going! ” after giving humphrey marching orders. in the dark days following president john f. kennedy ’ s assassination, johnson decided to appoint a special presidential commission to uncover all of the facts of the murder and report back to the country. to chair the commission, lbj wanted earl warren, chief justice of the united states, but warren was opposed to supreme court justices serving on extrajudicial commissions. when warren declined, johnson called him to the oval office and appealed to his patriotism, noting that rumors that the soviet union might be involved in kennedy ’ s death could cause the soviets to become nervous of an impending retaliation by the united states and launch a preemptive nuclear strike, which would kill an estimated 39 million americans in the first hour. “ all i want you to do is look at the facts, and bring any other facts that you want in here and determine who killed the president, ” johnson told warren. “ but here i ’ m asking you to do something and you ’ re saying no, when you could speaking for 39 million people. now i ’ m surprised that you, the chief justice of the united states, would turn me down. ” the chief justice, one of the most formidable and respected men in the country, was left in tears, and immediately said, “ mr. president, if the situation is that serious, my personal views do not count. i will do it. ” richard russell didn ’ t want to serve on the warren commission, either. one of the main reasons was that the staunch segregationist hated and distrusted earl warren, whose supreme court had ordered the desegregation of public schools in the landmark brown v. board of education decision. throughout their relationship, johnson had always been deferential to the senator from georgia who, in turn, treated lbj like the son he never had. now, just seven days into his presidency, lbj used another form of the johnson treatment on russell. a couple of hours after russell had initially turned down johnson ’ s request, the president called him back and told him that he wasn ’ t simply asking russell to serve on the commission — in fact, he ’ d already announced it to the press. russell was stunned and again tried to beg off, but it was no use. the protege, now president of the united states, said, to his mentor, “ you ’ re my man on that commission. and you are going to do it! and don ’ t tell me what you can do and what you can ’ t, because


, now president of the united states, said, to his mentor, “ you ’ re my man on that commission. and you are going to do it! and don ’ t tell me what you can do and what you can ’ t, because i can ’ t arrest you. and i ’ m not going to put the fbi on you. but you ’ re goddamned going to serve, i ’ ll tell you that! ” there wasn ’ t anything else the senator could do. richard russell served alongside the chief justice on the warren commission. the johnson treatment — and lbj ’ s unique way of adapting it to each person — even worked with people who knew lyndon johnson extraordinarily well, understood his modus operandi, and were somewhat “ on - guard ” for the johnson treatment. james h. rowe was a cunning, tough politician and lawyer, who had known lyndon b. johnson since johnson was a young, up - and - coming congressman beginning to float into the circle of president franklin d. roosevelt. rowe had been a clerk for supreme court justice oliver wendell holmes and became an ardent new dealer. he worked on the nuremberg trials prosecuting nazi war criminals following world war ii, and was a democratic operative who was a trusted political adviser to presidents roosevelt and harry truman. by 1956, rowe had known lyndon johnson for nearly twenty years and had often seen lbj get his way via the johnson treatment by bullying, flattering, and even sometimes making others feel pity for him. on july 2, 1955, johnson, the powerful senate majority leader, suffered a massive heart attack that very nearly killed him. just 46 years old, unhealthy habits such as his blistering pace at work, his diet, his drinking, his lack of exercise, and the more than three packs of cigarettes that he smoked daily caught up with lbj, who came from a family of men with a history of heart trouble. as he returned to work at the capitol, johnson asked rowe to join him as an aide in the senate. rowe turned johnson down because of his lucrative law practice in new york city — a job as an aide to the senate majority leader would obviously result in a drastic pay cut for rowe. lbj put the johnson treatment into full effect, and not just on rowe. as rowe continued to decline johnson ’ s pleading, mutual friends were told that lbj had nearly died and that rowe wouldn ’ t help him out. rowe ’ s law partner, another new dealer and famed operative for fdr, thomas “


rowe. as rowe continued to decline johnson ’ s pleading, mutual friends were told that lbj had nearly died and that rowe wouldn ’ t help him out. rowe ’ s law partner, another new dealer and famed operative for fdr, thomas “ tommy the cork ” corcoran, got on rowe ’ s case, saying, “ you just can ’ t do this to lyndon johnson! ”. rowe would later remember, “ people i knew were coming up to me on the street — on the street! — and saying, ‘ why aren ’ t you helping lyndon? don ’ t you know how sick he is? how can you let him down when he needs you? ’ ” even rowe ’ s wife was recruited and asked him one night, “ why are you doing this to poor lyndon? ”. then lbj really turned it on. over the years, rowe had seen johnson use whatever means necessary to obtain the support he needed and the people he wanted. but when lyndon johnson came to james rowe ’ s law office, he was stunned by the display. johnson ’ s was sobbing, with his head in his big hands, tears streaming down his face. “ i ’ m going to die, ” said johnson. “ you ’ re an old friend. i thought you were my friend and you don ’ t care that i ’ m going to die. it ’ s just selfish of you, typically selfish. ” pleading with rowe that he had a big job to do as senate majority leader and not much time left because of his health problems, he literally begged rowe to come to work for him, even if it meant sacrificing his law practice for a while. “ oh, goddamn it, all right, ” said rowe. the johnson treatment had worked again, even on an old hand like james h. rowe, who had seen it in action so many times. and, as soon as johnson got what he wanted, the tears disappeared. the weakness was gone. he was no longer dying or crying or pleading. instead, he stood up, looked his new employee, and gave him his first orders. “ just remember, i make the decisions. you don ’ t, ” lbj commanded rowe, and then stomped right back to work.


bootstrapping is a technique for finding confidence intervals directly by resampling. the first histogram shows the original sample. the second histogram is the resample drawn from the original sample with replacement. the third histogram is the bootstrap ( or resampling ) distribution of the statistic calculated from the resamples. above the third histogram is the bootstrap percentile confidence interval ( the central 95 % of the bootstrap distribution ). in all the histograms the bin height is the fraction of values in that bin. the one - population data is from 72 monthly totals of accidental deaths in the united states. the two - populations data is from body weights in kg of 97 male and 47 female cats. for the two - populations example the third histogram compares the two groups by calculating for each pair of resamples the difference between the statistic applied to the resample of the male cats minus the statistic applied to the resample of the female cats. both datasets are from the example data included with mathematica. resampling techniques such as bootstrapping have been growing in popularity since they can sometimes be used for samples that are small or not normal. bootstrap confidence intervals can be calculated even when the distribution of a statistic is unknown or complicated. students should ask themselves why the bootstrap distribution for the median of the two - populations example realizes only certain values. do you think that the confidence interval for the difference in medians is reliable for this particular example?


economic display in tombstone and life expectancy pattern we tested the life expectancy between two categories of tombstone displays. one category was a flat tombstone, parallel to the ground and the other was a non - flat tombstone that would stand a minimum of 50 cm off the ground. we conducted this test to check for a significant difference between life expectancies of people of different economic status. to do this we used tombstones as economic indicators. data was collected at a local cemetery. ages of the deceased were obtained by subtracting the birth year from the death year. we did not find a significant difference in the life expectancy. a t - test revealed a 0. 22 p - value. life expectancy, economic status our hypothesis is that the life expectancy of people of high economic status will be greater than those of lower economic status. people who have low economic status are usually not very well educated and may be more likely to have jobs that may require physical labor. on top of this, a study on socioeconomic position lead to show that people who live in poor areas have poor individual health ( robert 1999 ). as a result they endure more physical stress than people who are well educated. worries about money can cause psychological stress. physical and mental stress has been identified as predictors of illness ( custer 1985 ). people with low income often do not have access to healthcare or the resources to prevent illness. there two factors result in a lower life expectancy ( mirowsky and ross 2000 ). experiment was designed to test whether the tombstone of an individual, the last displays of economic status and capability, would reveal a in life expectancy. if the hypothesis is supported than the results that those individuals with a non - flat tombstone have longer life than those who had flat tombstones as they are less expensive than the non - flats. the less expensive, flat tombstones would represent the economic status and the non - flats would represent the higher economic methods and materials 28, 2007 we collected data from the life expectancies between the two groups of tombstones showed no significant difference. the one - tailed, type one t - test revealed a p - value of 0. 22. fig. 1. life expectancy at ages 0 - 105 between graves marked with a flat tombstone and a non - flat tombstone. a non - significant difference with a p - value of 0. 22. the t - test showed that there was not a significant difference between the life expectancy of people with flat and non - flat tombstones ( p =. 22 )


tombstone. a non - significant difference with a p - value of 0. 22. the t - test showed that there was not a significant difference between the life expectancy of people with flat and non - flat tombstones ( p =. 22 ). this data does not support our hypothesis that people with larger tombstones would have a higher life expectancy. there are a few studies that challenge the idea that socioeconomic status affects life expectancy. one of the opposing theories is that optimism and self - confidence can counterbalance the stress and health problems caused by low socioeconomic status ( mirowsky 2000 ). multiple studies have been done that show socioeconomic status does affect health, stress and life expectancy ( robert 1999 ). this suggests that our methods were flawed and tombstone size is not a good indicator of socioeconomic status. size is not the only thing that is considered in the pricing of tombstones. the material it ’ s made from and the amount of engraving change the price. also, factors besides socioeconomic status could affect tombstone choice, such as religious beliefs, vanity, or whether the tombstone was chosen by the deceased or a relative. many of the larger tombstones were actually family plots, so even if the tombstones were expensive the cost per person may be low. further research on the topic could include examining differences in life expectancies at different cemeteries. there might also be a difference between life expectancies of people who are cremated and people who are buried. custer, m. 1985. stress, life events, and the epidemiology of wellness. journal of community heath nursing. 2 : 4 ; 215 - 222. retrieved on 10. 29. 07 from jstor database. mirowsky, j., ross, c. e. 2000. socioeconomic status and subjective life expectancy. social psychology quarterly. 63 : 2 ; 133 - 151. retrieved 10. 02. 07 from jstor database. robert, s. a. 1999. socioeconomic position and health : the independent contribution of community socioeconomic context. annual review of sociology. 25 ; 489 - 516. retrieved on 10. 02. 07 from jstor database.


an accessor method is an instance method that gets or sets the value of a property of an object. in cocoa ’ s terminology, a method that retrieves the value of an object ’ s property is referred to as a getter method, or “ getter ; ” a method that changes the value of an object ’ s property is referred to as a setter method, or “ setter. ” these methods are often found in pairs, providing api for getting and setting the property values of an object. you should use accessor methods rather than directly accessing state data because they provide an abstraction layer. here are just two of the benefits that accessor methods provide : you don ’ t need to rewrite your code if the manner in which a property is represented or stored changes. accessor methods often implement important behavior that occurs whenever a value is retrieved or set. for example, setter methods frequently implement memory management code and notify other objects when a value is changed. because of the importance of this pattern, cocoa defines some conventions for naming accessor methods. given a property of type type and called name, you should typically implement accessor methods with the following form : the one exception is a property that is a boolean value. here the getter method name may be isname. for example : this naming convention is important because much other functionality in cocoa relies upon it, in particular key - value coding. cocoa does not use getname because methods that start with “ get ” in cocoa indicate that the method will return values by reference.


in addition to using data manipulation statements directly, as just described, it is also possible to manipulate table data by calling a procedure. procedures perform the specific data manipulations laid out in the procedure definition. any sql statement in the grouping procedural - sql - statement, see the mimer sql reference manual, chapter 12, procedural sql statements, can be used in a procedure, and this includes all the data manipulation statements. the use of procedures allows data manipulation within the database to be controlled both in terms of strictly defining which data manipulation operations are performed and also in terms of regulating which database objects can be affected. a procedure is invoked by using the call statement. in the case of a result set procedure, used in an esql context, the call statement is not used directly but is specified in a cursor declaration. an ident requires execute privilege on a procedure in order to call it. in the call statement, the value - expressions or assignment targets specified for each of the procedure parameters must be of a data type that is assignment - compatible, see the mimer sql reference manual, chapter 6, assignments, with the parameter data type. see the mimer sql reference manual, chapter 12, call, for full details of the call statement and the mimer sql programmer ' s manual, chapter 12, mimer sql stored procedures, for a general discussion of the stored procedure functionality supported in mimer sql. examples of calling procedures invoke the procedure called search in the mimer _ store _ music schema : call mimer _ store _ music. search ( : title, : artist, 0 ) ; declare a cursor that will be used when result - set data is fetched from the result set procedure called barcode : declare c _ 2 cursor for call mimer _ store. barcode ( itm. ean _ code ) ; upright database technology ab voice : + 46 18 780 92 00 fax : + 46 18 780 92 40


you can view the current or previous issues of diabetes health online, in their entirety, anytime you want. click here to view latest a1c test articles q : are people with diabetes prone to skin boils? i have type 1 diabetes. i would like to know why i suffer from so many boils in my groin area. - - - - - a : boils are acute, tender, firm, inflammatory nodules in the skin caused by bacterial infection - usually from a staph organism. when superficial, they are a form of folliculitis and when deep in the skin they are called boils or furuncles. people with diabetes are especially prone to bacterial and fungal infection because of decreased cellular immunity from acute or chronic high blood sugars. the groin area is especially prone to these infections and they can be chronic and recurrent. perspiration, rubbing, chafing and local factors, especially hygiene, are very important. using an antibacterial soap with frequent cleansing and subsequent drying of the area is indicated. one should avoid synthetic garments, use cotton shorts and aerate the area when possible. antibacterial powders may be helpful after bathing, and topical or systemic antibiotics are indicated when the process is chronic and severe. acute, warm presses can allow the process to point and then drain spontaneously. s. william levy, md clinical professor of dermatology university of california medical center san francisco, california * * * q : why are my morning bgs higher than later in the day? i have type 2 diabetes controlled by diet and exercise. i do not take medications. i would like to know why my morning ( fasting ) blood reading is higher than it is later in the day after i have eaten. - - - - - a : fasting blood glucose is a measurement of the glucose your liver manufactured during the night. your dinner or an evening snack the night before does not effect this measurement. the fasting test also provides some indication of your overnight insulin secretion. sometimes fasting blood - glucose levels will decline with weight loss. since you say that your fasting - blood reading is higher in the morning than it is later in the day after you have eaten, i would suggest you speak with your physician about taking a medication. glucophage is a medication that helps to lower fasting blood - glucose levels by decreasing liver - glucose output. it also reduces cholesterol levels. you might even lose a few pounds if you take this medication. please do not


. glucophage is a medication that helps to lower fasting blood - glucose levels by decreasing liver - glucose output. it also reduces cholesterol levels. you might even lose a few pounds if you take this medication. please do not consider the use of medication as a failure on your part. it sounds as if you are doing everything that you can to control your blood glucose - by testing, eating healthy and exercising. joyce sokolik, rd, cde santa rosa, california * * * q : are we researching a diabetes cure, or are we just researching research? we constantly see medical breakthroughs and possible treatment regimens put forward as cures, yet we never hear any follow - up on how these regimens work or do not work. the question i have is, are we really on the path toward a cure to diabetes or are we just funding research for research ' s sake? west bloomfield, michigan - - - - - a : medical progress usually comes in step - by - step advances rather than dramatic leaps forward. sadly, companies or others announce many so - called " breakthroughs " and " cures " on the basis of little credible evidence, and such reports often gain media attention. the lack of follow - up reflects the fact that such " breakthroughs " could not be replicated when subjected to testing by other researchers. when studies supported by the national institutes of health ( nih ) indicate that something doesn ' t work, the results are published and widely disseminated. an example is the use of injected insulin for type - 1 prevention in high - risk people. early studies in a small number of individuals suggested this approach might work ( eisenbarth et. al., lancet, april 10, 1993, p. 927 ). however, the dpt - 1 - a large controlled trial - showed that low - dose insulin injections do not prevent type 1 diabetes in high - risk people. this result was presented at a major meeting, is being published in a peer - reviewed journal and was described in some news accounts after a nih press release. though we are disappointed with the trial ' s outcome, letting people know negative results is important so that ineffective measures are not widely used. the national institutes of diabetes and digestive and kidney diseases ( niddk ) is vigorously exploring every possible avenue toward a cure, giving highest priority to those routes that offer the most hope based on current knowledge. there is great optimism about islet transplantation inspired by the pioneering work of the


and kidney diseases ( niddk ) is vigorously exploring every possible avenue toward a cure, giving highest priority to those routes that offer the most hope based on current knowledge. there is great optimism about islet transplantation inspired by the pioneering work of the edmonton group published last year in the new england journal of medicine and in a follow - up report of the 12 study subjects published in diabetes last april. the edmonton protocol is being replicated on a wider scale with nih and jdrf support. we have no guarantee it will hold up under a wider study. if it does, we will still need to develop alternative supplies of islets for the hundreds of thousands of people who need them as well as alternatives to anti - rejection drugs. this is just one avenue of research we are supporting on the path toward a cure. allen m. spiegel, md director national institutes of diabetes and digestive and kidney diseases national institutes of health * * * q : what is gastroparesis and how can i control it? i have gastroparesis and type 1 diabetes. i would like to know what i can do to control my blood sugars and keep from getting bloated. i am on the pump and cannot accurately predict the effect foods have on my body. i also seem to have a bad problem with bloating. i can go from a size five to a 10 in one day. * * * a : gastroparesis, or a partially paralyzed stomach, is commonly found in people with diabetes who have experienced elevated blood sugars for a number of years. in advanced stages, it can cause symptoms such as early satiety and bloating, nausea and vomiting. in the early stages, it is only discernable by its erratic effects upon blood sugar due to unpredictable stomach emptying. gastroparesis is very difficult to treat, but it can be rendered less severe by a number of measures used simultaneously. since you appear to have a relatively advanced condition, severe dietary intervention is warranted. this includes a very low - carbohydrate diet with total elimination of high - fiber vegetables such as salads, broccoli, etc. protein foods should be limited to fish, eggs, cheese and ground meats. even better would be a liquid or semi - liquid diet such as baby food and drinks made from egg - white protein. there are a number of other approaches to speeding stomach emptying that should be used in addition to the dietary changes. these include drinking two glasses of water with each


or semi - liquid diet such as baby food and drinks made from egg - white protein. there are a number of other approaches to speeding stomach emptying that should be used in addition to the dietary changes. these include drinking two glasses of water with each meal, taking certain digestive enzymes while eating, doing special exercises and chewing gum after meals, etc. although there are some medications that can improve stomach emptying, none of them are effective for advanced cases like yours. an especially effective enzyme is betaine hydrochloride with pepsin. it should be taken as three capsules while eating, never on an empty stomach. it should not be used by people who have ulcers or gastritis. more details can be found in my book " diabetes solution, " which is available at most bookstores and at www. amazon. com. a chapter is devoted to the treatment of gastroparesis. it also covers the proper use of insulin for people with gastroparesis. one of the most important tips is to never use lispro insulin ( commonly used in insulin pumps ) to cover meals. it works faster than the stomach can empty food. additional guidelines appear in a previous issue of diabetes health entitled " innovative therapy helps man overcome diabetes complications, " ( october 1999, p. 29 ). this article is archived on the web site www. diabetes - normalsugars. com. richard bernstein, md, face, facn, cws mamaroneck, new york dr. berstein has had type 1 diabetes since 1946. after learning how to normalize his blood sugars in 1970, it took 13 years for his gastroparesis to slowly resolve. his advice is considered to be outside of the mainstream. he has criticized the standard diabetes care guidelines as being ineffective. * * * q : what can i do about fat build - up at injection sites? i have been a type 1 for 38 years and have excess fat at the site where i take my shots. rotating does not help at all. when you take shots for so many years, there are only so many places to take your shots before you have to start over. it is especially bad in my arms and it is hard to find clothes to fit over them. is there anything that can be done about this, or is plastic surgery the only solution? - - - - - a : we usually call what you are describing lipohypertrophy. it can be unsightly, annoying and somewhat dangerous. insulin injected into


can be done about this, or is plastic surgery the only solution? - - - - - a : we usually call what you are describing lipohypertrophy. it can be unsightly, annoying and somewhat dangerous. insulin injected into the areas of lipohypertropy can be absorbed more slowly, leading to both increased blood sugar right after a meal and low blood sugar hours later. lipohypertrophy occurs in more than 25 percent of patients with type 1 diabetes. it is usually attributed to impure insulin ( rare now ) or not rotating sites. interestingly, a recent study at 23 sites in europe showed that reusing insulin syringes and pen needles led to increased lipohypertrophy. treating it can be difficult. a recent study shows that switching to lispro insulin may help. the best treatment is to avoid repetitive injections into the same site and particularly avoiding the areas of lipohypertrophy. i would suggest that you concentrate your injections in the abdomen. buy a piece of mesh, like that used for hooking rugs, cut it to fit your abdomen and use it to locate your injections, so that you avoid sites that you have used in the past week or two. barry h. ginsberg, md, phd vp medical affairs * * * q : should i be concerned with after - meal bg spikes? how important are after - meal ( two - hour ) glucose readings that are occasionally in the 180 to 200 mg / dl range if your a1c range is normally between 5. 4 and 5. 8 %? - - - - - a : there is currently a vigorous debate regarding the importance of after - meal glucose " spikes. " some of us feel that they should be kept to a minimum because there are biochemical reasons to think they may contribute to diabetes complications. for example, the aldose - reductase pathway enzymes are " turned on " when the glucose levels reach 180 mg / dl or more. this pathway is thought to be very important in the development of some diabetic microvascular complications. epidemiologic data indicate a dramatic increase in retinopathy and kidney disease associated with after - meal bgs of 180 mg / dl or greater and the increase in macrovascular disease ( heart attacks and strokes ) increases at even lower levels. dr. lois jovanovic ' s recent paper shows that when the fasting blood sugar ( fbs ) is over 140 mg / dl, it is the major


in macrovascular disease ( heart attacks and strokes ) increases at even lower levels. dr. lois jovanovic ' s recent paper shows that when the fasting blood sugar ( fbs ) is over 140 mg / dl, it is the major contributor to an increased a1c, but when fbss are better, the after - meal glucose is the main determinant of a1c. remember, an a1c of 5. 4 to 5. 8 %, although within the " normal " range, is still higher than the non - diabetic average ( which is 5 % on the standardized lab value used for the dcct and other major studies ). another recent paper published in the december 2000 issue of diabetes care ( p. 1830 ) found that plasma - glucose spikes were more strongly associated with narrowing of the arteries than were fasting bgs or a1c levels. levels such as yours should be relatively easy to correct using some dietary changes and possibly adding an alpha - glucosidase inhibitor like precose or glyset. md, facp, face monteagle medical center san francisco, california * * * q : is injecting air bubbles dangerous? what are risks of inadvertently injecting air bubbles from a needle? - - - - - a : the main risk is that you are replacing insulin with air and, therefore, underdosing. if that is not a problem ( i. e., you have compensated for it ) then there is no risk when the injection is given under the skin. you may be able to feel the air, but it will go away in a few minutes. air should never be injected intravenously. barry h ginsberg, md, phd vp medical affairs, franklin lakes, new jersey categories : a1c test, blood glucose, blood sugar, diabetes, food, gastroparesis ( digestion problems ), glucophage, insulin, insulin pumps, lipohypertropy, losing weight, nutrition advice, pens, skin care, syringes, type 1 issues, type 1 issues, type 2 issues


postprint version. published in international journal of obesity, volume 33, issue 10, october 1, 2009, pages 1183 - 1190. copyright © 2009 nature publishing group. the definitive version is available at http : / / dx. doi. org / 10. 1038 / ijo. 2009. 147. objective : the purpose of this study was to compare the dietary strategies, and use of fat - and sugar - modified foods and beverages in a weight loss maintainer group ( wlm ) and an always - normal weight group ( nw ). subjects : wlm ( n = 172 ) had maintained ≥10 % weight loss for 11. 5 years, and had a body mass index ( bmi ) of 22. 0 kg m - 2. nw ( n = 131 ) had a bmi of 21. 3 kg m - 2 and no history of being overweight. three, 24 - h recalls on random, non - consecutive days were used to assess dietary intake. results : wlm reported consuming a diet that was lower in fat ( 28. 7 vs 32. 6 %, p < 0. 0001 ) and used more fat - modification strategies than nw. wlm also consumed a significantly greater percentage of modified dairy ( 60 vs 49 % ; p = 0. 002 ) and modified dressings and sauces ( 55 vs 44 % ; p = 0. 006 ) than nw. wlm reported consuming three times more daily servings of artificially sweetened soft drinks ( 0. 91 vs 0. 37 ; p = 0. 003 ), significantly fewer daily servings of sugar - sweetened soft drinks ( 0. 07 vs 0. 16 ; p = 0. 03 ) and more daily servings of water ( 4. 72 vs 3. 48 ; p = 0. 002 ) than nw. conclusions : these findings suggest that wlm use more dietary strategies to accomplish their weight loss maintenance, including greater restriction on fat intake, use of fat - and sugar - modified foods, reduced consumption of sugar - sweetened beverages and increased consumption of artificially sweetened beverages. ways to promote the use of fat - modified foods and artificial sweeteners merits further research in both prevention - and treatment - controlled trials.


the elimination of disease is one of the great dreams of mankind. indeed, heaven is often depicted as a kind of blissful, disease - free sanatorium. is the longed - for state of perpetual health destined to remain nothing more than a dream? are health and sickness, like life and death, inevitable antitheses that will always circumscribe our fate as humans? or will a diseaseless society one day be within our reach on earth? certainly the prospects of finding cures for most of our ills have never looked better. the history of medicine until fairly recently was a deplorable tale of ignorance, hocus - pocus, and guesswork. in the 1800s physicians were still starving, purging, and bleeding their patients to cure nearly any disease, much as physicians had done in ancient greece. ( the greeks believed that such treatments evacuated the excessive humors, or body fluids, that were upsetting the healthy equilibrium of the body. ) patients were still operated on without anesthesia. many, if they survived that ordeal, died of sepsis because surgeons, operating in ignorance of germs, plunged into their patients with unsterilized instruments and filthy hands. with the exception of digitalis for heart failure and quinine for malaria, there were almost no effective drugs. oliver wendell holmes, the nineteenth - century boston physician and sage, commented that if all the medicines then known were thrown into the ocean, it would be the better for the human race and the worse for the fish. looked at from this perspective, the high - tech medicine with which we ’ re rocketing into the twenty - first century seems astounding. to what do we owe this giant leap forward? the answer lies in the application of science to the understanding and treatment of diseases over the past 150 or so years. microscopes of increasing power led to the identification of bacteria, parasites, and eventually viruses as the agents of such familiar diseases as diphtheria, malaria, and influenza. learning how these germs were transmitted and how our bodies defended themselves against them provided the rational basis for vaccines, drugs, and public health measures that have effectively doubled the average human life span. thanks to vaccines, smallpox has been wiped off the face of the earth, and polio has been tamed. thanks to antibiotics, which came into routine use only in the 1950s, parents no longer commonly fear losing children to pneumonia, streptococcal infections, or meningitis. removing a child ’ s infl


a result, they change their protein coat fast enough to present a moving target to the human immune system that is charged with destroying them. meanwhile the virus attacks and destroys the immune system, leaving the body defenseless, and the victim usually dies of opportunistic infections like pneumocystis pneumonia. as for malaria - causing parasites, like many bacteria they initially seemed to succumb to our chemical warfare : for a few years drugs like chloroquine were effective in preventing and curing the disease. then in the 1950s drug - resistant strains of parasites evolved. whatever new drugs or drug combinations we have employed since, some varieties of malaria have found a way to sidestep their effects. so when we think about eliminating disease, we must consider that the evolutionary process practically guarantees an endless conflict between the defenders and the would - be invaders of the human body - - with the tide of battle surging first one way and then the other. having said that, however, it ’ s heartening to realize that we humans have never been better equipped to gain the upper hand. the more we know of the life cycles, genetics, and biochemistry of infectious agents like hiv and malaria parasites, the more likely it seems that our science will triumph over their evolutionary evasiveness and keep us one step ahead in the evolutionary rat race. cancer and genetic diseases, the enemies that bore from within, will be harder nuts to crack, though we are getting a grip on them too. in 1989 michael bishop and harold varmus of the university of california at san francisco received a nobel prize for their discovery of cancer - causing oncogenes in humans. oncogenes are normal genes gone wild because of mutations or dislocations in the dna. if we can find the mistakes in their molecular structure - - the keys to their ability to stimulate abnormal cell growth - - then we should be able to correct them. similarly several hundreds of gene defects are known to cause inherited illnesses, ranging from sickle - cell disease to huntington ’ s chorea. but once more we encounter an evolutionary paradox, for sickle cells are actually a rather successful defense against killer malaria. these red blood cells, with their odd scimitar shape, are resistant to the malaria parasite. ten percent of african americans have some protective sickle cells in their blood, a result of inheriting a sickling gene from one parent. it ’ s only when children inherit the gene from both parents that they develop sickle - cell disease, which may involve anemia


americans have some protective sickle cells in their blood, a result of inheriting a sickling gene from one parent. it ’ s only when children inherit the gene from both parents that they develop sickle - cell disease, which may involve anemia, impaired growth, and painful crises when the spiky cells form clumps in their blood vessels. in 1949 linus pauling traced sickle - cell disease to a tiny defect in the molecular structure of hemoglobin, the oxygen - carrying pigment in red blood cells. a single mutation in the long dna chain that codes for hemoglobin results in a single amino acid change that causes sickling. we now know of more than 300 other abnormal hemoglobins that occur in various ethnic groups and even sporadically. many don ’ t transport oxygen as well as normal hemoglobin and shorten the life of red cells. but they confer no known advantage or resistance to malaria or other diseases. what these many variations on the hemoglobin theme show once again is how busy evolution is at the molecular level. and all that change provides the raw material for potential defenses against new diseases. if, say, hemoglobin d, one of the variant blood pigments, were to prove resistant to a lethal disease not yet inflicted on our species, future populations would doubtless show a huge increase in the hemoglobin d gene. from the perspective of molecular evolution, then, it is not so easy to distinguish between disease, normal variation, and adaptation to changing circumstances. ridding the gene pool of sickle hemoglobin would be beneficial to african americans because in this country the trait has become a liability. but it would be decidedly harmful to africans, who still have to cope with malaria. questions like these are still hypothetical, but they soon may not be if genetic engineering becomes a reality. if, say, sickle - cell disease is diagnosed prenatally, it might be possible to replace part of a baby ’ s bone marrow, the organ that makes red cells, with borrowed bone marrow cells that have the normal hemoglobin gene. in this way children destined to have genetic abnormalities might be able to avoid their fate. but suppose by genetic engineering we could successfully purge the human population of all its hemoglobinopathies? might we not then be in the same situation as food crops during the green revolution of the 1960s, when the widespread planting of superior monocultures of rice and other grains made them particularly vulnerable to


population of all its hemoglobinopathies? might we not then be in the same situation as food crops during the green revolution of the 1960s, when the widespread planting of superior monocultures of rice and other grains made them particularly vulnerable to fungi and insects? no longer faced with a diversity of resistant variants, plant diseases swept through crops worldwide. the very concept of a static healthy human population runs contrary to the incessant mobility of evolutionary history. based on the common genetic language of dna and the many genes shared by all living organisms, it is virtually certain that the 10 million or more species on earth today descended from a common one - celled ancestor that emerged from the hot broths of the early planet some 3. 5 billion years ago. obviously tremendous changes had to take place just to get from a single - celled organism to a multicellular one, let alone to the complicated creatures we ’ ve become. the cells of humans and other animals bear witness to one of the earliest and most extraordinary of these changes. they are permanently infected by mitochondria, small bodies that originated as bacterial invaders of those ancient unicellular organisms. the aerobic invaders enabled their previously anaerobic hosts to capitalize on oxygen as a new energy source. now we ’ re completely dependent on these prehistoric trespassers. mitochondria are the batteries that power our cells. at any point in this evolutionary history, a perfectly healthy, perfectly adapted species would have been unlikely to evolve into something different. after all, why change if you ’ re doing well? it takes changes in environment and climate, overcrowding, and disease to drive the evolutionary process, to encourage new adaptations such as the movement from life in the water to life on land, or back from land to water. genetic abnormalities, maladaptive to the old environment but adaptive to the new, made these movements possible. this process of flux is going on all the time, though mostly at the unseen molecular level. organisms are constantly changing their relationship to one another and to the environment, and what we call diseases are part of that process. whether we like it or not, we humans are part of it, too. more than 2 billion years ago, photosynthesizing plants altered earth ’ s atmosphere by converting carbon dioxide into oxygen. oxygen allowed life as we know it to flourish. during our lifetime, a veritable instant in earth ’ s history, human activity has changed the atmosphere by adding large amounts of carbon dioxide and other gases, like fluoro


carbon dioxide into oxygen. oxygen allowed life as we know it to flourish. during our lifetime, a veritable instant in earth ’ s history, human activity has changed the atmosphere by adding large amounts of carbon dioxide and other gases, like fluorocarbons, that threaten to produce profound climatic and environmental disturbances and weaken the ozone layer that screens out ultraviolet light from the sun. if you picture earth and its inhabitants as a single self - sustaining organism, along the lines of the popular gaia concept, then we humans might ourselves be seen as pathogenic. we are infecting the planet, growing recklessly as cancer cells do, destroying gaia ’ s other specialized cells ( that is, extinguishing other species ), and poisoning our air supply. from a subjective human perspective, it would be good to eliminate infectious diseases, cancer, and genetic defects. from a gaian perspective, as many pointed out at the recent earth summit in rio de janeiro, the main disease to be eliminated is us. from the evolutionary perspective, perhaps humanity can be considered another agent of global change, like glaciation or the asteroid that wiped out the dinosaurs. but in this case, we are both the asteroid and the dinosaurs. paradoxically, some of the worst calamities facing humankind stem from our reproductive success. our large population and runaway consumption degrade our planet, poison our oceans, and foul our atmosphere - - threatening our crops, our water supply, and our health. the intelligence that produced agriculture and antibiotics seems unable so far to restrain the uncontrolled multiplication of a species that has thrown earth ’ s homeostasis out of balance. so we find ourselves in a bind. the more success we have at fighting disease and extending human life, the greater looms the possibility of hastening our own extinction. it was the scientific approach, the use of our uniquely evolved human brains, that sparked our fantastic progress against disease in the last 150 years. the question now is no longer whether we have the skill to subdue most infectious diseases and repair many genetic disorders - - for we clearly do. the critical question for the coming centuries is whether our species is smart enough to deal with its own explosive success.


what lies behind the law in this chapter, lewis continues to build upon his argument for the law of nature that i have already written about. he goes on to bring science into the discussion, as there have long been two views on how the universe came into being : the materialist view and the religious view ( he shares in a note at the end of the chapter that there are beliefs in - between these two, but he desired brevity in the original radio address ). the materialist view argues that the universe was created through a series of random chances, while the religious view states that all of reality came into existence because a mind willed it to. ( as of yet, lewis has refrained from labeling this mind as being the christian god, he will get to that ). lewis also makes a rather convincing argument that science cannot prove which view is right. science is all about observation and experimentation on observable things. to determine the existence of whatever moved behind the creation of the universe is impossible from a scientific standpoint ( science cannot prove the existence of god, nor the existence of random chance. we suppose these things exist, largely because of our own observations ). lewis is quick to point out that science has a place and is very important. he even argues that science can help us understand the existence of the law of nature. we have an inside track on humanity, since we are humans. we can understand ourselves better than we can understand anything else on the planet. by observing ourselves ( internally ) we can see that this law of nature really does exist, telling us what we should do, especially when we are not doing what we should be doing. i think my favorite piece in this essay was when lewis explains why science cannot prove or disprove a power outside the universe which has created the universe we reside in. such a power could not show us itself to us as a fact within the universe any more than an architect of a house could be a wall or a staircase inside the house that he has built. the only way we can expect god to show himself in our reality is through his law placed in our souls, guiding and directing us in the ways that we should go. and we do find that inside of ourselves. some label it as being the conscience, but it is god ’ s stamp on our souls, trying to help us line ourselves up with him so that we may one day be able to see the architect of our reality face - to - face. and i find that incredibly comforting.


the abadan crisis occurred from 1951 to 1954, after iran nationalised the iranian assets of the anglo - iranian oil company ( aioc ) and expelled western companies from oil refineries in the city of abadan ( see abadan refinery ). the aioc was the united kingdom ' s " single largest overseas asset " and a " source of national pride " in the british post - war era of clement attlee, and ernest bevin. even as late as the " 1940s and early 1950s some high british officials still believed that persian petroleum was actually and rightly british petroleum because it had been discovered by the british, developed by british capital, and exploited through british skill and british ingenuity. " in stark contrast, premier mosaddeq believed the 1933 concession granted to the aioc by iran was " immoral as well as illegal ". mosaddeq " challenged every aspect of the british commercial presence in iran ". the british feared that if mosaddeq ' s policies prevailed, " nationalists throughout the world could abrogate british concessions with impunity. " the aioc was nationalized by the iranian parliament in march 1951. in iran this was enormously popular and seen as a long overdue staunching of its national wealth which could now be harnessed to fighting poverty in iran. in britain the nationalisation was widely seen as an intolerable breach of contract or theft. british emissaries in the united states after the nationalisation, argued that allowing iran to nationalise the oil company " would be widely regarded as a victory for the russians " and would also " cause a loss of one hundred million pounds per annum in the united kingdom ' s balance of payments, thus seriously affecting our rearmament program and our cost of living. " british warships blockaded abadan. on 22 august, the british cabinet imposed a series of economic sanctions on iran. it prohibited exports of key british commodities, including sugar and steel, directed the withdrawal of all british personnel from iranian oil fields and all but a hard core of about 300 administrators from abadan and blocked iran ' s access to its hard currency accounts in british banks. after the withdrawal of the british workers in the fall of 1951, the iranians felt confident that they could easily hire non - british technicians to run the industry and then quickly train their own nationals to replace them. unfortunately, this did not prove to be the case ; the united states, sweden, belgium, the netherlands, pakistan, and germany all refused to make their technicians available to


technicians to run the industry and then quickly train their own nationals to replace them. unfortunately, this did not prove to be the case ; the united states, sweden, belgium, the netherlands, pakistan, and germany all refused to make their technicians available to the nationalized iranian industry. only italy complied, demonstrating that most industrialized countries supported britain over iran in the nationalization dispute. " in july 1952, the royal navy intercepted the italian tanker rose mary and forced it into the british protectorate of aden on the grounds that the ship ' s petroleum was stolen property. news that the royal navy was intercepting tankers carrying iranian oil scared off other tankers and effectively shut down oil exports from iran. as a result of the crisis, iranian prime minister mohammed mossadegh was ousted from power. during the coup, codenamed operation ajax, the cia and the mi6 restored mohammad reza pahlavi to power. in august 1954, the company was set under the control of an international consortium. initially, ownership shares in the consortium proposed to be divided along the following lines : 40 % to be divided equally ( 8 % each ) among the five major american companies ; british petroleum to have a 40 % share ; royal dutch / shell to have 14 % ; and cfp, a french company, to receive 6 %. iran got now 25 % of the profits compared to 20 % of the original treaty with the aioc. saudi - arabia and other oil - exploiting countries of the region received up to 50 % of the profits in cooperation with american oil companies at the same time. - william roger louis quoted in mohammad mosaddeq and the 1953 coup in iran ed, by mark j. gasiorowski and malcolm byrne, syracuse university press, 2004, p. 129 - william roger louis quoted in mohammad mosaddeq and the 1953 coup in iran edited by mark j. gasiorowski and malcolm byrne, syracuse university press, 2004, p. 148 - kinzer, stephen, all the shah ' s men : an american coup and the roots of middle east terror, stephen kinzer, john wiley and sons, 2003, p. 90 - kinzer, all the shah ' s men, ( 2003 ), p. 110 - heiss quoted in mohammad mosaddeq and the 1953 coup in iran edited by mark j. gasiorowski and malcolm byrne, syracuse university press, 2004, p. 182 - kinzer, all the shah ' s men, ( 2003 ), p. 138


waitangi day or new zealand day? united future calls for a change sunday, january 28, 2007 new zealand political party has called for to be changed back to new zealand day, as it once was. waitangi day is on february 6, each year and celebrates the waitangi signing of new zealand ' s founding document, the ( te tiriti o waitangi )., leader of the united future party, has said that the recent celebrations of has shown that new zealand really does need its own celebrations of that kind. " across the ditch, australians celebrate a day that is about one thing only – the celebration of their country and of being a citizen of that country. " however co - leader of rival political party, the, has said to, that waitangi day is very important, and if we need to have a new zealand day, then that needs to be something different. dr sharples has also called for more respect in terms of what the foundation of waitangi day is and educating the public that the treaty of waitangi is a positive thing for new zealand. however, peter dunne said : " there is no doubt the treaty of waitangi has an important place in new zealand ’ s history, but having the treaty the centre and indeed holding the naming rights for our day of national festivities, just politicises the day and invites unnecessary racial tension. " sharples also says that there is no point in looking across theat what is doing because we have our own identity, own founding document, our own nation. thus, we should go forward together. peter dunne said : " the timing is right for new zealand to actively and positively advance our national identity – starting with a new national day. " he claims quite a lot of support for a change to the name in 2008. - " waitangi day name debate " —, january 28, 2007 - press release. " new zealand a nation without a national day " —, january 28, 2007


agent orange is the combination of the code names for herbicide orange ( ho ) and agent lnx, one of the herbicides and defoliants used by the u. s. military as part of its chemical warfare program, operation ranch hand, during the vietnam war from 1961 to 1971. vietnam estimates 400, 000 people were killed or maimed, and 500, 000 children born with birth defects as a result of its use. the red cross of vietnam estimates that up to 1 million people are disabled or have health problems due to agent orange. a 50 : 50 mixture of 2, 4, 5 - t and 2, 4 - d, it was manufactured for the u. s. department of defense primarily by monsanto corporation and dow chemical. the 2, 4, 5 - t used to produce agent orange was later discovered to be contaminated with 2, 3, 7, 8 - tetrachlorodibenzodioxin ( tcdd ), an extremely toxic dioxin compound. it was given its name from the color of the orange - striped 55 us gallon ( 208 l ) barrels in which it was shipped, and was by far the most widely used of the so - called " rainbow herbicides ". during the vietnam war, between 1962 and 1971, the united states military sprayed nearly 20, 000, 000 us gallons ( 76, 000, 000 l ) of material containing chemical herbicides and defoliants mixed with jet fuel in vietnam, eastern laos and parts of cambodia, as part of operation ranch hand. the program ' s goal was to defoliate forested and rural land, depriving guerrillas of cover ; another goal was to induce forced draft urbanization, destroying the ability of peasants to support themselves in the countryside, and forcing them to flee to the u. s. dominated cities, thus depriving the guerrillas of their rural support and food supply. the us began to target food crops in october 1962, primarily using agent blue. in 1965, 42 percent of all herbicide spraying was dedicated to food crops. rural - to - urban migration rates dramatically increased in south vietnam, as peasants escaped the war and famine in the countryside by fleeing to the u. s. - dominated cities. the urban population in south vietnam nearly tripled : from 2. 8 million people in 1958, to 8 million by 1971. the rapid flow of people led to a fast - paced and uncontrolled urbanization ; an estimated 1. 5 million people were living in saigon slums. united states air force records show


million people in 1958, to 8 million by 1971. the rapid flow of people led to a fast - paced and uncontrolled urbanization ; an estimated 1. 5 million people were living in saigon slums. united states air force records show that at least 6, 542 spraying missions took place over the course of operation ranch hand. by 1971, 12 percent of the total area of south vietnam had been sprayed with defoliating chemicals, at an average concentration of 13 times the recommended usda application rate for domestic use. in south vietnam alone, an estimated 10 million hectares ( 25 million acres, 39, 000 square miles ) of agricultural land was ultimately destroyed. in some areas, tcdd concentrations in soil and water were hundreds of times greater than the levels considered " safe " by the u. s. environmental protection agency. overall, more than 20 % of south vietnam ' s forests were sprayed at least once over a nine - year period. chemical description and toxicology chemically, agent orange is an approximately 1 : 1 mixture of two phenoxyl herbicides – 2, 4 - dichlorophenoxyacetic acid ( 2, 4 - d ) and 2, 4, 5 - trichlorophenoxyacetic acid ( 2, 4, 5 - t ) – in iso - octyl ester form. numerous studies have examined health effects linked to agent orange, its component compounds, and its manufacturing byproducts. prior to the controversy surrounding agent orange, there was already a large body of scientific evidence linking 2, 4, 5 - t to serious negative health effects and ecological damage. but in 1969, it was revealed to the public that the 2, 4, 5 - t was contaminated with a dioxin, 2, 3, 7, 8 - tetrachlorodibenzodioxin ( tcdd ), and that the tcdd was causing many of the previously unexplained adverse health effects which were correlated with agent orange exposure. tcdd has been described as " perhaps the most toxic molecule ever synthesized by man ". internal memoranda revealed that monsanto ( a manufacturer of 2, 4, 5 - t ) had informed the u. s. government in 1952 that its 2, 4, 5 - t was contaminated. in the manufacture of 2, 4, 5 - t, accidental overheating of the reaction mixture easily causes the product to condense into the toxic self - condensation product tcdd. at the time, precautions


5 - t was contaminated. in the manufacture of 2, 4, 5 - t, accidental overheating of the reaction mixture easily causes the product to condense into the toxic self - condensation product tcdd. at the time, precautions were not taken against this unintended side reaction, which caused also the seveso disaster in italy in 1976. in 1979, the yale biologist arthur galston, who specialized in herbicide research, published a review of what was known at the time about the toxicity of tcdd. even " vanishingly small " quantities of dioxin in the diet caused adverse health effects when tested on animals. since then, tcdd has been comprehensively studied. it has been associated with increased neoplasms in every animal bioassay reported in the scientific literature. the national toxicology program has classified tcdd as " known to be a human carcinogen ", frequently associated with soft - tissue sarcoma, non - hodgkin ' s lymphoma, hodgkin ' s lymphoma and chronic lymphocytic leukemia ( cll ). while the two herbicides that make up agent orange, 2, 4 - d and 2, 4, 5 - t, remain toxic over a short period — a scale of days or weeks — they quickly degrade. a 1969 report authored by k. diane courtney and others found 2, 4, 5 - t could cause birth defects and stillbirths in mice. several studies have shown an increased rate of cancer mortality for workers exposed to 2, 4, 5 - t. in one such study, from hamburg, germany, the risk of cancer mortality increased by 170 % after working for 10 years at the 2, 4, 5 - t - producing section of a hamburg manufacturing plant. three studies have suggested prior exposure to agent orange poses an increased risk of acute myelogenous leukemia in the children of vietnam veterans. starting in 1991, the us congress asked the institute of medicine to review the scientific literature on agent orange and the other herbicides used in vietnam, including their active ingredients and the dioxin contaminant. the iom found an association between dioxin exposure and diabetes. early development in 1943, plant biologist arthur galston began studying the compound triiodobenzoic acid as a plant growth hormone, in an attempt to adapt soybeans to a short growing season. galston found that excessive usage of the compound caused catastrophic defoliation — a finding later


that the u. s. was violating the 1925 geneva protocol, which regulated the use of chemical and biological weapons. u. s. army armored personnel carrier ( apc ) spraying agent orange over vietnamese rice fields during the vietnam war a uh - 1d helicopter from the 336th aviation company sprays a defoliation agent over farmland in the mekong delta effects on the vietnamese people health effects the vietnam red cross reported as many as 3 million vietnamese people have been affected by agent orange, including at least 150, 000 children born with birth defects. according to vietnamese ministry of foreign affairs, 4. 8 million vietnamese people were exposed to agent orange, resulting in 400, 000 people being killed or maimed, and 500, 000 children born with birth defects. women had higher rates of miscarriage and stillbirths, as did livestock such as cattle, water buffalo, and pigs. children in the areas where agent orange was used have been affected and have multiple health problems, including cleft palate, mental disabilities, hernias, and extra fingers and toes. in the 1970s, high levels of dioxin were found in the breast milk of south vietnamese women, and in the blood of u. s. soldiers who had served in vietnam. the most affected zones are the mountainous area along truong son ( long mountains ) and the border between vietnam and cambodia. the affected residents are living in substandard conditions with many genetic diseases. about 28 of the former us military bases in vietnam where the herbicides were stored and loaded onto airplanes may still have high level of dioxins in the soil, posing a health threat to the surrounding communities. extensive testing for dioxin contamination has been conducted at the former us airbases in da nang, phu cat and bien hoa. some of the soil and sediment on the bases have extremely high levels of dioxin requiring remediation. the da nang airbase has dioxin contamination up to 350 times higher than international recommendations for action. the contaminated soil and sediment continue to affect the citizens of vietnam, poisoning their food chain and causing illnesses, serious skin diseases and a variety of cancers in the lungs, larynx, and prostate. ecological effects about 17. 8 % ( 3, 100, 000 ha ) of the total forested area of vietnam was sprayed during the war, which dramatically disrupted ecological equilibrium. furthermore, the persistent nature of dioxins, erosion caused by loss of protective tree cover, and loss of seeding forest stock, meant reforestation was


of the total forested area of vietnam was sprayed during the war, which dramatically disrupted ecological equilibrium. furthermore, the persistent nature of dioxins, erosion caused by loss of protective tree cover, and loss of seeding forest stock, meant reforestation was difficult or impossible in many areas. many defoliated forest areas were quickly invaded by aggressive pioneer species, such as bamboo and cogon grass, which make it unlikely the forests will be able to regenerate. animal species diversity was also significantly impacted : in one study, a harvard biologist found 24 species of birds and 5 species of mammals in a sprayed forest, while in two adjacent sections of unsprayed forest there were 145 and 170 species of birds and 30 and 55 species of mammals. dioxins from agent orange have persisted in the vietnamese environment since the war, settling in the soil and sediment and entering into food chain through the animals and fish that feed in the contaminated areas. movement of dioxins through the food web has resulted in bioconcentration and biomagnification. the areas most heavily contaminated with dioxins are the sites of former u. s. air bases. sociopolitical effects the rand corporation ' s memorandum 5446 - isa / arpa states : " the fact that the vc obtain most of their food from the neutral rural population dictates the destruction of civilian crops... if they ( the vc ) are to be hampered by the crop destruction program, it will be necessary to destroy large portions of the rural economy – probably 50 % or more ". rural - to - urban migration rates dramatically increased in south vietnam, as peasants escaped the war in the countryside by fleeing to the u. s. - dominated cities. the urban population in south vietnam nearly tripled, growing from 2. 8 million people in 1958 to 8 million by 1971. the rapid flow of people led to a fast - paced and uncontrolled urbanization ; an estimated 1. 5 million people were living in saigon slums. effects on u. s. veterans some studies showed that veterans who served in the south during the war have increased rates of cancer, and nerve, digestive, skin and respiratory disorders. veterans from the south had higher rates of throat cancer, acute / chronic leukemia, hodgkin ' s lymphoma and non - hodgkin ' s lymphoma, prostate cancer, lung cancer, colon cancer, soft tissue sarcoma and liver cancer. with the exception of liver cancer, these are the same conditions


' s lymphoma and non - hodgkin ' s lymphoma, prostate cancer, lung cancer, colon cancer, soft tissue sarcoma and liver cancer. with the exception of liver cancer, these are the same conditions the us veterans administration has determined may be associated with exposure to agent orange / dioxin, and are on the list of conditions eligible for compensation and treatment. military personnel who loaded airplanes and helicopters used in ranch hand probably sustained some of the heaviest exposures. members of the army chemical corps, who stored and mixed herbicides and defoliated the perimeters of military bases, and mechanics who worked on the helicopters and planes, are also thought to have had some of the heaviest exposures. however, this same group of individuals has not shown remarkably higher incidences of the associated diseases. others with potentially heavy exposures included members of u. s. army special forces units who defoliated remote campsites, and members of u. s. navy river units who cleared base perimeters. military members who served on okinawa also claim to have been exposed to the chemical but there is no verifiable evidence to corroborate these claims. while in vietnam, the veterans were told not to worry, and were persuaded the chemical was harmless. after returning home, vietnam veterans began to suspect their ill health or the instances of their wives having miscarriages or children born with birth defects might be related to agent orange and the other toxic herbicides to which they were exposed in vietnam. veterans began to file claims in 1977 to the department of veterans affairs for disability payments for health care for conditions they believed were associated with exposure to agent orange, or more specifically, dioxin, but their claims were denied unless they could prove the condition began when they were in the service or within one year of their discharge. by april 1993, the department of veterans affairs had only compensated 486 victims, although it had received disability claims from 39, 419 soldiers who had been exposed to agent orange while serving in vietnam. legal and diplomatic proceedings us veterans class action lawsuit against manufacturers hy mayerson of the mayerson law offices, p. c. was an early pioneer in agent orange litigation, working with environmental attorney victor yannacone in 1980 on the first class - action suits against wartime manufacturers of agent orange. in meeting dr. ronald a. codario, one of the first civilian doctors to see afflicted patients, mayerson, so impressed by the fact a physician would show so much interest in


class - action suits against wartime manufacturers of agent orange. in meeting dr. ronald a. codario, one of the first civilian doctors to see afflicted patients, mayerson, so impressed by the fact a physician would show so much interest in a vietnam veteran, forwarded more than a thousand pages of information on agent orange and the effects of dioxin on animals and humans to codario ' s office the day after he was first contacted by the doctor. the corporate defendants sought to escape culpability by blaming everything on the u. s. government. the mayerson law firm, with sgt. charles e. hartz as their principal client, filed the first u. s. agent orange class - action lawsuit, in pennsylvania in 1980, for the injuries soldiers in vietnam suffered through exposure to toxic dioxins in the defoliant. attorney hy mayerson co - wrote the brief that certified the agent orange product liability action as a class action, the largest ever filed as of its filing. hartz ' s deposition was one of the first ever taken in america, and the first for an agent orange trial, for the purpose of preserving testimony at trial, as it was understood that hartz would not live to see the trial because of a brain tumor that began to develop while he was a member of tiger force, special forces, and lrrps in vietnam. the firm also located and supplied critical research to the veterans ' lead expert, dr. ronald a. codario, m. d., including about 100 articles from toxicology journals dating back more than a decade, as well as data about where herbicides had been sprayed, what the effects of dioxin had been on animals and humans, and every accident in factories where herbicides were produced or dioxin was a contaminant of some chemical reaction. the chemical companies involved denied that there was a link between agent orange and the veterans ' medical problems. however, on may 7, 1984, seven chemical companies settled the class - action suit out of court just hours before jury selection was to begin. the companies agreed to pay $ 180 million as compensation if the veterans dropped all claims against them. slightly over 45 % of the sum was ordered to be paid by monsanto alone. many veterans who were victims of agent orange exposure were outraged the case had been settled instead of going to court, and felt they had been betrayed by the lawyers. " fairness hearings " were held in five major american cities, where veterans and their families discussed their reactions to the


victims of agent orange exposure were outraged the case had been settled instead of going to court, and felt they had been betrayed by the lawyers. " fairness hearings " were held in five major american cities, where veterans and their families discussed their reactions to the settlement, and condemned the actions of the lawyers and courts, demanding the case be heard before a jury of their peers. federal judge julius weinstein refused the appeals, claiming the settlement was " fair and just ". by 1989, the veterans ' fears were confirmed when it was decided how the money from the settlement would be paid out. a totally disabled vietnam veteran would receive a maximum of $ 12, 000 spread out over the course of 10 years. furthermore, by accepting the settlement payments, disabled veterans would become ineligible for many state benefits that provided far more monetary support than the settlement, such as food stamps, public assistance, and government pensions. a widow of a vietnam veteran who died of agent orange exposure would only receive $ 3700. in 2004, monsanto spokesman jill montgomery said monsanto should not be liable at all for injuries or deaths caused by agent orange, saying : " we are sympathetic with people who believe they have been injured and understand their concern to find the cause, but reliable scientific evidence indicates that agent orange is not the cause of serious long - term health effects. " new jersey agent orange commission in 1980, new jersey created the new jersey agent orange commission, the first state commission created to study its effects. the commission ' s research project in association with rutgers university was called " the pointman project ". it was disbanded by governor christine todd whitman in 1996. during pointman i, commission researchers devised ways to determine small dioxin levels in blood. prior to this, such levels could only be found in the adipose ( fat ) tissue. the project studied dioxin ( tcdd ) levels in blood as well as in adipose tissue in a small group of vietnam veterans who had been exposed to agent orange and compared them to those of a matched control group ; the levels were found to be higher in the former group. us congress in 1991, the us congress enacted the agent orange act, giving the department of veterans affairs the authority to declare certain conditions ' presumptive ' to exposure to agent orange / dioxin, making these veterans who served in vietnam eligible to receive treatment and compensation for these conditions. the same law required the national academy of sciences to periodically review the science on dioxin and herbicides used in vietnam to inform the secretary of veterans affairs about


, making these veterans who served in vietnam eligible to receive treatment and compensation for these conditions. the same law required the national academy of sciences to periodically review the science on dioxin and herbicides used in vietnam to inform the secretary of veterans affairs about the strength of the scientific evidence showing association between exposure to agent orange / dioxin and certain conditions. through this process, the list of ' presumptive ' conditions has grown since 1991, and currently the u. s. department of veterans affairs has listed prostate cancer, respiratory cancers, multiple myeloma, type ii diabetes, hodgkin ' s disease, non - hodgkin ' s lymphoma, soft tissue sarcoma, chloracne, porphyria cutanea tarda, peripheral neuropathy, chronic lymphocytic leukemia, and spina bifida in children of veterans exposed to agent orange as conditions associated with exposure to the herbicide. this list now includes b cell leukemias, such as hairy cell leukemia, parkinson ' s disease and ischemic heart disease, these last three having been added on august 31, 2010. several highly placed individuals in government are voicing concerns about whether some of the diseases on the list should, in fact, actually have been included. u. s. / vietnamese government negotiations in 2002, vietnam and the us held a joint conference on human health and environmental impacts of agent orange. following the conference, the us national institute of environmental health sciences ( niehs ) began scientific exchanges between the us and vietnam, and began discussions for a joint research project on the human health impacts of agent orange. these negotiations broke down in 2005, when neither side could agree on the research protocol and the research project was cancelled. more progress has been made on the environmental front. in 2005, the first us - vietnam workshop on remediation of dioxin was held. starting in 2005, the u. s. environmental protection agency ( epa ) began to work with the vietnamese government to measure the level of dioxin at the da nang airbase. also in 2005, the joint advisory committee on agent orange, made up of representatives of vietnamese and us government agencies, was established. the committee has been meeting yearly to explore areas of scientific cooperation, technical assistance and environmental remediation of dioxin. a breakthrough in the diplomatic stalemate on this issue occurred as a result of united states president george w. bush ' s state visit to vietnam in november 2006. in the joint statement


cooperation, technical assistance and environmental remediation of dioxin. a breakthrough in the diplomatic stalemate on this issue occurred as a result of united states president george w. bush ' s state visit to vietnam in november 2006. in the joint statement, president bush and president triet agreed " further joint efforts to address the environmental contamination near former dioxin storage sites would make a valuable contribution to the continued development of their bilateral relationship. " [ unreliable source? ] in late may 2007, president bush signed into law a supplemental spending bill for the war in iraq and afghanistan that included an earmark of $ 3 million specifically for funding for programs for the remediation of dioxin ' hotspots ' on former us military bases, and for public health programs for the surrounding communities ; some authors consider this to be completely inadequate, pointing out that the u. s. airbase in da nang, alone, will cost $ 14 million to clean up, and that three others are estimated to require $ 60 million for cleanup. the appropriation was renewed in the fiscal year 2009 and again in fy 2010. an additional $ 12 million was appropriated in the fiscal year 2010 in the supplemental appropriations act and a total of $ 18. 5 million appropriated for fiscal year 2011. secretary of state hillary clinton stated during a visit to hanoi in october 2010 that the us government would begin work on the clean - up of dioxin contamination at the da nang airbase. in june 2011 a ceremony was held at da nang airport to mark the start of us - funded decontamination of dioxin hotspots in vietnam. $ 32m has so far been allocated by the us congress to fund the program. vietnamese victims class action lawsuit in u. s. courts on january 31, 2004, a victim ' s rights group, the vietnam association for victims of agent orange / dioxin ( vava ), filed a lawsuit in the united states district court for the eastern district of new york in brooklyn, against several u. s. companies for liability in causing personal injury, by developing and producing the chemical. dow chemical and monsanto were the two largest producers of agent orange for the u. s. military, and were named in the suit, along with the dozens of other companies ( diamond shamrock, uniroyal, thompson chemicals, hercules, etc. ). on march 10, 2005, judge jack b. weinstein of the eastern district – who had presided over the 1984 us veterans class - action lawsuit – dismissed the


companies ( diamond shamrock, uniroyal, thompson chemicals, hercules, etc. ). on march 10, 2005, judge jack b. weinstein of the eastern district – who had presided over the 1984 us veterans class - action lawsuit – dismissed the lawsuit, ruling there was no legal basis for the plaintiffs ' claims. he concluded agent orange was not considered a poison under international law at the time of its use by the u. s. ; the u. s. was not prohibited from using it as a herbicide ; and the companies which produced the substance were not liable for the method of its use by the government. the u. s. government was not a party in the lawsuit, due to sovereign immunity, and the court ruled the chemical companies, as contractors of the us government, shared the same immunity. the case was appealed and heard by the second circuit court of appeals on june 18, 2007. the court of appeals upheld the dismissal of the case, stating the herbicides used during the war were not intended to be used to poison humans and therefore did not violate international law. the us supreme court declined to consider the case. three judges on the second circuit court of appeals in manhattan heard the appeal on june 18, 2007. they upheld weinstein ' s ruling to dismiss the case. they ruled that, though the herbicides contained a dioxin ( a known poison ), they were not intended to be used as a poison on humans. therefore, they were not considered a chemical weapon and thus not a violation of international law. a further review of the case by the whole panel of judges of the court of appeals also confirmed this decision. the lawyers for the vietnamese filed a petition to the us supreme court to hear the case. on march 2, 2009, the supreme court denied certiorari and refused to reconsider the ruling of the court of appeals. in a november 2004 zogby international poll of 987 people, 79 % of respondents thought the us chemical companies which produced agent orange defoliant should compensate us soldiers who were affected by the toxic chemical used during the war in vietnam. also, 51 % said they supported compensation for vietnamese agent orange victims. help for those affected in vietnam to assist those who have been affected by agent orange / dioxin, the vietnamese have established " peace villages ", which each host between 50 and 100 victims, giving them medical and psychological help. as of 2006, there were 11 such villages, thus granting some social protection to fewer than a thousand victims. u. s


the vietnamese have established " peace villages ", which each host between 50 and 100 victims, giving them medical and psychological help. as of 2006, there were 11 such villages, thus granting some social protection to fewer than a thousand victims. u. s. veterans of the war in vietnam and individuals who are aware and sympathetic to the impacts of agent orange have supported these programs in vietnam. an international group of veterans from the u. s. and its allies during the vietnam war working with their former enemy — veterans from the vietnam veterans association — established the vietnam friendship village outside of hanoi. the center provides medical care, rehabilitation and vocational training for children and veterans from vietnam who have been affected by agent orange. in 1998, the vietnam red cross established the vietnam agent orange victims fund to provide direct assistance to families throughout vietnam that have been affected. in 2003, the vietnam association of victims of agent orange ( vava ) was formed. in addition to filing the lawsuit against the chemical companies, vava provides medical care, rehabilitation services and financial assistance to those injured by agent orange. the vietnamese government provides small monthly stipends to more than 200, 000 vietnamese believed affected by the herbicides ; this totaled $ 40. 8 million in 2008 alone. the vietnam red cross has raised more than $ 22 million to assist the ill or disabled, and several u. s. foundations, united nations agencies, european governments and nongovernmental organizations have given a total of about $ 23 million for site cleanup, reforestation, health care and other services to those in need. vuong mo of the vietnam news agency described one of centers : - " may is 13, but she knows nothing, is unable to talk fluently, nor walk with ease due to for her bandy legs. her father is dead and she has four elder brothers, all mentally retarded... the students are all disabled, retarded and of different ages. teaching them is a hard job. they are of the 3rd grade but many of them find it hard to do the reading. only a few of them can. their pronunciation is distorted due to their twisted lips and their memory is quite short. they easily forget what they ' ve learned... in the village, it is quite hard to tell the kids ' exact ages. some in their twenties have a physical statures as small as the 7 - or 8 - years - old. they find it difficult to feed themselves, much less have mental ability or physical capacity for work. no one can hold back the tears


ages. some in their twenties have a physical statures as small as the 7 - or 8 - years - old. they find it difficult to feed themselves, much less have mental ability or physical capacity for work. no one can hold back the tears when seeing the heads turning round unconsciously, the bandy arms managing to push the spoon of food into the mouths with awful difficulty... yet they still keep smiling, singing in their great innocence, at the presence of some visitors, craving for something beautiful. " on june 16, 2010, members of the u. s. - vietnam dialogue group on agent orange / dioxin unveiled a comprehensive 10 - year declaration and plan of action to address the toxic legacy of agent orange and other herbicides in vietnam. the plan of action was released as an aspen institute publication and calls upon the u. s. and vietnamese governments to join with other governments, foundations, businesses, and nonprofits in a partnership to clean up dioxin " hot spots " in vietnam and to expand humanitarian services for people with disabilities there. on september 16, 2010, senator patrick leahy ( d - vt ) acknowledged the work of the dialogue group by releasing a statement on the floor of the united states senate. the statement urges the u. s. government to take the plan of action ' s recommendations into account in developing a multi - year plan of activities to address the agent orange / dioxin legacy. use outside vietnam while ' agent orange ' was only used between 1965 and 1970, 2, 4 - d, 2, 4, 5 - t and other herbicides were used by the us military from the late 1940s through the 1970s. there is, however, no scientific evidence that these herbicides contained the same levels of dioxin as those used in vietnam. in 2008, australian researcher jean williams claimed that cancer rates in the town of innisfail, queensland were 10 times higher than the state average due to secret testing of agent orange by the australian military scientists during the vietnam war. williams, who had won the order of australia medal for her research on the effects of chemicals on u. s. war veterans, based her allegations on australian government reports found in the australian war memorial ' s archives. a former soldier, ted bosworth, backed up the claims, saying that he had been involved in the secret testing. neither williams or bosworth have produced verifiable evidence to support their claims. the queensland health department determined that cancer rates in innisfail were no higher than those in


the claims, saying that he had been involved in the secret testing. neither williams or bosworth have produced verifiable evidence to support their claims. the queensland health department determined that cancer rates in innisfail were no higher than those in other parts of the state. the brazilian government used herbicides to defoliate a large section of the amazon rainforest so that alcoa could build the tucurui dam to power mining operations. large areas of rainforest were destroyed, along with the homes and livelihoods of thousands of rural peasants and indigenous tribes. the u. s. military, with the permission of the canadian government, tested herbicides, including agent orange, in the forests near the canadian forces base gagetown in new brunswick in 1966 and 1967. on september 12, 2007, greg thompson, minister of veterans affairs, announced that the government of canada was offering a one - time ex gratia payment of $ 20, 000 as the compensation package for agent orange exposure at cfb gagetown. on july 12, 2005, merchant law group llp on behalf of over 1, 100 canadian veterans and civilians who were living in and around the cfb gagetown filed a lawsuit to pursue class action litigation concerning agent orange and agent purple with the federal court of canada. veterans affairs canada agent orange benefits rev 1. 0 on february 17, 2011, the toronto star revealed that the same chemicals used to strip the jungles of vietnam were also employed to clear extensive plots of crown land in northern ontario. the same day, in response to the toronto star article, the ontario provincial government launched a probe into the use of agent orange. the toronto star reported that, " records from the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s show forestry workers, often students and junior rangers, spent weeks at a time as human markers holding red, helium - filled balloons on fishing lines while low - flying planes sprayed toxic herbicides including an infamous chemical mixture known as agent orange on the brush and the boys below. " records show tens of thousands of gallons of the toxic mixture were applied to clear brush near highways and along power lines in the late 1960s and early 1970s – and in some cases the substance was sprayed next to homes. in b. c., the mix of 2 - 4 - d and 2 - 4 - 5 - t was called " type b weed and brush killer " in government invoices. sometimes, the engineers ordered 2 - 4 - 5 - t by itself, and dubbed it " type c weed and brush killer. " in total, about


5 - t was called " type b weed and brush killer " in government invoices. sometimes, the engineers ordered 2 - 4 - 5 - t by itself, and dubbed it " type c weed and brush killer. " in total, about 26, 000 gallons of type b weed and brush killer were ordered between 1965 and 1972. about 10, 000 gallons of type c weed and brush killer were ordered in the same time period. the barrels were shipped to all four of the regions of b. c. as designated by the ministry of highways : kamloops, nelson, prince george and vancouver. in 1976, documents from bc hydro show 2 - 4 - 5 - t and 2 - 4 - d was sprayed along hydro lines vernon - monashee and nicola - brenda circuits. the documents also say " brushkiller " was sprayed in pemberton and daisy lake. agent orange was used in korea in the late 1960s. republic of korea troops were the only personnel involved in the spraying, which occurred along the korean demilitarized zone ( dmz ). " citing declassified u. s. department of defense documents, korean officials fear thousands of its soldiers may have come into contact with the herbicide in the late 1960s and early 1970s. according to one top government official, as many as ' 30, 000 korean veterans are suffering from illness related to their exposure '. the exact number of gis who may have been exposed is unknown. but c. david benbow, a north carolina attorney who served as a sergeant with co. c, 3rd battalion, 23rd infantry regiment, 2nd infantry division, along the dmz in 1968 – 69, estimates as many as ' 4, 000 soldiers at any given time ' could have been affected. ". [ unreliable source? ] in 1999, about 20, 000 south koreans filed two separated lawsuits against u. s. companies, seeking more than $ 5 billion in damages. after losing a decision in 2002, they filed an appeal. in january 2006, the south korean appeals court ordered dow chemical and monsanto to pay $ 62 million in compensation to about 6, 800 people. the ruling acknowledged that " the defendants failed to ensure safety as the defoliants manufactured by the defendants had higher levels of dioxins than standard ", and, quoting the u. s. national academy of science report, declared that there was a " causal relationship " between agent orange and 11 diseases, including cancers of the lung, larynx and prostate. the judges failed to acknowledge " the


, and, quoting the u. s. national academy of science report, declared that there was a " causal relationship " between agent orange and 11 diseases, including cancers of the lung, larynx and prostate. the judges failed to acknowledge " the relationship between the chemical and peripheral neuropathy, the disease most widespread among agent orange victims " according to the mercury news. the united states local press kpho - tv in phoenix, arizona alleged that the united states army had buried agent orange in camp carroll, the u. s. army base located in gyeongsangbuk - do, korea. it is based on the claim of three u. s. army veterans. they claimed approximately 250 drums of agent orange were buried at camp carroll in 1978. the south korean ministry of environment announced that they will request cooperative investigation at camp carroll officially. the usfk issued a statement that confirmed that barrels were buried there, but all ( plus an additional 60 tons of soil ) were removed in 1996. currently, veterans who provide evidence meeting va requirements for service in vietnam, and who can medically establish that anytime after this ' presumptive exposure ' they developed any medical problems on the list of presumptive diseases, may receive compensation from the va. certain veterans who served in korea and are able to prove they were assigned to certain specified around the dmz during a specific time frame are afforded similar presumption. the differences in requirements between vietnam and korea service stem from the fact that congress has not made any laws to provide for the same sweeping presumption of exposure similar to the agent orange act of 1991 for korean veterans. small scale defoliation experiments using 2 - 4 - d and 2 - 4 - 5 - t were conducted by the british during the malayan emergency in 1951. areas of jungle close to roadways were cleared using chemical defoliation to help prevent ambushes by communist insurgents. there is no scientific evidence that these herbicides contained dioxins similar to those found in any of the so - called " agent " herbicides used in vietnam. however, historical records show that super - orange ( so ), also called dow herbicide m - 3393, which was agent orange that was mixed with picloram, is known to have been tested by representatives from fort detrick and dow chemical in texas, puerto rico, and hawaii and later in malaysia in a cooperative project with the international rubber research institute. picloram, an ingredient in agent white, was contaminated by hexachlorobenzene


from fort detrick and dow chemical in texas, puerto rico, and hawaii and later in malaysia in a cooperative project with the international rubber research institute. picloram, an ingredient in agent white, was contaminated by hexachlorobenzene ( hcb ), a dioxin - like carcinogen. therefore, super - orange was contaminated with both dioxin and hexachlorobenzene. malaysia does not appear on the list of countries where agent orange was used outside of vietnam that is maintained by the department of veteran affairs. new zealand the use of agent orange has been controversial in new zealand, because of the exposure of new zealand troops in vietnam and because of the production of agent orange for vietnam and other users at an ivon watkins - dow chemical plant in paritutu, new plymouth. there have been continuing claims, as yet unproven, that the suburb of paritutu has also been polluted ; see new zealand in the vietnam war. there are cases of new zealand soldiers developing cancers such as bone cancer but none have been scientifically connected to exposure to herbicides. okinawa and johnston atoll the air force operation to remove herbicide orange from vietnam in 1972 was named operation pacer ivy while the operation to destroy the agent orange stored at johnston atoll in 1977 was named operation pacer ho. the records of the disposition of agent orange are now associated with the records of operation red hat. a 2003 document from the united states army chemical materials agency entitled " an ecological assessment of johnston atoll ", states, " in 1972, the us air force also brought about 25, 000 55 - gallon ( 208l ) drums of the chemical, herbicide orange ( ho ) to johnston island that originated from vietnam and was stored on okinawa. " " an ecological assessment of johnston atoll " was re - discovered by florida - based researcher, john olin in 2011. in september 1971, u. s. army fort detrick, maryland, the center for the pentagon ' s bio - chemical weapons research, produced a report titled " historical, logistical, political and technical aspects of the herbicide / defoliant program. " the document summarized the military ' s usage of rainbow herbicides during the vietnam war and among the locations cited is a reference to " herbicide stockpiles elsewhere in pacom - us ( pacific command ) government restricted materials thailand and okinawa ( kadena afb ). " vietnam - era veterans whose service involved duty on or near the perimeters of military bases in thailand anytime between february


herbicide stockpiles elsewhere in pacom - us ( pacific command ) government restricted materials thailand and okinawa ( kadena afb ). " vietnam - era veterans whose service involved duty on or near the perimeters of military bases in thailand anytime between february 28, 1961 and may 7, 1975 may have been exposed to herbicides and may qualify for va benefits. a claim for direct exposure is possible if the individual can show through verifiable proof they worked or lived in the affected areas of the bases in thailand. report on defense tactics in thailand a recently declassified department of defense ( dod ) report written in 1973, " project checo southeast asia report : base defense in thailand 1968 – 1972, " ( 8. 3 mb, pdf ) contains evidence that there was a significant use of herbicides on the fenced - in perimeters of military bases in thailand to remove foliage that provided cover for enemy forces. va determined that herbicides used on the thailand base perimeters may have been tactical and procured from vietnam, or a strong, commercial type resembling tactical herbicides. united states in 1971, the c - 123 aircraft used for spraying agent orange were returned to the united states and assigned various east coast usaf reserve squadrons, and then employed in traditional airlift missions between 1972 and 1982. in 1994, testing by the air force identified some former spray aircraft as " heavily contaminated " with dioxin residue. inquiries by aircrew veterans in 2011 brought a decision by the us department of veterans affairs opining that not enough dioxin residue remained to injure these post - vietnam war veterans. on 26 january 2012, the us center for disease control ' s agency for toxic substances and disease registry ( atsdr ) challenged this with their finding that former spray aircraft were indeed contaminated and the aircrews exposed to harmful levels of dioxin. this was subsequently re - confirmed in 2013 by the atsdr director dr. christopher portier to the joint services records research center ( jsrrc ), although va ' s compensation services has ruled that all evidence or supporting expert opinions which confirm c - 123 veterans ' exposure is unacceptable, the reason being va ' s health benefits administration has already stated veterans weren ' t exposed. further, va ' s mr. jim sampsel explains that all jsrrc ' s confirmations of veterans exposure are unacceptable unless based on dod, rather that other government agency, materials. dismissed thereby are c - 123 veterans ' proofs of exposure established by government scientists at cdc / atsdr, nih