horror. it does not bear the stamp of poverty alone, but degradation and uncleanliness. ” if we are made a little nervous by the notion of a resolutely aspiring abraham lincoln, apparently willing to put behind him the people from whom he sprang in the course of bettering himself, we are still more wary when asked to consider him as a vote - seeking politician. yet “ politics were his life, newspapers his food, and his great ambition his motive force, ” as his law partner, william herndon, remembered. “ he delighted [ in politics ], he revelled in it, as a fish does in water, as a bird disports itself on the sustaining air. ” the declining fortunes of his whig party in democratic illinois led some of lincoln ’ s early biographers to portray lincoln as a political failure ; in fact, he was a considerable success, a state legislator at twenty - five, a promising party leader well before he married. but a second discovery made during the renovation of his home reminds us that there was nothing inevitable about his rise to power, that in order to become the emancipator we remember best, lincoln first had to master the small, sometimes seamy world of state and county politics and to learn to take seriously the importuning of ordinary citizens. in 1849, park service experts now speculate, someone — probably six - year - old robert or one of his playmates — fed some of his father ’ s old papers into a crack above the baseboard in the kitchen ’ s north wall. they were soon obliterated by a shower of plaster shaken down upon them by further alterations to the house. a field mouse then constructed its nest atop the plaster. ( when what was left of the papers was uncovered in 1987, the delicate skeleton of the nest ’ s builder still lay cuddled up inside it. ) there was nothing momentous in this cache ; nothing in lincoln ’ s own hand, in fact, except part of a franked but empty envelope addressed to the


the delicate skeleton of the nest ’ s builder still lay cuddled up inside it. ) there was nothing momentous in this cache ; nothing in lincoln ’ s own hand, in fact, except part of a franked but empty envelope addressed to the washington landlady in whose boardinghouse he lived while in congress. the papers include two more or less intact letters from illinois political allies, termite - chewed fragments of two additional letters from constituents seeking favors, and a copy of an 1849 speech by a fellow whig congressman, james wilson of new hampshire, opposing slavery ’ s spread into the lands newly acquired from mexico, its pages still uncut. one letter, from david dickinson, a political backer from lacon, illinois, was written in early 1846, while lincoln was maneuvering to assure his own nomination for the state ’ s single safe whig congressional seat. lincoln believed that he had an agreement with the two other leading party hopefuls — edward d. baker ( for whom his second son was named ) and john j. hardin — that they would rotate the nomination among themselves, and that 1846 was his turn. but hardin, a former incumbent ( and mary ’ s distant cousin ), had other ideas and schemed to seize the nomination for himself. lincoln finally forced him to withdraw, but he was evidently still wary of a last - minute betrayal, for dickinson wrote to reassure him that he had been scouting putnam county, on the lookout for hardin ’ s “ moccasin tracks, ” and that all was well. during his single term in congress, lincoln was besieged by letters from constituents demanding services. two of these survived beneath the mouse nest. one voter asked him to register a patent for a “ compound vegetable ” elixir that cured “ dyspepsia... weakness... or a bad cold... ” ; the other hoped the congressman could arrange for him a commission in the army, then fighting the mexican war. “ i hope to obtain your interference in my behalf, ” the aspiring officer wrote, “ and if i succeed rest assured sir that it will never be forgotten by me.... ” it is unlikely that the young congressman ’ s interference did his eager constituent much good with the democratic administration ; lincoln was a freshman and a whig who believed the current struggle in the southwest “ a war of conquest brought into existence to catch votes. ” but it is likely that he did his best ; he could not afford to be forgotten by any voter. lincoln ’ s first love may have been politics


believed the current struggle in the southwest “ a war of conquest brought into existence to catch votes. ” but it is likely that he did his best ; he could not afford to be forgotten by any voter. lincoln ’ s first love may have been politics, but he made his money as a lawyer, at least five thousand dollars annually by the 1850s, and the result was that he wasn ’ t home much ; for up to six months a year he was away politicking and trying cases on the eighth circuit, a vast shifting area that once encompassed fourteen counties, one - fifth of the state. “ during my childhood and early youth, ” robert lincoln once recalled, trying to explain why his father had never found the time to tell him much about his own boyhood, “ [ my father ] was almost constantly away... attending courts or making political speeches. ” during all that time, year after year, mary was left to run her household and raise her children largely on her own, and it is understandably her impress rather than her husband ’ s that is most evident in their house. it was mary who studied miss leslie ’ s house book, or manual of domestic economy for town and country ; who saw to it that the ceilings were freshly whitewashed and the oil lamps were filled and their wicks trimmed ; who arranged the seashells on the what - not shelves in the parlor. ( lincoln ’ s own mussed, intensely masculine world was epitomized by the law office, five blocks away, where he spent most daylight hours when he was in springfield. it was so disheveled, a clerk recalled, that government seeds brought back with him from washington actually sprouted in one unswept corner. ) a reporter from upstate new york, ushered through the springfield house shortly after lincoln was nominated for the presidency, reassured his republican readers that they need not fear that they were being asked to vote for an untamed frontiersman. the candidate ’ s “ house was neatly without being extravagantly furnished, ” he wrote. “ an air of quiet refinement pervaded the place. you would have known instantly that she who presided over the modest household was a true type of the american lady. there were flowers upon the tables... pictures upon the walls.... the thought that involuntarily blossomed into speech was — ‘ what a pleasant home abe lincoln has. ’ ” making that home pleasant was a demanding task, especially for a woman who came to her marriage speaking fluent french


.... the thought that involuntarily blossomed into speech was — ‘ what a pleasant home abe lincoln has. ’ ” making that home pleasant was a demanding task, especially for a woman who came to her marriage speaking fluent french but unable to prepare the simplest dish. but the newly restored house barely hints at the difficulties she faced every morning. the lincolns ’ backyard today is as well groomed as a putting green ; the freshly painted back porch is kept bare of everything but an empty woodbox whose purpose has to be explained to visitors, most of whom have never seen one. but a photograph of the same scene, made while the lincolns ’ wartime tenants still occupied the house, suggests something of the shabbier reality of daily life in their time : the grass is ragged ; the paint is peeling ; logs overflow the woodbox, and bark litters the porch, which is crowded with fire - blackened pots and battered washtubs. and even the old photograph cannot convey the perpetual buzz of flies in summer or the reek produced by the milk cow kept tethered behind the house, the two horses in the barn, the privy at the back of the garden, the hogs rooting along the unplanked streets just beyond the fence. mary lincoln had a string of hired girls to help her, but her relations with them were frequently turbulent and she complained because the “ wild irish ” whom she often had to employ were not as admirably submissive as the slaves who had served her family in kentucky. her problems may have rested less with her servants ’ temperaments than with her own. mary todd ’ s wit and coquettish vivacity had made her a great prize when lincoln began to court her but beneath that surface she was insecure, quick - tempered, sharp - tongued, seeing slights where none were intended, suffering from migraine headaches that frequently drove her to bed in her darkened room, living in daily dread that those she loved most would be taken from her — as her mother had been by death at six, as her beloved father had been by his remarriage to a stranger who bore him eight children and had little time for a stepdaughter. in 1849 and 1850 her worst fears seemed confirmed as first her father died, then the grandmother who had done all she could to fill in for her dead mother, then her own eddie, not yet four, who succumbed to diphtheria despite his parents ’ desperate nursing. she was inconsola


first her father died, then the grandmother who had done all she could to fill in for her dead mother, then her own eddie, not yet four, who succumbed to diphtheria despite his parents ’ desperate nursing. she was inconsolable for months and increasingly fearful thereafter, especially when her husband was away, certain one of the other boys would fall ill and die, that the house would catch fire or be hit by lightning. when a bearded umbrella mender knocked unexpectedly at the front door one day, she screamed, “ murder! murder! ” so loudly that a neighbor ran over and escorted the astonished man away. mary herself once called lincoln “ my sainted idol.... a sainted man who had a holy smile. ” her own tumultuous personality had a good deal to do with the myth of his saintliness, for if, as some of her husband ’ s closest associates said, she was a “ she - devil ” and “ hell - catical, ” was lincoln not all the more wonderful for having put up with her for so long? in fact, his home was not a “ hell on earth, ” as william herndon claimed, and many of the stories that seem to suggest it was and that lincoln was “ woman - whipped and woman - carved ” were amassed by his junior partner, whose loathing for mary lincoln was surpassed only by hers for him. although a photograph of the two partners hung on her parlor wall, she would not have herndon in her home. “ mr. herndon had always been an utter stranger to me, ” mary wrote many years later ; “ he was not considered an habitue, at our house. the office was more, in his line. ” there is no reason to suppose that lincoln ever regretted having had “ love is eternal ” engraved on mary ’ s wedding ring. mary todd lincoln may not have been easy to live with, but neither was her husband, and some of his wife ’ s eccentricities were certainly exacerbated by his own. mary owens, to whom lincoln had once been engaged, gently recalled that he had been “ deficient in those little links which make up the chain of a woman ’ s happiness, ” and even herndon believed he “ ought never to have married anyone. he had no quality of a husband. ” despite mary ’ s best efforts, an early writer said, lincoln was inherently “ unparlorable. ” his company manners had improved a good deal since he first moved to springfield, when


married anyone. he had no quality of a husband. ” despite mary ’ s best efforts, an early writer said, lincoln was inherently “ unparlorable. ” his company manners had improved a good deal since he first moved to springfield, when he was still capable of stalking into a fashionable ball with friends wearing muddy boots and shouting, “ oh, boys — how clean those girls look! ” but despite her exhortations to “ dress up and look like somebody, ” his clothes remained rumpled, his hair unbrushed ; the stovepipe hat he hung on the arched hat tree in the front hall every evening usually looked “ as if a calf had licked it. ” he was perpetually — and unapologetically — late for meals, used the wrong knife to spread his butter, and persisted in answering the door himself instead of allowing the serving girl to do it, sometimes in his shirt sleeves and without his boots. once, to mary ’ s acute embarrassment, he told some visiting ladies his wife would be down “ as soon as she gets her trotting harness on. ” lincoln could be solicitous, insisting that mary not try to do everything herself, and genuinely concerned when she fell victim to one of her headaches : “ he was never himself — when i was not perfectly well, ” mary remembered. but he was also laconic and undemonstrative ; no one who knew him well ever slapped his back or called him abe. at the best of times he spoke and thought and moved so slowly, a friend remembered, it seemed as if he needed oiling, and he dealt with mary ’ s tantrums by stalking from the house until she calmed down, his forbearing silence only adding further to her frustration. at his worst he was given to spells of severe and morbid depression, which must have frightened his wife and from which even she could sometimes not rouse him. the closing stanza of “ mortality, ” his favorite poem, hints at the sort of lugubriousness that sometimes gripped him : the last letter fragments found in the kitchen wall came from a whig editor to whom lincoln had sent the poem in 1846 ; the newspaperman wanted to know whether lincoln himself had written it. “ beyond all question, i am not the author, ” he replied ( the scottish poet william knox was ). “ i would give all i am worth, and go in debt, to be able to write so fine a piece as i think that is. ” her husband ’ s frequent absences


, ” he replied ( the scottish poet william knox was ). “ i would give all i am worth, and go in debt, to be able to write so fine a piece as i think that is. ” her husband ’ s frequent absences were difficult enough for mary to bear, but even when at home, he often seemed to disappear within himself. she dealt with his strange, brooding withdrawals as lightly as she could when guests were present. her half - sister emilie helm remembered an evening in the sitting room when lincoln and robert were playing checkers and someone asked her brother - in - law a question. there was no answer. “ your silence is remarkably soothing, mr. lincoln, ” mary finally said, “ but we are not quite ready for sleep just yet. ” everyone, including lincoln, laughed. but when the lincolns were alone together, mary was evidently less forgiving. after suggesting three times that he poke up the dying fire without spurring him to the slightest action, she once went at him with a stick of wood. another time a neighbor woman had just reached the back door when lincoln burst through it with his wife close behind, hurling potatoes. the park service has done its best to evoke the lively presence of the lincoln sons throughout the restored house. their original stereoscope rests on a table in the sitting room, and wooden hoops, alphabet blocks, and a little book called the passionate child lie scattered about the room the curators believe the two younger boys occupied just across the hall from their mother ’ s bedroom, where a child ’ s table and chairs are clustered at the end of the bed in which they often slept. inevitably, these period artifacts convey nothing of their individual personalities. robert was high - spirited as a small boy but increasingly reserved as he got older, evidence perhaps of the impact of his younger brother ’ s death when he was only six and the responsibility he felt for keeping his anxious mother calm while his father was away. willie and tad were uniformly boisterous ; even their mother called them her “ noisy boys. ” willie was his father ’ s favorite, perhaps the brightest of his sons and fond of poetry as well as mischief. tad suffered from a speech impediment so severe that outsiders found it hard to understand him, and he may also have suffered from what we now call hyperactivity, unable to sit still for long, unable to read until he was twelve. the lincoln literature is filled with stories of his sons ’ wildness. one kicked over the chessboard


and he may also have suffered from what we now call hyperactivity, unable to sit still for long, unable to read until he was twelve. the lincoln literature is filled with stories of his sons ’ wildness. one kicked over the chessboard while his father was trying to concentrate on his next move ; tad smeared black ink all over the white marble counter at the telegraph office and raced through a reception swinging a side of bacon to scatter the formally dressed guests. no one found the boys more tiresome than herndon, who often had to clean up after them. “ sometimes, ” he recalled, “ lincoln would, when his wife had gone to church, to show off her new bonnet, or when she had kicked him out of the house, bring to the office willie and tad — these little devils... would take down the books, empty ash buckets, coal ashes, inkstands, papers, gold pens, letters, etc., etc., in a pile and then dance on the pile. lincoln would say nothing, so abstracted was he, and so blinded to his children ’ s faults. had they s - - t in lincoln ’ s hat and rubbed it on his boots, he would have laughed and thought it smart. ” “ mr. lincoln... was very exceedingly indulgent to his children, ” mary later wrote, trying to explain the boys ’ behavior. “ he always said : ‘ it is my pleasure that my children are free, happy and unrestrained by parental tyranny. love is the chain whereby to bind a child to its parents. ’ ” some have taken this at face value, seeing in it further evidence of lincoln ’ s patient wisdom, his foresightedness in understanding the advantages of the more permissive style of child raising familiar in our own day. it seems at least as likely that lincoln was a fond but preoccupied and often absent father who, when he did make it home, wished to enjoy his children, not to discipline them. child raising, he believed, was woman ’ s work. “ since i began this letter, ” he wrote to a friend when robert was small, “ a messenger came to tell me, bob was lost ; but by the time i reached the house, his mother had found him, and had him whip [ p ] ed — and, by now, very likely he is run away again. ” the boys ’ chronic obstreperousness may simply have been the only way they knew to attract their oblivious


had found him, and had him whip [ p ] ed — and, by now, very likely he is run away again. ” the boys ’ chronic obstreperousness may simply have been the only way they knew to attract their oblivious father ’ s sustained attention. according to herndon, they rarely held it long. “ on a winter ’ s morning, ” he remembered, “ [ lincoln ] might be seen stalking and stilting it toward the market house, basket on his arm, his old gray shawl wrapped around his neck, his little willie or tad running along at his heels, asking a thousand little quick questions, which his father heard not, not even then knowing that little willie or tad was there fast running after him, so abstracted was he. when he thus met a friend on the road, he said that something he had just seen, heard, or left put him in mind of a story which he heard in indiana or egypt [ southern illinois ] or elsewhere, and tell it he would and there was no alternative... but to patiently stand and hear it. ” the stories his friends stood to hear were often strong stuff. after lincoln ’ s death an old woman who had known him as a youth began to recite for an interviewer a piece of doggerel she believed he had written, then stopped, blushing furiously, and explained that since the “ poem is smutty... i can ’ t tell it to you, will tell it to my daughter - in - law, she will tell her husband ; and he will tell it to you. ” when a friend asked lincoln why he didn ’ t publish his stories, he wrinkled his nose. “ such a book, ” he said, “ would stink like a thousand privies. ” such redolent tales would not have been spun out in mary lincoln ’ s parlor, but they were surely told in the upstairs bedroom, where her husband often retreated with his political friends, and that room remains, it seems to me, the place in the restored house most successfully evocative of its owner. there oval portraits of his whig heroes, henry clay and daniel webster, hang above the black parlor stove ; on a baizecovered table rests the battered mahogany lap desk he carried in his saddlebags while riding the circuit ; his original shaving mirror is nailed to the west wall, startlingly high. bargains were struck in this room, campaigns were planned, political news was received, and tactics were altered to fit new circumstances


in his saddlebags while riding the circuit ; his original shaving mirror is nailed to the west wall, startlingly high. bargains were struck in this room, campaigns were planned, political news was received, and tactics were altered to fit new circumstances. mary may not have been immediately privy to the salty intriguing that went on next door to her own bedroom — few women in her time wished to be considered “ political females ” — but she was always intensely interested in his career, amiable to his allies, unforgiving of his enemies, and unwilling to allow setbacks to impede his progress. lincoln wondered at the skill with which she served as his hostess in the springfield house, sometimes presiding over gatherings attended by three hundred guests — and once, if the local newspaper is to be believed, “ thronged by thousands ” inching their way through the downstairs rooms. but he also reserved the right to be a little bemused by it all. at one reception the guests were expected to serve themselves from pyramidal shelves piled high with sandwiches, fruit, and frosted cakes. “ do they give you anything to eat here? ” lincoln murmured to the man ahead of him in line. mary ’ s ambition was every bit as consuming as herndon said her husband ’ s was, and while the evidence offered by some of her admiring biographers that she greatly influenced his political thinking seems thin, at least to me, she was certainly his most effective and persistent booster. “ mr. [ stephen a. ] douglas is a very little, little giant by the side of my tall kentuckian, ” she told a relative, “ and intellectually my husband towers above douglas just as he does physically. ” when the whigs won the white house in 1848, it was she who wrote more than forty letters to washington applying for a federal post and signed his name to each — and she who helped talk him out of taking the dead - end ones offered in response. he was destined for greater things, and so, she thought, was she. during the 1858 senate race against douglas, a sudden downpour forced lincoln and a reporter to take shelter together in an empty boxcar. “ my friends got me into this business, ” he told his companion as the rain splattered through the open door. “ i did not consider myself qualified for the united states senate, and it took me a long time to persuade myself that i was.... mary insists, however, that i am going to be senator and president of the united