measurement of texture part ii when using techniques sensitive to the anisotropic elastic properties of the sheet, one cannot recover the full set of odc ' s. for fundamental reasons, the fact that elastic stiffness is described by a fourth rank tensor implies that wlmn can only determine when one is less than or equal to four. for cubic metals, the independent members of this set are the odc ' s, w400, w420, and w440. the technique is designed to quantitatively measure these odc ' s. comparison to independent x - ray and neutron diffraction measurements have shown a high degree of accuracy, as illustrated in figure 9 ( thompson, smith, lee and johnson, met. trans. 20a 1989 ). despite their small number, the odc ' s accessible by ultrasonic measurement play a major role in formability theory because of a strong correlation that exists between anisotropic elastic and plastic properties. as noted by davies, goodwill, and kallend ( met. trans. 3, 1627 - 1631, 1972 ), " the coefficient, w400, sets the overall value of average strain ratio j, w420 controls the tendency to form two ears during deep drawing while w440 controls the tendency to form four ears. " figure 10 plots the polar z ( o ) and azimuthal re ( e - lv ) variations of these terms. w420 and w440 determine the weights of codf components having twofold and fourfold variations, respectively, in the plane of the sheet. theory, as shown in the azimuthal plots, provide information on planar anisotropy and correlate with a corresponding degree of earing. however, w400 controls the weight of a codf component which is independent of orientation in the plane of the plate but varies with polar angle with respect to the plate normal. hence, it is a measure of normal anisotropy. the following applet may be used to calculate odc ' s w400, w420, and w400 from lamb wave velocities propagating at 0°, 45° and 90° with respect to the rolling direction. first choose the material. this assigns the correct elastic constants c11, c12, c44, and density for the cubic material being investigated. next enter the " measured " lamb wave velocities. these correlations between elastic and plastic anisotropy have received extensive experimental study in the


the ozone hole the discovery by the british antarctic survey of the antarctic ozone hole provided an early warning of the dangerous thinning of the ozone layer worldwide, and spurred international efforts to curb the production of cfcs. if the provisions of the montreal protocol on substances that deplete the ozone layer of 1987 are revised, strengthened and followed, there is a reasonable prospect that the antarctic ozone hole will permanently repair itself, but not before the next appearance of halley ' s comet ( in the year 2061 )! earth ' s past climate the ice sheet preserves not only the traces of heavy metals and organic toxins carried into the antarctic from the inhabited parts of the world but also - frozen into bubbles - samples of previous atmospheres over the past 500, 000 years. the bubbles carry information about the climate of the past. the delicate ecosystem in the southern ocean around the continent increasing levels of fishing threaten the stability of the marine ecosystem. rising tourist numbers increase the risks of environmental damage at coastal sites. understanding these risks is essential for sustainability, and to ensure that our management is based on sound scientific data. antarctica ' s contribution to sea level rise global climate model predictions of how the antarctic climate may change over the next 100 years differ in detail from model to model. most models indicate relatively modest temperature rises around antarctica over the next 50 years and, over this time period, snowfall is likely to increase over the continent, and this effect may partially offset the rise in sea level. however, there are parts of the continent antarctic peninsula and west antarctic ice sheet where recent observations have indicated an ongoing loss of ice. the mechanisms responsible for those losses are the focus of ongoing research, but there is a significant possibility that they could accelerate over the next 100 years and mean that the antarctic as a whole becomes a significant contributor to sea level rise, adding to the other sources ; thermal expansion of the oceans and melting of icecaps and glaciers elsewhere in the world.


emancipation proclamation declaimed by allan appel | sep 23, 2012 11 : 16 am posted to : black history, long wharf they don ’ t come near the soaring words of abraham lincoln ’ s second inaugural or the poetic rhythms of the gettysburg address. in fact they are dull governmental bureaucrat - ese of an executive order that was largely politically and militarily motivated. yet the emancipation proclamation in a stroke freed tens of thousands from slavery and redirected american history down a new path of civil rights, for all. those were some of the lessons celebrated saturday morning as actor norman thomas marshall read the words of the proclamation to 40 people gathered under a bright sky at long wharf pier. they were there to celebrate the 150th anniversary of its promulgation and to link it to the earlier 1839 civil rights victory in the trial of the amistad mutineers, which organizers celebrated as the “ first human rights case in u. s. history. ” click here for the complete text of the proclamation, and commentary. at the time, and since, it has been the subject of controversy in part because it applied only to slaves in states that had seceded from the union ; in addition, by the proclamation ’ s terms, if a state decided to cease rebelling, it could keep its slaves. click on the video at the top of the story to hear the sixth and seventh paragraphs of the nine - paragraph document that concludes : “ and upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the constitution upon military necessity, i invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of almighty god. ” the event was a public history lesson in particular for yolanda mciver of new haven, who was attending in part to fulfill a two - to - four - page essay assignment for her class in african american history at gateway community college. she had to write about the amistad trial or the emancipation proclamation. to that end she had found the very best place in town to bring herself saturday morning, along and her three kids, matthew, millicent, and london. al marder of new haven ’ s amistad committee and the connecticut freedom trail was the chief organizer of the event. marder began what was in effect a public history seminar by citing how appropriate a location long wharf pier was for the commemoration. “ this pier was built by william lansom, an ex - slave, ” so that vessels with heavier cargo could unload closer to the farmington canal, whose new haven


seminar by citing how appropriate a location long wharf pier was for the commemoration. “ this pier was built by william lansom, an ex - slave, ” so that vessels with heavier cargo could unload closer to the farmington canal, whose new haven section lansom also helped to build, marder noted. next up to continue the lesson was fredrica gray of amistad freedom schooner america. ( the replica ship was to be in new haven, but mechanical problems prevented it. ) she asked how many kids in the audience knew who sengbe pieh was. ( he was the west african rice farmer who led the revolt on the amistad. and went on trial in new haven in a landmark civil - rights case. ) no one in the audience raised their hands. “ i read that his [ president lincoln ’ s ] hand was shaking when he signed [ the emancipation proclamation ]. fear and courage, i guess, go hand in hand, ” she said. “ we tend to forget what causes pain, like slavery, ” said state sen. toni harp, another of saturday ’ s speakers. “ as african - americans we ’ re told to be ashamed of slavery. ” by the time the gathering dispersed and yolanda mciver went off to tour the deck of the schooner quinnipiack ( which was substituting for the amistad ), she had gathered a lot for her paper. and her kids now knew who sengbe pieh was. post a comment there were no comments


holiday cooking, christmas trees, candles and holiday decorations significantly contribute to the seasonal causes of home fires, said kentucky state fire marshal bill swope, director of the state division of fire prevention. “ the holiday season can remain festive and fun by taking preventative steps and following simple rules of thumb to prevent home fires, ” said swope. “ my advice is to stay in your kitchen while cooking, consider using flameless candles and follow the rules for placing and lighting your christmas tree. ” swope said that most cooking fires involve the stovetop so keep anything that can catch fire away from it, turn off the stove when you leave the kitchen — even if it ’ s for a short period of time – and use a timer to remind you that you ’ re cooking. december is the peak month for home candle fires, according to the national fire protection association ( nfpa ) and swope recommends giving flameless candles a try. “ but if you use traditional candles, keep them at least 12 inches away from anything that can burn, and blow them out when you leave the room or go to bed. never leave a child alone in a room with a burning candle. ” according to nfpa, u. s. fire departments respond to about 230 home fires cause by christmas trees each year. one of every three is caused by electrical problems and one in five resulted from a heat source that ’ s too close to the tree. swope offers the following advice on tree safety : · choose a tree with fresh needles that do not fall off when touched. · before placing a tree in a stand, cut 1 to 2 - inches from the base of the trunk. · place the tree at least three feet away from any heat source, including fireplaces, heat vents, radiators, candles and even lights. · use strings of light that have the label of an independent testing laboratory. · do not block exits with your christmas tree. · add water to the tree stand daily. · do not use lit candles to decorate your tree. · always turn off christmas tree lights before leaving home or going to bed. · when needles begin dropping off your live tree, get rid of it. many communities have recycling programs for the disposal of trees. · your neighbors will thank you by taking down your outside lights and storing them for the next year. decorations left outside can become hazards. the division of fire prevention is an agency of the department of housing, buildings and construction within the public protection cabinet.


edvard munch ( ipa : [ muŋk ] ) ( december 12, 1863 – january 23, 1944 ) was a norwegian symbolist painter, printmaker, and graphic artist, who was also an important forerunner in the school of art known as expressionism. the scream ( 1893 ; originally called despair ) is perhaps his most famous work and was stolen twice ; it is one of the most recognizable and iconic images in modern art. the scream was one of several pieces in a series titled the frieze of life, in which munch explored the themes of life, love, fear, death, and melancholy. munch ' s art vividly and often disturbingly reflects the angst and dread that modern humans feels when the soul is in conflict with the natural surroundings and the divine during humanity ' s journal through the twentieth century ; a century rife with world war, conflict, and the stress of modern day industrialism. munch ' s dark portrayals of humanity ' s inner turmoil were often met with controversy ; however, munch is currently regarded as one of scandinavia ' s most influential artists. munch was born in adalsbruk, norway, and grew up in kristiania ( now oslo ). he was related to painter jacob munch ( 1776 - 1839 ) and the historian peter andreas munch ( 1810 – 1863 ). he lost his mother, laura cathrine ( bjølstad ) munch, to tuberculosis in 1868, and his older and favorite sister, sophie ( johanne sophie ), to the same disease in 1877, at the age of fifteen. ultimately his father, christian munch, died young as well, in 1889. munch also had a brother, ( peter ) andreas ( 1865 ) and two younger sisters, laura cathrine ( 1867 ) and inger marie ( 1868 ). after their mother ' s death, the munch siblings were raised by their father, who instilled in his children a deep - rooted fear of god by repeatedly telling them that if they sinned in any way, they would be doomed to hell without the chance of forgiveness. one of munch ' s younger sisters was diagnosed with mental illness at an early age. munch himself was often sickly as a child, causing him to later reflect, " sickness, insanity and death were the angels that surrounded my cradle and they have followed me throughout my life. " studies and influences munch ' s father discouraged him from studying art so, in 1879, he enrolled in a


him to later reflect, " sickness, insanity and death were the angels that surrounded my cradle and they have followed me throughout my life. " studies and influences munch ' s father discouraged him from studying art so, in 1879, he enrolled in a technical college to study engineering. he eventually left school to study painting. his pursuit of painting led him to form a camaraderie with a circle of bohemian artists strongly influenced by the anarchist writer hans jaeger. subsequently, munch enrolled at the royal school of art and design of kristiania and studied under the naturalistic painter christian krohg. while stylistically influenced by the post - impressionists, munch ' s subject matter is symbolist in content and depicts a state of mind rather than an external reality. interested in portraying not just a random slice of reality, but situations teeming with emotional substance and expressive energy, munch carefully calculated his compositions to create an intense atmosphere. he once said of his art, " my art is rooted in a single reflection. why am i not as others are? why was there a curse on my cradle? why did i come into the world without any choice? " he further noted, " my art gives meaning to my life. " although technically he built on earlier artists, such as van gogh and gauguin, his work also marked a radical departure from starry skies and sunflowers. it was the psychological content of his paintings that was to set him apart from other artists of his time. munch ' s artwork evolved as an internally expressive medium throughout his life. in the 1880s, munch ' s style was both naturalistic, as seen in portrait of hans jæger, and impressionistic, as in rue lafayette. in 1892, munch formulated his characteristic and original blending of styles, known as synthetism, which emphasizes two - dimensional flat patterns. this style can be seen in his work, the scream, painted in 1893, which demonstrates the heavy use of color as a bold symbolic element. during the 1890s, munch painted a shallow pictorial space, as a minimal backdrop for his frontal figures. his subjects ' poses were arranged to produce reflections of their state of mind and psychological feelings. in the picture, ashes, the figures impart a looming, stationary quality. munch ' s figures almost appear to play roles on a stage. in death in the sick - room, the people represent various emotions ; each character embodying a single psychological state. as in the scream, munch ' s men


quality. munch ' s figures almost appear to play roles on a stage. in death in the sick - room, the people represent various emotions ; each character embodying a single psychological state. as in the scream, munch ' s men and women appear more symbolic than realistic. in 1892, the union of berlin artists invited munch to participate in an exhibition at the prussian capital. his more than 50 oil paintings evoked bitter controversy. described as immoral and anarchic, the exhibition closed after one week. however, controversy brought munch new opportunity as well. in germany, munch became involved with an international circle of writers, artists, and critics. in protest against the closure, max liebermann, ludwig von hofmann, curt herrmann, and their friends formed gruppe xi in 1892. six years later, this gave way to the founding of the berlin secession and while in austria, gustav klimt started the vienna secession. during this period, he was strongly influenced by the swedish playwright august strindberg whose dramatic plays were kindred in spirit to munch ' s art. another one of his supporters while in berlin was walter rathenau, later the german foreign minister, whose support contributed greatly to his success. while in berlin, munch experimented with a variety of new media ( photography, lithography, and woodcuts ), in many instances re - working his older paintings. munch often painted several versions of his pictures, and had prints made of them, in an attempt to make his work accessible to a larger public. in 1908, after the breakup of a disastrous love affair, munch reportedly suffered a nervous breakdown and, returning to scandinavia, entered a clinic in copenhagen. the therapy munch received while there seemed to bring about a change in his creative orientation and works after this period are resultantly less pessimistic. re - settled in his native country, he sought inspiration in the norwegian landscape and from the simple pleasures and mundane work of farmers and laborers. ( of his new found peace, he would later say that he simply abandoned his twin vices of women and alcohol. ) frieze of life — a poem about life, love and death at the 1892 berlin exhibition, munch displayed, among other pieces, six paintings entitled study for a series : love. these, paintings were to become a part of a series he would title the frieze of life — a poem about life, love and death. from its inception, munch worked intermittently


, six paintings entitled study for a series : love. these, paintings were to become a part of a series he would title the frieze of life — a poem about life, love and death. from its inception, munch worked intermittently on the frieze for a period of thirty years. although completed in 1893, it was not displayed as an entire unit until 1902, when it was shown at the berlin secessionist exhibition. the themes in frieze of life portray the psychological forces that influence man in the cycle of life from birth to death. motifs such as those shown in the storm and moonlight are steeped in melancholy. other themes illuminate the dark and foreboding side of love, such as rose and amelie and vampire — another controversial painting. the frieze of life themes recur throughout munch ' s work, as in the paintings the sick child, a memorial to his deceased sister, sophie ( 1886 ). he explored this theme repeatedly by painting several versions of it, and once said that this picture, although derided by critics, heralded a " breakthrough " for him. he also said of it, " most of my later work had its origin in this picture. " characteristically, munch was undeterred by criticism of his art. in death in the sickroom ( 1893 ), the subject is, once again, the death of his sister sophie. the dramatic focus of the painting portrays his entire family as a series of separate and disconnected figures of sorrow. in 1894, he enlarged the range of this motif by adding anxiety, madonna, and women in three stages. around the turn of the century, munch worked to finish the frieze. he painted a number of pictures, several of them in larger format and to some extent highlighting the art nouveau aesthetics of the time. he made a wooden frame with carved reliefs for the large painting metabolism ( 1898 ), initially called adam and eve. this work reveals munch ' s preoccupation with the " fall of man " story and his pessimistic philosophy of love. motifs such as the empty cross and golgotha ( both c. 1900 ) reflect a metaphysical orientation, and also echo munch ' s pious but severe christian upbringing. munch was also an avid reader of fyodor dostoevsky ( 1821 - 1881 ), the russian novelist, whose works dramatized religious, moral, political, and psychological issues. in the 1930s and 1940s, the national socialists — under german chancellor adolf hitler


also an avid reader of fyodor dostoevsky ( 1821 - 1881 ), the russian novelist, whose works dramatized religious, moral, political, and psychological issues. in the 1930s and 1940s, the national socialists — under german chancellor adolf hitler — branded munch ' s paintings as " degenerate art, " and removed his work from german museums. his paintings were taken to berlin to be auctioned. harald holst halvorsen, the norwegian art dealer, acquired several of them, including the 1907 version of the sick child, with the goal of returning them to oslo. in 1939, it was purchased by thomas olsen and donated to the tate gallery collection in london. munch built a studio at his home in skøyen, oslo, where he spent the last decades of his life. on his 70th birthday he was bestowed with the grand cross of st. olav from the government of norway. later, norway would be occupied by nazi germany during world war ii, and munch, consequently, lived out his final years under foreign rule. he died at his home on january 23, 1944, a month after his 80th birthday. he willed 1, 000 paintings, 15, 400 prints, 4, 500 drawings and watercolors, and six sculptures to the city of oslo, which built the munch museum at tøyen. the museum houses the broadest collection of his works. in october 2006, the woodcut two people. the lonely ( to mennesker. de ensomme ) set a new record for his engravings when it was sold at an auction in oslo for 8. 1 million nok ( 1. 27 million usd ). it also set a new record for the highest price payed in auction in norway. one version of the scream, valued at about $ 55 million, was stolen in 1994, another in 2004. both have since been recovered, but one version sustained damage during the theft that is too extensive to repair completely. the internet search engine company google celebrated his birthday in 2006 by changing the logo on the main page to a tribute to his well - known painting, the scream. munch appears on the norwegian 1, 000 kroner note, along with pictures inspired by his artwork. - prideaux, sue, behind the scream. yale university press ( 2006 ) winner of the james tait black memorial prize for biography, 2006. isbn 0300110243 - heller, reinhold. munch. murray ( 1984 ). isbn 0719541166


the scream. yale university press ( 2006 ) winner of the james tait black memorial prize for biography, 2006. isbn 0300110243 - heller, reinhold. munch. murray ( 1984 ). isbn 0719541166 - holland, j. gill. the private journals of edvard munch : we are flames which pour out of the earth university of wisconsin press ( 2005 ). isbn 0299198146 - dolnick, edward. the rescue artist : a true story of art, thieves, and the hunt for a missing masterpiece harpercollins ( 2005 ) ( recounts the 1994 theft of the scream from norway ' s national gallery in oslo, and its eventual recovery ). isbn 0060531177 list of major works - 1892 : evening on karl johan - 1893 : the scream - 1894 : ashes - 1894 - 95 madonna - 1895 : puberty - 1895 : self - portrait with burning cigarette - 1895 : death in the sickroom - 1899 - 1900 : the dance of life - 1899 - 1900 : the dead mother - 1940 - 42 : self portrait : between clock and bed - ↑ " edvard munch, " in encyclopedia of world biography ( gale research, 1998 ). - ↑ michael gibson, symbolism ( taschen america, 1997 ). - ↑ ibid. - ↑ h. b. chipp, theories of modern art : a source book by artists and critics ( university of california press ). isbn 0 - 520 - 05256 - 0 - " edvard munch. " in authors and artists for young adults. gale group, 1999. - " edvard munch. " in encyclopedia of world biography. gale research, 1998. - " edvard munch. " in international dictionary of art and artists. st. james press, 1990. reproduced in biography resource center. farmington hills, mich. : thomson gale, 2007. - fineman, mia. " existential superstar. " slate ( magazine ). - gibson, michael. symbolism. taschen america, 1997. - prelinger, elizabeth and michael parke - taylor. the symbolist prints of edvard munch. new haven : yale university press, 1996. isbn 0300069529 - nytt fra norge. 1996. http : / / www. odin. dep. no / odin / engelsk / norway / history / 032005 - 990477 / index - dok000 - b - n - a.


norge. 1996. http : / / www. odin. dep. no / odin / engelsk / norway / history / 032005 - 990477 / index - dok000 - b - n - a. html biography from the norwegian ministry of foreign affairs by frank høifødt. retrieved february 23, 2007. - galleri munch ltd. 2004. http : / / www. gallerimunch. no gallery munch - løten. retrieved february 23, 2007. - the munch museum. 1999 - 2007. http : / / www. munch. museum. no /? id = & mid = & lang = en retrieved february 23, 2007. - malyon, john. 2007. http : / / www. artcyclopedia. com / artists / munch _ edvard. html munch at artcyclopedia. retrieved february 23, 2007. - interpol, 2002. http : / / www. interpol. int / public / news / woa20040823. asp interpol ' s works of art unit assists norwegian police in tracking stolen paintings. retrieved february 23, 2007. - pubmed. gov. rothenberg a. http : / / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov / entrez / query. fcgi? cmd = retrieve & db = pubmed & list _ uids = 11433879 & dopt = citation bipolar illness, creativity, and treatment. psychiatr q. 2001 summer ; 72 ( 2 ) : 131 - 47. retrieved february 23, 2007. - klepp, lawrence. 2006. http : / / www. encyclopedia. com / doc / 1g1 - 145189974. html artist of anxiety ; why edvard munch speaks to us moderns. ( edvard munch : behind the scream ) ( book review ). the weekly standard. retrieved february 23, 2007. - harris, greg. 2005. http : / / static. royalacademy. org. uk / files / munch - student - guide - 7. pdf an introduction to the royal academy of arts exhibition. by himself. retrieved february 23, 2007. - jaster, roman. 2005. http : / / www. edvard - munch. com / index1. htm edvard munch : the dance of life. retrieved february 24, 2007. new world encyclopedia writers and


1 fuel in - feed system the metering bin provides short - term fuel storage and ensures a constant supply of fuel to the gasifier. fuel is conveyed by a horizontal auger from the metering bin to a vertical auger that pushes fuel into the base of the fuel pile inside the gasifier. within the gasifier, the fuel moves through progressive stages of drying, pyrolysis, gasification and reduction to ash. combustion air ( 20 - 30 % of stoichiometric ), steam and / or oxygen are introduced through the inner and outer cone into the base of the fuel pile. partial oxidation, pyrolysis and gasification occur at 1500 — 1800 °f ( 815 – 980 °c ), and the fuel is converted into “ syngas ” and non - combustible ash. combustion temperatures in the fuel pile are tightly controlled and kept below the ash melting temperatures to ensure that there is no formation of “ clinker ” and that the ash flows freely. 3 automatic ash removal system as the fuel is processed in the system it is reduced to non - combustible ash. the ash migrates to the grate at the base of the gasifier where it is removed intermittently through a set of openings. when hydraulically activated, the rotating grate opens and the ash drops into two ash hoppers. each ash hopper has two parallel augers to convey the ash to a collection conveyor and an enclosed ash bin. syngas exits the gasifier at 500 — 700 °f ( 260 – 370 °c ). the syngas can be combusted in a close - coupled oxidizer with the resulting flue gas directed to heat recovery equipment ( e. g., boilers, thermal oil heaters, air - to - air heat exchangers ), fired directly in industrial boilers or kilns, or cleaned for use in the firing of internal combustion engines or the production of higher value gases and chemicals.


listening to the sea the meriam know the sea as a living being with character, moods, will - power, feelings and a voice. by listening and observing, they learn the sounds and signs that say, " sail out now ", or, " don ' t go today ; it looks like trouble out there ". most importantly, they take their cue from the distant murmur of the sea on the great barrier reef, six kilometres away.... we call it watai... land bilong islanders, las, watai, wind the roar of the sea image and text canoes, childhood, las, mabo, edward koiki, sea adapted to their continent australia, first fleet, indigenous people, land use a meriam calendar, ancient & modern fishing, food gathering, gardening, mer, meriam culture, murray island federal government, australia, fishing, meriam culture, sea rights farming the sea fishing, great barrier reef, meriam culture, sea rights in meriam waters fishing, great barrier reef, meriam culture, sea rights, seafarers, torres strait something deep within us fishing, great barrier reef, sacred, sea rights, seafarers the roar of las audio and image las, meriam history, sea cambridge anthropological expedition, haddon, a. c., las, mer


paul robeson and 20th century u. s. history born in princeton nj in 1898, paul robeson was the son of a former slave who graduated from rutgers college and later rose to world - wide prominence as an actor, athlete, singer, civil and human rights advocate and political activist. during his lifetime, paul robeson both witnessed and participated in some of the most significant political and social movements of the twentieth century, including the struggle by african - americans for civil rights and social equality, the international struggle to end colonialism, the anti - fascist struggle both before and during world war ii, efforts by labor movements around the globe to end exploitation and improve working conditions and compensation, and the struggle between opposing ideologies during the cold war. the relationship between robeson ’ s artistic expression and his political principles became a source of intense conflict during the post world war ii period, when in 1950 the u. s. government revoked his passport and effectively “ blacklisted ” robeson as it sought to silence his criticisms of u. s. domestic and foreign policies. robeson ’ s health, his artistic career and his annual income were severely impacted by the u. s. government ’ s actions, and he was only able to resume his international concert career in the late 1950s, after the u. s. supreme court declared the revocation of his passport unconstitutional. this curriculum module invites teachers and students to explore many dimensions of robeson ’ s life and career, a personal saga that has few peers in illuminating some of the most significant themes in the history of the twentieth century. wright, giles r. " paul robeson. " in maxine n. lurie and marc mappen, editors, the encyclopedia of new jersey. new brunswick : rutgers university press, 2004.


isn ' t rotting food beautiful? nobody likes to see good food go bad. but klaus pichler ' s photography series one third, which portrays food in advanced stages of decay, is a feast for the eyes — even if it turns the stomach. the project was inspired by the fact that much of the world ' s food goes to waste — one - third, according to a 2011 united nations estimate. the u. s. and europe waste about 10 times as much food per person as sub - saharan africa or southeast asia, that report found. in the developing world, storage problems are the main culprit. but in developed countries, consumers throw out lots of food that is still perfectly edible. pichler says the rampant waste is a symptom of a culture that commodifies and devalues food. " there are lots of spontaneous decisions in the supermarket, " pichler tells the salt. he says people often don ' t stop to think about whether they ' re buying too much, or whether they could reuse leftovers instead of throwing them away. to highlight the overlooked value in everyday foods, pichler approached his project as if it was an advertising photo shoot for a high - end brand. he started with common items from the supermarket, like cheese, strawberries and cauliflower. after letting each food fester for a few weeks, he arranged it in his studio for a luxurious portrait. pichler admits to using standard advertising photography tricks, like invisible string and tape, in about half of the shots, and a few — like a carton of curdled milk, spilling onto black fabric — are composites of multiple images. but the spoilage, he says, is au naturel, produced by whatever spores and bacteria each item normally carries. black backgrounds and dramatic lighting bring out vivid colors of decay : moldy blues, fungal greens and putrid yellows. the contrast between rot and luxury is certainly striking. but we wondered : can the harsh global consequences of food waste, which include economic exploitation, malnourishment and starvation, really be addressed through gorgeous art photography? " if you look at [ the photos ], you get provoked, " pichler says. " then you begin to think about your own consumer behavior. " to drive the point home, each photo is accompanied by information on where, when and how the food was produced, the distance it traveled, and its carbon and water footprints. for added realism, pichler conducted the entire project, from purchase to putrefa


the point home, each photo is accompanied by information on where, when and how the food was produced, the distance it traveled, and its carbon and water footprints. for added realism, pichler conducted the entire project, from purchase to putrefaction to photograph, in his home in vienna. and it wasn ' t always pretty. the worst was when he had raw chicken and octopus decomposing at the same time. " these two smells united, and it was horrible, " he says. but he felt it was important that he " coexist with the rotting food " to develop a greater appreciation for the food ' s value, and tie the project back to a household. " if you go through the whole series, i think you ' ll see more than one picture that you ' ve experienced in your home, " he says. pichler is working on partnerships with nonprofits to incorporate one third into activism campaigns. " at the moment i feel like i ' m pointing my finger at this problem, but i ' m not doing anything about it, " he explains. there are also plans for an exhibition at vienna ' s anzenberger gallery early next year. in the meantime, you can see the full set of photos at pichler ' s website.


the stink bug population is six times larger this year than last. the stink bug population is six times larger this year than last. matt rourke / ap if you live along the east coast, there ' s a pretty good chance that stink bugs may be lurking in your attic or even behind your curtains. the invasive insects from asia, which exude a rubber - like stench when you crush them, are a nuisance for you, but a serious pest for farmers. crop producers received a reprieve from the bugs in 2012, but the insects may be coming back and with a greater spread of attack. bob black says he was not in a good place in 2010. " this thing is really gonna put a big chapter in my book of life, " he said. " i ' ve never had anything affect me like this. " black runs catoctin mountain orchards in thurmont, md., and like other farmers across the region, he was being assaulted by brown marmorated stink bugs. they disfigure all kinds of crops, ranging from corn to peaches. one year they hit black ' s apples. " one of my late varieties, pink lady — which a lot of people like — that ' s the latest apple, " he says. " we had 50 percent damage on that. " that was more than a year ago. in 2012, things improved a little. " unfortunately they ' re still around here, " black says. " we do have some damage again, but nothing like... 2010. " he says he never wants to go through that again. stink bug attacks can be impossible to predict. they can come out of nowhere because they can live just about anywhere — a wheat field or a patch of woods. overall, last year wasn ' t so bad. there are two reasons for that : one, an early spring season gave crops a head start against the bugs ; and two, a plethora of bugs died in 2011. " for some reason that we don ' t fully understand, there was high nymphal mortality in the fall of 2011, so that translated into fewer adult bugs in spring 2012, " chris bergh, an entomologist at virginia tech, explains. that gives farmers little comfort though because experts are unsure why they all died. tracy leskey, an entomologist with the u. s. agricultural research service, says the insect populations have recovered and in larger numbers — six times more than in the previous year. for now, they ' re hiber


the great gardens of the world - the tivolis, bellingraths and sissinghursts - have flourished in latitudes blessed with a genial sun. yet a mere 6 degrees below the arctic circle, where the thin winter sun visits for 6 hours out of 24, is the small and tidy plot of karl von linne, known to the botanical world as carolus linnaeus. in 1741, at the age of 34, linnaeus was appointed professor of medicine and botany at the university of uppsala in sweden. in this capacity he took over the university botanical garden, with an accompanying house where he could collect his specimens and, with his wife, raise their five children. linnaeus proceeded to transform this two - and - a - half - acre patch of cool swedish soil into a major scientific resource, a genetic living library. in his lifetime, linnaeus ' garden became a pilgrimage site for the scholarly and the titled. the garden, which still flourishes in the form he gave it 200 years ago, and his house are open to visitors. while the garden remains a place of study for professional and amateur botanists, the charm of the place, with its orangery and ancient shade trees, also delights the casual visitor. the baroque layout of the garden, all rectangles and semicircles, pleases the eye and has the added benefit of orderliness, so necessary to the science of classification, or taxonomy. if linnaeus could enter his garden today, he would do so with familiarity and delight, ready to lecture to students or plant a new flower. the scientific community honors linnaeus for his system of sexual plant classification and for his structure of dual nomenclature for natural science. since linnaeus, we refer to the world ' s flora and fauna with two ( sometimes three ) latin names, and recognize ourselves within that order as homo sapiens. linnaeus is a man honored in his own country. his avuncular face beams from every 100 - krona note, and beyond his professional achievements he is adored as a true native son. linneaus, who was born in 1707, loved nature and had a passion to categorize and name everything in it. his dream of order was a joyous one, acknowledging nature ' s fecundity in anthropomorphic terms that were shocking to his peers. in his great taxonomy of plants, ' ' systema naturae, ' ' linnaeus spoke frankly and poetically of the stamen and pistil structures of flowers as ' ' brides and their bridegrooms '


to his peers. in his great taxonomy of plants, ' ' systema naturae, ' ' linnaeus spoke frankly and poetically of the stamen and pistil structures of flowers as ' ' brides and their bridegrooms ' ' who relish their ' ' meeting in the wedding chamber. ' ' of plants whose reproductive organs are visible in the flower, linnaeus wrote, ' ' the nuptuals are celebrated openly before the whole world. ' ' entering linnaeus ' garden today, with the 18th - century orangery as a backdrop, the visitor finds a space suggesting a stage set for mozart ' s ' ' marriage of figaro ' ' - the place where the principals hide and meet in their final assignations, betrayals and resolutions. when linnaeus first moved into the house in the southeast corner of the garden, he complained that residence and garden alike resembled a messy owl ' s nest. through neglect, his predecessors had allowed the number of species in the garden to dwindle from 1, 870 to 300. with characteristic energy and organization, linnaeus set about creating the garden we see today. he plied the university for funds to build the orangery, so necessary to growing tender southern plants, which now frames the north end of the garden. today, the orangery contains a little cafe and art gallery and is used in the summer for literary readings and concerts.


as the month of september comes to an end, we await the arrival of many of the fall and winter bird species. according to records maintained by the former chautauqua bird hotline, this is an appropriate time to be on the lookout for several early unusual winter arrivals such as crossbills, siskins, redpolls, and finches. starting with the crossbills, the two species that have been recorded here in chautauqua county are the red crossbill and the white - winged crossbill. these two visitors from the north start making their appearance around late october or early november, and depart back to their breeding grounds about late april and may of the following year. the red crossbill normally breeds from alaska south to some of the higher elevations of canada and the united states. this bird has irregularly been observed in our county from late fall to mid may, preferring conifer trees with cones still attached. include with this article are several photos taken by bob peterson of fredonia of both these species. i thank bob for his contribution. this member of the finch family has not been recorded as a breeder in our area, however i suspect that future breeding studies by county organizations may be surprised. that is strictly my prediction, and not yet confirmed by other local residents. as usual, i will stand to be corrected. two species also observed at this time of the year are the pine siskin and the common redpoll. starting with the pine siskin, this bird appears in our area about the end of september and usually departs back north by the end of june of the following year. the common redpoll arrives in our county around the end of september, and departs for its breeding grounds around late june of the following year. the redpoll breeds from northern alaska to james bay in newfoundland. while considered an irruptive species, the earliest local arrival date for this species occurred in western new york is around october 5 of 1977 when single birds were observed throughout our region. the common redpoll is usually observed in our county near the end of may and departs for breeding grounds by late october. the arrival of these birds is said to be governed by the presence of an abundance of conifer cones. another rare arrival to our area is the pine grosbeak. this larger member of this family primarily breeds in north america from alaska to southern ontario, and is a very rare visitor to our county. hotline records have indicated that it has been observed over the years from late november to


since the beginning of the industrial revolution, our society has come to consume more and more fossil fuels. we started with coal, and then came oil, natural gas and others. the growth in demand for these fossil fuels at the beginning of the second half of the twentieth century became exponential. in the first decade of this century, we are consuming those materials more than ever! it ’ s easy to see the enormous benefits that the use of these fuels has brought to all humankind. due to the growth of the world population, we could not have reached the standards of comfort and life expectancy we have today without the energy generated with the use of fossil fuels. however, throughout the 1960s, man started to realize that the planet was signaling that something was not right. some regions began to experience shorter periods of heavier rainfall while others were suffering severe droughts or freezing winters and an ongoing sequence of climatic anomalies. then scientists discovered an almost direct link between the emission of carbon dioxide ( co2 ) into the atmosphere through the use of fossil fuels for various purposes, and global warming. since then, the world has been seeking ways to reduce or eliminate greenhouse gas emissions. based on these concerns and heeding those of its clients, braskem is now engaging more decisively in the pursuit of solutions to this global problem. since brazil is a tropical country with vast areas of arable land and a sugarcane and ethanol production technology known to be the most competitive in the world, this set of factors has inspired braskem teams to study solutions for the production of plastics that could help solve the problem of global warming and result in a more sustainable chemical industry. since the green ethylene unit in triunfo, rio grande do sul, began operations in september, using ethanol as a raw material, braskem has become the world ’ s largest producer of sustainable plastic. it makes a variety of polyethylene with all the physical and chemical properties of the conventional kind, but because it is produced from sugarcane, it can fix up to 2. 5 kg co2 per kilo of product. clients have enthusiastically welcomed this news, and sent in orders for most of the plant ’ s production far in advance, indicating the high demand for eco - friendly products. the technology developed so far is enabling us to produce more ethylene derivatives using renewable raw materials. but we do not want to stop there. we want to offer the best alternatives for sustainable chemicals. manoel carnauba is the braskem vice president for the basic petro


• increase yields 10 % - 30 % • increase water absorption in soil • increase bio - availability of water and nutrients to plants • increase oxygen concentration • improve soil ph • increase flow • increase weight and size of product • increase shelf life of produce • increase seed germination • reduce water use up to 30 % • remove salinity in soil within first year • prevent and remove scaling • reduce total dissolved solids ( tds ) • reduce fertilizer and pesticide needs • reduce disease in livestock and animal breeding • reduce disease in aquaculture industry • reduce electrical bills • reduce energy and wear on pumps that move the water listen to radio interview discussing omni ' s benefits for farmers. interviewed at the kansas 3i show, may 2011 why you get the benefits the magnetic field created by the h2o energizer, when applied to normal water, restructures the water molecules into very small water molecule clusters, each made up of six symmetrically organized molecules. this hexagonal cluster is recognized by the cell as " bio - friendly " due to its hexagonal structure and inability to transport toxins, and easily enters the passageways in plant and animal cell membranes. the result provides maximum, healthy hydration with less water. magnetic field further breaks down minerals into smaller particles making them more bio - available to the plant cells. the bottom line results are dramatic : maximum hydration of healthy water with greater uptake of minerals results in greater yields, larger and better end product, earlier maturation, longer shelf life, and healthier plants. it allows a reduction of amount of water needed, fertilzer and pesticides. since the magnetic structuring breaks all minerals into smaller particles, salt in the soil is broken down by the structured water, causing it to sink deep into the soil, away from plant roots, and wash away. the desalinization happens quickly over a season, creating much healthier plants, greater yields, and better final product. since the hexagonal water molecule cluster won ' t allow the bonding of minerals to it, magnetically structured water removes scaling from pipes and won ' t allow new scaling to take effect. the omni enviro h2o energizer is a simple flange containing powerful, specific magnetic inductions that restructure the water and minerals passing through them into a more fulfilling and productive bio - available form.


taste the difference science proves what celebrity chef has known for years chefs like akasha richmond, who creates a - list menus for celebrities like billy bob thornton, pierce brosnan and barbra streisand, have known instinctively for years that organic produce can add flavor to their menus. now a new organic center state of science review reveals why organic fruits and vegetables often taste better. organic fruits and vegetables tend to score higher in taste because they are sweeter than conventionally grown foods. why? because organic produce is smaller in size and higher in nutrient density. conventional farming methods are designed to produce bigger fruits and vegetables, but increasing cell size generally adds more water, diluting the concentrations of both vitamins and natural flavors. organic apples, strawberries and tomatoes showed some of the most significant differences in taste, according to the report. click here to download the complete report. toast to good health study shows organic wine can help reduce risk of heart disease & cancer evidence has suggested that because of antioxidant levels in red wine, moderate consumption can decrease the risk of cardiovascular disease. given that organic farming systems produce grapes with properties that vintners prize \ 0x97smaller size, slower growth, deeper color \ 0x97both scientists and growers have wondered whether organic production might reliably produce prize - winning wines. a recent study examined levels of polyphenolic compounds and resveratrol ( antioxidants known to reduce cardiovascular and cancer risks ) in 15 organic and conventional red wines. this study found that among the varieties of red wine tested, organic wines had the greatest concentrations of health - promoting antioxidants \ 0x97as well as the key antioxidant resveratrol. an organic wine also was found to have the highest level of total polyphenols. click here to learn more. organic farming improves soil quality long - term research has documented the extent to which organic farming improves key indicators of soil quality, including soil organic carbon content and particulate organic matter. click here to learn more. organic center dinner is huge success individuals and business support more research to fund the science behind organic this year ' s organic center vip fundraising dinner, march 9 during natural products expo west, was the largest gathering yet, with more than 400 guests in attendance. featured speakers included center board members including former organic trade association executive director, katherine dimatteo, organic advocate and entrepreneur, anthony zolezzi and co - president / coo, whole foods, walter robb.


with more than 400 guests in attendance. featured speakers included center board members including former organic trade association executive director, katherine dimatteo, organic advocate and entrepreneur, anthony zolezzi and co - president / coo, whole foods, walter robb. sara snow from discovery health ' s " get fresh with sara snow " was a featured guest speaker. the event began with a reception featuring organic wine and organic martinis. dinner featured an incredible gourmet organic meal by celebrity chef akasha richmond. click here to experience the energy of the evening. click here to view sara snow \ 0x92s recap of 2006 organic center highlights. click here to view our vip dinner photo gallery. new core truths book selling fast a compilation of research from the organic center more than 1, 000 copies of core truths, the center \ 0x92s groundbreaking compilation of the most current research on organic agriculture has flown out the door since it was released just two weeks ago. this highly readable and graphically stunning 108 - page coffee table book documents the verifiable health and environmental benefits of organic products. this collector \ 0x92s edition was a limited print run of just 2, 500 \ 0x97be sure to order yours now while they last. includes fascinating research about why : click here for a preview of the book. click here to order. have you taken the pledge? join mission organic 2010 now. then tell 10 friends! even though the market for organic products has experienced tremendous growth in the last decade, only three percent of the food now purchased in the u. s. is organic. but you can change that. join mission organic and pledge to buy at least one organic item for every ten purchased. with support from you and others, the amount of organic food consumed will skyrocket to 10 % by 2010. as sales of organic products increase, more and more farmland will be converted to organic agriculture. and more households will be introduced to organic alternatives. the day is approaching where organic food choices will no longer be the exception. they \ 0x92ll be the norm. about the organic center... backed by the world \ 0x92s leading scientists, physicians and scholars, the organic center is passionately committed to two goals. 1 ) research : providing free, peer - reviewed, credible science that proves the health and environmental benefits of organic agriculture. 2 ) education : reaching and activating millions through mission organic 2010a national campaign to increase the amount of organic food purchased from


transient ischemic attack ( tia ) what is a transient ischemic attack ( tia )? some people call a transient ischemic attack ( tia ) a mini - stroke, because the symptoms are like those of a reference stroke opens new window but don ' t last long. a tia happens when reference blood flow to part of the brain is blocked or reduced opens new window reference opens new window, often by a blood clot. after a short time, blood flows again and the symptoms go away. with a stroke, the blood flow stays blocked, and the brain has permanent damage. a tia is a warning : it means you are likely to have a stroke in the future. if you think you are having a tia, call 911. early treatment can help prevent a stroke. if you think you have had a tia but your symptoms have gone away, you still need to call your doctor right away. what are the symptoms? symptoms of a tia are the same as symptoms of a stroke. but symptoms of a tia occur suddenly and don ' t last very long. most of the time, they go away in 10 to 20 minutes. they may include : - sudden numbness, tingling, weakness, or paralysis in your face, arm, or leg, especially on only one side of your body. - sudden vision changes. - sudden trouble speaking. - sudden confusion or trouble understanding simple statements. - sudden problems with walking or balance. - a sudden, severe headache that is different from past headaches. what causes a transient ischemic attack? a blood clot is the most common cause of a tia. blood clots can be the result of hardening of the arteries ( atherosclerosis ), heart attack, or reference abnormal heart rhythms opens new window. brain cells are affected within seconds of the blockage. that causes symptoms in the parts of the body controlled by those cells. after the clot dissolves, blood flow returns, and the symptoms go away. sometimes a tia is caused by a sharp drop in blood pressure that reduces blood flow to the brain. this is called a " low - flow " tia. it is not as common as other types. what tests do you need after a tia? your doctor will do tests to look at your heart and blood vessels. you may need : - tests that show pictures of your brain and blood vessels, such as a ct scan, an mri, a reference magnetic resonance angiogram ( mra ) opens new window, or an reference angiogram opens new


vessels. you may need : - tests that show pictures of your brain and blood vessels, such as a ct scan, an mri, a reference magnetic resonance angiogram ( mra ) opens new window, or an reference angiogram opens new window. - a test that uses sound to check your blood flow ( doppler ultrasound ). - an reference echocardiogram ( echo ) opens new window to check your heart ' s shape and its blood flow. - an reference electrocardiogram ( ekg, ecg ) opens new window to measure your heart rhythm. - blood tests, including a reference complete blood count opens new window and a reference fasting blood test opens new window to check for problems that could be causing your symptoms. your doctor will also check to see if something else is causing your symptoms. how is a tia treated? your doctor will start you on medicines to help prevent a stroke. you may need to take several medicines. if tests show that the blood vessels ( carotid arteries ) in your neck are too narrow, you may need surgery to open them up ( carotid endarterectomy ). this can help prevent blood clots that block blood flow to your brain. another type of surgery is carotid artery stenting. during this surgery, the doctor puts a small tube called a reference stent opens new window inside your carotid artery. this helps keep the artery open. carotid artery stenting is not as common as endarterectomy. how can you prevent another tia or stroke? after you have had a tia, you are at risk for having another tia or a stroke. but you can make some important lifestyle changes that can reduce your risk of stroke and improve your overall health. treat any health problems you have - manage high blood pressure or high cholesterol by working with your doctor. - manage diabetes. keep your blood sugar levels within a target range. - if your doctor recommends that you take aspirin or a blood thinner, take it. this can help prevent a stroke. - take your medicine exactly as prescribed. call your doctor if you think you are having a problem with your medicine. adopt a healthy lifestyle - don ' t smoke or allow others to smoke around you. - limit alcohol to 2 drinks a day for men and 1 drink a day for women. - stay at a healthy weight. being overweight makes it more likely that you will develop high blood pressure, heart problems, and diabetes. these conditions make a stroke more


what is cradle cap? cradle cap is an oily, yellow scaling or crusting on a baby ' s scalp. it is common in babies and is easily treated. cradle cap is not a part of any illness and does not imply that a baby is not being well cared for. what causes cradle cap? cradle cap is the normal buildup of sticky skin oils, scales, and sloughed skin cells. how is it treated? cradle cap is not harmful to your baby. it usually goes away by a baby ' s first birthday. home treatment is usually all that is needed for cradle cap. - an hour before shampooing, rub your baby ' s scalp with baby oil, mineral oil, or petroleum jelly to help lift the crusts and loosen scales. - when ready to shampoo, first get the scalp wet, then gently scrub the scalp with a soft - bristle brush ( a soft toothbrush works well ) for a few minutes to remove the scales. you can also try gently removing the scales with a fine - tooth comb. - then wash the scalp with baby shampoo, rinse well, and gently towel dry. when should i call the doctor? if the above measures do not work, talk to your doctor before using a dandruff shampoo. if these products get in your baby ' s eyes, they can cause irritation. your doctor may prescribe other medicines. | by : | | reference healthwise staff | | last revised : reference june 3, 2011 | | medical review : | | reference john pope, md - pediatrics reference thomas emmett francoeur, md, mdcm, cspq, frcpc - pediatrics


around 3100 bc, a unified kingdom was founded by king menes. since then, egypt had been ruled by a series of dynasties for about 3000 years until the last ruler cleopatra vii, who was committed suicide after the defeat in the battle against rome in 30 bc. rome took control of egypt and annexed it. after the emperor constantine i transferred its capital to byzantium ( constantinople ) on the bosphorus, egypt played an important role to support the byzantine empire with its abundant grain production. the islamic empire conquered egypt in 639 ad, and it ruled egypt until the ottoman turks conquered egypt in 1517. the french invasion of egypt led by napoleon bonaparte in 1798 and the expulsion of the french by ottoman in 1801 led egypt into chaos. in 1805, muhammad ali, the commander of albanian regiment, took the power and established a dynasty to rule egypt, modernizing its economy and military. but the rapid modernization led to the intervention of european powers and eventually the economic subordination to them. suez canal, built in partnership with france, was completed in 1869, but egypt owed an enormous debt to european banks, which allowed the british and the french to dominate egyptian government. crushing the anti - british movement known as orabi revolution in 1882, britain occupied egypt. britain placed egypt under the protectorate in 1914 when britain fought the war against ottoman empire, detaching egypt from ottoman empire. the nationalist movements against britain and for independence became much fiercer after the war, leading britain to declare egypt ’ s independence in 1923. in 1952, a military coup occurred against the background of the blistering discontent over the egyptian monarchy seen as corrupted and pro - british, which led to the establishment of egyptian republic in 1953. now, egypt has one of the most developed and diversified economies in the middle east, with sectors such as tourism, agriculture, industry and service. at five in the morning, a pilot boarded our ship. the ship started moving into the canal with the authorization from the suez canal authority, as the sun was rising on the right side of the ship. the suez canal has one shipping lane with passing areas in ballah - bypass and in the great bitter lake, where the ships in a convoy from the mediterranean sea wait for the passage of the ships in a convoy from the red sea. * dmc - zs10 / tz20 records images in max. 14 - megapixel and dmc - zs7 / tz10 in max. 12 - megapixel. the suez canal was very


friday, june 17th, 2011 a study published in the archives of pediatric and adolescent medicine is reporting that the introduction of cow ’ s milk, hen ’ s egg, peanuts, tree nuts, soy, and gluten to children before the age of six months is not associated with increased incidence of eczema or wheezing in either infancy or later childhood. the study, researched in the netherlands, followed 7, 000 children from infancy to age 4 to see whether introducing allergenic foods correlated with heightened rates of eczema and wheezing. those and other allergenic diseases are common in childhood, but the study found no increase in their occurrence among children who were presented with milk, eggs, soy, or the other allergens before age 6 months. the findings held true even after factoring in parental history of eczema and wheezing. this goes against the medical conventional wisdom, which generally advises parents to delay solid foods until age 6 months to prevent food allergies and more general allergic conditions. the american academy of pediatrics, though, has recommendations more in line with the dutch study : many pediatricians recommend against giving eggs and fish in the first year of life because of allergic reactions, but there is no evidence that introducing these nutrient - dense foods after 4 to 6 months of age determines whether your baby will be allergic to them. give your baby one new food at a time, and wait at least 2 to 3 days before starting another. after each new food, watch for any allergic reactions such as diarrhea, rash, or vomiting. if any of these occur, stop using the new food and consult with your child ’ s doctor. what do you think about introducing solid foods to infants? did you delay, or do you plan to? ( image via : http : / / www. 123rf. com / )


this article reports a rapid method for rangeland assessments in kenya, ethiopia and uganda by harnessing pastoralists ' indigenous knowledge among the orma, afar and karamojong pastoralists. the study developed and evaluated a methodological framework for conducting joint assessments with pastoralist range scouts. the framework has four components : selection of ecological and anthropogenic indicators, indicator integration, evaluation of indicator outcomes and regional decision - making systems. the feedbacks between different components were used for information transfer. the framework was applied to the three case studies ( using participatory methods ). the scouts conducted rangeland assessments using ecological and anthropogenic indicators. soils, and then vegetation, and finally livestock production were used as the main indicators for understanding rangeland degradation. in addition, pastoralists used key - plant species to assess landscape - grazing suitability and soils to assess landscape - grazing potential. the latter is critical for evaluating potential stocking densities that each landscape could support during the wet or dry grazing seasons. for anthropogenic indicators herders used milk yield, body hair condition, weight gain and mating frequency to assess livestock production performances. pastoralist scouts assessed rangeland degradation and trends using historical knowledge of the landscapes. the findings confirmed comparable knowledge systems among the three pastoral communities. the methods can be applied across regions where pastoralism still dominates the rural economy. the system of indigenous rangeland assessments and monitoring could rapidly provide information needed by policy makers. harnessing pastoralists ' indigenous rangeland knowledge has implications for participatory research, for verifying and testing methods, as well as for sharing information in order to promote practical rangeland management. ' a camel is a better judge of soils than a herder ' ( an afar elder ). keywords : anthropogenic indicators ; ecological indicators ; indigenous knowledge ; landscape grazing potential ; rangeland management pastoral communities ' participation in decision making for environmental monitoring is regarded as one of the pillars of sound rangeland management. there are three assumptions involved. firstly, it is acknowledged that pastoralists have their own experiences and knowledge, which they have used for generations to manage the rangelands. secondly, it is assumed that their knowledge is measurable and comparable across communities. thirdly, it is assumed that their knowledge and its outcomes can make an important contribution to the development of local policies. nevertheless, rangeland researchers have generally not incorporated into their research how this knowledge is generated and may be applied. its usefulness in complementing existing scientific knowledge for the assessment and monitoring of rangelands is therefore little


contribution to the development of local policies. nevertheless, rangeland researchers have generally not incorporated into their research how this knowledge is generated and may be applied. its usefulness in complementing existing scientific knowledge for the assessment and monitoring of rangelands is therefore little understood. indeed, there is limited information on the comparability of indigenous knowledge across pastoral communities in different regions of africa ( see also, oba et al. 2008a, b ; roba and oba 2008, 2009 ). the challenge is to develop standardized methods ( reed and dougill 2002 ) using appropriate frameworks for comparative regional studies. this article selects case studies in east africa and the horn of africa for a regional study on harnessing the indigenous rangeland management knowledge of herders for environmental monitoring. the regions have large pastoralist populations of different ethnicities and cultural groups, who manage camels, cattle and small ruminants. researchers and policy makers recognise that these regions are experiencing intensification of land use and conflicts, all of which influenced changes in indigenous rangeland management ( gufu oba forthcoming ). the case studies were concerned with three important questions. firstly, does the indigenous range management knowledge of pastoralists in east africa and the horn of africa ( as developed by multi - ethnic pastoral communities ) exhibit common themes in their use of range assessments and monitoring? secondly, can these indigenous knowledge systems be used for rapid assessments of the communal rangelands in which pastoralists and rangeland ecologists are partners? thirdly, can a methodological framework be developed for implemention across the region, and would this lead to a common outcome in terms of how pastoralists ' knowledge can be used in rangeland assessments and for making rational decisions? this article comprises six sections. the first section briefly describes herder indigenous knowledge. the second section describes indicator types, while the third section presents a framework for integrating indicator types for rangeland management decision - making. the fourth section introduces the case studies. the fifth section describes step - by - step methods for participatory field surveys for implementing the framework. in the sixth section and sub - sections, the results of the individual case studies are discussed. the indigenous knowledge and its uses the indigenous system of range management has complex features reflecting the interrelationships between human adaptation, environmental variability, systems of land use and local decision - making systems ( little 2003 ). indigenous rangeland management knowledge ( as used by herders ) is the product of environmental management over time ( fernandez - gimenez 2000 ; ford and martinez 2000 ; griffin


, systems of land use and local decision - making systems ( little 2003 ). indigenous rangeland management knowledge ( as used by herders ) is the product of environmental management over time ( fernandez - gimenez 2000 ; ford and martinez 2000 ; griffin 2002 ). environmental condition, livestock production and the social milieu influence herder knowledge ( boardman et al. 2003 ). the main reason for continuous functioning of indigenous knowledge is that herders put the knowledge to continuous use ( grice and hodgkinson 2002 ). in the words of a somali elder ' a rangeland cannot be a rangeland without pastoralists [ knowledge ] and a pastoralist cannot [ practice pastoralism ]... without rangeland ' ( bouh and mammo 2008, p. 115 ) the two are mutually interrelated. herders ' indigenous knowledge has potential for promoting local participation in the implementation of the global environmental conventions such as the un convention on combating desertification and convention on biological diversity ( oba et al. 2008a ). this would demand that range scientists become more familiar with indigenous knowledge ; its concepts and functions ( mapinduzi et al. 2003 ) and how the decision - making systems are used for promoting community participation ( this study ). this may be appreciated considering that herders have evolved in - depth knowledge in terms of systems of landscape classification, using diverse environmental features such as topography, soil and the dominant vegetation. this is the knowledge that herders use to determine the spatial distribution of livestock grazing ( scharieka 2001 ). the landscapes have identities. the names describe the physical topography, soils and vegetation. other names describe historical events. the landscape classification criteria may combine cultural events, such as historical settlements and the types of topography. grazing landscapes used by herders include key resources grazed during the dry season or drought periods ( illius and o ' connor 2000 ; angassa and oba 2007 ). the key resources might include marshes, mountain grazing lands, river valleys and floodplains. policies for alternative economic developments such as irrigated agriculture alienated the rights of herders ' access to key resources by disrupting their flexible land use ( kassahun et al. 2008 ). under the changed land uses, indigenous knowledge has a powerful explanatory capacity to understand how the altered land use patterns induced land degradation. the practical utility of indigenous rangeland management knowledge for assessing impacts of traditional range management on the environmental requires knowledge of indicator types, which are crucial for decision - making by pastoralists


1 presents the four components of an indigenous knowledge system used in this study. the knowledge comprises indicator selections ( i. e. ecological and anthropogenic indicators ), indicator integration, evaluation of indicator performances ( i. e. for understanding impacts of management ) and decision - making systems ( i. e. for making policies ). the integration of indicators is relevant for organizing comparative knowledge across different pastoral communities. at the local community level, the range science ( i. e. ecological knowledge ) on one side and herder knowledge on the other ( i. e. anthropogenic knowledge ), are applied, each providing guidelines for discussing indigenous rangeland management. the integration would focus on indicator selection, assessments and feedback from indicator outcomes. at the local, regional and global levels, harnessing pastoralists ' indigenous knowledge can meet the need for improving policies. figure 1. framework for harnessing herder knowledge for an integrated application of indicators, management decisions in response to assessments and monitoring and policy tools for decision making. the article applies this framework to the following outcomes. firstly, evaluating how the framework functions across multiple pastoral communities to understand if this would lead to a common outcome in terms of how pastoralists ' assess rangelands and make decisions. the feedback is a means for information transfers between pastoralists, range ecologists and policy - makers ( in this study, this last component was not tested in the field ). secondly, understanding if indigenous knowledge can provide rapid assessments of communal rangelands, in which pastoralists and ecologists work in research collaboration. thirdly, investigating how indigenous range management knowledge exhibits common themes in rangeland assessments and monitoring. the country case studies the surveys were conducted among three pastoralist communities, comprising the orma ( kenya ), the afar ( ethiopia ) and karamojong ( uganda ) from june and july, 2009. in kenya, the orma in tana river district historically occupied one of the richest rangelands in east africa ( figure 2 ). the rangelands are semi - arid and highly heterogeneous. presently, these rangelands are zones of intensive conflict with immigrant pastoralists from neighbouring districts. while land use by the orma remains pastoral, the district has also attracted large - scale development of irrigated agriculture ( ensminger and rutten 1991 ), such as the bura and hola irrigation schemes and other planned large - scale schemes in the tana river delta region that grow sugar cane for bio - fuel. these schemes are currently a source of conflict between the orma, who


1991 ), such as the bura and hola irrigation schemes and other planned large - scale schemes in the tana river delta region that grow sugar cane for bio - fuel. these schemes are currently a source of conflict between the orma, who feel threatened by displacement, and the kenyan government, which plans to expand agricultural investment. figure 2. geographical locations of the orma, afar and karamojong study sites. the town of gawane is shown by a red dot near the word afar. the author apologizes to the readers if this is causing confusion. cattle dominate the orma economy. the key grazing landscapes in the district are the floodplains of the tana river and other seasonal laaga ( dry streams ) that serve as fallback during periods of stress. clearly, the most important grazing resource in the district is the tana river delta ( chaaffa ). in the drier areas, there are wells and surface dams ( natural and man - made ) that create a mosaic of overlapping grazing neighbourhoods around which systems of land use which require livestock mobility have been organied. the orma rangelands are heavily overgrazed. the greatest threat is from encroachment by prosopis juliflora, apparently introduced through forestation in the irrigation schemes ( figure 3 ). this species presently covers 20 - 30 % of the rangelands in the lower tana, where it prevents grass growth under canopy ( as shown in this study ). figure 3. prosopis juliflora invasion of the awash river valley. photo supplied by hiriae ali. the second case study group are the afar ( the group and the administrative district have the same name ). the afar pastoralists territorially inhabit region 4 of the federal republic of ethiopia ( figure 2 ). they constitute one of that country ' s largest pastoralist populations, accounting for about 29 % of the total pastoralist population ( fassil et al. 2001 ). ecologically, this region is arid to very arid and is therefore one of the harshest environments in the horn of africa. camels dominate the afar pastoral production ; small ruminants ( sheep and goats ) and cattle are also important sources of livelihood, but are culturally not as important as camels ( rettberg 2010 ). conflicts with the isse somali have adversely affected the afar indigenous systems of rangeland management and prevented these groups from sharing traditional wet - season grazing lands ( unruh 2005 ). the insecure rangelands are under - ut


- often knowledgeable elders selected by their communities - - were interviewed to provide general information about the geographical and ecological make - up of the grazing lands. the interviewees described ecological zones, herder systems of landscape classification and resource allocations between different grazing seasons ( see also oba and kaitira 2006 ; roba and oba 2008 ). composite lists of terms, concepts and indicators used by the herders in each community were compiled. the discussions with key elders also considered indicator functions in relation to livestock production ( oba et al. 2008a ). table 1. the steps needed to implement the framework ( figure 1 ) by describing the ecological and anthropogenic indicatorsa in steps 4 - 6, the survey team used a vehicle odometer to mark sampling intervals with rural roads serving as transects. the surveys were set at 5 or 10 km intervals, depending on the distances covered ( with longer distances using the longer intervals and vice versa ). these were done in order to sample as many landscapes as possible. this sampling frame approximates the scale of surveys traditionally conducted by pastoralists to cover large areas. sampling was at about 200 m from the roads in the selected landscapes to avoid ' road effects '. at this distance, the herder range scouts conducted traditional assessments at landscape patch scales. the herder scouts identified individual landscapes using their geographical, historical and ecological identities ( see below ). using anthropogenic indicators, they then rated the grazing suitability ( gs ) for different livestock species and assessed lgp during the different seasons of grazing. at the same time, they took into account other value - laden indicators related to lgp. the gs is plant - based and therefore reflects high spatial variability, while the lgp is based on the physical environment, such as soils, and is a more stable indicator. the lgp is a relative measure of the resilience of landscapes. landscapes with low potential are vulnerable to heavy grazing pressure ( oba et al. 2008a ). this is inferred from the soils, which erode easily. the landscapes with low potential had more annual grasses than perennial grasses. one should remember that gs and lgp are assessed on ordinal scales ( which in this case were coded by the ecologist as low = 1, medium = 2 and high = 3 ). the herder scouts also assessed the current grazing pressure ( using the scale : none, low, moderate, heavy and very heavy ). the scales were dependent on multiple indicators. these included levels of plant


, medium = 2 and high = 3 ). the herder scouts also assessed the current grazing pressure ( using the scale : none, low, moderate, heavy and very heavy ). the scales were dependent on multiple indicators. these included levels of plant utilisation ( none, moderate, heavy or very heavy ) ; density of hoof tracks ( none, moderate or numerous ) ; density of faecal deposits ( low, moderate or high ) ; and density of present and previous human settlements ( none, moderate or dense ). the herders described the degradation vulnerability of each landscape in terms of vegetation and surface soil movements. these were rated as low, moderate, high or absent. in describing threats to key forage species, the herder scouts described the landscapes most at risk. for each landscape surveyed, herder scouts were asked to describe trends of vegetation change ( oba et al. 2008a, b ). these are based on their historical knowledge ( e. g. from when they were young herders compared to the present ). it was however, the decline or the loss of the key forage species, which described the trends. in steps 7 - 8, the survey integrated the ecological and anthropogenic indicators. using their own language, the herders rated range conditions as highly ' desirable ', ' moderately desirable ', ' desirable ' or ' undesirable ' in relation to each landscape patch that was surveyed. thus, landscapes with little or no evidence of invasive species, with high grass cover, and where all key forage species were present, received ' highly desirable ' condition ratings - - in contrast to landscape patches where invasive species have replaced key forage species, or which were severely degraded. the herder scouts used their historical knowledge to describe trends ( i. e. increasing, decreasing or stable ). changes in grazing suitability varied with different livestock species. suitability for livestock grazing and camping was described in terms of soils. herders ' historical knowledge of landscape suitability is transmitted through folklores that informs about the interactions between their livestock and the environment. the songs were passed on from one generation of herders to the next. in order to capture the indigenous knowledge of each community, their assessments were presented as cases. results and discussions the findings of the surveys in the three areas are summarized in tables 2, 3 and 4. the indigenous rangeland management systems incorporated societal knowledge of the classification of indigenous rangelands - - their landscape categories, grazing neighbourhoods, key and non - key resources, access to the


surveys in the three areas are summarized in tables 2, 3 and 4. the indigenous rangeland management systems incorporated societal knowledge of the classification of indigenous rangelands - - their landscape categories, grazing neighbourhoods, key and non - key resources, access to the wet - and the dry - season grazing landscapes, and, most importantly, how the dominant livestock species influenced the types of rangeland management. table 2. herder scouts and ecologist ' s assessments of the orma rangelands at landscape scale table 3. herder scouts and ecologist ' s assessments of the afar rangelands at landscape scale table 4. herder scouts and ecologist ' s assessments of the matheniko rangelands at landscape scale folklore was an essential element of information transfer regarding indigenous range management in all three communities. the indigenous rangeland assessments used knowledge of soils, vegetation, livestock grazing preferences and the suitability of different landscapes to regulate wet - or the dry - season grazing movements. the herders ' rationale for the classification of landscape was to determine its potential for livestock grazing. this was important as a guide to the regulation of stocking densities across landscapes. this factor, which has not adequately been acknowledged by rangeland ecologists, is critical for understanding the functions of the indigenous knowledge of rangeland management and therefore as an indication of what we might achieve by harnessing pastoralists ' indigenous knowledge. we begin with the findings from the orma case study, first in general and then focusing on the results presented in table 2. case 1 : the orma of kenya the indigenous knowledge of the orma is built around cattle management. their systems of grazing at the broader scales combined key grazing resources, which were divided into grazing social networks ( mata dedha ). b each mata dedha formed a mosaic of grazing landscapes of different quality, allowing the orma to establish access through mutual grazing social networks. within individual grazing associations, grazing landscapes are allocated to either wet, dry or drought grazing. the wet - season grazing landscapes are visited during the rainy season when the rain pools ( hoora ) are full of water. as soon as these pools are exhausted, the communities return to their traditional dry - season grazing lands ( the river floodplain and the delta ). one informant emphasised the importance of the delta for pastoral grazing as follows : ' the chaaffa of tana is not just grazing land for cattle ; it is our [ means of ] survival.... ' the orma informants suggested that their systems of management depended on conservation of the grazing


grazing as follows : ' the chaaffa of tana is not just grazing land for cattle ; it is our [ means of ] survival.... ' the orma informants suggested that their systems of management depended on conservation of the grazing lands ( although not in any prescriptive sense ) through rotational grazing between seasonal grazing landscapes. they achieved this by regulating grazing movements between different mata dedha associations during different seasons. as soon as the rains return, the grazing of the floodplain ends and the population returns to the wet - season grazing. however, when the dry period is extended and the river pastures are exhausted, the cattle camps move back to the wet - season grazing areas, with the livestock walking to the river for watering. while the indigenous rangeland management system is a social - environmental construct, the livestock is the medium through which the orma pastoralists express the value placed on grazing lands. the suitability of grazing landscapes forms part of folklore ( called darma ), which transmits information about the past and present environments. the cattle folklore describes livestock watering, grazing movements and coping with environmental stress. the expression, ' this or that grazing land has darma ', implies that the grazing suits a specific species of livestock. an area that fails to catch the attention of the folklorist ' s darma is regarded as unsuitable for livestock grazing. indigenous rangeland assessments the orma have expressions that reflect the potential of the land. metaphorically, this is described as the ' hump ' ( dhaallu ) and the ' breast or rump ' ( andaaraaf ) of a cow, which are regarded as the high - quality fatty portions of meat. the grazing lands with dhaallu and andaaraaf equivalents are highly valued as key resources. at the landscape scale, the orma ' s indigenous knowledge of range management is organised in terms of soil type and vegetation. the orma prefer white - gray soils ( oomaar ) compared to other soil types. the oomaar vegetation is claimed to be highly nutritious and the livestock that grazes on it does not lose body condition, even during periods of high stress. such soils are claimed to have geebiba - an inherent property of suitability that reflects the preference of land use. conversely, the livestock that grazes on the red wayaama soils do suffer weight loss ( see also oba and kotile 2001 ). the characteristic feature of the red soil is its tendency to be dusty, and the or


of land use. conversely, the livestock that grazes on the red wayaama soils do suffer weight loss ( see also oba and kotile 2001 ). the characteristic feature of the red soil is its tendency to be dusty, and the orma regard this as unsuitable for cattle management. the presence of cordia species ( madheera itile qaaya ) reflects the geebiba soils of the oomaar landscapes. the herders test the soil by poking the surface with sharp sticks to determine the depth of the gray - white soils. if a layer of red wayaama soil is found near the surface, the camp is moved. the orma try to avoid mixed soils ( of oomaar and wayaama ) for livestock grazing and for camping. they refer to soils such as oomaar uufte baaru ( the spotted oomaar soils ). the sandy ramata landscapes, which tend to form piles of soil due to soil movements, are also avoided when it comes to locating pastoral settlements. ideally, the orma herders would utilize the oomaar landscape for dry - season grazing, followed by grazing in the floodplain and the delta landscapes. the black soil ( kooticha ) is suited to wet - season grazing but unsuitable for use for pastoral settlements. c the kooticha soils are said to be ' cold ' during the night and the livestock kraaled in them is said to rapidly lose body condition. after camping for the night, herders would re - examine their preferences in the light of changes in livestock behaviour ( roba and oba 2009 ). landscapes where livestock become restless during the night and their body condition declines rapidly are regarded as unsuitable. in this case, it is the livestock behaviour that serves as the barometer for measuring environmental unsuitability. the productive and reproductive performance of cattle is closely related to soil conditions. the herders feel that the kooticha ( black soil ) lacks geebiba. indicators of this are forage plants that provide roughage but have little nutritional value. the herders use two types of indicators to assess the quality and suitability of forage in the black soil ( kooticha ). firstly, the cattle grazed in the kooticha soils develop enlarged rumen, which indicates forage with little nutritional value. secondly, the herders recognize that cattle grazed in the kooticha landscapes deposit large pats, which are also indicators of poor forage quality. from this evidence, the orma conclude that livestock


, which indicates forage with little nutritional value. secondly, the herders recognize that cattle grazed in the kooticha landscapes deposit large pats, which are also indicators of poor forage quality. from this evidence, the orma conclude that livestock grazed in unfavourable soils loses weight more rapidly, while livestock grazed in better quality soils gains weight. the wayaama ( red soils ) are better suited to small ruminants. this soil type is associated with browse plants ( see also oba et al. 2000 ; oba and kotile 2001 ). decisions on livestock grazing at the landscape level depend on extensive surveying and assessment of rangeland production indicators. the range scouts ( abuuru ), usually young experienced herders, are sent by the elders to assess rainfall and forage conditions. if the water in the different pools was sufficient, the range scouts would then survey to see if forage conditions would support the livestock for a given period. the orma recognize three types of pasture conditions resulting from different types of rainfall and livestock grazing. the koono showers that fall in the dry season may be sufficient to promote the growth of browse vegetation but are insufficient to sustain the growth of grass, and therefore would not be a reason for migration to such areas. the second type of pasture is a result of heavy rainfall, which encourages high pasture growth. this is refered to as ooba, describing high biomass. the third type is an overgrazed rangeland ( hinbarbadoofte ) - - avoided as much as possible. other series of indicators relate to the body condition of the livestock already present in the surveyed rangelands. the range scouts assess the composition and texture of the cattle pats. the inference is that where cattle drop large pats the grazing landscapes lacks fiina. this undefined property sums up the condition of the livestock. fiina as an indicator has spatial and temporal variability. in landscapes which lack fiina, even when there is sufficient forage production, for some inexplicable reason livestock might continue to lose condition, thus forcing the herders to move to other areas, where better conditions might exist. such landscapes would be avoided. the abuuru ( range scouts ) also closely examine the behaviour of the livestock present. playful behaviour of cattle, increased activity on the part of the bulls, cattle that ' sleep ' ( chiisa ) at night for long periods and chew the cud, a full rumen and ' polished ' body hair are all indicators of favourable conditions ( rob


of cattle, increased activity on the part of the bulls, cattle that ' sleep ' ( chiisa ) at night for long periods and chew the cud, a full rumen and ' polished ' body hair are all indicators of favourable conditions ( roba and oba 2008 ). every landscape that is surveyed has a history of settlement and decisions are based on this experience. the abuuru transfers the information to the elders by geographically locating each surveyed landscape. the elders evaluate the information by asking questions related to water availability, pasture conditions, existing stock numbers, the number of settlements and the reproductive performance of cattle already present in the area. based on this information, the elders may then recommend moving the dry herds ( foora ) to the surveyed rangelands. we put this knowledge to test by surveying jointly with the abuuru scouts using road transects. evaluation of indigenous rangeland assessments by the orma the road survey from the garissa - hola road junction to the hola irrigation scheme covered a total distance of 150 km ( figure 2 ). the abuuru scouts described the landscapes. they used different types of names. personified names reflect historical settlements and the physical contours of the landscape, the dominant tree species and the rituals historically performed at the sites. a place name such as ' moye buya guyo ' refers to geographical identity and is also a person ' s name ( table 2 ). the word ' moye ' refers to hornless cattle ; the name probably refers to a historical settlement where the ' hornless ' cattle of buya guyo once settled. however, the informants suggested that the name might refer to clay pots ( mooye - note the oromo name for pot is okhoote faara ) that were made at the site by the family. whatever the historical interpretation, there are no other landscapes by that name, making it a geographical space that can be used to direct grazing and settlements. the other location was called komoora jiila. this refers to a depression in the landscape ( komoora ) - - which might imply a historical location where cattle herds were kraaled ; over time, their hooves may have created the depression. d this interpretation is probably accurate because of the hint contained in the second name - - jiila - - that refers to a ritual ground where the orma used to conduct the gada ceremonies ( see later section ). there are other names : qoote ( cordia species ), jijiga ( settlement ) and oonmir


information was used in their decision making. the orma ' s indigenous institutions for decision - making the selection and application of indicators showed that indigenous knowledge influenced the decision - making system through the institution of jaarsa mata dedha ( elder councils of grazing associations ) which were responsible for governing the grazing neighbourhoods. the institution of jaarsa mata dedha used customary ( aada ) laws ( seera ) that functioned under the former gada system that regulated access to grazing and water resources. most significantly, the ritual site previously used by the gada assembliesf was the focal point for holding the annual assembly of jaarsa mata dedha. the jaarsa mata dedha institution has political, social and decision - making functions. the assembly is a place for discussing conflicts over grazing lands with other pastoral groups. it is also the means by which the kenyan government communicates policies to the communities. the function of the assembly is to reinforce community - wide decision - making that has wide - ranging application, including the power to decide who may have access to the orma traditional grazing lands. this institution is therefore important for mobilizing the orma in combating land degradation. the findings from the orma case study may be compared with the afar case, now described. these are treated generally at first and the main results in table 3 then discussed. case 2 : the afar of ethiopia the afar moved between grazing landscapes that were geographically divided between the uplands ( ale ), the lowlands ( bahari ) and between narrow ( duulul balaa ) and wide valleys ( daaba ) within the afar rangelands that stretch between ethiopia, eritrea and djibouti ( figure 2 ). the floodplain of the awash river ( kaalo ) with its key grazing resources served as a dry - season grazing reserve, while the uplands were used for wet - season grazing. the plains were grazed soon after the rains when the soils dried and the grasses flowered. the pattern of grazing movements and the selection of different grazing landscapes varied according to the type of livestock species. on a broader scale, the afar rangelands comprised communal grazing areas, where all the neighbouring clans shared grazing and water during the wet season. each clan had a territory ( faage ) to which their livestock returned during the dry season when the communal grazing had been exhausted ( muller - mahn et al. 2010 ). the afar ' s grazing patterns depended on the assessments conducted by the traditional range scouts ( iddo ). their system of rangeland assessments took into consideration