much into his body as he can make enter. " these controversies were never sought for by the jews, who were well acquainted with the danger of discussions. but the clergy and the friars were possessed by the desire, not so much to convert the jews, as to let christians see the defeat of the synagogue. the very existence of the jews was a subject which troubled simple souls, and it was well to explain to them that the obduracy " of those rebels " was due to the stupidity of their beliefs. with this end in view, various treatises had as early as the twelfth century been composed against the jews, such as " annulus seu dialogus christiani et judei de fidei sacramentis, " by rupert ; " tractatus adversus judæorum inveteratum duritiem, " by pierre le venerable, but attributed wrongly to william of champeaux ; " tractatus contra judæum, " anonymous ; " liber contra perfidiem judæorum, " by pierre de blois ( on these works see israel levi in " r. e. j. " v. 239 et seq., and isidore loeb, " la controverse religieuse entre les chretiens et les juifs au moyen age en france et en espagne, " in " revue de l ' histoire des religions, " 1888, p. 17 ). in the thirteenth century such treatises were composed not only in latin but also in french ; e. g., " de la disputaison de la sinagogue et de la sainte eglise " ( jubinal, " mysteres du xve siecle, " ii, 404 - 408 ), and " la disputaison du juyf et du crestien " ( " hist. litter. de la france, " 23, 217 ). from hebrew works it is evident that the rabbis were sometimes tormented by the christians, generally by the members of the clergy or of the orders ( geiger, " proben judischer vertheidigung gegen christ. angriffe im mittelalter, " in breslauer ' s " jahrbuch, " i. and ii., 1850 - 51 ). of interest for the jewish side of the disputations is a curious collection of the thirteenth century containing replies made " to infidels and christians " by


s " jahrbuch, " i. and ii., 1850 - 51 ). of interest for the jewish side of the disputations is a curious collection of the thirteenth century containing replies made " to infidels and christians " by joseph l ' official and several members of his family ( zadoc kahn, " le livre de joseph le zelateur, " in " r. e. j. " i. 222 et seq., iii. 1 et seq. ). among the christian disputants were some of the most distinguished members of the french clergy : the archbishop of sens, the chancellor of paris, the confessor of the queen, the bishops of mans, of meaux, of poitiers, of angouleme, of angers, of vannes, of st. malo, the abbot of cluny, and the dominican friars. " the astonishing and extraordinary point in their replies is the free spirit of the christian clergy and the free speech of the jews. " the " infidels " to whom the responses of the jews were addressed were converts who with all the ardor of neophytes showed themselves as the bitter enemies of their former coreligionists. st. louis favored conversions ; several of the proselytes were held at the baptismal font by the king himself, and were named after him. as the property of converts was confiscated because of the loss which resulted to the treasury from the cessation of the payment of the taxes imposed on jews, the king granted them pensions ( tillemont, " vie de st. louis, " ed. j. de gaulle, v. 296 et seq. ). in 1239 nicholas donin, a convert from la rochelle, brought before pope gregory a formal accusation against the talmud, charging that it contained blasphemies against jesus, against god, against morality, and against the christians, not to speak of many errors, follies, and absurdities. the pope thereupon addressed bulls to the bishops of france, england, and castile, to the bishop and to the priors of the dominicans and the franciscans of paris, directing that all copies of the talmud should be seized and that an investigation of the contents of this work should be made. in france alone, it seems, was this order obeyed. on march 3, 1240, while the jews were in the synagogues, all copies of the talmud were seized. burning of the


investigation of the contents of this work should be made. in france alone, it seems, was this order obeyed. on march 3, 1240, while the jews were in the synagogues, all copies of the talmud were seized. burning of the talmud. on june 12, 1240, a public debate was opened between donin and four representatives of the jews : jehiel of paris, judah b. david of melun, samuel b. solomon ( perhaps sir morel de falaise ), and moses de coucy. the most weighty arguments were advanced by jehiel, who has left a proces verbal of the controversy. after the disputation a tribunal was appointed to pass judgment upon the talmud, among its members being eudes de chateauroux, chancellor of the university of paris ; guillaume d ' auvergne, bishop of paris ; and the inquisitor henri de cologne. after the same rabbis had been heard a second time, the talmud was condemned to be burned. two years after ( in the middle of 1242 ) twenty - four cartloads of hebrew books were solemnly burned at paris. doubtless all the copies had not been found, for in 1244 innocent iv. wrote to st. louis to institute a new confiscation. a little later, while at lyons, the pope listened to the complaints of the jews, and in 1247 he asked eudes de chateauroux to examine the talmud from the jewish standpoint, and to ascertain whether it might not be tolerated as harmless to the christian faith, and whether the copies which had been confiscated might not be returned to their owners. therabbis had represented to him that without the aid of the talmud they could not understand the bible or the rest of their statutes. eudes informed the pope that the change of attitude involved in such a decision would be wrongly interpreted ; and on may 15, 1248, the talmud was condemned for the second time ( isidore loeb in " r. e. j. " i. 116, 247 et seq., ii. 248 et seq., iii. 39 et seq. ; a. darmesteter, ib. i. 140 ; noel valois, " guillaume d ' auvergne, " paris, 1880 ). this was a fatal blow to talmudic study in northern france, and from that moment it began to decline. under a king so pious and so hostile to the jews as st. louis, the church


auvergne, " paris, 1880 ). this was a fatal blow to talmudic study in northern france, and from that moment it began to decline. under a king so pious and so hostile to the jews as st. louis, the church could give free vent to its desire for regulating their condition. never were so many councils occupied with their fate as in his reign : those of narbonne ( 1227 ), chateau gautier ( 1231 ), beziers ( 1246 ), valence ( 1248 ), alby ( 1254 ), montpellier ( 1258 ), and vienne ( 1267 ) all passed decrees affecting the jews ( labbe, xi. 305, 444, 685, 698, 737, 781, 863 ). a comparison of these decrees with the ordinances of st. louis shows that usually the pious king merely sanctioned the measures dictated by the bishops. but at length, in order to bring about the conversion of the jews, st. louis compelled them in 1269 to listen to the famous paul christian ( pablo christiani, a converted jew who had become a dominican ), to reply to the questions which he might put to them pertaining to religion, and to show him whatever books they had ( le nain de tillemont, v. 294 ; ulysse robert in " r. e. j. " iii. 216 ). according to a hebrew text ( neubauer in " j. q. r. " v. 713 ), a controversy appears to have taken place at paris in 1273 between this paul ( wrongly called " cordelier " ) and some french rabbis having at their head abraham b. solomon of dreux ; some of the sessions were held at the court of st. louis ' successor, philip the bold ( 1270 - 85 ), and some at the monastery of the franciscans, the archbishop of paris and high dignitaries of the church being present. the disputation appears to have provoked the massacre of more than a thousand persons, but even this failed to effect the conversion of any of the jews. no christian text has recorded this occurrence. under philip the bold and philip the fair. philip the bold continued to treat the provisions of the canonical law as though they were a part of the common law. he reminded the royal officers that by the terms of the ordonnance of 1269 the jews were compelled to abstain from all usury and to wear on their coats a colored badge (


as though they were a part of the common law. he reminded the royal officers that by the terms of the ordonnance of 1269 the jews were compelled to abstain from all usury and to wear on their coats a colored badge ( " ordonnances, " i. 312 ). at the parliament of pentecost in 1280, in accordance with a resolution adopted by the councils of 1279 and 1280, a new statute was passed prohibiting jews from keeping christian servants in their houses. and finally, in his ordinance of april 19, 1283, the king ordered the bailes to carry out the law preventing the jews from repairing their synagogues and from possessing copies of the talmud ( langlois, " philippe le hardi, " p. 298 ). with philip the fair the jews reached the nadir of their misfortune. it was not for nothing that the wearing of the badge was required, and that accusations of sorcery had been made ( ordonnance on the improvement of morals of 1254 ) ; and now the belief in ritual murder was to reappear. since the previous century it had been scarcely mentioned in france. at valreas, however, in 1247 it had caused several jews to be sentenced to torture ( " r. e. j. " vii. 304 ) ; at pons in saintonge jews seem to have been accused of the same crime, but at what date is not known ( " joseph le zelateur " in " r. e. j. " iii. 15 ) ; and at troyes on april 25, 1288, for the pretended murder of a christian child thirteen jews chosen from among the richer members of the community were condemned by the inquisition to perish in the flames. several elegies, and a very fine french ballad written in hebrew characters, commemorate this last event ( a. darmesteter in " r. e. j. " ii. 199 et seq. ). blood accusation and host desecration. two years later at paris a jew and his wife living in the rue des billettes were burned together, but this time on a new charge, that of piercing the host. the heinous crime was discovered by the clots of blood which sprang from the host and which nothing could stop. ballads perpetuated the story of this miracle ; the stained - glass windows of many churches commemorated it ; and later, in the controversies between catholic and protestant theologians concerning the real presence,


of blood which sprang from the host and which nothing could stop. ballads perpetuated the story of this miracle ; the stained - glass windows of many churches commemorated it ; and later, in the controversies between catholic and protestant theologians concerning the real presence, it furnished an argument for the former in favor of their thesis. even to - day the " miracle of the rue des billettes " is recalled each year in the church st. jean - st. francois, rue charlot, paris ( bouquet, xx. 658 ; xxi. 127, 132 ; xxii. 32 ). but it was not superstition which guided philip the fair, who was a very practical politician. even before ascending the throne, as vuitry justly remarks ( new series, i. 91 ), he had perceived the value of the jews from a financial standpoint. in taking possession of champagne in 1284 in the name of his wife, he received 25, 000 livres as a gift from the jews of that province, in return for which he confirmed their terms of settlement. in 1288 he even claimed that in his royal capacity all the jews belonged to him ; but he was compelled to recognize the right of the lords to the possession of some of them ( boutaric, " la france sous philippe le bel, " p. 300 ). submitted to his caprices, the jews were by turns protected and persecuted, according to the interests of the moment. in 1288, considering that they were a fruitful possession for his demain, he refused to allow them to be imprisoned upon the requisition of the church without the seneschal or the baile being informed ( " ordonnances, " i. 317 ). increasing taxation. advised in 1302 that the inquisitors wished to inquire into certain cases concerning the jews, on the plea that charges of usury and sorcery were involved, he forbade the officers and royal judges to arrest or even disturb any jew at the request of the inquisitors ( ib. 346 ). nevertheless in 1290 he had expelled all the jews coming from gascony and england ( ib. 317 ), doubtless to avoid all dispute with his powerful neighbor, the english king. in 1292 he levied, through the agency of the jew manasseh of croise, an extra tax on the jews ( boutaric, p. 300 ) ; in 1295 he arrested them all, ordering that an inventory of their


in 1292 he levied, through the agency of the jew manasseh of croise, an extra tax on the jews ( boutaric, p. 300 ) ; in 1295 he arrested them all, ordering that an inventory of their goods should be drawn up, and that they should not be released without a special order from him. their money was to beturned over to receivers ; objects of value which had been left in pawn with them might be repurchased by their owners during a period of eight days, after which they would be sold for the benefit of the treasury ( boutaric, p. 301 ). but this was only a threat to compel the jews to satisfy the royal demands. in 1299 the king imposed on them another tax, and at the same time renewed the edict of 1230 ( " ordonnances, " i. 333 ; brussel, p. 609 ). again in 1303 he imposed a tax upon them ; but the jews alleged this time that since they had not been able to obtain the payment of moneys due to them, they were not in a position to pay the new tax punctually. the king thereupon ordered his officers to compel the debtors of the jews to pay their debts ( " ordonnances, " i. 545 ). thenceforth, although the jews found themselves unable to meet any further exactions, the demands of philip the fair became more imperious. exile of 1306. toward the middle of 1306 the treasury was nearly empty, and the king, as he was about to do the following year in the case of the templars, decided to kill the goose that laid the golden egg. he condemned the jews to banishment, and took forcible possession of their property, real and personal ( bouquet, xxi. 27 ; " continuation de nangis, " p. 355 ). their houses, lands, and movable goods were sold at auction ; and for the king were reserved any treasures found buried in the dwellings that had belonged to the jews. that philip the fair intended merely to fill the gap in his treasury, and was not at all concerned about the well - being of his subjects, is shown by the fact that he put himself in the place of the jewish moneylenders and exacted from their christian debtors the payment of their debts, which they themselves had to declare. furthermore, three months before the sale of the property of the jews the king took


that he put himself in the place of the jewish moneylenders and exacted from their christian debtors the payment of their debts, which they themselves had to declare. furthermore, three months before the sale of the property of the jews the king took measures to insure that this event should be coincident with the prohibition of clipped money, in order that those who purchased the goods should have to pay in undebased coin. finally, fearing that the jews might have hidden some of their treasures, he declared that one - fifth of any amount found should be paid to the discoverer ( vuitry, " etudes, " new series, i. 91 et seq. ; simeon luce, " catalogue des documents du tresor des chartres relatifs aux juifs sous le regne de philippe le bel " ). it was on july 22, the day after the ninth of ab, that the jews were arrested. in prison they received notice that they had been sentenced to exile ; that, abandoning their goods and debts, and taking only the clothes which they had on their backs and the sum of 12 sous tournois each, they would have to quit the kingdom within one month ( " r. e. j. " ii. 15 et seq. ; saige, pp. 27, 28, 87 et seq. ). speaking of this exile, a french historian has said : " the expulsion of 1306 was, taking all things into account, practically the revocation of the edict of nantes issued by the louis xiv. of the middle ages [ i. e., philip the fair ]. in striking at the jews philip the fair at the same time dried up one of the most fruitful sources of the financial, commercial, and industrial prosperity of his kingdom " ( simeon luce in " r. e. j. " ii. 16 ). although the history of the jews of france in a way began its course again a short time afterward, it may be said that in reality it ceased at this date. it was specially sad for them that during the preceding century the kingdom of france had increased considerably in extent. outside the isle of france, it now comprised champagne, the vermandois, normandy, perche, maine, anjou, touraine, poitou, the marche, lyonnais, auvergne, and languedoc, reaching from the rhone to the pyrenees — provence, as the jews called it. the exiles could not take refuge anywhere except in lorraine


, touraine, poitou, the marche, lyonnais, auvergne, and languedoc, reaching from the rhone to the pyrenees — provence, as the jews called it. the exiles could not take refuge anywhere except in lorraine, the county of burgundy, savoy, dauphine, roussillon, and a part of provence. it is not possible to estimate the number of fugitives ; that given by gratz, 100, 000 ( " gesch. " 3d ed., vii. 245 ), has no foundation in fact. the fate of the jews of the south in the course of the thirteenth century by no means resembled their previous experience. it was a period of reaction. the coalition of the pope, the church, and the enemies of the counts of toulouse now forced the counts, who with their vassals had a century before protected the jews so efficaciously, to yield to the intolerance of the times. the crusade against the albigenses had partly for its cause the fact that raymond vi. and his vassals had confided certain public offices to the jews ; and this wrong was one of those for which the count of toulouse and a dozen of his principal vassals made the amende honorable at the council of st. gilles ( 1209 ), by swearing not to entrust public or private offices to jews in the future ( vaissette, iii. 162 - 163 ). in his territory they were not allowed even to lease the tolls, imposts, or other revenues. at narbonne, however, they continued to act as brokers down to 1306. their condition became worse when in 1229 raymond vii. had to give up to blanche of castile, mother of st. louis, the portion of lower languedoc extending from carcassonne to beaucaire ; and still more precarious when, after raymond ' s death in 1249, his daughter jeanne, wife of alphonse of poitiers, the brother of st. louis, inherited the remainder of his dominions. alphonse of poitiers ' policy toward the jews was similar to that of his brother, with this difference, however, says boutaric, his biographer ( p. 318 ), that, while st. louis undertook to drive usury out of his kingdom, alphonse desired to enrich himself. as count of poitou, in 1249 he granted to the inhabitants of la rochelle the privilege of no


318 ), that, while st. louis undertook to drive usury out of his kingdom, alphonse desired to enrich himself. as count of poitou, in 1249 he granted to the inhabitants of la rochelle the privilege of no longer harboring jews in their city. he even agreed to expel the jews from poitiers, st. jean d ' angely, niort, saintes, and st. maxient, on condition that those cities indemnify him for his loss. but the jews apparently offered larger sums in order to be allowed to remain ; in a record dated 1250 it is in fact noted that the jews of poitou had made a partial payment of 1, 000 livres. alphonse, like his brother, ordered the jews to wear the circular badge ( 1269 ), but he subsequently sold them exemption from this law ( archives nationales, j. j. 24d, fol. 720 ). being in need of money, in 1268 he again followed his brother ' s example and arrested all the jews in his domains, sequestrating their property. he desired to do the same in the territory of the barons, but the latter protested, since they had received large sums from the jews in return for permission to dwell there ; and alphonse was obliged to yield ( boutaric, pp. 320, 321 ). the arrest of the jews proved so obnoxious that the count consented to liberate the poor, the sick, the children under fourteen years, and all those that agreed to declare the amount of their possessions. the seneschals received orders to promise the prisoners liberty in return for a ransom, and to bid them send two of the wealthiest among them to the count, who would confer with them directly. a number of the jews who had made false statements in regard to their property were kept close prisoners. others, weary of confine ment, turned informers. one of these reported to the seneschal of poitou that certain treasures had been hidden in cellars. this report proved true, and the success of the search soon reached the ears of the other seneschals. one of the informers incurred the enmity of jews and christians to such an extent that he did not dare remain in the territory of the count. the jews were finally liberated on payment of large sums, which those under each seneschal ' s jurisdiction undertook to pay jointly, as follows : those of poito


to such an extent that he did not dare remain in the territory of the count. the jews were finally liberated on payment of large sums, which those under each seneschal ' s jurisdiction undertook to pay jointly, as follows : those of poitou 8, 000 livres, of saintonge 6, 000 livres, of rouergue 1, 000 livres, and of auvergne 2, 000 livres. those of toulouse promised to pay 3, 500 livres, alphonse having estimated their possessions at only 1, 300 livres, but he now ordered them to pay 5, 000 livres ( ib. ). this spoliation was not as profitable as the count had expected, for his agents filled their own pockets with the sums extorted from the jews. in 1270 alphonse again harassed the jews, commanding them to return to their debtors all sums which they had received as usury. he himself derived the benefit of this procedure, for the pope had authorized him to devote such sums to defraying in part the expenses of the crusade. on the death of alphonse of poitiers his estates came into possession of philip the bold, and the jews of these provinces now shared the fate of their coreligionists of the north, whose history has been recounted above. ( on the relation of the jews to the local seigniors, see saige, passim. ) relations with the inquisition. the inquisition, which had been instituted in order to suppress the heresy of the albigenses, finally occupied itself with the jews of southern france also. the popes complained that not only were baptized jews returning to their former faith, but that christians also were being converted to judaism. in march, 1273, gregory x. formulated the following rules : relapsed jews, as well as christians who abjured their faith in favor of " the jewish superstition, " were to be treated by the inquisitors as heretics. the instigators of such apostasies, as well as those who received or defended the guilty ones, were to be punished in the same way as the delinquents. it was in accordance with these rules that on jan. 4, 1278, the jews of toulouse, who had buried a christian convert in their cemetery, were brought before the inquisition for trial, and their rabbi, isaac males, was condemned to the stake ( vaissette, original ed., iv.,


1278, the jews of toulouse, who had buried a christian convert in their cemetery, were brought before the inquisition for trial, and their rabbi, isaac males, was condemned to the stake ( vaissette, original ed., iv., documents, col. 5 ). philip the fair, as mentioned above, at first ordered his seneschals not to imprison any jews at the instance of the inquisitors, but in 1299 he rescinded this order ( see israel levi, " les juifs et l ' inquisition dans la france meridionale, " 1891 ; lea, " history of the inquisition, " ii. 96 ). the schools of paris and elsewhere. when the edict of exile was suddenly pronounced in 1306, the intellectual decadence of the jews of northern france was already far advanced. but down to the time of the burning of the talmud, that is, down to the first half of the thirteenth century, the rabbinical schools flourished and preserved their prestige. talmudic scholars continued the work of the tosafists ; the school of sir leon ( d. 1224 ) at paris attracted many disciples, and flourished still more under his successor, jehiel b. joseph, alias sir vives of meaux. among the 300 pupils that the latter gathered around him were isaac of corbeil, his son - in - law ; perez b. elijah, of the same city ; judah ha - kohen, probably of mayence ; and the celebrated meir of rothenburg. on account of jehiel ' s eminence he was chosen to direct the disputation relating to the talmud, referred to above. after the condemnation of that work, however, the school of paris declined. jehiel even sent an emissary to palestine to collect subsidies for his academy ; he finally left france ( c. 1260 ) to end his days in the holy land. a part of his tosafot, consultations, and decisions have been preserved. jehiel ' s school ceased to exist after his departure. samuel of evreux, a distinguished tosafist, and a contemporary of jehiel, taught at chateau - thierry. hiselder brother, moses of evreux, was the author of the " tosafot of evreux. " samuel b. solomon of falaise, alias sir morel, who took part in the disputation of paris, also conducted a famous school ; he was


of the times induced the rabbis to be content with merely collecting the work of their predecessors, so that the talmudists of the second half of the thirteenth century, in contrast to those of the preceding century, were chiefly compilers. nor can the bible commentaries of this century compare with those of the preceding century ; the tosafot to the torah, aaron b. joseph ' s " gan " ( 1250 ), isaac ha - levi b. judah ' s " pa ' aneah raza, " and hezekiah b. manoah ' s " hazkunni " ( 1240 ) are interesting compilations, in which are contained many ingenious interpretations, but in which the haggadah, and to a greater degree gematria, occupy a too prominent place. berechiah ha - nakdan stands out from among these men of somewhat limited views ; he was interested in theologic questions, translated a lapidary and adelard of bath ' s " quæstiones naturales, " and composed a charming collection of fables in rimed prose intermixed with verse ( i. lævi, in " r. e. j. " xlvi. 285 ). jewish learning in southern france. the jews of the south of france were meanwhile studying not only the talmud, the bible, and questions pertaining to the ritual, but also the humanities ; and they even cultivated poetry. science was introduced in the form of translations from the arabic. samuelibn tibbon ( flourished 1199 - 1213 ) translated into hebrew maimonides ' " guide " and several of his smaller writings, aristotle ' s " meteorology, " a philosophical treatise of averroes, and various medical works ; and also wrote original theses on these subjects. his son - in - law, jacob b. abba mari b. anatoli, who stood in friendly relation with michael scot, may be said, with the latter, to have introduced averroism into the west. he was also the first to apply the rationalism of maimonides to the interpretation of the bible. his " malmad ha - talmidim " is a collection of philosophic - allegorical homilies on the bible and the haggadah. an advanced thinker, he attacked christianity and mohammedanism, as well as in general the belief in miracles, the monastic life, and the ignorance and hypocrisy of his time. in his explanations of the text of


apologetics. controversy was introduced into provence by the kimhis. although northern france had the work of joseph the zealot, this is merely a collection of brief discussions entered into in connection with certain verses of the bible. southern france, on the other hand, produced regular treatises in defense of judaism against the attacks of christianity. joseph kimhi, who wrote the " sefer ha - berit " ( book of the covenant ), was followed by meir b. simon of narbonne with his " milhemet mizwah " ( holy war ), which contains much information concerning the unfortunate condition of the jews of that time. mordecai b. yehosifya, in his " mahazik emunah, " defends judaism against the attacks of paul christian. but the kimhis, curiously enough, could not introduce into provence the severe and grammatical exegesis which they hadbrought from spain ; for the advanced exegetes, like jacob anatoli, nissim of marseilles, and levi of villefranche, mentioned above, went further than the kimhis in their free treatment of the text, and, dominated by a boundless admiration for maimonides, could permit no other than the allegorical interpretation of the scriptures. the talmud continued to be assiduously studied by numbers of scholars ; but they were not leaders in the intellectual world, and even their principal works contain nothing particularly striking. nevertheless, the following may be mentioned : meshullam b. moses of beziers, with his " sefer ha - shelamah " ; abraham ha - levi b. joseph b. benvenisti, with his novellæ and his " bedek ha - bayit, " a criticism of solomon b. adret ' s " torat ha - bayit " ; and menahem b. solomon meiri ( don vidal solomon ), with his commentaries on the talmud and his " bet ha - behirah, " an introduction to the commentary of abot, and interesting for the information it gives concerning the rabbis of the time. the novellæ ( " hiddushim " ), which were characteristic of provence, no longer showed any originality. there was a fundamental difference between the new learning originating with maimonides and the traditional learning centering in the talmud ; and this difference, as was to be expected, soon led to controversies, which form one of the most interesting chapters in the history of the jews, not only


the new learning originating with maimonides and the traditional learning centering in the talmud ; and this difference, as was to be expected, soon led to controversies, which form one of the most interesting chapters in the history of the jews, not only of southern france, but of entire judaism. maimonists and anti - maimonists. the publication of maimonides ' mishneh torah had aroused the indignation of abraham ibn daud, as well as of the spanish talmudist meir b. todros abulafia ha - levi, nasi of toledo. the latter wrote his impressions to one of maimonides ' correspondents, jonathan cohen of lunel : he was especially scandalized by the way in which maimonides had juggled with the doctrine of the resurrection ; it had disturbed the jews, and was leading them to an absolute denial of the future life. aaron b. meshullam of lunel came to the defense of maimonides, answering the spanish scholar with much warmth. as meir felt that his views were not finding favor at home, he turned to the rabbis of northern france, and made solomon of dreux, simson of sens, simson of corbeil, david of chateau - thierry, abraham of touques, eliezer b. aaron of bourgogne, and others, judges in the dispute. they sided with meir, but their discussions were confined to an exchange of letters, the dates of which are not known, though they must have been written at least before 1210, since aaron b. meshullam died in that year. but after samuel ibn tibbon translated maimonides ' " guide of the perplexed, " the popularity of the works of the jewish philosopher thoroughly aroused the orthodox rabbis of southern france, who regarded the dissemination of maimonides ' rationalism as dangerous to judaism. the talmudist solomon b. abraham of montpellier, assisted by two of his pupils, david b. saul and jonah of girona, threatened to excommunicate any one who should read maimonides ' works. this was the first time within judaism that such a step had been taken ; the rabbis were doubtless influenced by the example of the inquisition, which then held sway in that region. the jews of southern france, who had been taught from infancy to admire maimonides, considered it presumptuous to treat him as a heretic, and no rabbi of provence was found willing to join solomon of montpellier in uttering


region. the jews of southern france, who had been taught from infancy to admire maimonides, considered it presumptuous to treat him as a heretic, and no rabbi of provence was found willing to join solomon of montpellier in uttering the ban. the latter, at the instance of meir abulafia, appealed for cooperation to the french rabbis, who were known for their unswervable attachment to tradition ; he sent judah of girona to them, and he obtained their promise to support the sentence of excommunication. thereupon all the jews of provence rose in protest ; the rabbis of lunel, beziers, and narbonne, and following them those of all the communities of that region, answered in kind, excommunicating solomon and his two disciples. the quarrel spread across the pyrenees, and the communities of aragon and castile sided with maimonides ( 1232 ). the community of toledo alone did not respond ; this alarmed solomon ' s opponents, and one of them, the famous david kimhi, who had at first been suspected of rationalism by the rabbis of northern france, but had succeeded in convincing them of his true position, set out for spain in order to bring the community of toledo into line. but before reaching that city he learned that its foremost scholar, judah b. alfakar, with whom he had previously corresponded, had published a letter in which he sided against maimonides, declaring that the doctrine of judaism had nothing in common with the philosophy of aristotle. this letter had already provoked many replies. but david kimhi received at the same time the astounding news that solomon b. abraham, abandoned by almost all his followers, had, seemingly in a fit of madness, denounced to the inquisition in montpellier the " sefer madda ' " ( the introduction to the mishneh torah ) and the " guide " of maimonides. the whole city of montpellier, where the partizans and adversaries of solomon had carried their quarrels even into the streets, was filled with consternation when the books of the famous jewish theologian were solemnly burned ( 1234 or 1235 ). the adversaries of maimonides were confounded by their triumph. some, including jonah, repented of their action in public ; the vanquished heaped scorn upon the victors. it even seems that jaime, seignior of montpellier, who was greatly attached to two partizans of maimonides, caused to be


repented of their action in public ; the vanquished heaped scorn upon the victors. it even seems that jaime, seignior of montpellier, who was greatly attached to two partizans of maimonides, caused to be arrested and condemned for calumny those who had attacked maimonides and his followers. the excitement in southern france was not allayed for a long time, and later, when the contest took place between the liberal and orthodox parties, although it too was based on maimonides ' teachings, no one dared mention his name or attack his opinions. the quarrel was in fact renewed in 1303 by abba mari b. moses b. joseph ( also known as " en astruc " ) of lunel, assisted by simon b. joseph ( " en duran " ) of lunel. dispute about philosophical studies in several letters addressed to solomon b. adret of barcelona, the foremost rabbinical authority of the time, abba mari pointed out the errors of the philosophical school, which interpreted as allegories not only passages of the talmud, but also bible stories. thus abraham and sarah were taken to signify the union of matter and form ; the twelve tribes to mean the twelve planets ; etc. furthermore, the writer complained that instead of praying andreciting the psalms, the people read aristotle and plato ; and that on sabbaths and festivals the young people studied works devoted to dangerous interpretations. he declared that steps must be taken to check this peril, and that the books dangerous to the faith must be excommunicated. although solomon b. adret shared the views of his correspondent, he did not dare to take the initiative in so grave a matter, but desired to wait until the communities interested in the question should force the action upon him. abba mari then took the matter into his own hands, and wrote successively to most of the rabbis of provence. levi of villefranche, a scholar who was visiting samuel sulami, was charged with having interpreted the scriptures allegorically, and his host no longer dared to keep him in his house. soon the communities were again divided. a letter from barcelona, signed by solomon b. adret and fourteen other rabbis, and threatening with excommunication any one who should engage in philosophic studies before the age of thirty, was brought to montpellier. this letter was not published immediately, as the community desired to examine it first. after long discussions abba mari, in spite of the opposition of the famous jacob b


engage in philosophic studies before the age of thirty, was brought to montpellier. this letter was not published immediately, as the community desired to examine it first. after long discussions abba mari, in spite of the opposition of the famous jacob b. machir, one of the ibn tibbons, finally decided to read it in the synagogue of montpellier. but because many of the faithful rallied to the support of jacob b. machir, abba mari was forced to abandon the matter. the quarrel between the orthodox and the liberal factions became ever more bitter, and both sides wrote to the rabbis of barcelona explaining the state of affairs. solomon b. adret, frightened by the attitude of his adversaries, did not dare to take part openly against them, but asked abba mari to reconsider the matter, being himself disposed to rest satisfied with the open repentance of levi of villefranche, the only guilty one. solomon took this stand in consequence of the increasing number of protests that reached him. that sent by jacob b. machir, imperious in tone, defended philosophic studies and taxed solomon b. adret with duplicity. adret was hard pressed by abba mari and the other rabbis, and finally, in the month of ab, 1305, the interdiction against studying " greek " books before the age of twenty - five, and against interpreting the scriptures allegorically, was pronounced in the synagogue of barcelona. the liberal party of montpellier, headed by solomon of lunel, instead of confessing itself defeated, applied to the governor of montpellier, without whose authorization the sentence of excommunication could not be uttered against the jews of the city ; and solomon then pronounced an anathema upon all who should forbid their children the study of science. the quarrel continued, and rabbis from all parts of provence took sides for or against the sentence of excommunication pronounced by solomon b. adret. the poet jedaiah penini wrote a strong letter to the rabbi of barcelona, entreating him for the honor of judaism and in the interest of science to revoke his sentence of excommunication. at this point the edict of philip the fair put a sad end to the quarrel. return of the jews to france, 1315 : nine years had hardly passed since the expulsion of 1306 when louis x. ( 1314 - 16 ) recalled the jews. in an edict dated july 28, 1315, he permitted them to return for a period


jews to france, 1315 : nine years had hardly passed since the expulsion of 1306 when louis x. ( 1314 - 16 ) recalled the jews. in an edict dated july 28, 1315, he permitted them to return for a period of twelve years, authorizing them to establish themselves in the cities in which they had lived before their banishment. he issued this edict in answer to the demands of the people. geoffroy of paris, the popular poet of the time, says in fact that the jews were gentle in comparison with the christians who had taken their place, and who had flayed their debtors alive ; if the jews had remained, the country would have been happier ; for there were no longer any money - lenders at all ( bouquet, xxii. 118 ). the king probably had the interests of his treasury also in view. the profits of the former confiscations had gone into the treasury, and by recalling the jews for only twelve years he would have an opportunity for ransoming them at the end of this period. it appears that they gave the sum of 122, 500 livres for the privilege of returning. it is also probable, as vuitry states, that a large number of the debts owing to the jews had not been recovered, and that the holders of the notes had preserved them ; the decree of return specified that two - thirds of the old debts recovered by the jews should go into the treasury. the conditions under which they were allowed to settle in the land are set forth in a number of articles ; some of the guaranties which were accorded the jews had probably been demanded by them and been paid for. they were to live by the work of their hands or to sell merchandise of a good quality ; they were to wear the circular badge, and not discuss religion with laymen. they were not to be molested, either with regard to the chattels they had carried away at the time of their banishment, or with regard to the loans which they had made since then, or in general with regard to anything which had happened in the past. their synagogues and their cemeteries were to be restored to them on condition that they would refund their value ; or, if these could not be restored, the king would give them the necessary sites at a reasonable price. the books of the law that had not yet been returned to them were also to be restored, with the exception of the talmud. after the period of twelve years granted to them the king might not


would give them the necessary sites at a reasonable price. the books of the law that had not yet been returned to them were also to be restored, with the exception of the talmud. after the period of twelve years granted to them the king might not expel the jews again without giving them a year ' s time in which to dispose of their property and carry away their goods. they were not to lend on usury, and no one was to be forced by the king or his officers to repay to them usurious loans. if they engaged in pawnbroking, they were not to take more than two deniers in the pound a week ; they were to lend only on pledges. two men with the title " auditors of the jews " were entrusted with the execution of this ordinance, and were to take cognizance of all claims that might arise in connection with goods belonging to the jews which had been sold before the expulsion for less than half of what was regarded as a fair price. the king finally declared that he took the jews under his special protection, and that he desired to have their persons and property protected from all violence, injury, and oppression ( " ordonnances, " i. 604 ; brussel, p. 617 ; vuitry, l. c. p. 98 ). under philip v. philip v. the tall ( 1316 - 22 ) at first continued the policy of louis x. with regard to the jews. by his decrees of april, 1317, and feb., 1319, he grantedthem certain privileges, and somewhat ameliorated their social status ; but the financial consideration that induced these measures is apparent. the king modified the sentences that might be pronounced upon them ; exacted the wearing of the circular badge only in the cities ; placed the jews under the jurisdiction of their own bailiffs ; determined and regulated the financial operations in which they might engage ; and even authorized them to own houses ( " ordonnances, " i. 646, 682 ; vuitry, l. c. 101 ). but while he decreed that they should no longer be subject to mortmain, and that their estates were to descend to their families, still the same general rule obtained as in the time of st. louis, that the property of the jews belonged to the seignior within whose domains they dwelt ; and the king expressly declared that they were to remain subject to tallage and to pay taxes in proportion to


in the time of st. louis, that the property of the jews belonged to the seignior within whose domains they dwelt ; and the king expressly declared that they were to remain subject to tallage and to pay taxes in proportion to the amount of their fortunes. while they were enjoined to sell only merchandise of a good quality, they were to indemnify the treasury, and not the deceived buyer, in cases of fraud. unfortunately for the jews, this was a period of physical and intellectual misery. in 1320 appeared the pastoureaux, a band of peasants and herdsmen, mostly less than twenty years of age, eager for battle, adventure, and pillage. they were led by unscrupulous men — a priest driven from his church on account of his misdeeds, and an unfrocked monk — and they were reenforced by hordes of miscreants and bandits. to the number of 40, 000 they overran languedoc, attacking principally the jews, whom no one dared to protect. five hundred of the latter sought refuge in the fortress of verdun - sur - garonne, and defended themselves valiantly ; but, seeing their efforts useless, they decided that the eldest among them should put the others to death ; he was aided in this work of martyrdom by a vigorous youth, and soon all had perished except the children, who had not been given to the sword ; these were baptized. the governor of toulouse, attempting to check this band of brigands, imprisoned some in that city, but they were liberated by the mob, who then turned to massacre the jews. the pastoureaux were everywhere supported by the mob, and sometimes by the citizens, who either encouraged the massacre or were afraid to protect the jews. at alby the consuls tried to stop the horde at the city gates, but the pastoureaux forced their way in, shouting that they had come to kill the jews ; the populace received them as friends and brothers, " for the love of christ, against the enemies of the faith. " under charles iv. at lezat the consuls made common cause with them. even the officials sometimes shared the popular fanaticism. the progress of the pastoureaux was arrested only in the district of the seneschal of carcassonne ( p. lehugeur, " hist. de philippe le long, " 1897 ; gratz, " geschichte, " 3d ed.,


pastoureaux was arrested only in the district of the seneschal of carcassonne ( p. lehugeur, " hist. de philippe le long, " 1897 ; gratz, " geschichte, " 3d ed., pp. 255 et seq. ). charles iv. subsequently appointed commissioners to inquire into the affair in the districts of the seneschals of toulouse, perigord, and carcassonne ; but his action was taken only because the royal treasury had suffered as a result of the riots ; the cities in which the troubles had occurred were sentenced to pay a fine. various instances show both the weakness of the authorities and the prevalent hostility toward the jews. at chateau - thierry in 1318 the synagogue was entered, the tabernacle broken open, and the scrolls of the law carried off ( " actes du parlement de paris, " 5230 ). in 1319 certain impostors traversed the country, and, pretending to be the king ' s agents, searched the houses of the jews, and despoiled them in the name of the law. at troyes the jews were accused of having entered the churches, and also of having shouted so loudly in their synagogues as to disturb divine services in the churches ; philip the tall thereupon ( feb. 26, 1320 ) directed the bailiff of troyes to punish the jews so severely that in future they would cease committing such outrages ( " bibliotheque de l ' ecole de chartres, " 1849, p. 414 ). on july 12, 1317, the king had ordered the arrest of several persons on suspicion of having killed a child, and two jews of chinon had been hanged on this charge. in puy the jews were similarly accused ( mandet, " hist. du velay, " iv. 117 ). according to one historian, " the people of that time were seized with a delirium that begat epidemics of frenzy. the public mind was disturbed by imaginary terrors ; common gossip treated of nothing but compacts, witchcraft, and magic " ( fleury, " hist. eccl. " ch. 92 ). in their excitement the people of guienne imagined that the lepers had formed a conspiracy to destroy their countrymen, either by leaving the infirmaries in order to infect the healthy, or by poisoning the wells and fountains. thereupon they seized some of these unfortunates,


kaufmann in " r. e. j. " xxix. 298 ). doubtless other massacres took place in languedoc, and records of them have been preserved in kalonymus b. kalonymus ' " eben bohan " ( written in 1322 ). at vitry le brule forty jews, imprisoned and facing death, commissioned two of their number to kill the remainder. in many places, as at tours, chaumont, and vitry, the jews, like the lepers, were put on the stand ( a fact of which kalonymus bitterly complains ), and were asked to denounce their accomplices ( duples - agier, " rev. de l ' ecole de chartres, " 1857, p. 267 ; lehugeur, l. c. ; l. lazard, in " r. e. j. " xvii. 210 ; vaissette, x. 616 ; " continuation de guillaume de nangis, " bouquet, xx. 628 - 629 ; " continuatio chronici gerardi de fracheto, " xxi. 56 ; jean de saint victor, xxi. 674 ; " chron. de saint louis, " xx. 704 ; " chron. anonyme, " xxi. 140, 152 ; mandet, " hist. du velay, " iv. 117 ; labbe, " collectio concil. " xxv. 568 ; brussel, p. 607 ; " actes du parlement, mandement du 8 fevrier, 1322 " ). the entire chronology of these occurrences is obscure. charles iv., who succeeded philip the tall in 1322, undertook to collect the fine which the jews had been sentenced to pay. while discussing this affair with the seneschals of languedoc on feb. 20, 1322, he foresaw that certain of the jews would desire to leave the country ( vaissette, x. 616 ). in fact, such an exodus took place ; but, according to brussel, it was not a voluntary one. they were expelled on june 24, 1322. in 1324 the property of jews was confiscated, either as a consequence of their expulsion, or as indemnity for the non - payment of the fine ( brussel, p. 623 ). however this


june 24, 1322. in 1324 the property of jews was confiscated, either as a consequence of their expulsion, or as indemnity for the non - payment of the fine ( brussel, p. 623 ). however this may be, there were no jews in france between 1322 and 1359 ( see isidor loeb in " gratz jubelschrift, " pp. 51 et seq. ). under john the good. after the disaster at poitiers ( 1356 ) and the captivity of john the good, france was in dire straits. the ransom of the king had been fixed at 3, 000, 000 ecus in gold. soldiers plundered everywhere ; there were fields that had not been tilled for three years ; the silver mark was worth 102 livres. it was then that the regent, duke charles of normandy, negotiated with manassier of vesoul for the recall of the jews to france ; they were to remain for a period of twenty years, were to pay an entrance fee of 14 florins gold for each family, and of one florin and two tournois for each child or servant, and a yearly tax of seven florins for each family, and of one florin for each child or servant ( " ordonnances, " iii. 468, 469 ). the charter granted to them by the dauphin charles, and ratified march 1, 1360, by king john ( " arch. nat. " j j 89, folios 316 - 320 ), was very liberal, the jews taking precaution to guard against the ills and injustices from which they had suffered on previous occasions. even two guardians of these privileges were appointed for them, robert of outreloue for languedoc, and the count of etampes for the kingdom of france proper ( " ordonnances, " iii. 351, 352, 471, 472 ). as the jews who returned to france at that time were chiefly engaged in money - lending, the privileges accorded to them bear chiefly on that calling ; they were permitted to lend on interest at the rate of four deniers in the pound per week. that the jews were few in number is clearly shown from the fact that between 1359 and 1394 there is scarcely any trace of jewish intellectual activity. while john was in the south of france ( dec. 27, 1362 ) he permitted the jews to practise medicine and surgery


is clearly shown from the fact that between 1359 and 1394 there is scarcely any trace of jewish intellectual activity. while john was in the south of france ( dec. 27, 1362 ) he permitted the jews to practise medicine and surgery, provided that they had passed an examination before christian instructors ( " arch. nat. " j j 93, 163 ; comp. " ordonnances, " iii. 603 ). but with his well - known duplicity he declared, in oct., 1363, that the privileges had been abused which had been granted, and were therefore annulled. further, he compelled them to wear the circular badge again, and in defiance of the charter of 1360 made them subject to the common courts in whatever district they were living ( " ordonnances, " iii. 603, 641 ). under charles v. charles v. ( 1364 - 80 ), however, kept the contract that he had made as regent. the count of etampes interposed frequently in the parliament of paris and in other civil and ecclesiastical tribunals, on behalf of the jews, to secure their freedom from the general jurisdiction. meanwhile the jews of paris lived quietly in the district of st. antoine, near the dwelling of hugues aubriot, the grand provost of paris, who protected them. aubriot ' s enemies subsequently explained this good will by saying that he was fond of the beautiful jewesses. he was also reproached with having restored to the jews children that had been baptized ( " chronique des quatre premiers valois, " p. 295 ). thefts committed against the jews were promptly and severely punished, even when the offenders belonged to the nobility ( simeon luce, " rev. hist. " vii. 362 et seq. ). but this state of affairs excited jealousy, and the creditors of the jews, among whom were some of the noblemen of the highest rank, again endeavored to have them expelled from the kingdom. thus toward the end of 1367 or the beginning of 1368 king charles issued a decree of banishment, but revoked it before it had been put into effect ( " mandements de charles v. " ed. delisle, no. 430, pp. 216, 217 ). in languedoc, where the distress was very great and the rate of interest necessarily higher than in other parts of the country, the jews were more bitterly hated. attempts were


to make their request. this being granted, they retired ; whereupon certain of the nobles, who had joined the crowd, proposed that the expulsion of the jews be demanded. only a short time before, the right of remaining had been granted to the jews on the payment of certain sums. as the chancellor did not send an immediate reply, the people gathered in the streets and seized the records and the money in the public treasury. then they rushed into a district where the jews occupied forty houses, pillaging and plundering on all sides. in this work they were encouraged by the nobles and the bourgeoisie, who had joined the mob in order that they might seize such of their notes as were held by the jews. pillaging was followed by slaughter ; all the jews met were killed ; such as escaped fled to the chatelet, where they asked to be confined with the prisoners and thus be saved from the fury of the mob. the king did not yield to the people ; the next day he ordered the jews to return to their homes, and commanded, under severe penalties, the restoration of their property. but very few obeyed the royal order ( " chron. des religieux de st. denis " ; " chron. de charles vi. " i. 53 - 57, in " documents inedits de l ' hist. de france " ). in consequence of this riot several jews left paris, while others accepted baptism ( felibien - lobineau, " hist. de paris, " iii. ). in 1382 there was another disturbance, known as the " riot of the maillotins. " this was caused also by the exigencies of the treasury, a new tax having been levied at the rate of a twelfth of the value of all commodities. the rioters, armed with mallets, fell upon the appraisers, and then attacked the houses of the jews, which they pillaged for four days ( " arch. nat. " j j 122, fol. 55 ; 136, fol. 114 ). the mob looked upon the jews as accomplices of the treasury ; indeed, as a matter of fact, a large part of the usury which they exacted went into the public coffers. this riot was followed by others outside paris. when the news came to mantes the inhabitants of that town, incited by the soldiers, who assured them of the king ' s consent, pillaged the jewish quarter ( " arch. nat


. the judiciary, however, jealous of its privileges, and dissatisfied with having them set aside by the king to further his own interest, imprisoned in the conciergerie such jews as had been guilty of exacting compound interest. in return for another subsidy the king delivered the jews once again from persecution in 1394 ( " ordonnances, " vii. 643 ). then, according to the chronicler of st. denis, an incident occurred that brought matters to a crisis. the jews of paris were accused of having induced denis machault of ville - parisis, who had accepted baptism, to return to judaism. the case was tried before the provost of paris, assisted by various lawyers and theologians, and seven jews who had been arrested were condemned to be burned at the stake. but the parliament changed this sentence, ordering that the jews should be publicly flogged on three successive saturdays, and should then be banished, and that their property should be confiscated ( felibien - lobineau, " hist. de paris ; pieces justificative, " iv. 546 ; joannes galli, in " sauval, " ii. 524 ). expulsion. on sept. 17, 1394, charles vi. suddenly published an ordinance in which he declared, in substance, that for a long time he had been taking note of the many complaints provoked by the excesses and misdemeanors which the jews committed against christians ; and that the prosecutors, having made several investigations, had discovered many violations by the jews of the agreement they had made with him. therefore he decreed as an irrevocable law and statute that thenceforth no jew should dwell in his domains ( " ordonnances, " vii. 675 ). according to the " religieux de st. denis, " the king signed this decree at the instance of the queen ( " chron. de charles vi. " ii. 119 ). the decreewas not immediately enforced, a respite being granted to the jews in order that they might sell their property and pay their debts. those indebted to them were enjoined to redeem their obligations within a set time ; otherwise their pledges held in pawn were to be sold by the jews. the provost was to escort the jews to the frontier of the kingdom. subsequently the king released the christians from their debts. levi b. gershon. the banishment of the jews from languedoc and languedoil put an


. the provost was to escort the jews to the frontier of the kingdom. subsequently the king released the christians from their debts. levi b. gershon. the banishment of the jews from languedoc and languedoil put an end to a condition that had long been precarious, and the number of them that went into exile was probably not large. no references to this exodus have been preserved in jewish literature, yet many traces exist to show the decline of judaism during the thirty - six years that elapsed between their return and their expulsion. at the time of the return there were not more than five or six talmudists within the limits of old france. mattithiah b. joseph treves, who was acknowledged as rabbi by charles v. and as such exempted from wearing the circular badge ( " responsa of isaac b. sheshet, " pp. 270 - 272 ; " ordonnances, " v. 498 ), endeavored to found a school in paris, but trained only eight rabbis. on his death his son johanan was called upon to resist the claims of a competitor, isaiah b. abba mari ( astruc of savoy ), who, with the approbation of meir b. baruch ha - levi of vienna, claimed the sole right of ordaining rabbis in france. johanan was obliged to apply to the spanish rabbis, hasdai crescas, isaac b. sheshet, and moses halawa, for aid in maintaining his rights, for at that time languedoc had neither scholars nor rabbis of authority, and writers were found only in the comtat venaissin, in provence proper, and in roumillon. nevertheless, jewish science and literaturecontinued to prosper in provence during the first half of the fourteenth century. the ban that had been laid upon scientific studies had stimulated, instead of arrested, their progress. rationalism was never more potent, and philosophy was never more eagerly listened to. levi b. gershon ( ralbag ) was a peripatetic who had attended the school of averroes, and, as munk has pointed out ( " melanges, " p. 497 ), was the most daring of jewish philosophers — he even admitted the eternity of the world. few scholars of the middle ages had such encyclopedic learning ; he wrote commentaries to most of the works of averroes, and at the same time to the


most daring of jewish philosophers — he even admitted the eternity of the world. few scholars of the middle ages had such encyclopedic learning ; he wrote commentaries to most of the works of averroes, and at the same time to the bible ; he wrote on theology, into which he introduced astronomy ; he invented an instrument for observation — the " staff of levi. " at the request of philip of vitry he composed a treatise on harmony ; he was the author of works on arithmetic, trigonometry, algebra, and geometry ; he was known for his medical skill ; and at the same time he gained the respect of rabbinical authorities by his knowledge of the talmud. his biblical exegesis is remarkable, being largely philosophical and ethical. the stories of the bible he regards as lessons which he loves to cite and develop. ecclesiastes is a statement of various propositions from among which the reader has the right to make his choice. narboni, kalonymus, and others. moses narboni of perpignan was hardly less daring in his conclusions ; he also explained philosophically the ethical treatises of the bible, commented on averroes, wrote on philosophy, theology, medicine, and the exact sciences ; but he veiled his thoughts more skilfully, and selected the commentary as his vehicle for expressing them. kalonymus b. kalonymus, who lived somewhat earlier than these two scholars, was also one of the representatives of jewish civilization in southern france. his relations with king robert of naples are well known. he continued the work of translation, and turned into hebrew many scientific works written in arabic, including works on medicine, geometry, mathematics, cosmography, astronomy, and various commentaries to averroes. he wrote also many original works on philosophy and arithmetic. but among jews he is most famous for his satirical treatise on morals, in which he derided the vices not only of the world in general, but also of the mystics, astrologers, grammarians, poets, and talmudists ; and for his parody on the treatise megillah, in which he reviewed all the eccentricities of mankind. averroes was then in vogue, and his commentaries were often translated, as by moses of beaucaire, kalonymus b. david b. todros of arles, samuel b. judah, or miles of marseilles ( who was imprisoned at beaucaire in 1322 in connection with the affair of the le


moses of beaucaire, kalonymus b. david b. todros of arles, samuel b. judah, or miles of marseilles ( who was imprisoned at beaucaire in 1322 in connection with the affair of the lepers ), and the prolific translator todros todrosi. a number of others translated ghazzali and arnault of villeneuve. joseph b. abba mari, don bonafoux of argentiere ( 1279 - 1340 ), was one of the most prolific writers of the time, a thinker of moderate views, opposed to the exaggerations of the school of allegory, but a firm supporter of science. his commentaries to the bible, his treatises on grammar and lexicography, his philosophic notes to the scriptures, his interpretation of the " moreh " are clear and often apt, without pretending at originality. to the same school belong david of roquemartine, abba mari b. eligdor, sen astruc of noves, david of estella — all disciples of maimonides. remembering the controversies of 1303 - 06, they did not touch upon the burning questions of biblical history or legislation, but dealt rather with the wisdom series — proverbs, job, and ecclesiastes — which lend themselves more easily to philosophic speculations. nor was there a lack of scientists ; such were the physicians abraham caslari ; isaac lattes, who was also a theologian and talmudist ; immanuel b. jacob of tarascon, called " bonfils, " a mathematician and astronomer, author of the treatise " shesh kenafayim " on conjunctions and eclipses, and the translator of a story of alexander ; isaac b. todros, the hygienist ; and jacob bonet, son of david bonform, the astronomer. there were, however, fewer talmudists. the most famous, such as aaron b. jacob ha - kohen of narbonne, the author of the ritual collection " orhot hayyim, " and jeruham, the author of a similar work, " toledot adam we - hawah, " left france in 1306. among those who remained — not in the territory of the king, but in the neighboring provinces — were simson b. isaac of chinon, the author of the " sefer keritut, " an introduction to the talmud, and isaac b. mor


who remained — not in the territory of the king, but in the neighboring provinces — were simson b. isaac of chinon, the author of the " sefer keritut, " an introduction to the talmud, and isaac b. mordecai kimhi, or petit of nyons. it should be noted that all these authors either wrote before the expulsion of 1322 or did not live in france proper. the country beyond the rhone and the pyrenean provinces that had not yet been incorporated with france were the refuge of jewish science and of its last french representatives. and soon the comtat venaissin, which formed part of the pontifical states, was to be their last shelter ; for the jews were expelled in succession from every new province acquired by the french crown. see the articles brittany ; champagne ; dauphine ; provence ; savoy. - aronius, regesten ; - bedarride, les juifs en - france, en italie et en espagne, paris, 1867 ; - begin, histoire des juifs dans le nord - est de la france, in revue orientale, vols. i. and ii. ; - beugnot, les juifs d ' occident, ou recherches sur l ' etat civil, le commcrce et la litterature des juifs en france, en espagne et en italie, paris, 1824 ; - de boissi, dissertations pour servir a l ' histoire des juifs, paris, 1785 ; - bouquet ( dom martin ), recueil des historiens des gaules et de la france, 23 vols., paris, 1738 ; - carmoly, biographie des israelites de france, frankfort - on - the - main, 1868 ; - depping, les juifs dans le moyen age, paris, 1834 ; - geiger, parschandatha, die nordfranzosische exegetenschule, leipsic, 1855 ; - gratz, gesch. ; - gross, gallia judaica, paris, 1897 ; - gudemann, gesch. i., vienna, 1880 ; - ordonnances des rois de france de la troisieme race, paris, 1723 - 1849 ; - pertz, monumenta germaniæ historica, 1826 - 74 ; - renan - neubauer, les rabbins francais, paris, 1877 ; - labbe


france de la troisieme race, paris, 1723 - 1849 ; - pertz, monumenta germaniæ historica, 1826 - 74 ; - renan - neubauer, les rabbins francais, paris, 1877 ; - labbe, collectio conciliorum, paris, 1671 ; - renan - neubauer, les ecrivains juifs francais, paris, 1893 ; - steinschneider, hebr. uebers. berlin, 1893 ; - vaissette ( dom ), histoire generale de languedoc ; - weiss, dor ; - winter and wunsche, die judische litteratur, vols, ii. and iii., treves, 1893 - 96 ; - zunz, literaturgesch. berlin, 1855 ; - idem, z. g. berlin. 1845. the edict of banishment of charles vi. was enforced with the utmost severity. nobles whose interests were injured by the expulsion were nevertheless compelled to obey the order. the duke of foix, who was favorably inclined toward the jewish community of pamiers, endeavored, though unsuccessfully, to maintain them in the duchy. an exception was made in the case of dauphine, because in ceding this province to charles vi. count louis ii. of poitiers expressly stipulated that the jews should be allowed to continue there and to retain their accustomed privileges. the jews of dauphine remained undisturbed until the end of the sixteenth century, when the edict of expulsion was extended to that province also. however, most of them had emigrated before louis xi. ( 1461 - 83 ) had been long on the throne ; for, charging them with excessive usury and with dealings with his enemies while he was in flanders, he had imposed upon them a fine too heavy for them to pay. seventeen years after the annexation of provence ( 1481 ) an edict of banishment was issued against the jews of that province. this edict, which probably had not been carried out with extreme severity, was renewed by louis xii. in 1501. after this date, with the exception of marseilles, where they succeeded in maintaining themselves until 1758, there were no jews in provence. portuguese and spanish maranos indeed settled in the sixteenth century at bordeaux, bayonne, and in some other localities ; but they were tolerated only as " new - christians " ; they began to profess judaism openly only after 1730. in the beginning of the seventeenth century jews began again


settled in the sixteenth century at bordeaux, bayonne, and in some other localities ; but they were tolerated only as " new - christians " ; they began to profess judaism openly only after 1730. in the beginning of the seventeenth century jews began again to penetrate into france. this necessitated a new edict ( april 23, 1615 ), in which louis xiii. forbade christians, under the penalty of death and confiscation, to shelter jews or to converse with them. the regency was no less severe. in 1683 louis xiv. expelled the jews from the newly acquired colony of martinique. in annexing alsace and lorraine, louis was at first inclined toward the banishment of the jews living in those provinces, but thought better of it in view of the benefit he could derive from them ; and on sept. 25, 1675, he granted them letters patent, taking them under his special protection. this, however, did not prevent them from being subjected to every kind of extortion, and their position remained the same as it had been under the austrian government. while the alsatian jews were thus laboring under barbarous legislation, the condition of those of comtat venaissin ( see avignon ; carpentras ; cavaillon ), which belonged to the holy see, became unbearable. all the additional measures devised against them by the councils during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were applied to the letter in the second half of the seventeenth century and afterward. beginnings of emancipation. in the course of the eighteenth century the attitude of the authorities toward the jews was modified. a spirit of tolerance began to prevail, which corrected the iniquities of the legislation. the authorities often overlooked infractions of the edict of banishment ; a colony of portuguese and german jews was tolerated at paris. the voices of enlightened christians, like dohm, who demanded justice for the proscribed people, began to be heard. an alsatian jew named cerf berr, who had rendered great service to the french government as purveyor to the army, was the interpreter of the jews before louis xvi. the humane minister malesherbes summoned a commission of jewish notables to make suggestions for the amelioration of the condition of their coreligionists. this commission included cerf berr and eminent representatives of the portuguese jews from bordeaux and bayonne, like furtado, gradis, isaac rodrigues, lopez dubec, etc. the direct result of the efforts of these men was


. this commission included cerf berr and eminent representatives of the portuguese jews from bordeaux and bayonne, like furtado, gradis, isaac rodrigues, lopez dubec, etc. the direct result of the efforts of these men was the abolition, in 1784, of the degrading poll - tax and the permission to settle in all parts of france. shortly afterward the jewish question was raised by two men of genius, who subsequently became prominent in the french revolution — count mirabeau and the abbe gregoire, the former of whom, while on a diplomatic mission in prussia, had made the acquaintance of mendelssohn and his school, who were then working toward the intellectual emancipation of the jews. in a pamphlet, " sur moses mendelssohn et la reforme politique " ( london, 1787 ), mirabeau refuted the arguments of the german anti - semites like michaelis, and claimed for the jews the full rights of citizenship. this pamphlet naturally provoked many writings for and against the jews, and the french public became interested in the question. on the proposition of roederer the royal society of science and arts of metz offered a prize for the best essay in answer to the question : " what are the best means to make the jews happier and more useful in france? " nine essays, of which only two were unfavorable to the jews, were submitted to the judgment of the learned assembly. the prize was awarded jointly to three essays, written respectively by salkind hurwitz, a polish jew, interpreter at the royal library of paris ; thierry, a member of parliament for nancy ; and the abbe gregoire. of these three the most important for the jews was the essay of the abbe gregoire, because of the character of the author. debates in the national assembly. meanwhile the revolution broke out. the fall of the bastile was the signal for disorders everywhere in alsace. in certain districts the peasants attacked the dwellings of the jews, who took refuge in basel. a gloomy picture of the outrages upon them was sketched before the national assembly ( aug. 3 ) by the abbe gregoire, who demanded their complete emancipation. the national assembly shared the indignation of the prelate, but left undecided the question of emancipation ; it was intimidated by the anti - semitic deputies of alsace, especially by a certain rewbell, who declared that the decree which granted the jews citizens ' rights would be the signal for their destruction in alsace. on dec


this body was not, however, inclined to enact restrictive laws against all the jews because of the misdeeds of some usurers. influential persons, among whom was the minister of the interior, champagny, endeavored to bring napoleon to a better opinion of the jews. they called to his attention how quickly they had become proficient in the arts and sciences, in agriculture and handicrafts. persons were mentioned who had been decorated with the order of the legion of honor for courage in war. but napoleon, on may 30, 1806, issued a decree by which he suspended for a year the execution of the judgments rendered in favor of jewish money - lenders in alsace and in the rhenish provinces. by the same decree he summoned an assembly of jewish notables, ostensibly to devise means whereby useful occupations might be made more general among the jews, but in reality to question the representatives of the jews concerning the moral character of the mosaic law. among the 111 notables chosen, somewhat arbitrarily, by the prefects, were well - known men like berr isaac berr, his son michel berr, abraham furtado, sinzheim, abraham vita di cologna, and many others, who were fully aware that they were called to defend judaism before the world. from the first sitting ( saturday, july 26, 1806 ), presided over by abraham furtado, they disarmed the ill will of napoleon by their tact and manifestation of patriotism. although advocating various religious opinions, harmony did not cease to reign between the members, and they were unanimous in their answers to the twelve questions put before them by the commissioner of the government, the reactionary mole ( see sanhedrin, french ). the chief point of the question was whether the jewish civil and matrimonial laws, the prescriptions concerning the relations between jews and non - jews, and the regulations in regard to usury were in accordance with the spirit of modern times. the sanhedrin. on sept. 18, 1806, the commissioner mole announced to the assembly that the emperor was satisfied with the answers and that he intended, in order to give a religious sanction to the principles expressed therein, to call together a sanhedrin. like the sanhedrin of old, this sanhedrin was to be composed of seventy - one members, two - thirds rabbis and one - third laymen, having at their head one president and two vice - presidents. the consistories. on feb.


sanhedrin of old, this sanhedrin was to be composed of seventy - one members, two - thirds rabbis and one - third laymen, having at their head one president and two vice - presidents. the consistories. on feb. 9, 1807, four days after the dissolution of the assembly of notables, the sanhedrin, under the presidency of david sinzheim, held its first meeting in a hall of the hotel de ville, especially decorated for the occasion. the answers of the assembly of notables were the main subject of its discussions. after several sittings they were all approved anddrawn up in french and in hebrew. thenceforth the principles laid down by the assembly of notables were to have legal force for all the jews of the french empire. but who was to see to the enforcement of these decisions? hitherto the jewish inhabitants of every town formed a separate community which had its own administration, without any connection with the government. napoleon therefore, in consonance with his general centralizing tendencies, conceived the idea of organizing the jewish community on a legal basis, and of placing corporate bodies and hierarchical functionaries at its head. by a decree issued from madrid on march 17, 1808, he instituted the system of consistories which is still in force in france. the spirit by which the emperor was guided in this is seen in the formula of oaths which the members of the first consistories had to take : " i vow and promise before god, on the holy bible, to show obedience to the constitutions of the empire and loyalty to the emperor. i promise also to make known anything that i may hear contrary to the interests of the sovereign or of the state. " by another decree the jews were invited to adopt family names. they were not allowed, however, to take names of towns or biblical names. these decrees, gratifying as they were to the jews, were unfortunately followed by another, of the same date, which restricted for ten years their commercial freedom. according to the terms of this last decree no foreign jew was allowed to settle in the german departments, nor one from those departments in any other district. no french jew was to engage in any trade without the permission of the prefect, which permission was to be granted only on the testimony of the civil magistrates and the consistory as to the good character of the applicant. contracts of jews who could not show a patent were to be null and void. no jew drafted into the army was to be allowed to procure a substitute


the testimony of the civil magistrates and the consistory as to the good character of the applicant. contracts of jews who could not show a patent were to be null and void. no jew drafted into the army was to be allowed to procure a substitute. owing to the numerous complaints made by the jews and to the favorable reports of the authorities, however, exemption from these restrictions was shortly afterward granted to the jews of paris, of leghorn, of the department of the lower pyrenees, and of fifteen other districts in france and italy. at the end of the ten years the restrictions were not renewed, despite the efforts of certain enemies of the jews. after the restoration. the restoration of louis xviii. did not bring any change in the political condition of the jews. such of their enemies as cherished the hope that the bourbons would hasten to undo the good work of the revolution with regard to the jews were soon disappointed. since the emancipation the french jews had made such progress that the most clerical monarch could not find any pretext for curtailing their rights as citizens. they were no longer poor, downtrodden pedlers or money - lenders, with whom every petty official could do as he liked. many of them already occupied high positions in the army and the magistracy, and in the arts and sciences. and a new victory was won by french judaism in 1831. state recognition. of the faiths recognized by the state, only the jewish had to support its ministers, while those of the catholic and protestant churches were supported by the government. this legal inferiority was removed in that year, thanks to the intervention of the duke of orleans, lieutenant - general of the kingdom, and to the campaign led in parliament by the deputies rambuteau and viennet. encouraged by these prominent men, the minister of education, on nov. 13, 1830, offered a motion to place judaism upon an equal footing with catholicism and protestantism as regards support for the synagogues and for the rabbis from the public treasury. the motion was accompanied by flattering compliments to the french jews, " who, " said the minister, " since the removal of their disabilities by the revolution, have shown themselves worthy of the privileges granted them. " after a short discussion the motion was adopted by a large majority. in january, 1831, it passed in the chamber of peers by 89 votes to 57, and on feb. 8 it was ratified by king louis philip, who from the beginning had shown himself favorable to placing judaism on an


adopted by a large majority. in january, 1831, it passed in the chamber of peers by 89 votes to 57, and on feb. 8 it was ratified by king louis philip, who from the beginning had shown himself favorable to placing judaism on an equal footing with the other faiths. shortly afterward the rabbinical college, which had been founded at metz in 1829, was recognized as a state institution, and was granted a subsidy. the government likewise liquidated the debts contracted by various jewish communities before the revolution. assimilation. strangely enough, while the jews had been thus placed in every point the equals of their christian fellow citizens, the oath " more judaico " still continued to be administered to them, in spite of the repeated protestations of the rabbis and the consistory. it was only in 1846, owing to a brilliant speech of the jewish advocate adolphe cremieux, pronounced before the court of nimes in defense of a rabbi who had refused to take this oath, and to a valuable essay on the subject by a prominent christian advocate of strasburg, named martin, that the supreme court ( cour de cassation ) removed this last remnant of the legislation of the middle ages. with this act of justice the history of the jews of france merges into the general history of the french people. the rapidity with which many of them won affluence and distinction in the nineteenth century is without parallel. in spite of the deep - rooted prejudices which prevail in certain classes of french society, many of them occupy high positions in literature, art, science, jurisprudence, the army — indeed, in every walk of life. among them there were men whose fame extended beyond the boundaries of their own country, as, for instance, adolphe cremienx, fould, goudchaux, and raynal, in politics ; fromenthal halevy, samuel david, jonas waldteufel, leonce cohen, and ernest cahen, in music ; solomon munk, joseph and hartwig derenbourg, michel breal, jules oppert, h. weill, solomon and theodore reinach, arsene and james darmesteter, and joseph halevy, in classical philology and oriental languages and literatures ; m. loewy, albert levy, and gabriel lippmann, in astronomy and science ; bedarrides, a. bloch, and lyon - caen, in jurisprudence ; georges hayem and germain see, in medicine ; adolphe


. loewy, albert levy, and gabriel lippmann, in astronomy and science ; bedarrides, a. bloch, and lyon - caen, in jurisprudence ; georges hayem and germain see, in medicine ; adolphe franck and h. l. bergson, in philosophy ; emile soldi, emmanuel hannaux, and z. astruc, in sculpture ; emile levy, jules worms, e. brandon, edouard lievre, alphonse hirsch, and fribourg, in painting ; joseph hirsch, maurice levy, and l. bachman, in engineering ; albert wolff, blowitz, joseph reinach, arthur meyer, catulle mendes, henri avenel, and henri michel, in literature and journalism ; ad. d ' ennery, abraham dreyfus, ernest blum, hector cremieux, albin valabregue, and eugene manuel, in drama ; rachel, amelie hirsch, rosine bloch, worms, and berr as actors and actresses. in the last decade of the nineteenth century the reactionaries, having failed in every attempt to overthrow the republic, had recourse to anti - semitism, by means of which they maintained a persistent agitation for over ten years. the jews were charged with the ruin of the country and with all the crimes which the fertile imagination of a drumont or a viau could invent ; and as the accused often disdained to answer such slanderous attacks, the charges were believed by a great number of people to be true. a campaign was started against jewish army officers, which culminated in the celebrated dreyfus case. this unhappy affair, which brought france to the brink of ruin, opened the eyes of the republicans to the plans of the reactionists ; and the heyday of anti - semitism in france is now fast disappearing. in compliance with the decree of march 17, 1808, the jewish population of france was divided into seven consistories, which contained a total of 46, 160 inhabitants. of this number 16, 155 belonged to the department of the lower rhine, 10, 000 to that of the upper rhine, and 20, 005 to the rest of france. the seats of the consistories were : paris, strasburg, wintzenheim ( later colmar ), metz, nancy, bordeaux, and marseilles. with the increase of the jewish population new consistories were established at lyons ( 1857 ) and at bayonne ( 1859 ). in 1845 three consistories


wintzenheim ( later colmar ), metz, nancy, bordeaux, and marseilles. with the increase of the jewish population new consistories were established at lyons ( 1857 ) and at bayonne ( 1859 ). in 1845 three consistories were established in algeria. through the franco - prussian war of 1870, french judaism lost the three most populous consistories of alsace and lorraine ; but, owing to the great number of jews who retained french nationality and emigrated from those provinces to france, they were replaced by three new ones established at vesoul, lille, and besancon. at present ( 1903 ) the twelve consistories comprise 89 jewish congregations, divided among 33 rabbis, with a total population of about 100, 000 persons, of whom about 60, 000 live in paris. mode of consistorial election. since the establishment of the consistories the method of recruiting their members has undergone many changes. at first they were chosen by the civil authorities of the various departments ; in 1844 the right of election was extended to the various municipal and state functionaries ; finally, a law was passed in 1846 by virtue of which every jew who had attained the age of twenty - five was placed on the list of electors. in every congregation there exists an administrative committee or synagogue administration, consisting of five or six members elected either by the consistory, as is the case in the district of paris, or by the suffrages of the congregation. according to the terms of the decree of 1808, rabbis may be appointed only to congregations numbering at least 200 members. where several congregations in separate towns do not possess the number of jewish inhabitants required by law, they may join together for the purpose, and the seat of the rabbi is fixed in the most important communities. since 1872 the election of rabbis is confided to the departmental consistories, which are assisted by a certain number of delegates from the various congregations. when the choice is made the name of the candidate is sent to the central consistory of paris. the latter body, after confirming the selection, submits it to the government for final ratification. at the head of each departmental consistory stands the departmental chief rabbi. the supreme chief of the rabbinical hierarchy of france is the rabbi of the central consistory of paris ( le grand rabbin du consistoire central des israelites de france ), who is elected by a college composed of the twelve members of the central consistory and two delegates chosen by universal suffrage from each of the twelve departmental consistories. this office has been held in succession by


consistoire central des israelites de france ), who is elected by a college composed of the twelve members of the central consistory and two delegates chosen by universal suffrage from each of the twelve departmental consistories. this office has been held in succession by the following : segre d. sinzheim, abraham vita di cologna, emmanuel deutz, marchand ennery, ulmann, isidor, and the present ( 1903 ) rabbi zadoc kahn. reform in france. the reform movement, which between 1830 and 1840 divided german judaism into two hostile camps, found but a feeble echo in france. the attempts at reform made by o. terquem, who in a series of pamphlets, called " lettres zarfatiques, " attacked all religious institutions and traditions, failed to produce any effect. this is due partly to the indifference of the french public to logical discussion and partly to the spirit of toleration which is innate in the most devout in france. however, jewish ritual ceremonies and prayers have been given a more modern form. as early as 1831 the central consistory had prohibited the preaching of sermons in any other language than french. in 1856 ulmann summoned to paris all the rabbis of the consistories to discuss the reorganization of the ritual for french judaism. among the innovations introduced by this assembly the most noteworthy are : the permission to employ the organ in the synagogue ; the bringing of new - born children to the synagogue to receive the benediction of the rabbi ; the religious initiation ; the covering of coffins with flowers, the placing of hangings at the entry of the mortuary, and the employment of more luxurious hearses ; the adoption of an official dress for rabbis resembling that of the catholic priest, with the slight difference that the band is of white. besides these innovations the assembly revised the prayer - book and suppressed some of the prayers. - gratz, gesch. xi., passim ; - jost, neuere geschichte, passim ; - theodore relnach, histoire des israelites, pp. 305 et seq. ; - abraham cahen, les juifs dans les colonies au xviii siecle, in rev. et. juives, iv. 127, 236 ; v. 68, 258 ; - leon bardinet, antiquite et organisation des juiveries du comtat venaissin, i. 262, vi. 1, vii. 139 ; - brunschwicg, les juifs de nantes et du


jewish europe between the wars if we could use one word to characterize the political, social and economic situation of jews in europe between the world wars that word would be “ turmoil. ” it is hard for people who live in a politically stable society to imagine what it is like to live in an unstable society, one that is so dangerous that no one knows what tomorrow will bring. that, in effect, is a description of the jewish world in the 1920s and 1930s in europe. the destruction of european jewry really began with the first world war : the uprooting of millions of jews, the destruction of old communities, the breakdown of religious infrastructure, habits and social observances, etc. all of that was accelerated by what happened after the war. the russian revolution in 1917 changed all the foundations upon which jewish russia was built. in fact, the revolution proved to be one of the great disasters in jewish history, even though the full impact of the disaster did not become apparent until decades later, and is perhaps still not fully known. the bolsheviks – the russian communists – were disproportionately jewish by birth. jews were committed to the revolution because they thought it would solve all the problems of humanity, as well as all the problems of the jews. although they dropped and vehemently repudiated their judaism in actuality they transmuted a latent religious fervor into fervor for communist ideals. centuries of energy and genius that had been funneled into the study of torah and the jewish religion was now transferred to and infused into pursuit of the communist utopia. a civil war between communist russians ( the red army ) and anti - bolshevik russians ( the white army ) raged for four years between 1917 and 1921. the average jew was caught in between. to the reds he was “ white ” and to the whites he was “ red. ” the anti - bolsheviks saw communism as the judaization of their country. it was taking holy mother russian – russian orthodoxy – and making it jewish. therefore, the white army perpetrated terrible atrocities upon the jewish communities they encountered. it is estimated that 75, 000 - 100, 000 jews were slaughtered by them. jewish villages were decimated, jewish property taken and hundreds of thousands of jews became refugees. it was little better when the red army regained the territory. its policy was that anyone who was around where the whites had been was automatically assumed to be infected by their anti - revolutionary ideas. and the best way to deal with such hopelessly deluded people was to


better when the red army regained the territory. its policy was that anyone who was around where the whites had been was automatically assumed to be infected by their anti - revolutionary ideas. and the best way to deal with such hopelessly deluded people was to kill them. jews quickly had to choose sides. most chose the side of the reds. if they could have really chosen sides they probably would have left. but they couldn ’ t leave. neither side would let them, and there was no place to go to. they were trapped. when the reds finally gained the upper hand they set about with a vengeance to make sure the surviving jews were going to be bolsheviks like them. to do so they established a bureau of the communist party devoted to jewish affairs. this section became known as yevsektsia ( alternative spelling : yevsektsiya — the acronym of the department name in russian ) and was run by jews. these jewish communists were incredibly ruthless in stamping out any type of religious activity by fellow jews. they killed rabbis, closed the yeshivos and synagogues, banned all religious practices, and enforced it by getting friends to turn in neighbors, children to turn in parents and send them to siberia for observing the religion. it was the yevsektsia more than anything else that destroyed the jewish community in russia. at the same time, the jewish socialists in russia, especially those members of the bund, came to a sad and appropriate end. the yevsektsia said they did not need a second organization to help them in their “ sacred ” task and forced the bund into the communist party. then, to insure that it would not continue, they killed its leaders, thereby guaranteeing the subservience of the jewish people to the soviet regime. as time went on, jewish communists themselves were slowly crowded out of all of the offices in the communist party and russian government. the infamous purges of stalin tended to target jews more than others. therefore, from the time of the second world war onward, with few exceptions, there were no jews in any sort of influential position in the soviet union. this represented a major shift, because at the beginning of the movement, during lenin ’ s time and the beginning of stalin ’ s, jews occupied positions of high influence and power. jews invested an incredible religious - like fervor in the communist revolution, and would get nothing in return. in poland, the jews counted between 10 - 12 % of the population, the largest proportion of jews to non


of high influence and power. jews invested an incredible religious - like fervor in the communist revolution, and would get nothing in return. in poland, the jews counted between 10 - 12 % of the population, the largest proportion of jews to non - jews in any european country. this visibility did not bode well for them. poland had been recreated after the war as an independent republic. but it soon turned into a dictatorship. marshal pilsudski, the military leader who won the wars for them, became the political leader. he was a nationalistic, right wing, roman catholic anti - semite who had a false vision about the greatness of poland. this false vision pervaded the polish army for a long time. based on their victory of lithuania the poles really thought that they could hold off hitler in 1939. poland was living in a bubble on many levels. the president of poland was a renowned pianist. as such, arguably more than anything else, he symbolized poland ’ s flight from reality. poland did not need piano music. it needed sober leadership. it had a sick economy and was surrounded by very powerful enemies who would not long suffer its existence. instead of dealing with their problems the poles they were convinced that their problems were because of the jews, and as time went on anti - semitism grew. the jews were prominent in three industries : liquor, textile and tobacco. all of those industries were taken away from the jews by the government with little or no compensation. they did so in many ways, including passing laws forbidding retail establishments from being open on sunday or christian holidays, which in effect decimated the jewish shops, most of which were closed on saturday. thousands and thousands of jews found themselves on the streets unemployed. the laws legislated by the polish government to destroy jewish economic life grew itself laws against the jewish religion. for instance, the polish government passed a law against kosher meat. the attack against kosher laws is one of the oldest anti - semitic attacks in history. it is the foot in the door to anti - semitism. and it did not stop with kosher meat. they levied special taxes against jews. similarly, there were all sorts of laws meant to stunt the jewish religion, including one that made it forbidden to build a sukkah ( booth for the festival of sukkos ). they levied special taxes and / or fines on lulavs and esrogs, the species needed for the festival of sukkos. these and other laws were passed