be supporting arms and services. ) in april it was decided that d day for the operation would be roughly ten weeks after the first div began to refit. hq force 163 ( us 7 army ) opened on 12 jan 1944 in bouzarea under a brigadier of 5 us army. on 1 march major - general patch was made commanding general. there were many fluctuations in planning, in april it even appeared that the whole operation might be called off except for a feint. not until 2 july did the ccs finally decide that the assault should go forward, target date 15 august. preparations for ' anvil ' however had steadily continued and by mid - july most of the assault and immediate follow - up divs had reached their mounting areas and were being refitted and trained. just before eisenhower gave up his command, a meeting was held at general de gaulle ' s hq at which afhq cos, general bedell smith made known the plans of the ccs for a possibel operation on french soil. this would require all the french land and air force re - equipped with amn equipment and all the french air forces re - equipped with british equipment which would be aailable at the time. ' the greatest part of the french forces ' it was agreed ' would be employed as a french army '. * to this general eisenhower gave his consent. the french do not appear to have been brought further into the planning until early march, when meetings too place between generals wilson, devers ( deputy sac ) and giraud, and a little later between wilson and de gaulle. there were two matters of some delicacy to be settled. the first, the nationality of the assault divs, passed off * apparently de gaulle made the sending of further divs to italy conditional upon this. quite easily. wilson stated that these must be american ; they had previous experience of amphibious ops, whereas the french had none ; moreover, because of the strong state of the fortifications the landings were likely to be the most hazardous yet tackled in the theatre and the problem of signals and other possible complications demanded a common language. giraud recognised his arguments and only suggested strengthening the force with some specialist french units : a para regt, the bn de choc and a commando bn. agreement was also reached on what french forces were to be used and where they were to be mounted. wilson asked for two experience corps hqs to command an eventual force of seven divs. two daysa later giraud informed him that these formations could


was also reached on what french forces were to be used and where they were to be mounted. wilson asked for two experience corps hqs to command an eventual force of seven divs. two daysa later giraud informed him that these formations could be provided. there was to be no such quick settlement on the matter of command. wilson insisted thatthe overall commander should be american, both because of the initial role of their army and because of the important part to be played by allied air and naval forces. giraud held out for a frenchman, arguing that the bulk of the ground force - 7 out of 10 divs would be french, and that he alone would be able to make full use of the french resistance movement. what was doubtless the chief reason of all, a psychological one, was not then given but was put forward by general gammell ( wilson ' s cos ) in a memo on the ' differences between the french cttee and the allied high command ' : that ' the french regard it as essential to the regeneration of france that a french army take part in its liberation, and that it be commanded by a frenchman. ' this man had indeed already been appointed as general de gaulle informed wilson, general de lattre de tassigny cg french armee ' b '. after conferring with de gaulle, giraud modified his request ; general patch should command the assault phase of ' anvil ' but at a later stage a separate french army command must be established. this point was taken up and pressed with considerable vigour by general de gaulle after giraud ' s retirement on 4 april. * in point of fact wilson had never * to give an edge to his argument, de gaulle insisted that even in the minor operation against elba, which was to be carried out from corsica by the french corps commander general martin, a french army hq should be included in the chain of command. in dec 1943 giraud had agreed that martin should come under direct command of afhq. on 17 april afhq were informed that general de lattre would command all french ground forces, excluding the c. e. f. in italy, and that all communications must pass through him. the direct line between afhq and corsica was cut. been opposed to the introduction of a french army command at a later stage in operation and the source of the trouble seems to have been that the french required a firm promise before planning had become sufficiently advanced. thus it was not until the end


was cut. been opposed to the introduction of a french army command at a later stage in operation and the source of the trouble seems to have been that the french required a firm promise before planning had become sufficiently advanced. thus it was not until the end of may that agreement was reached on the basis that de lattre should command the initial french landings, under 7 army, with a mixed army / corps staff and that when the two french corps were landed he should assume his army command, parallel to the u. s. 7 army, under an army group commander. on 30 may the french were asked to provide a planning staff to co - operate with force 163 at algiers as from 10 june. general de lattre was nominated to head them. on 14 june wilson informed alexander of the c. c. s. ' s decision to go ahead with ' anvil ' and at the same time gave orders to the withdrawal of the first formations from the line, including two french divisions. ' anvil ' troops were to come under command of 7 army in naples. the relief of the whole c. e. f. was completed before the end of july, juin, as has been stated, handing over command on the 22nd. as his forces were withdrawn from the line they were absorbed in armee ' b ' commanded by general de lattre. naples was the chief port for mounting both the assault and follow - up convoys though, in order to relive congestion and lend support to the cover plan of an attack on genoa, taranto and brindisi were used for loading 1re dmi and 3e dia, the two french follow - up divisions. oran was second in importance to naples and from here sailed two combat commands of 1re db, one of which was to land on d day. * * main distribution of the french expeditionary force ( fighting troops and services ) on 1 august was : a few thousand were stationed at algiers and a few hundred in tunisia. by early august all plans had been finished and the mounting of the three u. s. assault divs and the two french follow - up divs was well under way. the assault convoy was to sail on 13 august. the strength of the french formations, roughly up to establishment, on 1 august was as follows : supporting arms and services totalled 95, 353. * this file also gives french naval strengths in algeria and tunisia from march 1943 to aug 1944, and french air forces ( incl aa ) on 10. 1. 44.


( photo : reuters / christian hartmann ) a young girl pets a cow as she visits the agriculture and food fair on its opening day in st. gallen, switzerland oct. 13. in the same region, researchers found a deceased cow that had a new form of mad cow disease. an international team of researchers identified two swiss cows with a new form of mad - cow disease in a study released online friday. bovine spongiform encephalopathy ( bse ), more commonly known as mad cow disease, is caused by prion proteins that become tangled up and cause brain damage decades after infection. humans can become infected by the prion proteins and develop creutzfeldt - jakob disease, a neurodegenerative disease, first reported in 1996. since then, health experts have identified 217 patients from 11 countries with the disease. two cows died in the swiss countryside, an 8 - year - old from an accident and a 15 - year - old that was put down, and mandatory testing gave a positive result for bse. previously, scientists had uncovered three prion variants, but when the current team examined the prions of the two cows, they found a fourth unknown variant. - follow ibtimes " the interpretation of these findings remains difficult because neuropathologic and systematic clinical data for the 2 cases are not available, " the authors wrote in their paper in the journal emerging infectious diseases, published by the u. s. centers for disease control and prevention. the journal released the data friday online before the article appears in the journal in january. the new prion variant raised concerns that current testing might miss variants that can cause debilitating and lethal brain damage decades after infection. " nonetheless, our findings raise the possibility that these cattle were affected by a prion disease not previously encountered and distinct from the known types of bse, " the authors concluded. " to confirm this possibility and to assess a potential effect on disease control and public health, in vivo transmission studies using transgenic mouse models and cattle are ongoing. until results of these studies are available, molecular diagnostic techniques should be used so that such cases are not missed. " for more information, go to us news


why are human genes still linked? by brian thomas, m. s. * u. s. news and world report recently ran a story titled “ what will human beings become? ” 1 it asked the question “ how will humanity evolve? ” and attempted to collate various phenomena that are considered to have bearing on the future of humanity ’ s genetic makeup. interestingly, one of the supposed evolutionary trends that was included seems instead to point to a recent creation of humankind. 2, 3 the story reported on the research that anthropologist john hawks of the university of wisconsin conducted involving “ linkage disequilibrium ” patterns in genes. this is the observation that genes that are found close to one another, like adjacent beads on a string, tend to stay close even after they have been copied and transmitted to the next generation. a process called “ crossing over ” that occurs during sex cell development serves to disperse or redistribute the linked genes over time. if crossing over has been occurring for hundreds of thousands of years, there should not be many linked genes — they should have been thoroughly shuffled throughout the “ deck of cards ” that is the human genome. what did hawks ’ study find? many, many genes are still linked together. 4 hawks found “ that recent genetic changes account for about 7 percent of the human genome. ” 1 how recent is “ recent ”? according to the u. s. news report, human evolution was static for eons before suddenly jump - starting from 5, 000 to 10, 000 years ago. this may coincide with biblical history, which describes the dispersal of mankind over the earth after the flood about 4, 000 years ago. 5 hawks said that “ linkage disequilibrium decays quickly as recombination occurs across many generations, so finding these uninterrupted [ still linked ] segments is strong evidence of recent adaptation. ” 6 the youthful appearance of our gene distribution fits well within a plainly understood biblical history. it is strong evidence that the eons of slow evolution that supposedly preceded the relatively recent gene - shuffling never actually happened. - shute, n. 2008. what will human beings become? u. s. news and world report. 145 ( 3 ) : 40 - 42. - see morris, h. 1984. recent creation is a vital doctrine. acts & facts. 13 ( 6 ). - see vardiman, l. icr gene project. icr news. posted on www. icr. org april 1, 2005, accessed july


1984. recent creation is a vital doctrine. acts & facts. 13 ( 6 ). - see vardiman, l. icr gene project. icr news. posted on www. icr. org april 1, 2005, accessed july 31, 2008. - dunning, a. m. et al. 2000. the extent of linkage disequilibrium in four populations with distinct demographic histories. american journal of human genetics. 67 ( 6 ) : 1544 – 1554. picturing dna bases as playing cards, dunning found evidence that of the 3 billion dna bases in the human genome, groups of up to 500, 000 are still intact, not having been shuffled. this indicates a very youthful humanity, perhaps having experienced a very severe population bottleneck several thousand years ago, just as the bible describes. - nelson, c. 2004. genetic variability and human history. creation technical journal. 18 ( 3 ) : 18 - 23. - mattmiller, b. genome study places modern humans in the evolutionary fast lane. posted on university of wisconsin news online december 10, 2007, accessed july 31, 2008. john hawk ’ s research was published in december 2007 in proceedings of the national academy of sciences 104 : 20753 - 20758. mr. thomas is science writer. article posted on august 6, 2008.


happy friday, everyone! we ’ ve had a pretty exciting week here at imagine learning as we ’ ve brought you recaps from days one, two, and three of the national title i conference in tampa, thoughts on utah ’ s immigration stance and the utah compact, and a printable activity for black history month. but don ’ t worry, the excitement will continue next week with free imagine learning valentines, an introduction to our new webinar series, and other exciting posts. so stay tuned. before we sign off for the weekend, here are a few links that caught our eye this week : - challenging the gifted a look at one amazing program that ’ s keeping gifted students challenged and engaged. - research finds text messaging improves children ’ s spelling skills a new study found that text messaging did not hinder kids ’ literacy development ; in fact, just the opposite. - rote memorization : overrated or underrated? if nothing else, click over to this article to watch a 3 - year - old recite billy collins ’ s “ litany. ” - bending and stretching classroom lessons to make math inspire this article links to another great video – vi hart ’ s popular youtube clip about doodling in math class. - 25 comical quotes about the confusing english language if you work with english learners, you ’ ll want to check these out – twenty - five wonderful and hilarious ways the english language confuses us all.


forests losing the ability to absorb man - made carbon the sprawling forests of the northern hemisphere which extend from china and siberia to canada and alaska are in danger of becoming a gigantic source of carbon dioxide rather than being a major " sink " that helps to offset man - made emissions of the greenhouse gas. studies show the risk of fires in the boreal forests of the north has increased in recent years because of climate change. it shows that the world ' s temperate woodlands are beginning to lose their ability to be an overall absorber of carbon dioxide. scientists fear there may soon come a point when the amount of carbon dioxide released from the northern forests as a result of forest fires and the drying out of the soil will exceed the amount that is absorbed during the annual growth of the trees. such a prospect would make it more difficult to control global warming because northern forests are seen as a key element in the overall equations to mitigate the effect of man - made co2 emissions. two studies published today show that the increase in forest fires in the boreal forests – the second largest forests after tropical rainforests – have weakened one of the earth ' s greatest terrestrial sinks of carbon dioxide. one of the studies showed that in some years, forest fires in the us result in more carbon dioxide being pumped into the atmosphere over the space of a couple of months than the entire annual emissions coming from cars and energy production of a typical us state. a second study found that, over a 60 - year period, the risk of forest fires in 1 million sq kms of canadian wilderness had increased significantly, largely as a result of drier conditions caused by global warming and climate change. tom gower, professor of forest ecology at the university of wisconsin - madison, said his study showed that fires had a greater impact on overall carbon emissions from boreal forests during the 60 - year period than other factors such as rainfall, yet climate was at the heart of the issue. the intensity and frequency of forest fires are influenced by climate change because heatwaves and drier undergrowth trigger the fires. " climate change is what ' s causing the fire changes. they ' re very tightly coupled systems, " professor gower said. " all it takes is a low snowpack year and a dry summer. with a few lightning strikes, it ' s a tinderbox, " he said. historically, the boreal forests have been a powerful carbon sink, with more carbon dioxide being absorbed by the forests than being released. however, the latest study, published in the journal nature, suggests the


s a tinderbox, " he said. historically, the boreal forests have been a powerful carbon sink, with more carbon dioxide being absorbed by the forests than being released. however, the latest study, published in the journal nature, suggests the sink has become smaller in recent decades, and it may actually be shifting towards becoming a carbon source, professor gower said. " the soil is the major source, the plants are the major sink, and how those two interplay over the life of a stand [ of trees ] really determines whether the boreal forest is a sink or a source of carbon, " he said. " based on our current understanding, fire was a more important driver of the carbon balance than climate was in the past 50 years. but if carbon dioxide concentration really doubles in the next 50 years and the temperature increases 4c to 8c, all bets may be off. " the second study, published in carbon balance and management, found carbon dioxide emissions from some forest fires exceeded the annual car and energy emissions from individual us states. christine wiedinmyer of the us national centre for atmospheric research in boulder, colorado, used satellite imaging datato estimate co2 output based on the degree of forest cover in a particular area. in some years, the amount of co2 released from forest fires was equivalent to about 5 per cent of the man - made total. but in other years, more widespread and intense forest fires resulted in massively increased emissions. " there is a significant potential for additional net release of carbon from forests of the united states due to changing fire dynamics in the coming decades, " dr wiedinmyer said. from the blogs a slight deviation from style this week and admittedly a bit weird, but at least i can finally say i... owen howells is a dj / producer who grew up in australia but was born in the uk. he came back to the u... justice, the bedrock of our society is for sale under the government ’ s latest plan to sell legal aid... take inspiration from the green - fingered brigade who have been showing off their creativity at the r... - 1 what, let gays get married? we must be bonkers - 2 ' something passed underneath us, quite close ' : airbus a320 has close encounter with ufo - 3 rocky horror star tim curry ' suffers major stroke ' - 4 exclusive : how mi5 blackmails british muslims - 5 lord of the sings : sir christopher lee, 91, to release heavy metal


reptile fossils solve mystery that has baffled evolutionists remains provide link between long - tailed and short - tailed pterosaurs an extraordinary flying reptile that lived around 160 million years ago has helped scientists to fill a gap in the fossil record that has frustrated scientists since the time of charles darwin. the fossilised remains of more than 20 specimens of the flying reptiles – pterosaurs – were unearthed in china earlier this year. dating has shown that they fall in the middle of the age range from 220 million to 65 million years ago when the pterosaurs evolved from primitive, long - tailed species to advanced, short - tailed forms. the latest member of the pterosaurs, which has been called darwinopterus modularis ( darwin ’ s wing ) in honour of the father of evolution, has provided the first clear evidence for a controversial and unusual mode of evolution whereby entire “ modules ” of physical traits evolved in unison rather than as individual features. pterosaurs, which are sometimes known as pterodactyls, were the first animals with backbones that were known to take to the air in powered flight long before the appearance of the first birds. they had elongated fingers which were used to flap folds of membranous skin stretching to their legs. they dominated the air when dinosaurs – which belonged to a different group of reptile – ruled the terrestrial environment. during that long period of some 155 million years pterosaurs evolved from predominantly long - tailed forms to short - tailed species but, frustratingly, no intermediate fossils had been found – until now. the chinese scientists who discovered and analysed the darwinopterus fossils worked with british pterosaur expert david unwin of leicester university to work out how the species differed from its predecessors and descendants. the researchers concluded that the fossils demonstrate modular evolution, whereby the head and neck have evolved to look more like later species, whereas the long tail retains a more primitive appearance of the earlier pterosaurs. “ darwinopterus came as quite a shock to us. we had always expected a gap - filler with typically intermediate features such as a moderately elongate tail – neither long nor short – but the strange thing about darwinopterus is that it has a head and neck just like that of advance pterosaurs, while the rest of the skeleton, including a very long tail, is identical to that of primitive forms, ” dr unwin said. some of the later species of pterosaurs, such as fearsome


that of advance pterosaurs, while the rest of the skeleton, including a very long tail, is identical to that of primitive forms, ” dr unwin said. some of the later species of pterosaurs, such as fearsome quetzalcoatlus, grew to gigantic sizes for flying animals, rivalling some of the largest birds today. darwinopterus, however, was about the size of a crow and its rows of sharpened teeth suggest that it may have caught its prey on the wing. “ the geological age of darwinopterus and bizarre combination of advanced and primitive features reveal a great deal about the evolution of advanced pterosaurs from their primitive ancestors, ” dr unwin said. the rate of evolution in darwinopterus was probably fast with lots of big changes occurring over a relatively short period of time and, secondly, whole groups of features – modules – appear to have evolved together, although not all modules changed at the same time, he said. “ the head and neck evolved first, followed later by the body, tail, wings and legs. it seems that natural selection was acting on and changing entire modules and not, as would normally be expected, just on single features such as the shape of the snout, or the form of a tooth, ” dr unwin said. pterosaurs died out at the same time as the dinosaurs, about 65 million years ago, when entire groups of animals were also lost in a global mass extinction. but the loss of the pterosaurs and the dinosaurs allowed the rise of the mammals and the birds, which filled the ecological niches on land and air. “ frustratingly, these events, which are responsible for much of the variety of life that we see all around us, are only rarely recorded by fossils. darwin was acutely aware of this, as he noted in the origin of species, and hoped that one day fossils would help to fill these gaps, ” dr unwin said. “ darwinopterus is a small but important step in that direction, ” he said. the study is published in the proceedings of the royal society b. originally, there were several sub - editing errors in this piece ( including the introduction of the word " carbon " by an over enthusiastic sub ) which have been corrected by the author. apologies. emergency landing at heathrow sparks further controversy over london airport capacity unrest may spread across europe, warns red cross chief french government seeks to ban extreme right - wing group bnp and edl accused of attempt to


german rallies spark violence monday 31 january 1994 demonstrators took to the streets of berlin over the weekend, throwing stones at police and smearing buildings with paint in a protest against germany ' s resurgent extreme right and death threats from right - wing radicals. in bonn, police banned a right - wing rally planned to mark adolf hitler ' s accession to power. hitler became chancellor of germany on 30 january 1933. dierk - henning schnitzler, the president of police, regarded the rally, organised by the neo - nazi free german workers ' party, as the ' most sordid provocation '. emergency landing at heathrow sparks further controversy over london airport capacity unrest may spread across europe, warns red cross chief french government seeks to ban extreme right - wing group bnp and edl accused of attempt to fuel racial hatred after woolwich terror attack you want to get an eton scholarship? all you need to do is answer four ( not so simple ) questions - 1 what, let gays get married? we must be bonkers - 2 ' something passed underneath us, quite close ' : airbus a320 has close encounter with ufo - 3 rocky horror star tim curry ' suffers major stroke ' - 4 exclusive : how mi5 blackmails british muslims - 5 lord of the sings : sir christopher lee, 91, to release heavy metal album bmf is the uk ’ s biggest and best loved outdoor fitness classes get the latest on the evening standard ' s campaign to get london ' s children reading. win anything from gadgets to five - star holidays on our competitions and offers page.


dr ted christie explains how it is possible to channel the public protest and angry confrontation of an environmental dispute – such as over csg extraction or water rights – positively, to ensure a good result for all parties. coal seam gas developments, people power and environmental justice in order to achieve environmental justice in its strategic plan, the united states environmental protection agency ’ s goal ‘ … is to provide an environment where all people enjoy the same degree of protection from environmental and health hazards and equal access to the decision - making process to maintain a healthy environment in which to live, learn, and work ‘. following the release of the murray - darling basin draft water plan in october 2010, television news media coverage of angry farmers and their communities burning copies of the draft water plan captured, vividly, the drama of the event. hostile scenes of people confronting the murray - darling basin authority reflected community concern that the draft water plan could lead to significant adverse future impacts on regional employment and agricultural production in the murray - darling basin. the community were also protesting over the effectiveness of the murray - darling basin authority ’ s community consultation process used to involve them in decision - making on the draft water plan. a feature of any public interest environmental dispute – like the uproar over the murray - darling basin draft water plan – is that they are associated with issues that are both complex and controversial, and where uncertainty prevails in the best available scientific evidence. another feature is the involvement of a large number of stakeholders having competing land use interests who all seek an outcome that satisfies their needs and concerns. these competing interests fall into three broad categories : “ economic ” ( e. g. government, developers ), “ special i. e. non - economic ” ( e. g. environment, public health ) and “ community ” ( e. g. local, indigenous, youth ). so, it is not surprising that the protest and confrontation associated with a public interest environmental dispute can create a political firestorm for government. but, is it possible to channel the public protest and angry confrontation of a public interest environmental dispute positively to ensure people power leads to sound environmental outcomes for everyone? an early example of people power used in australian campaigns to influence the outcome of public interest environmental disputes was non - violent direct action environmental protest and blockading. a common denominator, in this pre - sustainable development era, was choosing between jobs and the environment — not about recognizing the importance of both. in 1979, the first major forest blockade in australian history commenced at terania creek in northern


campaigning in public interest environmental disputes have remained largely unchanged over the past three decades – there has been a significant change in people power in the united states. the past tactics of public protest and confrontation have facilitated the introduction of a new strategy, “ environmental justice ”. the strategy of environmental justice first emerged in 1990 as one of the united states environmental protection agency ’ s ( “ us - epa ” ) highest priorities ; it became one of the seven guiding principles in its strategic plan in 1993. the us - epa is now committed to environmental justice to enhance the environmental quality for all residents of the united states. achieving environmental justice under this us - epa strategy requires the “ fair treatment ” and “ meaningful involvement ” of all people with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies, where : - “ fair treatment : means that no group of people should bear a disproportionate share of the negative environmental consequences resulting from industrial, governmental and commercial operations or policies ” ; and - “ meaningful involvement : means that people have an opportunity to participate in decisions about activities that may affect their environment and / or health ; that the public ’ s contribution can influence the regulatory agency ’ s decision ; that their concerns will be considered in the decision making process ; and that the decision makers seek out and facilitate the involvement of those potentially affected. ” however, environmental justice has not been defined and applied in australia to support and empower communities working on solutions for local or site - specific environmental and public health issues to the same extent it has in the united states. instead, the pathway taken in australia today is through adherence to community consultation, public participation and governance processes ; processes created in an earlier era to address a very different set of environmental problems — where the natural and fiscal limits confronting the community today would have been unimaginable in the past. one of australia ’ s most prominent environmental regulators – and the former head of three environmental protection agencies over time ( the commonwealth, queensland and western australia ) – made some extremely critical comments on the current environmental approval process used by governments for proposed mining developments in australia. in the opening address to the 2011 conference of the “ environment institute of australia and new zealand ”, barry carbon stated that the public had become alienated from the decision - making process ; and that the public ’ s issues may not be “ dealt with reasonably in their minds ” in the approval process. using the environmental approval process in queensland for one csg explorer and producer as one example, barry carbon commented that whilst the queensland


process ; and that the public ’ s issues may not be “ dealt with reasonably in their minds ” in the approval process. using the environmental approval process in queensland for one csg explorer and producer as one example, barry carbon commented that whilst the queensland and commonwealth governments had imposed 1, 500 conditions on this proposal, “ the proposal documents [ a 12, 000 page report by the csg explorer and producer ] were far too cumbersome for a realistic involvement of the community, or indeed the public officials to assess ”. one incisive observation made by barry carbon cannot be discounted : because of the large number of conditions imposed on csg developments by the queensland and commonwealth governments, the result may well be one of uncertainty whether all conditions will be able to be met or enforced. a review and analysis of community consultation processes used in australia for public interest environmental disputes generally, and csg developments specifically, indicate limitations for environmental justice — from the community ’ s perspective, the “ meaningful involvement ” element of environmental justice may not be effective. another dimension of environmental justice – the existing imbalance of power between stakeholders holding competing land use interests on csg developments in queensland – has been clearly identified in pip courtney ’ s observations at the senate inquiry in roma in july 2011 : “ farmers feel that when it comes to them versus the coal seam gas companies the power resides with the gas companies. the councils feel that the gas companies have the power. and farmers feel that when you take the environment into account that the gas companies have the power there. ” in these circumstances, the “ fair treatment ” element of environmental justice is suppressed ; farmers, councils – and the community – may not have an adequate basis of power to participate effectively in the decision - making process on csg developments in queensland. it is as if csg developments are based on a variation of the golden rule : “ whoever has the gold makes the rules ”. to mobilize people power to achieve environmental justice, any imbalance of power that makes farmers, councils and the community vulnerable to the power of the csg industry must be offset. the primary sources of power available to stakeholders holding competing interests on csg developments in queensland need to be identified and then applied. clearly, the csg industry has advantages in financial resources power which can be applied in many directions — scientific experts, environmental consultants, lawyers, media advertising, lobbyists and so on. the main exercise of people power, to date, has been in the form of “ knowledge power ” of the potential adverse environmental impacts from cs


applied in many directions — scientific experts, environmental consultants, lawyers, media advertising, lobbyists and so on. the main exercise of people power, to date, has been in the form of “ knowledge power ” of the potential adverse environmental impacts from csg developments. this has almost exclusively focussed on scientific issues including – food security and the protection of all good agricultural land ; sustainable water management of surface and groundwater systems ; cross - contamination of aquifers though mixing clean and dirty water, or from the use of chemicals in the “ fracking ” process ; potential public health and environmental issues associated with chemicals or chemical mixtures used in “ fracking ” fluids ; and threatened wildlife species. but there is an unexpected feature of the current csg controversy in queensland — most of the focus on “ knowledge power ” of the law by farming and community interests has been on consumer protection legislation, as well as legal rights and access to property agreements by csg companies. far less attention has been given to understanding legal rights and duties in environmental legislation. there is, somehow, a community perception that queensland ’ s environmental legislation may not take proper account of the csg industry. any such perception is not only bewildering, but incorrect. there are good reasons why such a misconception exists within the community. a distinguishing feature of government today is not only the growth in complex legislation, but also the growth in size of government and its very wide environmental regulatory control powers. environmental legislation in australia is intricate, as its regulatory framework links legal rights and duties to scientific terms and concepts. sometimes, no legal meaning is given for the scientific terms and concepts ; for some scientific terms and concepts, the statutory definition could be open to many interpretations. also, the length of the legislation is ever expanding. when queensland ’ s environmental protection act came into force in 1994 it was 152 pages long ; it is now 805 pages. there are also 462 pages of delegated legislation made under this act. but, if the community have difficulty understanding the legal rights and duties contained in a complex environmental statute under which they wish to act, the rule of law is meaningless. it is not only the community that may have problems in understanding complex environmental legislation. in richards & sons pty ltd v ipswich city council ( 1998 ), a distinguished queensland judge, the late senior judge tony skoien, described queensland ’ s environmental protection act this way : “ i understand that the act is an example of an act written in ‘ plain english ’. my reading of the act for the


a distinguished queensland judge, the late senior judge tony skoien, described queensland ’ s environmental protection act this way : “ i understand that the act is an example of an act written in ‘ plain english ’. my reading of the act for the purpose of this case convinces me the language used is not plain and whether it is entirely in english could be debated. ” the celebrated english judge, lord denning ( 1899 - 1999 ) is regarded as having left an unprecedented mark on the development of english law in the 20th century. the following statement by lord denning in 1979 reflects a long - held concern over the ever - increasing legislative powers of government and the challenge for lawyers to ensure government exercises its power validly in decision - making processes : “ there is always a danger for the ordinary man. it lies in the fact that all power is capable of misuse or abuse. the great problem before the courts in the 20th century has been : in an age of increasing power, how is the law to cope with the misuse or abuse of it? ” the legal process to ensure that there has not been a misuse or abuse of power in its decision - making processes under a statute by government is judicial review. judicial review relates to the rights of a person to challenge and question decisions by government that affect them. for example, using judicial review to challenge an administrative decision made by government that may have the potential to cause, or has actually caused, adverse impacts on the environment. knowledge power of legal rights and duties and judicial review is a pathway for the community to balance power with stakeholders holding competing land use interests for csg developments. where power is fairly evenly balanced between all stakeholders, it enables everyone to effectively participate in resolving csg - related issues. effective public participation is one of the most problematic areas for resolving public interest environmental disputes. knowledge power of legal rights and duties and judicial review is also the foundation for people power to achieve environmental justice on csg - related issues. strategic use, by the community, of this source of knowledge power does not necessarily mean more litigation. rather, where the threat of a potential judicial review challenge is real, knowledge power acts as a catalyst for government to consider sharing its power with stakeholders holding competing land use interests to resolve csg - related issues ; where finding solutions for co - existence between all competing land use interests – not conflict – is the goal. why should government share its decision - making power with other stakeholders in these circumstances? the reason is that the linkage between the public perception of environmental risk, the


saudi arabia is a country in transition, slowly but steadily changing from within and increasingly flexing its muscle and influence regionally. the country has entered the new century as a pivotal regional power. as the birthplace of islam, it remains a powerful moral leader of the muslim world, particularly the arab arena. its response to domestic terrorism has shown that the monarchy has the drive to confront destabilizing elements within its borders and the increasing value of its oil has provided financial and political security at home. yet saudi arabia still faces the challenges of unemployment for many of its citizens, and its education system makes it difficult for saudi youth to compete in the global market. while the country held its first elections in history in 2005, the war in iraq has deepened the divide between sunni and shiite policies. from saudi arabia ' s pre - islamic history to the events of today, a brief history of saudi arabia, second edition offers a balanced, informative perspective on the country ' s long history. complete with black - and - white illustrations, maps, charts, a chronology, and basic facts, this comprehensive overview of the history of saudi arabia places the political, economic, and cultural events of today into a broad historical context. - pre - islamic arabia - bedouin society and culture - the birth and spread of islam - the development of and philosophy behind wahhabism - the origins of the house of saud - saudi arabia ' s role in the middle east - saudi arabia ' s relationship to the united states - the battle between conservative and progressive elements in the monarchy today - the reign of king abdullah. black - and - white photographs and illustrations. maps. charts. index. bibliography. glossary. suggested reading. chronology. basic facts. sidebars. tables. about the author ( s ) author and journalist james wynbrandt began studying arabic in damascus before continuing study on that region ' s language and history at new york university ' s hagop kevorkian center for middle eastern studies. his work has appeared in the new york times, management review, forbes, smithsonian air & space, and many other national publications. he is the author of a brief history of pakistan for facts on file, and he resides in new york city. foreword author fawaz a. gerges has been appointed chair at the london school of economics and political science. he obtained an m. sci. from london school of economics and a d. phil. from oxford university. a consultant and regular commentator for abc news, gerges has appeared on many


ippf ' s written statement for cpd2012 international planned parenthood federation is a global service provider and a leading advocate of sexual and reproductive health and rights for all. we are a movement of national organizations working with and for communities in 173 countries worldwide. the organization works to provide young people with the information they need to make informed decisions about their sexual and reproductive lives, as well as the means to access services ( both clinical and non - clinical ) when and if required. the programme of action of the international conference on population and development specifically recognizes the sexual and reproductive health needs of adolescents and identifies this age group as one whose needs have largely been ignored. it also recognizes the right of adolescents to access sexual and reproductive health services and information in a manner that respects their privacy and confidentiality. yet, in 2011, with half of the world ’ s population under the age of 25, the majority of this age group lives in countries where access to such resources remains limited. the need for sexual and reproductive health services for young people is undisputable : nearly 13 million adolescent girls give birth each year in developing countries, most often before they are physically, financially or emotionally prepared ; complications from pregnancy and childbirth remain the leading cause of death among young women aged 15 to 19 in developing countries ; half of all new hiv infections are among young people ; and an estimated 4, 000 to 5, 000 young people acquire hiv every day. when a girl in a developing country receives seven or more years education, she marries four years later and has 2. 2 fewer children. however, a girl growing up in chad is more likely to die in childbirth than she is to attend secondary school. access to information and contraception are therefore part of a package that young people need in order to break generations - long cycles of poverty and gender inequality. to access sexual and reproductive health services, young people face unique barriers that are compounded by or in addition to age - related barriers. many of these barriers relate to the withholding of information or services, which only serves to exacerbate the vulnerabilities young people face. it is also in direct violation of the rights afforded them under international human rights law. parents, guardians, teachers, health professionals and other adults who work with and for young people have a responsibility to support young people and provide them with learning opportunities so that they can build their capacity and transition from reliance to independence. this is particularly true in relation to sexual and reproductive health ; a balance must be struck between protecting young people from abuse or exploitation


responsibility to support young people and provide them with learning opportunities so that they can build their capacity and transition from reliance to independence. this is particularly true in relation to sexual and reproductive health ; a balance must be struck between protecting young people from abuse or exploitation and allowing them to freely and autonomously express their will and intention. the pace at which capacities evolve differs for each individual and is dependent on life circumstances. the organization contends that age should not be used as an indicator of a young person ’ s capacity to make autonomous decisions. despite this, age is often utilized as a determinant of capacity in law, and in the personal estimation of health professionals, which can lead to the perpetuation of judgmental attitudes. laws that require parental consent or notification to access sexual and reproductive health services are a manifestation of the presumption of incapacity. these laws persist, despite the call made in paragraph 7. 45 of the programme of action for states to remove legal barriers that prevent young people from accessing sexual and reproductive health information and services. however, legal and policy provisions that mandate parental involvement in the realm of sexual and reproductive health often deter young people from accessing services for fear that their parents may discover they are sexually active. this is contrary to young people ’ s rights to privacy, confidentiality and the highest attainable standard of health. the international planned parenthood federation believes that young people should be encouraged to voluntarily involve their parents, guardians or other trusted adults in their decision - making processes. the positive role that adults can play in young people ’ s lives is well recognized throughout the organization. while the opinions and knowledge of peers are of great importance to young people in making decisions related to their sexual and reproductive health, research shows that young people would prefer the support of a trusted adult when it comes to accessing health services. sexual and reproductive health - related stigma is compounded for young people by their age and norms relating to young people ’ s sexuality. stigma means that young people are inhibited from feeling free to express their sexuality, talk openly about sex with their parents or guardians or access sexual and reproductive health information and services. communities, families and religious institutions have a duty to encourage open and accurate dialogue on young people ’ s sexuality with a view to reducing stigma. self - stigmatization is a strong force that prevents young people from accessing the information and services they need as a result of feelings of fear, shame or embarrassment. this can be particularly true for young women who are sexually active ; young people who are gay,


excluding hiv ), and 45 per cent of new hiv infections occur in young people. every year, young women between the ages of 15 and 19 undergo 2. 5 million unsafe abortions that put their lives and health at risk, yet among this age group, the unmet need for contraception stands at 25 per cent. to address this and the barriers identified above, programmes to improve young people ’ s sexual and reproductive health must include three essential pillars : ( a ) comprehensive sexuality education ; ( b ) youth - friendly sexual and reproductive health services ; and ( c ) political and social change to create favourable environments within which young people can exercise and realize their sexual and reproductive health and rights. comprehensive sexuality education is an essential intervention to ensure that all young people are aware of their sexual and reproductive rights, are empowered to make informed choices and decisions and are able to act on these decisions. comprehensive sexuality education is more than the provision of information about health and sexuality ; it also aims to develop critical - thinking skills, confidence, communication skills, decision - making capacities, gender equity and rights - based civic participation. young people must have access to youth - friendly sexual and reproductive health services. to be youth - friendly, the services must be accessible, acceptable, equitable and of a high quality. the importance of well - trained, non - judgmental health professionals and staff members in service delivery points serving young people should not be underestimated. in programmes to promote the sexual and reproductive health of young people, special attention and resources must be dedicated to eradicating harmful gender norms and inequality. the international planned parenthood federation promotes a positive approach to the sexuality of young women and girls, with the aim of helping them to become confident, autonomous decision - making individuals. all young women and girls have the right to make autonomous decisions related to their sexual and reproductive health in accordance with their evolving capacities. withholding the right of young women and girls to information and the means to act upon those decisions perpetuates inequality and ill health. their ability to exercise the right to decide is influenced as much by their family and community as by social norms and policy. the organization believes that programmes aimed at eradicating harmful gender norms and inequality must also engage young men and boys. such programmes must move away from an approach that sees them as perpetrators of rights violations towards an approach that is guided by their best interests and that more effectively addresses their sexual and reproductive health needs. the international planned parenthood federation believes that young people have a right to information to allow them to make


that sees them as perpetrators of rights violations towards an approach that is guided by their best interests and that more effectively addresses their sexual and reproductive health needs. the international planned parenthood federation believes that young people have a right to information to allow them to make informed decisions and a right to access the services required to turn those decisions into reality without fear of reprisal or shame. recognizing that young people, including adolescents, are rights holders to which the rights spelled out in united nations conventions apply, and recognizing that access to comprehensive sexuality education and sexual and reproductive health services are essential to fulfilling a young person ’ s right to the highest attainable standard of health, the organization believes that member states must : • remove and refrain from implementing laws that restrict young people ’ s access to sexual and reproductive health services, including parental or spousal consent laws • refer only to scientifically sound evidence when formulating education policy and curricula on sexuality education, and commit resources to strengthen the evidence - base on this • provide opportunities for young people to obtain the knowledge and life skills they need to make informed decisions about their sexual and reproductive health, including through the provision of sexuality education in schools • recognize both in principle and in law the evolving capacity of young people to consent to sexual and reproductive health treatment, services and care • take steps to ascertain young people ’ s real and perceived sexual and reproductive health needs, and include young people in identifying and addressing such needs • address the practical and logistical barriers that young people face in accessing life - saving and life - enhancing services, including through the reduction of financial and geographical barriers • ensure that all young people with a need for contraception have access to such services • ensure that a comprehensive package of sexual and reproductive health services, including safe abortion services, is available for all young people • ensure that health professionals are adequately trained to provide information and services to young people, including sexually active young people, in a non - judgmental manner • ensure sufficient educators are trained to provide comprehensive sexuality education to young people from an early age • promote the education of parents, guardians, communities and others to provide guidance and support to young people as they mature, in accordance with paragraph 7. 48 of the programme of action • recognize the vital role that schools play in disseminating information and in linking with sexual and reproductive health services for young people • address inequality of access to services among young people, particularly for those in rural areas • ensure that data is available to monitor progress towards achieving universal coverage of sexual and reproductive health services to young people


“ dr. winchell was a lively exemplar of the southern literary tradition... a true man of letters. ” — clyde wilson, university of south carolina born and bred in ohio, mark royden winchell was an unlikely southerner. but after graduate school at vanderbilt — where he befriended, and became a noted authority on, many of the literary giants who had emerged from that university — he spent his entire adult life in the south. more important, he became one of the most respected defenders of the southern tradition, placing southern literature and politics at the center of the twentieth - century american experience. the cause of us all, winchell ’ s final book, represents his most important and personal reflection on the american south. writing from the perspective of a self - proclaimed “ copperhead, ” winchell offers a contrarian take on american and southern history, including thoughtful reassessments of such secular saints as abraham lincoln and martin luther king jr., and an insightful look at the transition from the old south to the new. he also examines the politics of southern literary culture. the cause of us all covers issues ranging from the agrarian movement of the 1930s — whose social and economic vision surely speaks to our anxious age — to the non - southern writers, including robert frost and john steinbeck, who were sympathetic to the southern vision.


is produce losing its punch? january 18, 2011 by elizabeth devos eating the recommended two cups of fruits and two - and - a - half cups of vegetables may no longer be enough to get the nutrients that our bodies need in order to survive. a little more than a decade ago, anne - marie mayer conducted research on 20 united kingdom - based crops from 1930 - 1980. what she found was that the mineral concentrations in fruits and vegetables were decreasing. no longer is produce as healthy as once thought. the decrease in nutritional value is not just centered in british crops, but crops in the united states, as well. in 2004, university of texas research assistant donald davis looked at data from 43 different varieties of produce from 1950 - 1999. davis found that in 1950 broccoli had 130 milligrams of calcium, today that amount has dropped to just 48 milligrams. calcium isn ’ t the only nutrient decreasing in produce. davis ’ study found that protein, phosphorus, iron, riboflavin, vitamin c and many other nutrients are declining. still, people looking for a snack shouldn ’ t shy away from today ’ s produce. “ even though they say that the nutrients are less, the amount of nutrients in food is still very high, ” said barbara phippard, a clinical dietitian at virginia mason issaquah. “ people shouldn ’ t be afraid that food doesn ’ t contain any nutrition. ” many americans wonder why nutrients are disappearing. due to the high demand from consumers for bigger produce items, farmers are selectively breeding and using synthetic fertilizers to help their crops grow not only bigger, but faster, too. by speeding up the growing process, produce does not have the time to develop the nutrients or absorbed them from the soil. according to jeanne cullen, a clinical dietitian at overlake hospital outpatient, it is recommended that consumers buy organic fruits and vegetables because they are more nutrient dense. “ if more people start buying organic, then there will be a high demand for organic farms, ” she said. “ and more organic farmers will help drive the prices down. ” most people can tell the difference in taste quality of conventionally grown produce versus organically grown. “ organically grown fruits are much sweeter than conventionally grown ones, ” cullen said. if buying all organic does not fit into your pocketbook, buy a select few. farmers typically use pesticides on 12 types of produce that should be bought organically, if possible. the “ dirty dozen, ”


grown ones, ” cullen said. if buying all organic does not fit into your pocketbook, buy a select few. farmers typically use pesticides on 12 types of produce that should be bought organically, if possible. the “ dirty dozen, ” according to cullen, includes apples, celery, cherries, lettuce, grapes, peaches, pears, potatoes, nectarines, spinach, strawberries and bell peppers. there are 15 produce items that are considered clean, even though they are not organic, according to tarynne mingione, a registered dietitian and clinical nutrition specialist at swedish medical center in issaquah. these include onions, avocados, sweet corn, pineapple, mangos, asparagus, sweet peas, kiwi, cabbage, eggplant, papaya, watermelon, broccoli, tomatoes and sweet potatoes. “ these foods have the least amounts of pesticides, ” she said. there are ways to get the most nutrients out of foods that won ’ t put a huge dent into your pocket book. many people buy pre - cut produce, according to cullen. she warns that once you cut into food, it decreases the amount of nutrients in it. it ’ s better to buy whole produce instead of precut, and it ’ s important to wash produce to removing pesticides. buy fresh food at the issaquah farmers market buying produce directly from farmers, at a local farmers market, can be a cheaper alternative than buying organic. these farmers might be in a transitional stage from conventionally grown crops to organic crops. there are also many local farms that allow people to essentially own a share of the farm. in turn these shareowners are able to go to the farm once a week and purchase produce directly from the farm, according to tarynne mingione, a registered dietitian and clinical nutrition specialist at swedish medical center in issaquah. the issaquah farmers market hosts about 35 registered produce vendors according to jera gilmore, farmers market manager and events coordinator for the city of issaquah. “ on an average summer saturday we have about 27 of them attending, ” she said. the 2011 farmers market runs from april 16 to oct. 8. buy bold or brightly colored produce, because these richly colored crops will contain a higher number of healthy photochemicals. consumers can also try a different color, because colorful produce has more antioxidants. always consume produce within a week of purchasing


- hesiod ( c. 8th century bc ) - orphic communities ( c540 bc -? ) - pythagoras (? 580 -? 500 bc ) and - herodotus ( 484 - 425bc ) - herodotus ( link to google books ) - trans. rev. william beloe 1831. p. 236 : the neck of land which stretches from the country of the gindanes towards the sea is possessed by the lotophagi who live entirely upon the fruit of the lotos - empedokles (? 480 - 430bc ) - the fragments of empedocles ( link to questia. com ) trans. w. e. leonard ph. d., chicago, 1908. part 2 says much about transmigration of souls and the orphic / pythagorean traditions. - socrates (? 470 - 399 bc ) - antisthenes (? 445 - 365 bc ) - plato (? 427 -? 347 bc ) - plato ' s republic ( link to archive. org ) trans. lewis campbell m. a., ll. d., london, 1902. in books ii & iii plato ( 428 - 347 bc ) develops the dietary ideas of pythagoras. - diogenes (? 412 -? 323 bc ) - aristotle ( 384 - 322bc ) - theophrastus (? 372 -? 287bc ) - epicurus ( 341 - 270bc ) - cicero ( roman ) ( 106 - 43 b. c. ) - ovid ( publius ovidius naso ) ( 43 bc - ad 17 ) - espanol - ovidio - ovid ' s metamorphoses ( link to archive. org ) by publius ovidius naso ( 43 bc - ad 17 ). this edition pub. london 1822. book 15, p. 516 is a biography of pythagoras. p. 519 : ' he first forbid animal food to be served up at the tables - seneca ( c. 5 bc - ad 65 ) - seneca ' s morals ( link to archive. org ) - by lucius annaeus seneca ( c. 5 bc - ad 65 ) - trans sir roger l ' estrange, new york, c. 1870. " i gave over eating of flesh ", p110 - plutarch ( greek ) ( c. ad 46 - c. 120 ) - plutarch


from its beginnings to the first world war ( chapters of history ) translated by selwyn rose in the dim light of history translated by selwyn rose in the dim light of history | what is the purpose of history? - towns a thousand years old in lithuania sokołka a satellite - town [ a ] of grodno the metropolis towns both veteran and new - born. - sokołka pioneer - town of the jews of grodno. - jews of a state within a state. - jewish geography on the map of lithuania on the banks of the neman and the sokołka rivers. | the history of sokołka? the sad fact is that her history was one of faithful tradition, the costly reality of being a jew in the eastern regions of europe. an atmosphere of bygone times permeated the family homes - antiques, gold and silver articles, tooled leather pouches filled with ancient documents, contracts from princes and nobles, tax receipts from the days of napoleon with promissory notes from barons, ministers and estate owners. there were also note - books and registers in the municipal offices and old castles ; but a historical narrative commencing at the beginning, which would clarify everything that had occurred, never existed in our areas. registers and documents that had existed were lost in the turmoil of the disturbances and damage to jewish property that was plundered by the rioters and the saboteurs. jewish sokołka didn ' t resemble other towns in lithuania and poland that were able to number the years of their existence as jewish communities in jubilees or centuries even a millennium in some cases. lithuania ' s brest had a recorded history of one thousand years it was the first of the lithuanian communities that were refugees from germany ( in the 10th and 11th centuries ), established in compliance with a license issued by duke witold at the end of the 14th century. the number of its residents grew and exceeded that of all the other communities in lithuania. pinsk similarly boasted a license confirming its 1, 000 year existence. even troki preened itself by virtue of its jews ( karaites ), being the first of the jews in the whole of lithuania. sokołka nestled in the shadow of another ancient city in lithuania the city of grodno, the metropolis of the satellite daughters - new - born and veteran villages clustered near and far. sokołka was not counted among them because of two of its attributes : its seniority - it had existed for hundreds of years as an out -


, the metropolis of the satellite daughters - new - born and veteran villages clustered near and far. sokołka was not counted among them because of two of its attributes : its seniority - it had existed for hundreds of years as an out - of - the - way village, and as a village and place of settlement of the jews - and later as a regional town. near - by grodno shone with a splendid reputation wherein resided dukes and princes and from where they ruled over domains and territories near and far. grodno enjoyed a reputation as a shining example like krakow from where jewish pioneers went out to neighboring villages. nevertheless jewish grodno was a good example of the process of jewish settlement in lithuania and poland, and within it jewish sokołka. in the beginning the community was based in the nearby major governing town. when the population grew and the community suffered from overcrowding, several families moved to a local area and founded a satellite community that was under the control of the metropolis and paying, through her, the royal taxes needed for the running of the beth - din and other community institutions. in time the newer settlement expanded and developed and became a community independent of its origins. as a representative example of the first jewish communities in the principality of lithuania one can cite the community of tyczyn, founded by a group of jews from grodno, and almost certainly most of its residents were from the same area. there was a jewish presence in tyczyn in 1522. it was private property - the estate of a respected lithuanian landowner, a notable albert gasztołd by name. this same landowner sought to encourage population of his settlement in order to increase his incomes and he decided to introduce jews. ten jews from grodno ( known to the jews as hurodna ), were the pioneers of the settlement. the landowner gave them space for living quarters, workshops, a synagogue and a burial ground, promising them judicial autonomy, complete freedom of trade and no taxes for three years. in addition he named the remaining jews as suitable for settling in the town ; suitable except those rebelling against the kingdom. the conditions in tyczyn were indeed good from several angles. the attitude of the owner was encouraging, trade internal and external prospered, and the town grew. after a hundred years it was one of the important communities in lithuania, and a bone of contention between two national councils erupted in the commonwealth of poland and lithuania the council of communities in lithuania and the great sejm in poland ;


and the town grew. after a hundred years it was one of the important communities in lithuania, and a bone of contention between two national councils erupted in the commonwealth of poland and lithuania the council of communities in lithuania and the great sejm in poland ; both of them claimed authority in tyczyn, each claiming exclusive control. the dispute continued for decades and while the two councils were still at each other ' s throats, a new dispute broke out between tyczyn and grodno concerning the control over a few other communities that had been established in the intervening years : zabłudow, horodec, choroszcz and later also wasilkow. the lithuanian council sided with grodno while the polish council sided with tyczyn. the argument continued for a hundred years. both sides turned to litigation and the situation demanded the intervention of both the beth - din and civil courts. by the beginning of the 18th century, the dispute had still not been settled. a similar history applied for the city of jewish białystok, which was noted for the great settlement - industrial project of its jewish citizen - builders. the lord of the manor, the polish count branicki, sitting in his magnificent palace, looking around him at the marshy brackish lake, the pathless, gloomy, depressing surroundings and the impoverished, hungry peasant farmers, dreamed of turning his unprofitable, run - down estate into a profitable jewish village. he invited jewish settlers and built small premises for shops, huts for dwelling - places and a small synagogue for prayers. legend has it he also donated a fat duck to each of them for sabbath dinner. and they, only a short time before, were living in nearby białystok next door to tyczyn as local stall - holders and small grocers, experts in patching ragged clothes. in giving them the opportunity, they turned their little town into a large city a metropolis in israel. białystok had its beginnings in 1749 and by the time of its destruction under the nazis there were 40, 000 jews living there, commanding the textile industry which spread over the surrounding towns : suprasl, grodek, wasilkow and krynki. the jewish community in sokołka was established through the initiative of the grodno jews during a period of economic depression and unemployment among the townspeople, while the population of grodno was recovering economically and widening its boundaries beyond the town. sokołka was not


hegemony. the modest, quiet sokołka. | grodno and sokołka both of them stamped with the die of their jewishness ; both of them with large jewish populations. but the difference between them was startling. grodno could pride herself with the knowledge of her respected lineage as a city of pedigree and tradition ; in contrast sokołka was a small town, a district town as against a regional capital at the time of the russian conquest. sokołka was almost without importance. except for the sole fact that because of political circumstances that existed at the time of the polish revolution of kosciuszko, sokołka was raised to the level of regional capital. sokołka gave rise to no men of stature, no business men of known reputation, no public or political party figures, writers, researchers, cantors or rabbis. sokołka ' s dependence on grodno caused its history, at that time, to be bound up and merged together with grodno and the general annals of the jews of lithuania. at the end of the 14th and beginning of the 15th centuries, there were jewish communities in four cities : brest, grodno, troki and £ask. the duke of the region was witold, ruling from 1386 until 1430, who did much for the settlement of jews in lithuania. the rights he granted the jews in the first years of his rule were to establish a judicial, social and political structure of the jews of lithuania for a long period and most of the jews of lithuania were concentrated in the three towns brest, troki and grodno. with the rise of witold as ruler of the principality, so rose the importance of grodno. in 1389, witold granted the jews of grodno a bill of rights. according to this document they were permitted to sell intoxicating liquors in their homes on payment of a license fee and to trade in the markets and shops just like any of the other citizens. they were also permitted to engage freely in any trade or profession, to purchase livestock for their needs and to acquire houses, fields and land for sowing and pasture. the bill released the jews from paying taxes on the synagogue and the cemetery. but in 1495 the ruling prince aleksander the jagiellonian, exiled all the jews from lithuania and the jews of grodno, together with their unfortunate brothers, found refuge in neighboring poland. in 1503, alexander, the


. but in 1495 the ruling prince aleksander the jagiellonian, exiled all the jews from lithuania and the jews of grodno, together with their unfortunate brothers, found refuge in neighboring poland. in 1503, alexander, the king of poland cancelled the exile decree and allowed the jews to return and also to claim the return of their assets, property and the debts owing to them. grodno ' s community expanded and grew during the 16th century. in 1547, the polish king, zygmund august confirmed the bill of rights that had been granted by witold in 1389 ( the bill had been reconfirmed by king jan kasimierz in 1655 and also by stanislaw poniatowski in 1785 ). at the same time the numbers of artisans in the town grew and among them were found tailors, furriers and hatters working for the farmers. for an annual fee to the tsars, the artisans were allowed to ply their trade and sell their products in the market or in their shops. the influence of grodno on the jewish community was significant especially during the period of internal autonomy that they now had. when the communities of lithuania seceded from the the great sejm in 1623 and established the council of four lands it became the leading institution of jewish life in the state it was one of three main communities in the state ( brest, pinsk, grodno later, they were joined by vilna and sloszk ). sokołka is not mentioned among the new communities established in the region of grodno. there is no way of knowing if a community existed officially in the town because of the small number of jews who were capable of establishing the necessary communal institutions. the jews of sokołka always turned to grodno for its needs. it is known that sokołka already existed as a village in the 15th century and that jewish settlement was not forbidden. it is equally certain that the jews would not have missed the opportunity to come and settle, and find a living there as traders and artisans but, apparently, there were no leaders or businessmen among them able to protect themselves or their interests in the various central public institutions. the name of sokołka is not as conspicuous as the names of other towns and villages that maintained contact with the the great sejm nor with the council of four lands that began its existence in 1623, or with the chief councils of the states of lithuania, as does the name of nearby


as conspicuous as the names of other towns and villages that maintained contact with the the great sejm nor with the council of four lands that began its existence in 1623, or with the chief councils of the states of lithuania, as does the name of nearby krynki. indeed, from an investigation of the names of towns and villages that maintained contact with these councils it appears that the province of the town sokołka was at the center of things. nevertheless, it seems attention was not turned on sokołka because of its immediate association to grodno itself, which also represented the towns affiliated to it and which grodno defended. in the disputes between the communities of tyczyn and grodno concerning control over the surrounding towns, tyczyn was in conflict with grodno for control of the region. jewish sokołka was modest and not given to chasing after publicity and honor though, without doubt, it paid its taxes, like all the other communities, through the community of grodno. perhaps that is the explanation why, on the map of the council of four lands sokołka is not seen. nevertheless sokołka is found on the four maps of the congregations of lithuanian jews. the chronicles and evolution of sokołka | the establishment of sokołka - its land : crown property - ancient churches erected by zygmunt august. the occupations of the first of the jews. fixed market and fair days. evolution from village to town. anton tyzenhaus - development of sokołka. - remembered as a benefactor in its development. the banks of the river sokołka. metamorphosis with the division of poland. the jews under the prussian yoke. jewish constitution of friedrich the great. reaction of rabbis and businessmen to the kaliczeva conference. sokołka under russian rule. - elevation of sokołka to regional capital. | sokołka was founded in the 15th century together with twenty other villages all at the same time. as a village sokołka belonged to crown estates, in the grodno economic framework, and its citizens were obliged to occupy themselves in chicken - farming, while the residents of the neighboring village, sowaczinka * were obliged to raise dogs. polish historians indicate that a catholic church was erected in sokołka in 1564 on the orders of king zygmunt august, consecrated to st. anthony - a wooden building. in 1779 the church burned down and only


to raise dogs. polish historians indicate that a catholic church was erected in sokołka in 1564 on the orders of king zygmunt august, consecrated to st. anthony - a wooden building. in 1779 the church burned down and only in 1848 the priest kryshczyn erected a church, the inside of which is considered very beautiful, to replace it. the village of sokołka was founded when the kingdom of lithuania united with that of poland. jewish communities in the lands of lithuania at that time also existed in brest, grodno, troki, łuck, ludmir and kiev. but there is some basis to suppose that other small and large communities also existed in other towns. a number of jews were also dispersed among other villages and there is no way of knowing if jews lived then in sokołka as farmers and pedlars. it is reasonable to assume that the jewish community of sokołka enjoyed the typical privileges granted by duke witold to the jews of grodno in 1389, from the beginning of its existence, by which he permitted them to indulge in trade both in shop and street, without interference, equally with the citizens of the town. jews were permitted to engage in agriculture, pasturage and to acquire further acreage paying taxes just like the other citizens. the economic life of the jews of lithuania was different to that of the jews of poland. on the one hand, the weak development of the country caused the jews to become engaged extensively in the various branches of agriculture and farming which became their main occupation, as it was to most of the town ' s citizens, while on the other hand they had no motive to engage in trade and commerce, and the town - citizens and nobles were not politically strong enough to curtail the rights of the jews as was the case in neighboring poland. it should be pointed out that wealthy jews invested in farms and perforce were involved in agriculture. they would acquire complete villages from the duke for a certain one - time down payment, and sometimes even several villages at the same time, together with pasture - land, fish ponds shops and so on. the jews would acquire land - holdings from the nobles or they would obtain them with a mortgage or loan. the farms would pass to the hands of the jews together with the farmers who were working there. the jews held the farms the same as the landowners who preceded them. a few of the bigger landowners among the jews also filled the role of settlers in lithuania : there are recorded


to the hands of the jews together with the farmers who were working there. the jews held the farms the same as the landowners who preceded them. a few of the bigger landowners among the jews also filled the role of settlers in lithuania : there are recorded incidents of jews receiving vacant land from the duke and bringing jews onto the land and it is possible that there is a connection between the settling of sokołka, together with other villages and the rights of the jews to trading in the villages. indeed, especially in respect of sokołka, what little we know of her is based on legend. also missing are details of the rights granted to sokołka like other towns. we know that in the town there were certain days in the week when markets were held and three fairs annually but it is not known who was the king who granted these rights. market day was every monday and on three days each year a fair was held ( 23rd april, 25th july and 29th september ). only from the second half of the 18th century do we begin to get more details on sokołka ; from then on sokołka ' s status changed from village to town. this important event occurred at the end of the18th century. it was not at the hands of kings and princes but by the action of the starosta of grodno and the treasurer of lithuania anton tyzenhaus ( 1762 - 1785 ) whose advancement came from king poniatowski. he was the patron of sokołka and he deserves a mention. tyzenhaus was appointed starosta of grodno ; he tried to revive the failing town. he encouraged trade, paved roads, made the river neman navigable, drained the marshes in the area and founded professional schools, cultural institutions and industrial factories, among them a printing house. for that enterprise in 1785 he brought from sokoły to sokołka the master of the printing art in lithuania, rabbi nahum, a type - caster from grodno, in galicia. the first book that came off the press was jacob ' s offspring, a commentary on the psalms, written by a rabbi from vishtinetz and rabbi yaakov bar haim ha - cohen ( 1788 ). also printed was the first newspaper in grodno the grodno gazette. in order to teach a group of jews financial book - keeping, in 1772 he brought a german from nurnberg. he told them those skills would enable the traders to introduce german efficiency and order into their businesses


grodno the grodno gazette. in order to teach a group of jews financial book - keeping, in 1772 he brought a german from nurnberg. he told them those skills would enable the traders to introduce german efficiency and order into their businesses. tyzenhaus founded a school of midwifery. in the second half of the 18th century he was the first to introduce in the name of the government of poland, the textile industry to the area, in horodets on the banks of the neman, near grodno. he also founded factories of considerable compass with government support which invested resources in bringing specialists from abroad for that purpose. tyzenhaus ' s relationship towards the jews was one of hatred ; he saw them as a source of extorting money. king poniatowski appointed him as the tax agent of the grodno community but he deceived both the king and the population and stole funds and interest to the value of 92, 000 roubles during 14 years ( until 1782 ). he converted the whole fortune to his own use. he also fraudulently converted to his own use foreign currency and fell into debt. he borrowed money and failed to make good. he created many enemies who hated him and fought against him until they succeeded in ousting him from office. his industrial enterprises fell into bankruptcy and the specialists brought from abroad left poland and nothing remains from all his projects. because of the closeness of sokołka to grodno, this same tyzenhaus noticed it and saw it as a place suited to his plans. he elevated sokołka to the status of a town, created there an excellent market and introduced fine jewish artisans, thus, de facto, confirming the jewish community of sokołka which had already existed previously. once its status was confirmed the population grew jewish as well as christian and its economic health improved. several evolutions occurred to sokołka previously, during the period of the independent republic of poland. the town was in the province of troki in the county of grodno and within its economic sphere. the town was situated on the banks of the river sokołka which had once flowed into the river suprasl. in 1765 there were 522 jews living in sokołka and the surrounding area. life carried on there, as it did in the rest of the towns and villages, without much happening ; indeed the hand of fate rested lightly on it, in contrast to the chaos spreading throughout poland. with the third


the christian population as the only masters and owners of the land and to perceive the jews as strangers, as exploiters and the source of unpleasantness, requiring restriction of their activities in the country and its trade. the intention was to transfer the jews from the countryside to the town, and even forbid them to peddle in the countryside, to purchase land from a farmer or to trade in the exchange of goods and produce. specifically, the regulations placed a strangle - hold on the aorta of jewish life in the diaspora, bringing to the point of collapse the entire communal structure that had developed and become entrenched in poland for hundreds of years. the jewish communal organization provided the jews with the possibility of standing against disturbances, persecution and racism. the jewish community acted as a kind of fortress a fence against destruction and assimilation and it was this that enabled the jew to protect his national and religious character and live an independent life. the regulations cancelled the independent nature of the community and placed all the religious functions under the control of the christian churches and municipalities. jews from within and without the region felt that the pillars of judaism had collapsed. but the leading rabbis and public figures, with faith in miracles, were not disheartened. on 30th august 1797, they all met in kaliszkowce ( kalisz region ), to devise means of protecting themselves from the restrictive measures affecting the fate of a jewish population numbering more than 160, 000 souls. in fact the prussians didn ' t enjoy their domination for long : napoleon bonaparte ' s star was rising and at the battle of jena ( germany ), he conquered the legions of prussia and even took berlin, and the prussian government was forced to flee to memel. the poles were full of joy at the coming of their redeemer. from 1806 - 1807, the poles throughout poland were expectant with an atmosphere of hope and began organizing a polish army. they knew the french were coming. suddenly the prussian legions began leaving the region and the french arrived to be received with great joy by the entire population. at the same time the peace conference of tylza was convened and in compliance with article 9 of the protocol that was signed on 7th july 1807, the whole region of lithuania was transferred to russia in order to create a natural border between the principality of warsaw and the kingdom of russia. thus after 12 years of prussian rule lithuania passed to the control of russia. the defunct county of białystok, according to article 9, of the treaty of tylza, was divided into


principality of warsaw and the kingdom of russia. thus after 12 years of prussian rule lithuania passed to the control of russia. the defunct county of białystok, according to article 9, of the treaty of tylza, was divided into two : one part the counties of łomza, serijai, mariampol and others passed to warsaw and the other part the counties of białystok, bielsk, sokołka and dereczyn passed to russia and was known as białystok county. in order to activate the territorial division a special council was convened. on the 15th july 1807 russian forces entered the territory of lithuania. the prussian government again changed to a foreign one. on the 27th october aleksander i issued a declaration to the whole of lithuania in russian and polish in which he promised that all the residents will retain their rights. the jews refused to believe the declaration because of their knowledge of russian government ' s attitude to jews in the past. a few years passed and 1812 approached. the poles consoled themselves with new hopes. on the eve of war, the russian government increased its vigilance and declared a state of war throughout the entire territory. after a while, french battalions crossed the border into russia and the russian army retreated. after the capture of vilna, napoleon organized the liberated territory, convening a temporary government in lithuania which included sokołka. the happ - iness lasted only a short time because on 26th december 1812 the russians returned to lithuania without bloodshed. in the days of the napoleonic war the russian general, davidov, who didn ' t trust poland, transferred control of the town to the jews. after the county of białystok was ceded to russia in 1807, sokołka was named the county town while grodno was made regional capital in 1801. sokołka and the county under the russian government | a mixed population. - residual cadre of mongol regiments. - complete mosques. - rejection of the prussian regulations of jews. - russia inherits the prussian decrees. - sokołka a rail junction between grodno and białystok. - industry and workshops sustaining the town. - development of a stock exchange. - synagogue for jewish artisans. - when was the jewish community established? - lack of community records. - foundations of the community. | the population of sokołka and the county was made up of different faiths and ethnic groups : lithuanians


- synagogue for jewish artisans. - when was the jewish community established? - lack of community records. - foundations of the community. | the population of sokołka and the county was made up of different faiths and ethnic groups : lithuanians, poles, pravoslavs, tatars and jews. the tatars arrived with the mongol hordes that conquered all the territories belonging at that time to russia and china. they even conquered parts of poland and approached berlin, the prussian capital. the mongols, who retreated to mongolia after every invasion of foreign lands, left behind many who remained in the countries conquered by the russians, including lithuania, whose peoples were related to the mongols. close in ethnicity and language, they are called tatars and remained faithful to their religion, believers in mohammed, praying in mosques. at the congress of vienna, the conquering russian government received the remainder of the territory of poland and lithuania and with them the region of grodno and sokołka, the regional capital. she also received from the prussians the inheritance of the prussian regulations of the jews, which in practice were not put into effect. the regulations did not achieve their aim for different reasons, but especially because of opposition from the non - jewish population. but their influence remained real towards the jews under the russian regime for upwards of a hundred years, because these regulations were used as a guide to the russian government on how to treat the jewish communities that came under their domination in poland and lithuania, and they were valid in the great and powerful russian dominion especially the time of nikolai the first. in comparing russian decrees on the jews with the prussian regulations they are found to be nothing more than a copy of the original. the prussian regulations were used as a source for all the special restrictions and laws that were decreed against the jews in russia. the russian minister, derzhavin, used the format as in the prussian regulations and as observed by herzen all the attributes of the russian government carried the stamp of prussia even the military ranks, the police and the uniforms are all taken from them. in any case the regulations against the jews from 17th april 1797 were used as a foundation for solving the jewish problem in russia ; regulations that touched every jew in russia and also fell upon sokołka. the jews of sokołka came to terms with the situation understanding they were in exile and they continued to exist in a state of debasement and suppression from the government. the christian population occupied itself mainly with agriculture while the jews with small trades and


jews of sokołka came to terms with the situation understanding they were in exile and they continued to exist in a state of debasement and suppression from the government. the christian population occupied itself mainly with agriculture while the jews with small trades and artisanship, only a few of them in agriculture. the railway from warsaw to st. petersburg passed sokołka only about 100 miles south - west of grodno - about half - way on the road between grodno and białystok - and about 125 miles from warsaw, at a height of 765 feet above sea - level. sokołka is situated between the stations of czarnaweis and kuznica. the industry in the town was not large and in 1877 was reduced by six small factories employing nine workers ( a brewery, a candle - maker, three furriers and a porcelain factory ). in the heart of the town were two main streets : grodno and białystok. close to them was a large square in the center of which rose a church surrounded by a railing. apart from these two streets there were six small side lanes. with the development of industry in białystok a few furriers opened up in sokołka and krynki. afterwards, year by year more factories processing furs were opened in białystok, sokołka, zabłudow and mscisław, which grew into large concerns. before the first world war there were about 200 factories in the grodno region dealing in furs, employing about 6, 000 people, many jews among them. other branches of artisanship were to be found with most of them in the hands of jews, not only in sokołka but also in the rest of the towns of the region and in grodno. jewish artisanship had been well - established in the towns of lithuania for generations with a commendable record of achievements. the religious life influenced the artisans ; there were synagogues established by and for the various trades. in almost every town were found religious study - houses of tailors, cobblers, hatters, carpenters, builders, glaziers, street - pavers, wagoners, coach - drivers, bakers, butchers, water - carriers and others. the artisans fulfilled an important function in the life of the community, in the election of public dignitaries, rabbis, ritual slaughterers, inspectors and cantors ; all these personages needed


drivers, bakers, butchers, water - carriers and others. the artisans fulfilled an important function in the life of the community, in the election of public dignitaries, rabbis, ritual slaughterers, inspectors and cantors ; all these personages needed to take the artisans into account in every important event and consider their needs. there is no information on sokołka concerning the beginning of the jewish presence in the town, neither is it known when the jewish community was founded, the degree of dependence of the local towns on grodno, when the first rabbi was installed or what his name was or his birth - place. no written record has been found concerning the community of sokołka or of any trade organization from which we could discern the lives of the community. it is possible that there was in existence some kind of record in the hands of jewish notables, such as sextons and other public dignitaries and during the years of the terrible holocaust of the nazis they were destroyed and lost together with those who held them. there is no way that the jewish community in the town, already numbering 522 jews in 1765, during the era of the polish republic, behaved differently to all other towns and jewish communities near and far, without institutions and records, without guiding hands and leaders. every jewish community in israel was based on three things : on the torah ( study houses and yeshivot ), on work ( the artisans ), and on the charitable institutions, on justice and payment of state taxes. the basic institutions, like the synagogue, cemeteries and study - houses, were in existence in sokołka for a long time but nothing is known concerning them, their founders, supporters or those who managed and cared for them. indeed the jews of sokołka felt themselves better in comparison with other communities because the town was a regional capital and had a reputation as a place of culture and learning, of local government whose hand was spread over towns and villages and whose concern were good management and governance. but in so far as academic literature is concerned and zionism, almost no trace is found, even though there were educated and intelligent jews, mixed into the less - cultured population, who maintained contact with the authorities and central state institutions. rabbis and the rabbinate in sokołka | shared rabbis of sokołka and its suburbs. - degree of influence exercised by the rabbis. - the large number of rabbis in sokołka. - rabbi mankes while poland rebelled. - rabbi shraga - fei


of his family, he relates that during his early years he was a rabbi in sokołka. at the time of the polish rebellion, the last polish rebellion against russia was in 1862. his family was among the known families in białystok. among the grave - stones in białystok graveyard are those of rabbis serving different towns. one is the grave of rabbi shraga - feivel sarna, who officiated as rabbi in many towns : sienno, popolda *, ostrow, horodoc and also sokołka, without identifying which years. he was born 1826 and died 1892. he published new interpretations of the torah in magazine columns and gave his approval to some authors. in a foreword to or matok ( sweet light ), by rabbi yisrael benjamin lavi, he mentions :. shraga - feivel of sokołka and sienno and now a rabbi in horodoc. there are those who claim he was known as a miracle worker and people would come from afar to be blessed by him. białystok supplied many rabbis to different communities including sokołka. the rabbi tsvi - hirsch, the son of the baker rabbi shalom from the neighborhood of haneikas * in białystok, was a rabbi in several towns : białystok, korczew *, mscisław, ( district of mohilow ) and sokołka, author of binyan shalom ( vilna 1892 ) and tosephet shabbat ( warsaw 1881 ). it is not known when he served in sokołka. the most beloved rabbi who served in sokołka was rabbi yossele, student of the gaon, rabbi duvid ' l from mir and close friend of the noted gaon, rabbi yitzhak elhanan spector of kovno, who during his life won for himself a significant reputation for his learning and died around 1920. he owned an impressive and praiseworthy library. he served in several towns : forstaadt ( grodno ), bereza kartuska, byten, sokołka and lastly zabłudow, and many came to him from far and near on frequent occasions for advice on matters. in all the places in which he served, he was listened to with awed righteousness. both jews and christians knew of many legends concerning him and would