of the united states as synthetic strata to capture the geographic aspect of the cps stratification stratification ( lat., = made in layers ), layered structure formed by the deposition of sedimentary rocks. changes between strata are interpreted as the result of fluctuations in the intensity and persistence of the depositional agent, e. g.. the appendix provides a summary table from jolliffe ( 2001 ) illustrating that the synthetic design approach matches the estimates provided by the census bureau noun 1. census bureau - the bureau of the commerce department responsible for taking the census ; provides demographic information and analyses about the population of the united states bureau of the census for the head count index. with the selection of the synthetic strata and clusters, one can then directly obtain design - corrected estimates of sampling variance based on equation 3. following kish kish, ancient city, mesopotamia kish, ancient city of mesopotamia, in the euphrates valley, 8 mi ( 12. 9 km ) e of babylon and 12 mi ( 19 km ) east of the modern city of hillah, iraq. ( 1965 ) and noting from above that [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] can be considered a sample mean, the estimated sampling variance of the fgt poverty indices from a weighted, stratified, clustered sample is given by ( 4 ) [ mathematical expression not reproducible in ascii ] where the h subscripts each of the l strata, i subscripts the cluster or psu psu - power supply unit in each stratum stratum / stra · tum / ( strat´um ) ( stra´tum ) pl. stra´ta [ l. ] a layer or lamina. stratum basa´le, and j subscripts the ultimate sampling unit ( usu usu usually usu utah state university ( logan, ut ) usu uniformed services university usu ural state university ( ekatherinburg, russia ) usu universidade santa ursula ), so [ w. sub. hij ] denotes the weight for element j in psu i and stratum h. the number of psus in stratum h is denoted by [ n. sub. h ], and the number of usus in psu ( h, i ) is denoted by [ m. sub. hi ]. ( 18 ) nonmetro - metropolitan poverty comparisons the purpose of this paper is to examine whether there is more to be learned about the difference between nonmetrop


psu ( h, i ) is denoted by [ m. sub. hi ]. ( 18 ) nonmetro - metropolitan poverty comparisons the purpose of this paper is to examine whether there is more to be learned about the difference between nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poverty than by what is revealed in an analysis of the incidence of poverty ( [ p. sub. 0 ] ). the incidence of poverty is insensitive in · sen · si · tive 1. not physically sensitive ; numb. a. lacking in sensitivity to the feelings or circumstances of others ; unfeeling. b. to the income distribution of the poor, whereas [ p. sub. 1 ] and [ p. sub. 2 ], on the other hand, are distribution sensitive and will reflect differences in well - being. in order to anticipate what the [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] analysis will reveal, it is useful to first examine average income and inequality inequality, in mathematics, statement that a mathematical expression is less than or greater than some other expression ; an inequality is not as specific as an equation, but it does contain information about the expressions involved. of the poor to determine if there are differences in the well - being of the poor by area. the cps data indicate that when considering the sample of all persons, average nonmetropolitan income is approximately 25 % less than metropolitan income throughout the 1990s. in contrast, table 1 shows that when restricting the analysis to poor persons, average nonmetropolitan income is greater than average metropolitan income in eight of the 10 years. this difference in area means is not qualitatively large in any year, with the greatest difference at 5 % in 1990, nor are any of the differences statistically significant. nonetheless, this suggests that although overall, nonmetropolitan persons may be worse off, on average the nonmetropolitan poor appear to be as well off as the poor living in metropolitan areas. table 1 also reports the theil measure of inequality for the nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poor. dasgupta, sen, and starrett ( 1973 ) show that for a fixed total level of income, any transfer of income that reduces the level of inequality will increase social welfare if the social welfare function is schur - or quasi - concave. this result illustrates that social welfare can be written as a function of two elements - - average income ( or the average level of whatever metric is used for welfare ) and the distribution of income. the


function is schur - or quasi - concave. this result illustrates that social welfare can be written as a function of two elements - - average income ( or the average level of whatever metric is used for welfare ) and the distribution of income. the theil measure of inequality can be expressed as ( 5 ) [ mathematical expression not reproducible in ascii ] where y is average income, i subscript is the individual, and n is the sample size. in general, the theil index the theil index, derived by econometrician henri theil, is a statistic used to measure economic inequality. mathematics the formula is 1. involving an entire organ, as when an epileptic seizure involves all parts of the brain. 2. not specifically adapted to a particular environment or function ; not specialized. 3. theil indices have many desirable properties that are described in foster ( 1983 ). ( 19 ) the inequality indices in table 1 suggest that income of the metropolitan poor is more unequally distributed than for the nonmetropolitan poor throughout the 1990s. the nonmetro - metropolitan inequality difference of the poor ranges from a low of 11 % in 1990 and 1992 to a high of 21 % in 1996. estimates of the sampling variance of the indices, based on a bootstrap see boot. ( operating system, compiler ) bootstrap - to load and initialise the operating system on a computer. normally abbreviated to " boot ". from the curious expression " to pull oneself up by one ' s bootstraps ", one of the legendary feats of baron von munchhausen. method that replicates the two - stage nature of the sample design, indicate that the observed inequality differences are statistically significant in all years. ( 20 ) the result that average income for nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poor persons is about the same, whereas the level of inequality for the metropolitan poor is worse, suggests that distribution - sensitive poverty measures will indicate a less stark nonmetro - metropolitan difference in poverty than is indicated by the head count index. table 2 lists each of the three poverty indices ( [ p. sub. 0 ], [ p. sub. 1 ], and [ p. sub. 2 ] ) for metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas. the nonmetropolitan head count index ranges from a high of 0. 17 in 1993, representing 9. 7 million poor people, to a low of 0. 14 in 1999 ( 7. 4 million people ). the metropolitan


provides 60 poverty estimates ( [ p. sub. 0 ], [ p. sub. 1 ], and [ p. sub. 2 ] for each year during the 1990s by metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas ). the design effect ranges from a low of 4. 3 for the 1995 metropolitan estimate of [ p. sub. 2 ] to a high of 5. 8 for the 1994 nonmetropolitan estimate of [ p. sub. 0 ]. for none of the estimates is the design effect less than 4, which means that the design - corrected standard errors are all more than twice as large as those that would be estimated if one ( incorrectly ) ignored the complex sample design. figure 1 plots the nonmetro - metropolitan percentage differences for the three poverty measures. ( 21 ) this figure readily indicates that the largest difference in poverty measurement occurs for the head count index. the incidence of poverty ( [ p. sub. 0 ] ) in nonmetropolitan areas ranges from 16 % to 28 % worse than in metropolitan areas. this nonmetro - metropolitan difference in poverty is lower when considering the depth of poverty ( [ p. sub. 1 ] and diminishes even further when considering the severity of poverty ( [ p. sub. 2 ] ). the poverty - gap index for nonmetropolitan areas ranges from 5 % to 21 % greater than in metropolitan areas, and the squared poverty gap is 1 - 19 % higher in nonmetropolitan than metropolitan areas. [ figure 1 omitted ] figure 1 also plots the test statistic statistic, n a value or number that describes a series of quantitative observations or measures ; a value calculated from a sample. a numerical value calculated from a number of observations in order to summarize them. for whether the percentage difference is statistically different from zero. the right - hand side right - hand side n → derecha right - hand side right n → rechte seite f right - hand side n → lato destro of this figure shows that the diminishing di · min · ish v. di · min · ished, di · min · ish · ing, di · min · ish · es a. to make smaller or less or to cause to appear so. b. difference between nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poverty ( when considering the depth and severity of poverty ) is associated with declining statistical significance of the differences, as one might expect. the incidence of poverty is greater in nonmetrop


appear so. b. difference between nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poverty ( when considering the depth and severity of poverty ) is associated with declining statistical significance of the differences, as one might expect. the incidence of poverty is greater in nonmetropolitan areas, and this difference is statistically significant during all 10 years of the 1990s. if statistical significance is based on a p - value p - value, n in statistics, the probability that a random variable will be found to have a value equal to or greater than the observed value by chance alone. this value provides an objective basis from which to assess the relative change in the data. of less than 0. 05 ( or the 95 % confidence level ), then the poverty - gap index is worse in nonmetropolitan areas in six of the 10 years, whereas the squared poverty - gap index is worse in only three of the 10 years. during most of the 1990s, there was no statistically significant difference in the severity of nonmetropolitan and metropolitan poverty. examining tables 1 and 2 together can also provide useful insights into poverty changes during the 1990s. table 1 indicates that nominal, average income of the poor increased in nonmetropolitan areas by 18 % and in metropolitan areas by 21 % between 1990 and 1999. during this same time, table 2 shows that the incidence of poverty fell by 13 % in nonmetropolitan and 12 % in metropolitan areas. these two pieces of information seem to indicate unambiguous improvement in both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan poverty. this conclusion, however, is misleading because it ignores important changes in the distribution of income. during the 1990s, table 1 shows that the theil index of income inequality for the poor increased by 27 % in nonmetropolitan areas and by 36 % in metropolitan areas. this substantial deterioration de · te · ri · o · ra · tion the process or condition of becoming worse. in the income distribution of the poor worked against the gains in average income and decreases in p0. the net result is that the area - specific measures of the severity of poverty, [ p. sub. 2 ], were the same in 1990 as they were in 1999. further geographic examination of nonmetropolitan poverty figure 2 furthers the nonmetro - metropolitan poverty comparison by decomposing the metropolitan area into central cities and those metropolitan areas not in central cities ( hereafter referred to as suburban ). panel a shows that the nonmetro - suburban poverty comparisons are qu


the nonmetro - metropolitan poverty comparison by decomposing the metropolitan area into central cities and those metropolitan areas not in central cities ( hereafter referred to as suburban ). panel a shows that the nonmetro - suburban poverty comparisons are qualitatively similar to nonmetro - metropolitan comparisons, but the differences are much larger. ( 22 ) for all three [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] measures, nonmetropolitan poverty is significantly greater than suburban poverty. the largest difference is in the incidence of poverty, with nonmetropolitan [ p. sub. 0 ] being on average 78 % greater than the suburban rate. the nonmetro - suburban difference in poverty is lower when considering the depth of poverty ( [ p. sub. 1 ] ) and severity of poverty ( [ p. sub. 2 ] ), but the magnitude of the difference is large. during the 1990s, the nonmetropolitan poverty - gap index is about 69 % greater than the suburban rate, and similarly the nonmetropolitan squared poverty - gap index is approximately 60 % greater. [ figure 2 omitted ] the situation is reversed when considering nonmetropolitan poverty relative to poverty in central cities. for all three [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ], measures, nonmetropolitan poverty is significantly less than poverty in central cities, and the largest difference is in the severity of poverty. [ p. sub. 2 ] is on average 29 % lower in nonmetropolitan areas, whereas [ p. sub. 1 ] is 26 % and p0, 20 %. over all years, the ranking is unchanged, with the largest difference observed for [ p. sub. 2 ], followed by [ p. sub. 1 ] and the smallest difference for [ p. sub. 0 ]. figures 1 and 2 show that when considering the relative well - being of the nonmetropolitan poor, the incidence of poverty is much larger in nonmetropolitan areas relative to metropolitan areas in general, and suburban areas in particular. an examination of distribution - sensitive poverty indices reduces this difference. in contrast, figure 2 reveals that the incidence of poverty is lower in nonmetropolitan areas relative to central cities, and an examination of distribution - sensitive measures increases this difference. to examine nonmetropolitan poverty at a more geographically detailed level, table 3 provides ordinary least squares ( ols ols ordinary least squares ols online library system ols ottawa linux symposium ol


examination of distribution - sensitive measures increases this difference. to examine nonmetropolitan poverty at a more geographically detailed level, table 3 provides ordinary least squares ( ols ols ordinary least squares ols online library system ols ottawa linux symposium ols operation lifeline sudan ols operational linescan system ols online service ols organizational leadership and supervision ols on line support ols online system ) estimates of the [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] measures for 1999 on three sets of regressors. ( 23 ) as a baseline the horizontal line to which the bottoms of lowercase characters ( without descenders ) are aligned. see typeface. baseline - released version, panel a provides the results from regressing [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ], on just the nonmetropolitan dummy variable this article is not about " dummy variables " as that term is usually understood in mathematics. see free variables and bound variables. in regression analysis, a dummy variable. the point estimates from this panel match the information provided in table 2 and show that the nonmetro - metropolitan difference is greatest for [ p. sub. 0 ] and smallest for [ p. sub. 2 ]. panel b interacts the nonmetropolitan dummy sham ; make - believe ; pretended ; imitation. person who serves in place of another, or who serves until the proper person is named or available to take his place ( e. g., dummy corporate directors ; dummy owners of real estate ). with indicators for the four regions of the united states. the po estimates from this panel show that the largest nonmetro - metropolitan differences are found in the south and the west, whereas there is no significant difference in the midwest midwest or middle west, region of the united states centered on the western great lakes and the upper - middle mississippi valley. it is a somewhat imprecise term that has been applied to the northern section of the land between the appalachians. in the northeast, nonmetropolitan [ p. sub. 0 ] is lower than for metropolitan areas. this panel also shows that when considering [ p. sub. 2 ], it is still the case that the nonmetropolitan south and west have higher poverty, but now both the nonmetropolitan midwest and northeast have lower poverty than their metropolitan areas. for a final look at the geographic and demographic pattern of poverty, panel c provides fixed - effects estimates controlling for each of the 50 states ( plus washington washington, town, england washington,


adv. 1. in other words - otherwise stated ; " in other words, we are broke " put differently, the ratio of family income to the poverty line ). ( 24 ) the advantage of welfare ratios over income is that they provide measures of well - being that control for age and family - size differences across areas. ( 25 ) this is because they are a function of the poverty thresholds, which are adjusted to reflect different levels of need for families of various size and age. figure 3 provides kernel the nucleus of an operating system. it is the closest part to the machine level and may activate the hardware directly or interface to another software layer that drives the hardware. density estimates of metropolitan and nonmetropolitan welfare ratios for 1990, 1993, 1996, and 1999. for all years, the nonmetropolitan welfare ratio is more peaked near the poverty line, indicating that a larger proportion of the nonmetropolitan poor subsist sub · sist v. sub · sist · ed, sub · sist · ing, sub · sists a. to exist ; be. b. to remain or continue in existence. 2. on greater welfare ratios and are therefore relatively better off. similarly, the nonmetropolitan welfare ratio lies below the metropolitan distribution on the left - side of the distribution, indicating that a larger proportion of the metropolitan poor live in extreme poverty. [ figure 3 omitted ] a candidate explanation for this difference in the relative well - being of the nonmetropolitan poor might be based on the conjecture conjecture. conjectures are ideas or notions founded on probabilities without any demonstration of their truth. mascardus has defined conjecture : " rationable vestigium latentis veritatis, unde nascitur opinio sapientis ; " or a slight degree of credence arising from evidence too weak or too that a larger proportion of the nonmetropolitan poor are working but employed in low - wage jobs. this hypothesis, however, appears to be rejected by the data. when considering the 1999 sample of civilian adults, the data indicate that the percentage of the metropolitan poor that are not in the labor force ( 58 % ) is the same as the nonmetropolitan proportion. similarly, 22 % of both the metropolitan and nonmetropolitan poor work full - time full - time employed for or involving a standard number of hours of working time : a full - time administrative assistant. full schedules, and the remaining 20 % (


, 22 % of both the metropolitan and nonmetropolitan poor work full - time full - time employed for or involving a standard number of hours of working time : a full - time administrative assistant. full schedules, and the remaining 20 % ( again the same proportion for both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan ) work part - time part - time for or during less than the customary or standard time : a part - time job. part or are unemployed. the results are modestly different when considering the 1999 sample of all civilians 15 years and older. in this case, 42 % of the nonmetropolitan poor had done some work during 1999, whereas this was true for only 40 % of the metropolitan poor. yet of those persons who worked in the week prior to the survey, the average hours worked during the last seven days by both the metropolitan and nonmetropolitan poor was the same at 34 hours. similarly, both the metropolitan and nonmetropolitan working poor reported working an average of 35 hours per week and over an average of 34 weeks during 1999. although the data do not support the hypothesis that there are significant differences in the proportion of the poor working or the hours they spend working, the data do reveal some important differences in the characteristics of the poor not in the labor force. of the nonmetropolitan poor who did not work during 1999, 31 % reported that they did not work because they were ill or disabled, and 28 % reported that they were retired. these proportions for the metropolitan poor are lower, with 26 % stating that they were ill or disabled, and 23 % that they were retired. in contrast, 22 % of the metropolitan poor reported that they did not work because they were going to school, whereas only 16 % of the nonmetropolitan poor provided this as a reason. the contrasting explanations for not working suggest that there might be differences in the nonmetro - metropolitan age composition. figure 4 shows that the nonmetropolitan age distribution of the poor lies above the metropolitan distribution for higher ages and below for lower ages over the four years considered ( 1990, 1993, 1996, and 1999 ). ( 26 ) this indicates that the nonmetropolitan poor consist of relatively more persons between the ages of 50 and 90, whereas the metropolitan poor consist of relatively more persons between the ages of 15 and 40. ( 27 ) not surprisingly, sources of income indicate similar nonmetro - metropolitan differences in the age composition of the poor. twenty - two percent of the


90, whereas the metropolitan poor consist of relatively more persons between the ages of 15 and 40. ( 27 ) not surprisingly, sources of income indicate similar nonmetro - metropolitan differences in the age composition of the poor. twenty - two percent of the nonmetropolitan poor received social security payments in 1999, whereas only 16 % of the metropolitan poor received social security. twelve percent of the nonmetmpolitan poor received supplemental security income supplemental security income a social security program established to help the blind, disabled, and poor. payments, compared with 9 % for the metropolitan poor. [ figure 4 omitted ] by using measures of poverty from the foster - greer - thorbecke family of poverty indices, this paper shows that the magnitude and significance of the nonmetro - metropolitan difference in poverty declines when one examines the depth and severity of poverty. although the incidence of poverty is higher in nonmetropolitan than metropolitan areas throughout the 1990s, the poverty - gap index ( depth of poverty ) is only statistically significantly worse in nonmetropolitan areas during six of the 10 years, and the squared poverty - gap index ( severity of poverty ) is worse in only three years ( at the 95 % confidence level ). this result suggests that the nonmetro - metropolitan differences in poverty during the 1990s ( as measured by the bead bead small object, usually pierced for stringing. it may be made of virtually any material — wood, shell, bone, seed, nut, metal, stone, glass, or plastic — and is worn or affixed to another object for decorative or, in some cultures, magical purposes. count index ) are not robust to considerations of distribution - sensitive poverty indices. further, to test for statistical significance, this paper derives sample design - corrected estimates of sampling variance for any additively decomposable poverty index, such as the [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] indices. design - corrected standard errors are available for the u. s. head count index in dalaker and proctor ( 2000 ), but i am aware of no literature on the united states that reports corrected standard errors for any other poverty measure. this paper illustrates the importance of this by noting that standard errors for all 60 reported poverty indices more than doubled in size when corrected. by examining the ratio of the poverty - gap to the head count index, this paper establishes that the average shortfall of the poor as a fraction of the poverty line is worse in the metropolitan areas during all 10 years of the 1990s. similarly, the


by examining the ratio of the poverty - gap to the head count index, this paper establishes that the average shortfall of the poor as a fraction of the poverty line is worse in the metropolitan areas during all 10 years of the 1990s. similarly, the distribution of the welfare ratio ( income divided by the poverty line ) indicates that the nonmetropolitan poor are relatively better off than the metropolitan poor. an exploration of economic differences reveals that approximately the same proportion of the metropolitan and nonmetropolitan poor are active in the labor force and appear to work about the same number of hours per year. a comparison of the poor who are not in the labor force indicates that nonmetropolitan persons not in the labor force are more likely to be disabled and retired, whereas the nonworking, metropolitan poor are more likely to be going to school. this distinction is further supported by the data indicating that nonmetropolitan areas consist of relatively more older poor people, whereas proportionately pro · por · tion · ate being in due proportion ; proportional. tr. v. pro · por · tion · at · ed, pro · por · tion · at · ing, pro · por · tion · ates to make proportionate. more younger poor people reside in metropolitan areas. these differences are consistent with the supposition that nonmetropolitan areas are relatively cheaper and therefore more attractive to poor persons on fixed incomes. attracting more jobs to these areas or providing job - training programs would presumably pre · sum · a · ble that can be presumed or taken for granted ; reasonable as a supposition : presumable causes of the disaster. help many, but they will be of relatively less value to the retired and disabled. the results on the incidence of poverty support the notion that poverty - reduction policies should include components that target nonmetropolitan areas. the distribution - sensitive poverty measures suggest that different policies may be appropriate for each area. one type of poverty - reduction strategy would be to focus on helping the young and poor get the necessary skills to enhance their opportunities in the labor market labor market a place where labor is exchanged for wages ; an lm is defined by geography, education and technical expertise, occupation, licensure or certification requirements, and job experience. another type of antipoverty an · ti · pov · er · ty created or intended to alleviate poverty : antipoverty programs. program would be to simply provide income assistance to help ease the burden of poverty for those


job experience. another type of antipoverty an · ti · pov · er · ty created or intended to alleviate poverty : antipoverty programs. program would be to simply provide income assistance to help ease the burden of poverty for those who are retired or unable to work. since many of these people live on fixed incomes, they are not the extreme poor, and a modest supplement to their income would likely increase their income to a level greater than the poverty line. the poor in both metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas share many similarities and need both types of programs. policies aimed at metropolitan areas, however, would be of more value if they had relatively more focus on mitigating mit · i · gate v. mit · i · gat · ed, mit · i · gat · ing, mit · i · gates to moderate ( a quality or condition ) in force or intensity ; alleviate. see synonyms at relieve. to become milder. extreme poverty, whereas nonmetropolitan areas would benefit relatively more from a somewhat greater focus on supplemental income assistance for the elderly and disabled. table 1. income and inequality of the poor, nonmetro - metropolitan comparisons average income level of poor persons year nonmetro metro difference percent 1990 7229 6896 333 5 % ( 153 ) ( 97 ) ( 181 ) 1991 7243 6995 248 4 % ( 150 ) ( 91 ) ( 175 ) 1992 7316 7113 203 3 % ( 153 ) ( 92 ) ( 178 ) 1993 7608 7428 181 2 % ( 145 ) ( 105 ) ( 179 ) 1994 7630 7617 13 0 % ( 163 ) ( 106 ) ( 194 ) 1995 8231 8031 200 2 % ( 212 ) ( 117 ) ( 242 ) 1996 8104 8121 ( 17 ) 0 % ( 202 ) ( 123 ) ( 237 ) 1997 7952 8100 149 - 2 % ( 187 ) ( 130 ) ( 228 ) 1998 8395 8104 291 4 % ( 224 ) ( 123 ) ( 255 ) 1999 8517 8372 145 2 % ( 237 ) ( 145 ) ( 278 ) theil index of inequality for the poor year nonmetro metro difference t - statistic ( a ) 1990 0. 221 0. 247 - 0. 026 2. 00 1991 0. 218 0. 252 - 0. 034 2. 61 1992 0. 233 0. 260 - 0. 028 1. 96 1993 0. 226 0. 278 - 0. 051


- 0. 026 2. 00 1991 0. 218 0. 252 - 0. 034 2. 61 1992 0. 233 0. 260 - 0. 028 1. 96 1993 0. 226 0. 278 - 0. 051 3. 85 1994 0. 237 0. 271 - 0. 034 2. 20 1995 0. 232 0. 278 - 0. 045 2. 71 1996 0. 226 0. 285 - 0. 059 3. 58 1997 0. 272 0. 314 - 0. 042 2. 17 1998 0. 270 0. 332 - 0. 063 3. 08 1999 0. 281 0. 336 - 0. 055 2. 61 income is in nominal u. s. dollars. the column headed percent lists the difference between nonmetropolitan and metropolitan average income, using metropolitan as the base. standard errors for income measures, in parentheses, are corrected for sample design effects following the synthetic - design approach described in jolliffe ( 2001 ). standard errors for the inequality indices are bootstrap estimates based on 1000 bootstrap samples and a resampling method that replicates the two - stage nature of the sample design. for details, see jolliffe and krushelnytskyy ( 1999 ). ( a ) t - statistic is for the null hypothesis that the nonmetro - metropolitan difference in inequality index is equal to zero. table 2. incidence, depth, and severity of poverty, nonmetro - metropolitan comparisons headcount, [ p. sub. 0 ] poverty - gap, [ p. sub. 1 ] year nonmetro metro nonmetro metro 1990 0. 163 0. 127 0. 066 0. 056 ( 0. 0042 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0021 ) ( 0. 0012 ) 1991 0. 160 0. 137 0. 067 0. 061 ( 0. 0042 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1992 0. 167 0. 139 0. 071 0. 063 ( 0. 0042 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1993 0. 171 0. 146 0. 072 0. 067 ( 0. 0043 ) ( 0. 0025 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0014 ) 1994 0. 159 0. 141 0. 068 0. 065 ( 0


146 0. 072 0. 067 ( 0. 0043 ) ( 0. 0025 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0014 ) 1994 0. 159 0. 141 0. 068 0. 065 ( 0. 0043 ) ( 0. 0025 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0014 ) 1995 0. 156 0. 134 0. 064 0. 060 ( 0. 0049 ) ( 0. 0024 ) ( 0. 0026 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1996 0. 159 0. 132 0. 067 0. 059 ( 0. 0048 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0025 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1997 0. 158 0. 126 0. 070 0. 058 ( 0. 0048 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0027 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1998 0. 143 0. 123 0. 061 0. 057 ( 0. 0046 ) ( 0. 0023 ) ( 0. 0024 ) ( 0. 0013 ) 1999 0. 142 0. 112 0. 060 0. 052 ( 0. 0046 ) ( 0. 0022 ) ( 0. 0025 ) ( 0. 0012 ) squared poverty - gap, [ p. sub. 2 ] year nonmetro metro 1990 0. 039 0. 035 ( 0. 0015 ) ( 0. 0009 ) 1991 0. 041 0. 039 ( 0. 0016 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1992 0. 044 0. 040 ( 0. 0017 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1993 0. 044 0. 043 ( 0. 0017 ) ( 0. 0011 ) 1994 0. 043 0. 042 ( 0. 0017 ) ( 0. 0011 ) 1995 0. 039 0. 039 ( 0. 0020 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1996 0. 041 0. 038 ( 0. 0019 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1997 0. 046 0. 038 ( 0. 0021 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1998 0. 039 0. 039 ( 0. 0019 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1999 0. 039 0. 035 ( 0. 0020 ) ( 0. 0010 ) poverty indices are the foster - greer - thorbecke [ p. sub. [ alpha


0. 0019 ) ( 0. 0010 ) 1999 0. 039 0. 035 ( 0. 0020 ) ( 0. 0010 ) poverty indices are the foster - greer - thorbecke [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] indices. the incidence of poverty is measured by [ p. sub. 0 ], the depth by [ p. sub. 1 ], and the severity by [ p. sub. 2 ]. standard errors, in parentheses, are estimated following equation 4 using the program described in jolliffe and semykina ( 1999 ). table 3. regression analysis of poverty in 1999 [ p. sub. 0 ] : incidence standard estimate error panel a : baseline nonmetro dummy 0. 030 * * * ( 0. 0050 ) panel b : regional analysis nonmetro northeast - 0. 018 * ( 0. 0096 ) nonmetro midwest 0. 002 ( 0. 0085 ) nonmetro south 0. 058 * * * ( 0. 0080 ) nonmetro west 0. 042 * * * ( 0. 0107 ) panel c : demographic analysis ( a ) nonmetro dummy 0. 052 * * ( 0. 0050 ) age in years / 10 - 0. 039 * * * ( 0. 0017 ) age squared / 1000 0. 033 * * * ( 0. 0020 ) race : black 0. 081 * * * ( 0. 0070 ) husband and wife family - 0. 118 * * * ( 0. 0053 ) single - mother family 0. 093 * * * ( 0. 0082 ) single - father family - 0. 067 * * * ( 0. 0094 ) female individual 0. 057 * * * ( 0. 0067 ) [ p. sub. 1 ] : depth standard estimate error panel a : baseline nonmetro dummy 0. 009 * * * ( 0. 0027 ) panel b : regional analysis nonmetro northeast - 0. 014 * * * ( 0. 0048 ) nonmetro midwest - 0. 004 ( 0. 0042 ) nonmetro south 0. 021 * * * ( 0. 0045 ) nonmetro west 0. 015 * * * ( 0. 0058 ) panel c : demographic analysis ( a ) nonmetro dummy 0. 019 * * * ( 0. 0027 ) age in years


0. 0045 ) nonmetro west 0. 015 * * * ( 0. 0058 ) panel c : demographic analysis ( a ) nonmetro dummy 0. 019 * * * ( 0. 0027 ) age in years / 10 - 0. 014 * * * ( 0. 0009 ) age squared / 1000 0. 008 * * * ( 0. 0011 ) race : black 0. 036 * * * ( 0. 0040 ) husband and wife family - 0. 069 * * * ( 0. 0033 ) single - mother family 0. 040 * * * ( 0. 0051 ) single - father family - 0. 045 * * * ( 0. 0052 ) female individual 0. 021 * * * ( 0. 0043 ) [ p. sub. 2 ] : severity standard estimate error panel a : baseline nonmetro dummy 0. 004 * ( 0. 0022 ) panel b : regional analysis nonmetro northeast - 0. 011 * * * ( 0. 0038 ) nonmetro midwest - 0. 005 * ( 0. 0032 ) nonmetro south 0. 012 * * * ( 0. 0037 ) nonmetro west 0. 009 * ( 0. 0050 ) panel c : demographic analysis ( a ) nonmetro dummy 0. 011 * * * ( 0. 0023 ) age in years / 10 - 0. 008 * * * ( 0. 0008 ) age squared / 1000 0. 003 * * * ( 0. 0009 ) race : black 0. 022 * * * ( 0. 0033 ) husband and wife family - 0. 055 * * * ( 0. 0029 ) single - mother family 0. 018 * * * ( 0. 0044 ) single - father family - 0. 039 * * * ( 0. 0044 ) female individual 0. 015 * * * ( 0. 0039 ) estimates are weighted ordinary least squares ( ols ) and standard errors are corrected for sample design effects as described in the paper. sample size is 133, 710 for panels a and b and 133, 380 for panel c. across all three panels the [ r. sup. 2 ] is less than 0. 11. the intercept is suppressed from the output for brevity. ( a ) estimates control for state fixed effects. * p < 0. 1. * * p < 0


the [ r. sup. 2 ] is less than 0. 11. the intercept is suppressed from the output for brevity. ( a ) estimates control for state fixed effects. * p < 0. 1. * * p < 0. 05. * * * p < 0. 01. appendix confidence intervals from synthetic - design and census - recommended corrections, 1999 cps poverty indices estimated 90 % confidence intervals poverty percent reported implied a, b characteristic poor table a by levels percentage persons, total 11. 8 0. 3 0. 33 0. 33 persons, in families 10. 2 0. 3 0. 34 0. 34 race, white persons 9. 8 0. 3 0. 34 0. 33 race, black persons 23. 6 1. 2 1. 20 1. 20 age, under 18 years 16. 9 0. 7 0. 65 0. 65 age, 18 - 64 years 10. 0 0. 3 0. 39 0. 39 age, 65 years + 9. 7 0. 5 0. 53 0. 53 families, total 9. 3 0. 3 0. 33 0. 28 estimated 90 % confidence intervals poverty a, b match a, b synthetic random characteristic ratio categories design sample persons, total * yes 0. 33 0. 16 persons, in families * no 0. 36 0. 17 race, white persons * yes 0. 31 0. 16 race, black persons * yes 1. 24 0. 66 age, under 18 years 0. 66 yes / no 0. 64 0. 37 age, 18 - 64 years * no 0. 30 0. 20 age, 65 years + 0. 53 yes 0. 53 0. 43 families, total 0. 34 yes 0. 32 0. 29 edited table from jolliffe ( 2001 ). confidence intervals are in percentage points, and asterisk denotes an undefined number. the first four columns of confidence intervals are derived from dalaker and proctor ( 2000 ). the bold estimate marks whether the u. s. bureau of census considers the estimate a percentage or ratio. the next column lists whether there is a direct match in characteristics between the poverty estimates and those characteristics assigned a, b coefficients. the estimates from the synthetic cluster approached are listed next, followed by the confidence intervals from assuming that the data are from a weighted, simple random sample. i thank john cromartie cromartie is a fictional character portrayed by owain yeoman and garret dillahunt in the upcoming television series,. he is


from assuming that the data are from a weighted, simple random sample. i thank john cromartie cromartie is a fictional character portrayed by owain yeoman and garret dillahunt in the upcoming television series,. he is a terminator sent back from the future to kill john connor., linda a set of parallel processing functions added to languages, such as c and c + +, that allows data to be created and transferred between processes. it was developed by yale professor david gelernter, when he was a 23 - year old graduate student. ghelfi, robert gibbs robert gibb rsa ( 28 october 1845 - 11 february 1932 ) was a scottish painter who was keeper of the national gallery of scotland from 1895 to 1907 and was painter and limner to the king from 1908 until his death.. craig craig, edward gordon 1872 - 1966. british theatrical producer, director, and designer whose innovative productions and simplified stage designs influenced modern theater. gundersen gundersen is a surname. it may refer to : major general hammond was the head of the usaf ' s stargate command., signe - mary mckernan, tim parker, caroline ratcliffe, laura tiehen, leslie whitener whit · en tr. & intr. v. whit · ened, whit · en · ing, whit · ens to make or become white or whiter, especially by bleaching. whit, josh josh joshua josh job scheduling hierarchically winicki, conference participants at the southern regional science association, and seminar participants at the urban institute and at the society for government economists for comments. the views and opinions expressed in this paper do not necessarily reflect the views of the economic research service of the u. s. department of agriculture. ( 1 ) nord ( 1997 ) end jolliffe ( 2002 ) show that the incidence of poverty is greater in nonmetropolitan areas. ( 2 ) an exception to this is the census bureau p - 60 series ( for example, dalaker and proctor 2000 ) report of the number of persons with income less than various ratios of the poverty line. ( 3 ) there are some noteworthy exceptions. cushing and zheng ( 2000 ) use distribution - sensitive measures to compare regional poverty differences using 1990 census data. zheng, cushing. and chow ( 1995 ) consider several distribution - sensitive indices and test for change in poverty from 1975 to 1990 ; and bishop, formby, and zheng ( 1999 ) examine regional differences in sen '


differences using 1990 census data. zheng, cushing. and chow ( 1995 ) consider several distribution - sensitive indices and test for change in poverty from 1975 to 1990 ; and bishop, formby, and zheng ( 1999 ) examine regional differences in sen ' s ( 1976 ) distribution - sensitive index from 1961 to 1996. an important methodological difference between these last two articles and the results reported in this paper is that the statistical tests considered in this paper correct for the characteristics of the sample design. ( 4 ) the following all use these three measures : jolliffe, datt, and sharma ( in press ) for egypt, dart dart see blow dart. see blow dart. and ravallion ( 1992 ) cover brazil and india, howes and lanjouw ( 1998 ) use examples from pakistan and ghana, kakwani ( 1993 ) examines cote d ' ivoire, and ravallion and bidani ( 1994 ) examine indonesia. ( 5 ) unlike the sen ( 1976 ) or kakwani ( 1980 ) distribution - sensitive measures of poverty, the squared poverty - gap index also satisfies the " subgroup consistency " property, which means that if poverty increases in any subgroup and it does not decrease elsewhere, then aggregate poverty must also increase ( foster and shorrocks 1991 ). ( 6 ) zheng ( 2001 ) provides design - corrected estimates of sampling variance for poverty estimates based on relative poverty lines ( i. e., the poverty line is relative to the distribution of income, such as one half the median income level ). the advantage of the estimates provided in this paper is that they are based on a fixed ( or absolute ) poverty line, which is how poverty is measured in the united states. another advantage is that jolliffe and semykina ( 1999 ) provide a stata stata ( statistics / data analysis ) is a statistical program created in 1985 by statacorp that is used by many businesses and academic institutions around the world. most of its users work in research, especially in the fields of economics, sociology, political science, and program that estimates the standard errors presented in this paper. ( 7 ) for a discussion of measures of homelessness and potential explanations for the rising incidence, see quigley, raphael, and smolensky ( 2001 ) and honig and filer ( 1993 ). ( 8 ) for a discussion of income levels and geographical distribution the natural arrangements of animals and plants in particular regions or districts. see under distribution. see also : distribution geographic of homelessness, see chapter 5 and


and in families. a family is defined as a group of two or more persons residing together and related by birth, marriage, or adoption. families also include any related subfamily subfamily / sub · fam · i · ly / ( sub´fam - i - le ) a taxonomic division between a family and a tribe. a taxonomic category ranking between a family and a genus. members, where a subfamily is defined as a married couple with or without children, or a parent with single children under 18 years of age. ( 15 ) another shortcoming of the census - recommended method is that corrections are only provided for a limited set of characteristics. for example, u. s. bureau of census ( 2000, appendix c ) provides parameter estimates to adjust the sampling variance for the head count index by several age categories. if the analysis is focused on individuals 15 - 24 years of age, the analyst is provided with parameter estimates. if the relevant subsample sub · sam · ple a sample drawn from a larger sample. tr. v. sub · sam · pled, sub · sam · pling, sub · sam · ples to take a subsample from ( a larger sample ). is, say, working - age adults, the census does not provide the necessary parameters to estimate standard errors. ( 16 ) personal communication with the census appears to support this assertion that the nonmetropolitan adjustment is less precise : " the factor of 1. 5 has been used for nonmetropolitan areas as a simple approximation. while the best factor likely varies from characteristic to characteristic, we use 1. 5 for all characteristics, rather than publishing a different factor for each estimate. years ago, someone looked at the data for metro / nonmetropolitan areas and decided that 1. 5 would be a good, and somewhat conservative, estimate for most characteristics. " ( 17 ) the methodology requires sorting the data on the variable most relevant to the analysis. ( 18 ) the poverty and sampling variance estimates are documented in more detail in jolliffe and semykina ( 1999 ), which also provides a program to estimate equation 4 in the stata software. ( 19 ) in particular, foster ( 1983 ) shows that an inequality index satisfies the axioms this is a list of axioms as that term is understood in mathematics, by wikipedia page. in epistemology, the word axiom is understood differently ; see axiom and self - evidence. individual axioms are almost always part of a larger ax


is a list of axioms as that term is understood in mathematics, by wikipedia page. in epistemology, the word axiom is understood differently ; see axiom and self - evidence. individual axioms are almost always part of a larger axiomatic system. of symmetry symmetry, generally speaking, a balance or correspondence between various parts of an object ; the term symmetry is used both in the arts and in the sciences., replication in database management, the ability to keep distributed databases synchronized by routinely copying the entire database or subsets of the database to other servers in the network. there are various replication methods. invariance in · var · i · ant 1. not varying ; constant. 2. mathematics unaffected by a designated operation, as a transformation of coordinates. an invariant quantity, function, configuration, or system., income scale independence, decomposability, and the principle of transfers only if it is a positive multiple of the theil index. ( 20 ) the bootstrap estimates are based on 1, 000 replications. for methodology details and the program used, see jolliffe and krushelnytskyy ( 1999 ). lorenz curves the lorenz curve is a graphical representation of the cumulative distribution function of a probability distribution ; it is a graph showing the proportion of the distribution assumed by the bottom y % of the values. are art alternative way to examine inequality, and zheng ( 2002 ) derives asymptotic covariance covariance a measure of the degree to which returns on two risky assets move in tandem. a positive covariance means that asset returns move together. a negative covariance means returns vary inversely. structure for generalized lorenz curves when the sample is based on a complex design. ( 21 ) the relative difference in poverty uses the metropolitan poverty level as the base and can be expressed as [ ( [ p. sub. [ alpha ] nonmetropolitan ] - [ p. sub. [ alpha ] metropolitan ] ) / [ p. sub. [ alpha ] metropolitan ] ]. ( 22 ) all differences listed in figure 2 are statistically significant with p - values less than 0. 01. ( 23 ) i use ols, rather than a censored regression model censored regression models commonly arise in econometrics in cases where the variable of interest is only observable under certain conditions. a common example is labor supply., because the zero values for each of the [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] indices are the


arise in econometrics in cases where the variable of interest is only observable under certain conditions. a common example is labor supply., because the zero values for each of the [ p. sub. [ alpha ] ] indices are the actual values and do not represent censored values. the estimates are weighted and design corrected. ( 24 ) blackorby and donaldson ( 1987 ), using this terminology, provide an analysis of welfare ratios as an index of well - being in cost - benefit analysis cost - benefit analysis in governmental planning and budgeting, the attempt to measure the social benefits of a proposed project in monetary terms and compare them with its costs.. ( 25 ) for example, in 1999 the average age of a metropolitan poor person was 28 years compared with 32 years for the nonmetropolitan poor. in terms of family size, 16 % of the metropolitan poor lived in two - person families compared with 20 % for the nonmetropolitan poor. ( 26 ) the result that there are systematic differences in the metro - nonmetropolitan age distribution of the poor does not mean that the metro - nonmetropolitan poverty difference is the result of this age difference. in fact, the poverty regressions in panel c of table 3 indicate just the opposite. if the age distribution in nonmetropolitan areas were the same as in metropolitan areas, then the metro - nonmetropolitan poverty difference would be even larger. the relevance of the area difference in age distribution is that it indicates a potential case for slight differences in how poverty alleviation policies are designed for each area. ( 27 ) this difference in the age distribution is also partially evident in family structure characteristics. thirty - nine percent of the metropolitan poor live in single - mother families, whereas 32 % of the nonmetropolitan poor are in single - mother families. bishop. john, john formby, and buhong zheng. 1999. distribution sensitive measures of poverty in the united states. review of social economy 57 : 306 - 43. blackorby, charles, and david donaldson. 1987. welfare ratios and distributionally sensitive cost - benefit analysis. journal of public economics 34 : 265 - 90. cromartie, john. 2000. " measuring rurality : what is rural? " economic research service, u. s. department of agriculture. accessed 25 january 2002. available http : / / www. ers. usda. gov / briefing / rurality / whatisrural /. cu


: what is rural? " economic research service, u. s. department of agriculture. accessed 25 january 2002. available http : / / www. ers. usda. gov / briefing / rurality / whatisrural /. cushing, brian, and buhong zheng. 2000. re - evaluating differences in poverty among central city, suburban, and nonmetropolitan areas of the u. s. applied economics 32 : 653 - 60. dalaker, joseph. and bernadette proctor. 2000. poverty in the united states : 1999. washington, dc : u. s. census bureau. dasgupta, partha, amartya sen amartya kumar sen ch ( hon ) ( bengali : অমরতয কমার সেন omorto kumar shen, and david starrett. 1973. notes on the measurement of inequality. journal of economic theory 6 : 180 - 7. datt, gaurav, and martin ravallion. 1992. growth and redistribution re · dis · tri · bu · tion 1. the act or process of redistributing. 2. an economic theory or policy that advocates reducing inequalities in the distribution of wealth. components of changes in poverty measures : a decomposition decomposition / de · com · po · si · tion / ( de - kom? pah - zish´un ) the separation of compound bodies into their constituent principles. 1. with applications to brazil and india in the 1980s. journal of development economics 38 : 275 - 95. fisher, gordon. 1997. from hunter to orshansky : an overview of ( unofficial un · of · fi · cial of or being a drug that is not listed in the united states pharmacopeia or the national formulary. ) poverty lines in the united states from 1904 to 1965. u. s. census bureau poverty measurement working paper. foster, james. 1983. an axiomatic ax · i · o · mat · ic also ax · i · o · mat · i · cal of, relating to, or resembling an axiom ; self - evident : " it ' s axiomatic in politics that voters won ' t throw out a presidential incumbent unless they think his challenger will characterization a rather long and fancy word for analyzing a system or process and measuring its " characteristics. " for example, a web characterization would yield the number of current sites on the web, types of sites, annual growth, etc. of the


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... and why does the nose make mucus anyway? it was a miserable day and i was, as usual, driving to work with my friend. it was also in the middle of cold and flu season and she had been struck down with the dreaded lurgy. she paused for a brief coughing fit, blew her nose and embarrassed by what had just been expelled from her body apologised and turned to me and said : “ this is soooo disgusting … what makes phlegm and snot green? ” i didn ’ t have and answer to this, which got me thinking - " what are they and what do they do? " both phlegm and snot, or nasal mucus to use its more polite medical term, are names given to mucus produced in the respiratory system. nasal mucus, as the name suggests is produced at the back of the nose, while phlegm is used to describe the mucus from the rest of the respiratory system and is typically used to describe the gloop that is coughed up. contrary to what you might think, mucus is vital for good health. it helps to protect the lungs and also prevents tissues from drying out. it ' s a water - based liquid that contains proteins, carbohydrates, salt and some cells. the primary type of protein are the mucins, which have a sugar coating that enables them to absorb large quantities of water. this gives mucus its characteristic consistency and wetting properties. apart from the mucins, the other proteins present hold the key to the protective functions of mucus. these include antibodies that kick start the body ’ s defences against invading pathogens ( disease causing agents such as bacteria, viruses and fungi ) and antiseptic enzymes, such as lysozyme, that can directly kill bacteria. mucus can also protect the lungs because it is sticky meaning that it can trap particles of dust, dirt, bacteria and pollen that could otherwise cause irritation and infection. but once the particles are firmly lodged like this they need to be disposed of and this is achieved by coughing, sneezing and nose - blowing. the average sneeze can propel a mucus missile and its microbial passengers at up to 100 miles per hour, hence the saying " coughs and sneezes spread diseases ", and as well as sneezing there is of course nose blowing. but much to the disgust of many a reader, the vast majority of our mucus is in fact eaten! our


the saying " coughs and sneezes spread diseases ", and as well as sneezing there is of course nose blowing. but much to the disgust of many a reader, the vast majority of our mucus is in fact eaten! our airways are lined with millions of tiny hairs, called cilia. these beat in synchrony to produce waves of movement, a bit like how a mexican wave moves around a football stadium. these waves sweep the mucus to the back of the throat where it is swallowed. stomach acid then takes care of most of the things inside that could be infectious. but if the mucus dries out and hardens before it can be ferried to the throat it can produce an unsightly bogey! within the mucous membrane is a specialised cell type which, due to its characteristic shape, is known as a goblet cell. the sole function of the goblet cell is to produce mucus, although other cells can make it too. the mucin proteins are packaged in small sacks, called vesicles, which then make their way to the edge of the cells. they subsequently fuse with the membrane ( plasma membrane ) that surrounds the cell, enabling the contents to be released. as the mucin is released and soaks up water it can expand up to 600 times, which is potentially a lot of snot! indeed, it is estimated that a healthy nose will pump out more than a pint of mucus a day, although the amount can vary enormously ; for example when you cry most of your tears will run into the nose and mix with the mucus, increasing its volume. this is why crying is often accompanied by a runny nose. also, as one of the roles of mucus is to remove particles, mucus production is stimulated by airway infection and irritation. for example, hayfever sufferers may experience a runny nose as the body attempts to flush out the problem pollen that ' s triggering the effect. rhinitis like this occurs when the body ’ s immune system responds to an allergen such as pollen by releasing the inflammatory chemical histamine, which instructs the mucous membranes to increase their mucus production. if you don ’ t want to use medicines to help, there are some alternatives. one thing that could help during a cold is to use a humidifier. this increases the amount of water in the air, which in turn increases the water content of the mucus. the result is thinner mucus


help, there are some alternatives. one thing that could help during a cold is to use a humidifier. this increases the amount of water in the air, which in turn increases the water content of the mucus. the result is thinner mucus that can leave the nose more easily. but don ' t forget the other obvious solution - nose blowing, although there is some evidence to suggest that wiping is better than blowing. this is because the sinuses are normally filled with air and do not produce significant amounts of mucus. however, with nose blowing, sticky gloop can be seen in the sinuses of around 85 % of people with a cold. so how does it get there? scientists from the university of virginia, charlottesville, showed that the pressure built up when blowing your nose is enough to force the mucus into the sinuses. they also showed that this is unlikely to occur as a result of coughing or sneezing. and since, if you have a cold, the mucus is packed with virus particles, vigorous nose blowing could theoretically carry the infection into the sinuses. however, the jury is still out as to whether blowing your nose really does increase this risk. reassuringly, people with colds rarely get acute sinus infections. but, it may still result in increased discomfort and duration of the cold. so maybe the safest solution lies with the frequently preferred choice of children - their index finger ( for nose picking ). so why is snot green? when a part of the body becomes infected it produces signals to alert the immune system to the developing problem. cells and other immune components follow these signals by a process called chemotaxis to home in on the affected area. in the case of colds, white blood cells called neutrophils are amongst the first on the scene and arrive via the blood stream. upon arrival the neutrophils mount an attack. they attempt to engulf ( swallow ) the pathogen ( a virus in the case of colds ) and at the same time they produce antiseptic chemicals that wipe out other pathogens nearby. these chemicals are so potent that even the neutophils don ' t escape and are destroyed, committing suicide to fight the spread of infection. generally, enzymes are responsible for the production of the antiseptic chemicals and it is these that give mucus the green colour. enzymes often require ‘ helpers ’, called co - enzymes, to function properly and it is more specifically the co - enzyme iron ( ferrous


nairobi is a bustling city of over 3 million people, many of whom are stuck in traffic for hours each day. one effort to mitigate these wasteful jams involves construction of additional motorways. but with little space specifically reserved for these new arteries, their proposed routes involve some delicate tradeoffs. one such road, the proposed southern bypass, is planned to run along the eastern boundary of nairobi national park. as presently designed, 150 acres of park land would need to be degazetted ( i. e., lost ) to accommodate the new road. several nature conservation organizations have joined together to oppose the project, and a pending legal action has provisionally halted all construction. in passing, one might understand this story as a tale of local conservation organizations banding together to “ hold the line ” — protecting a parcel of wilderness from the bulldozers of urban expansion. but in an urban system as complicated as nairobi, context truly matters. managing urban nature requires flexible and forward - looking perspectives, and i argue here that the issue is much more intricate than first meets the eye. in fact, the project presents a rare opportunity, if leveraged aggressively, to expand and strengthen the integrity of park while letting the bypass go forward. nairobi national park : a brief introduction situated just outside kenya ’ s capital, the 117km² nairobi national park is a relatively small protected area ( iucn category ii ). managed by the kenya wildlife service, this urban protected area is home to a wide range of wildlife, such as lion, leopard, cheetah, buffalo, giraffe, and the critically endangered black rhinoceros. the formally protected area is itself an integral part of a 2000km² semi - arid savannah ecosystem, marked by characteristic seasonal wildlife migration from as far south as tanzania. in the dry - season months of june to november, herbivores such as zebra and wildebeest take their annual refuge within park boundaries. from december, when rains return, this wildlife quickly disperses back to the open plains, where food will have become more plentiful and predators are more easily avoided. beyond serving as important habitat for wildlife, these plains south of nairobi are also the traditional home of maasai pastoralists, who have long adapted their practices to the natural rhythms of seasonal migration. for example, these herdsmen judiciously move away from migration routes at times when predators and calving wildlife posed risk to their cattle. back in 1946, when this national park was first established, these migrations were largely undisturbed by


. for example, these herdsmen judiciously move away from migration routes at times when predators and calving wildlife posed risk to their cattle. back in 1946, when this national park was first established, these migrations were largely undisturbed by human activity. the city of nairobi was much smaller then — about 120, 000 residents — and the park was an unfenced wilderness somewhat beyond the urban horizon. residential and industrial activity remained largely concentrated around nairobi ’ s core, and a wide buffer remained between built - up and protected areas. beyond the boundaries, with but little competition for land, wildlife, pastoralists, and city - dwellers all managed to live together. however, nairobi ’ s formerly modest urban center has now grown to a city of over 3 million inhabitants, and the functional distance between park and city has dramatically decreased. residential development has progressively expanded against many of the park ’ s edges, including both informal townships and luxury accommodation. especially along the eastern boundary, heavy industrial activity like cement factories and an oil refinery contribute to a noxious environment where neither wildlife nor people can easily flourish. clogged roadways now border the park on several sides, and works are underway to widen these to relieve congested traffic conditions. such intense urban activity just beside the national park has direct impacts for the health of this natural environment. industrial and residential effluent require constant monitoring ; windblown waste and illegal dumping pollute protected habitat ; wildlife are increasingly killed along the heavily trafficked roads that now surround the park ; while fence vandalism, illegal encroachment, and bush - meat poaching are other urban problems faced by park managers. to separate the national park from the urban fabric, electric fences were progressively installed to the west, north, and east. further reinforcing park boundaries, a public - private partnership called nairobi greenline has been working to grow a 50m wide forest of native trees, along 30km of the park ’ s eastern edge. as the initiative simple puts it : nairobi national park is under siege — it ’ s time to draw the line. it ’ s important to remember that the initial boundaries of the national park were fixed by arbitrary conveniences such as a river, a road, and railway. though only a small portion of the broader ecosystem was included for protection, seasonal wildlife movement was nonetheless able to continue precisely because of the strong connectivity between the park and its wildlife dispersal area. explicitly for this purpose, the southern edge still retains an open border, allowing free movement of wildlife across the


ecosystem was included for protection, seasonal wildlife movement was nonetheless able to continue precisely because of the strong connectivity between the park and its wildlife dispersal area. explicitly for this purpose, the southern edge still retains an open border, allowing free movement of wildlife across the broader landscape. however, the growth of nairobi shows no sign of slowing, and the long - term viability of these migrations is far from certain. fast - growing settlements of rongai and kitengela have respectively become established at the southeast and southwest corners of the park. their persistent expansion continues to consume land that had previously been available for transiting wildlife. similarly, land - speculation along the entire southern boundary is driving land - prices up, increasing the incentive for owners to subdivide. over time, the park is slowly being encircled. because of the deep interdependence between the nairobi national park and the wildlife dispersal area to its south, a southern boundary fence would forever sever the protected area from its ecosystem. though if privately built fences south of the park were to become sufficiently dense — as they seem on track to become — wildlife would similarly be inhibited from migrating, and the park would become totally isolated from the broader ecosystem it is supposed to support and protect. in an attempt to preserve the needed migration corridors, several important efforts are ongoing. one initiative, known as the “ wildlife lease program ” works to identify unprotected parcels of land most important for migration, and pays a nominal rent to the landowners in exchange for their commitment to neither subdivide, nor sell, nor fence the property. the lengthy waiting list of individuals that have applied to participate in the scheme is an indication both of this project ’ s potential, as well as just how much of the migration corridor remains unprotected. a more general tool for preserving an unfenced landscape, the kitengela - isinya - kipeto land use management plan is a community - developed planning regulation that restricts the minimum plot - size in much of the dispersal area. here, the interests of the local community align with conservation aims, and collective efforts are underway to implement this scheme which simultaneously supports pastoral activity and wildlife migration. while these and other efforts are laudable, urban pressures continue to increase the potential value of land this land south of the park – and the area remains especially and increasingly vulnerable to irreversible change. on the importance of boundaries in a sense, the 67 - year history of nairobi national park can be summarized by two observations about its boundaries. first


land south of the park – and the area remains especially and increasingly vulnerable to irreversible change. on the importance of boundaries in a sense, the 67 - year history of nairobi national park can be summarized by two observations about its boundaries. first, the borders of this national park have proven to be a largely effective barrier to landuse change within the protected area. spatial images illustrate this quite well : the unmistakable growth of urban nairobi abruptly stops precisely where the national park begins. second, however, the area that was protected in 1946 doesn ’ t very well correspond to the most vulnerable places in 2013. this should not be surprising. after all, this was kenya ’ s first protected area — and it was designated at a time when the scale of today ’ s nairobi was simply unimaginable. as the capital has expanded — both in terms of its physical footprint and its indirect influence — the mismatch has become all the more consequential. to secure permanent protection for ecosystem function in this rapidly evolving urban landscape – a reimagining is in order. the southern bypass : a conservation threat? traffic congestion is a ubiquitous feature of daily life in nairobi. narrow roads are plied each day by an increasing number of private cars, heavy trucks, public busses and mini - van taxis. crossing town can take hours — wasting human and energy resources, worsening air quality, and generally deteriorating the quality of urban life. the government of kenya is mobilizing many resources to address this problem throughout the nairobi metro region. these efforts include a network of so - called “ bypass ” roads, providing alternative routes to especially clogged arteries. one of these projects, the “ southern bypass, ” was approved in 2012 and will run parallel to the boundary of nairobi national park. under kenyan law, this project required an environmental impact assessment and a special license from the national environmental management authority ( nema ). a standard and unsurprising condition of this license is that “ the proponent shall not encroach on gazetted parks, ” specifically nairobi national park. however, this condition is being tested in two related respects. first, over time, the land just beside nairobi national park has been occupied by a range of different residential and industrial land uses. while a narrow strip remains available for road construction, the proposed route is insufficiently wide. second, in one specific place, the proposed road will run perpendicular to the runway of nairobi ’ s domestic airport. there, flight safety regulations require more distance between the bypass than is presently


available for road construction, the proposed route is insufficiently wide. second, in one specific place, the proposed road will run perpendicular to the runway of nairobi ’ s domestic airport. there, flight safety regulations require more distance between the bypass than is presently available. together, these reasons have obliged road engineers to design a route that at some points would traverse parts of nairobi national park. accordingly, to comply with the conditions of the nema licence, the kenyan parliament would need to excise about 150 acres from the park. local press reports that the loss would eventually be compensated by some 1. 8 billion shillings ( ≈ us $ 21 million ). on the surface, transforming national park land into a highway seems like a terrible outcome for nature. to stop this from happening, several local conservation organizations have begun legal proceedings at the national environmental tribunal, and indeed, construction has halted while the appeal is under review. the main arguments of these organizations are as follows : - the road would illegally encroach on the currently gazetted nairobi national park - the project has become much larger than what was evaluated for the eia - the kenya wildlife service has no mandate to negotiate the disposal of park land - the integrity of national park boundaries must be respected, forever. - alternative means could allow road construction without traversing the national park - degazetting park land would set a dangerous precedent and would damage kenya ’ s reputation - land has already been allocated for a road ; it must be reclaimed from other users. some of these arguments raise very important issues, especially the substantive questions about how the proposed transportation project is evolving on the ground. others appear more tactical in nature, mobilizing political or procedural claims to prevent the proposed construction from going forward. taken together, their unambiguous objective is to prevent nairobi national park from being harmed. of course, a vigilant and engaged civil society is an important part of conserving nature. with more and more people concentrated in cities, it is only natural that threats to urban protected areas are so vigorously resisted. however, these very same urban places are also subject to much more complex tradeoffs than wilderness settings would require. such tradeoffs are politically delicate, but crucial for effective and adaptive stewardship of urban nature. in this particular case, most arguments against the southern bypass also appear to be rooted in an absolute commitment to protecting the integrity of the park boundaries, no matter what. in light of the ever - growing threats that protected areas face, such a conservative position is often quite justified. but again,


the southern bypass also appear to be rooted in an absolute commitment to protecting the integrity of the park boundaries, no matter what. in light of the ever - growing threats that protected areas face, such a conservative position is often quite justified. but again, context truly matters — and maintaining pre - existing boundaries isn ’ t always the best deal for nature. given how degraded certain sections of the park have become, how arbitrary the initial boundaries seem to have been, and the mismatch between the areas under protection and those essential for ecosystem function — if leveraged aggressively, this southern bypass could also be seen as a conservation opportunity. the southern bypass : a conservation opportunity? like any policy, nature conservation does not and cannot exist in a vacuum. the hard reality is that, in many respects, the greenline initiative has it right : nairobi national park is under siege. along the urban - facing edges, negative impacts are increasingly degrading the protected habitat ; and along the southern boundary, if the status quo persists, growing pressure from an expanding city will totally isolate this protected area from its natural ecosystem. though the current park boundaries are fairly effective at preventing land use change within them — the surrounding landscape is evolving in ways that undermine the sense of that protection. when viewed in this way, the proposed southern bypass should be seen not only as a threat to the national park — but also as a multifaceted opportunity. remaining focused for a moment on the narrow strip of land that might be excised : the traffic congestion in nairobi truly is dire, and resolving this problem is a top urban priority. with virtually no alternative routes available, this land along the nairobi national park boundary is tremendously valuable. it is a true asset, which can shrewdly be leveraged to support the park ’ s overall conservation. looking more broadly at edge conditions, decades of relaxed planning regulation seem to have allowed areas beside the national park to be occupied by a land uses that are entirely inappropriate neighbors for a protected area. the negative impacts they cause are in some cases so severe that neither wildlife nor people are able to occupy the areas. with no real hope of moving these industries away from the park, one viable solution for better edge protection is to create a new buffer from existing park land. in some places, the forest proposed by nairobi greenline is an example of how this is being done. in other sections, it ’ s worth asking whether and how an appropriately built roadway could serve a similar function. unsurprisingly, the land within protected area boundaries is


proposed by nairobi greenline is an example of how this is being done. in other sections, it ’ s worth asking whether and how an appropriately built roadway could serve a similar function. unsurprisingly, the land within protected area boundaries is often coveted for other uses, and this is not the kind of tradeoff to be made lightly. decisions should be informed by the best available science, and in case of doubt over the conservation value of affected areas, the precautionary principle should prevail. but if it turns out such a bargain would yield significant, permanent gains for conservation it would be foolish to dismiss the opportunity out of hand. from a landscape perspective, the most pressing threat to nairobi national park does not really depend on the exact location of its northern boundaries. rather, the future of this protected area hinges instead on how the area south to its south will develop. as it looks now, the prognosis is fairly bleak. in this light, the real opportunity of the southern bypass is to reimagine the size and shape of nairobi national park — expanding its protection to the most vulnerable places, thanks to the value of some its most degraded parcels. in so rapidly changing an urban setting — where events are quickly overtaking the existing conservation geography — what sense does it really make to tightly preserve the precise locations of historical park boundaries? by virtue of the resources available for constructing this road infrastructure, the proposed southern bypass offers a rare opportunity to broadly renegotiate the form and function of nairobi national park. this opportunity should be seized, and the net gains for conservation should be measured not in terms of individual parcels, but rather, in terms of long - term ecosystem function. - how broad a migration corridor would need protection to permanently facilitate seasonal wildlife movement? - what other benefits would this protection have for the practice of traditional pastoralism in the dispersal area? - would such gains make for a worthwhile tradeoff? for the future health of nairobi national park — and by extension, the wellbeing of all nairobians — i ’ d strongly suggest that such questions are worth considering.


some of my earliest memories were of my mother threading a needle, tying a not on the end of the double thread and sewing buttons onto an article of clothing. the tiny object that keeps our shirt, coats, waistbands and cuffs together are often taken for granted until one of them falls off. button history and 13 button facts a button is a small disk or knob that is sewn onto a garment to fasten it by being pushed through a buttonhole or other loop made for the button. buttons have been around for a very, very long time. let me tell you a few facts about the button and tell you about the history of the button. - the oldest button ever found was in the indus valley civilization which is now pakistan. the button is made of a curved shell and dates back 5, 000 years! - in 2600 - 1500bce buttons were used as ornamentation instead of as fasteners. - buttons with buttonholes used to keep clothing closed first appeared in 13th century germany. - by the 13th and 14th century, buttons were widespread throughout europe. - ornamental buttons dating back between 2600 - 1500bce have been found in the indus valley civilization, rome and china - during the world wars, the british and u. s. military used button lockets which were buttons constructed like lockets to store compasses. - buttons are made in all shapes and sizes. - flat buttons lie flat and have holes through them. the thread is sewn through the holes to attach the buttons to the fabric. most new sewing machines can sew on a button. - shank buttons have a protrusion on the back with a hole in it. the thread is wrapped around and through the hole to attach the button. - stud buttons are the metal buttons you find on jeans and jean jackets. these buttons are riveted through the fabric with a button on one side and a disc on the other. this type of button is very secure because the fabric is sandwiched between the two metal pieces. - covered buttons are buttons that are covered with a small piece of fabric. the smooth metal button has teeth to grab the fabric around the edges and a shank that is pressed onto the back to hold all the fabric edges in the hollow metal button back. - frogs are knotted strings in an intricate pattern which have a large string knob that is held within the knotted strings like a button and buttonhole. - buttons are made of natural and man made materials. as i was going through stuff today, i came across some clothes


csiro mine safety tech becomes archaeological tool zebedee helps map ancient cave etchings a 3d mapping technology announced earlier this year by australia ’ s science agency csiro is being used to help map what might be the world ’ s oldest cave etchings. during december, csiro scientists undertook an exploration on behalf of the adelaide museum, in which they took the technology known as zebedee into the delicate koonalda cave in south australia. the cave was used as a flint mine by australian aborigines as far back as 30, 000 years ago, the cave includes markings known as “ finger flutings ”, apparently made by dragging the hand across the soft limestone walls. enter zebedee, a 3d mapping system created by the csiro and licensed to uk company geoslam. the handheld system gathers a real - time point cloud of its surroundings without needing systems like gps as a reference ( handy, since gps doesn ’ t work underground ). zebedee consists of a lightweight lidar ( light detection and ranging ) set, along with inertial measurement. and yes, its inventors – robert zlot and mike bosse of the csiro ’ s autonomous systems lab – say its name was inspired by the character in the magic roundabout. new scientist describes the expedition to map the caves here - and the purpose of the finger flutings still remains a mystery. however, with the 3d maps, researchers can at least examine the cave from their desktop, without the six - hour drive to reach the caves. ® the system uses a 2d lidar that can only detect distances in a plane. the spring is to give it a random pattern to ensure it scans in all directions more - or - less evenly. the readings from the lidar are then combined with the information from the accelerometer / gyroscope ( can ' t remember which ) to produce a 3d map of the environment in which the scan was taken. it ' s basically a lidar - on - a - spring - on - a - stick that you hold while walking around a cave. managed to see them demonstrate it when our robotics class went on a field trip to the autonomous systems lab ( along with a bunch of other cool stuff ) and it was really as simple as walking around while holding it to get a 3d map of an area. we all know how this will end. in an adequate, yet slightly disappointing even though we knew we weren ' t going to get what we were hoping for, trip to a far distant


would you like to learn how to speed read? it is a skill that has great value in our text based society. regardless of who you are, speed - reading can benefit you. you might be an entrepreneur trying to make more money, or a stay at home mom trying to get by. regardless of your goals or aspirations, the skill can help you persevere and improve. and yes, speed reading can be learned. using the techniques presented in this article, you should be reading 2 times as fast very quickly. a common trend that people have when reading a book is to subvocalize their words. reading is usually conducted using our mental “ voice ” – we say it inside our minds. stages of subvocalization include three specific steps : outward vocalization, mouthing the words to ourselves, and then saying them within our minds without any vocalization whatsoever. reading a poem, or the lyrics to a song, are examples of subvocalization. you could be reading to your child before bedtime. subvocalization, sadly, is the slowest way that anybody can read despite its entertainment value. it is sometimes difficult to stop reading in this way, something you will have to force yourself to do. you must stop relying upon hearing the words that are written. you must take what you see and process it in your mind. basically, if you are going to read fast, it is imperative that you stop subvocalizing what you read and process it only through your mind. rereading something you ’ ve read once is a habit many people get into. it ’ s okay to reread something for clarification, but very often it ’ s done simply out of habit. there ’ s a tendency to do a lot of rereading out of uncertainty or lack of confidence in our ability to understand the material. this is counterproductive ; even though you ’ re doing it to increase your understanding, it does the opposite because you never get into a smooth flow as your read. so, only go back and read something if it is absolutely mandatory. you can learn to read faster by using your index finger as a guide. some people have a bias against doing this because they think it ’ s only done by children or poor readers. in fact, everyone can benefit by doing this. your finger helps guide your eyes across the page in a fast and accurate way. another reason this is such a good speed reading tactic is that your eyes will automatically take in words at the pace that your finger


fact, everyone can benefit by doing this. your finger helps guide your eyes across the page in a fast and accurate way. another reason this is such a good speed reading tactic is that your eyes will automatically take in words at the pace that your finger is moving. as you can see, the ability to improve your reading speed has little to do with skills or technique. learning how to read fast is only possible if you first remove your old style of reading. once this is done, you can implement your new style of reading, the ability to absorb the information in chunks of useful information instead of just filler. your index finger should be regarded as a friend that is helping you read faster as you guide it along the page. by using the advice that we have just presented in this article, in no time at all, you will be able to read faster than ever before and save time every day. the feedback about this really is usually along the lines of surprise reactions when individuals read about tv aerial, right here. so if it suits your fancy, or need, then you are at your leisure to delve into it and know all about it. one particular glaring side - benefit to pursuing this analysis is all the mundane small points that will genuinely give the glue that binds it all together. what we all naturally do is zero - in on something which is quite related to our scenario and focus on that. beneficial information is there for you if only you ’ ve the motivation to appear for it. it is our express want to view you get the kind of enable you to really feel is necessary, so do continue by all implies.


friday, may 17, 2013 thursday, may 2, 2013 last week we were rewarded when there was an initial sighting of one monarch caterpillar. we were ecstatic but within days, our sighting of one caterpillar was eclipsed by our sighting of dozens of monarch caterpillars - up to 25 in a single day! so please enjoy some pictures from our monarch party in the titan garden. we feel honored to have assisted with such an amazing journey safe travels, little guys! our students are learning this week that they are all members of the same food chain. and they are also learning that the numbers of each of these animals that exist in nature is critical to the food chain not collapsing. but why do we care about a food chain that doesn ' t involve us? because every action that we take in nature, good and bad, can have consequences on animals that we have never even seen. and in the same way, actions taken on the other side of the world can have consequences on our very own food chain. our titan gardeners have been amazing this year and we are so proud of them for approaching each topic we discuss with such good thoughts. and we hope that our discussion of food chains encourages them to think beyond themselves when they take actions big and small that might affect other living things. friday, april 26, 2013 today our assignment was to find different plant parts and rename them according to what their job is for the plant. we renamed roots to sucker - ground - grabbers ( bridget ). monday, april 15, 2013 there are bugs all around us, especially in the garden, but we often don ’ t see them because they are tiny and are masters of hiding. and there are around 5500 species of mammals discovered, there are 1, 000, 000 species of insects discovered. check out the chart below. think about it, 1, 000, 000 species of insects and we estimate that we have only discovered 20 %, which means there could be around 5, 000, 000 species of insects. and 600, 000 species of arachnids ( only 17 % discovered ) are estimated. amazing and helps us put into perspective our place in the garden. we talk to the kids a lot about how they are just visitors in the garden and being respectful of those living things that make their home in the garden. well, we had a wonderful chance to get up close and personal with bugs a few weeks ago when wizzie brown, texas a & m agrilife entomologist, came to talk


those living things that make their home in the garden. well, we had a wonderful chance to get up close and personal with bugs a few weeks ago when wizzie brown, texas a & m agrilife entomologist, came to talk with the titan garden classes. wizzie discussed and displayed many types of arhtropods including insects, and arachnids. we discussed what kinds of habitats they live in, why they might use venom and how they do the cool things they do ( like walk up a wall of stand on the ceiling ). the kids got to look up close at things they might never see again, like madagascar hissing cockroaches ( above ) and emperor scorpions. they saw the molted skin of a goliath bid - eating tarantula and a lcal texas brown tarantula. they also saw examples of two notorious local spiders, the brown recluse and the black widow, and we discussed how to identify these dangerous spiders and what to do if you see one. yes, some “ ew ” s and “ gross ” comments but the kids had wonderful questions about bug behavior. 1st grade and kindergarten even got to try out walking like a bug which different students acting as the different body parts. not an easy task! thanks to wizzie brown for visiting with our titan gardeners and broadening their horizons. friday, march 8, 2013 wednesday, february 20, 2013 it is wonderful to think that the students themselves brought these beautiful flowers to our school, with their jumping and dancing and laughing as they spread the seeds out. the field which will be enjoyed by anyone who drives or walks by our garden for the next few months, the kids will run through it during their garden classes, seeing bees and butterflies having just as good a time. we will talk about native species, pollination, drought tolerance and more.


how does a flash drive like pendrive can store such a large amount of data? in a few words i actually want to know the whole setup of pendrive / flash drive which help it to store data in it, in simple and plain language for the person lile me who have no relation with this feild. please help me to come out of this mind boggling question. the flash drive has flash memory chips. the electrons flow from the computer to the flash drive and a signal tells the flash drive to set each memory cell in the flash memory to a certain value, either 1 or 0. that ' s how it stores the data. look it up on google for much more information.... flash memory, or nand memory : is what we call none volatile memory. what it means is. it does not require the memory chip to have a constant feed of electricity to retain the data stored on it, say when you unplug it from the computer once storing the data on it. it is retained, until the data is overwritten by user intervention, data replaced or wiped, deleted from the device, by the user. where as volatile memory : requires a current to constantly keep and store the data that resides in it, cut the power and all is lost in volatile memory. flash memory comes under the section of none volatile memory due to this. but still can ware out through lots of use in reading and writing data operations to the memory chip, mostly down to circuity degradation of the memory chip it ` s self over long time, use or write or read operations preformed by the nand memory chip. that is where it begins to fail to store the data on the memory chip. as said all the data is set up as 1 or 0 on the usb pen drive, in what we call binary format. what the core level of a cpu works at in machine code, and understands. all data is stored in this format, be it on a flash pen drive or the main system memory contained in a computer for data storage, or for an example the hard disk drive of your computer. that may help your home work assignment! just kidding.