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mujtaba, syed ali ( 2005 ). soundings on south asia. sterling publishers pvt. ltd. p. 100. isbn 978 - 1 - 932705 - 40 - 9. - gupta, jyoti bhushan das ( 2007 ). science, technology, imperialism, and war - history of science, philosophy, and culture in indian civilization. volume xv. science, technology, and philosophy ; pt. 1. pearson education india. p. 733. isbn 978 - 81 - 317 - 0851 - 4. - " hindu temples ". archived from the original on 2006 - 07 - 01. retrieved 2006 - 08 - 26. - frank pallone ( 2004 - 05 - 17 ). persecution of hindus in bangladesh ( article mirrored from the us library of congress ). retrieved 2006 - 08 - 26. - " hindu temple attacked, idols destroyed in b ' desh : official ". the times of india. february 6, 2010. - " destruction of hindu temples in bangladesh ( 1989 ) ". mayerdak. com. retrieved 2013 - 04 - 30. - another temple is no more, dawn. - hindu temple in lahore demolished, rediff. com. - only hindu temple in lahore demolished, times of india. - india protests demolition of hindu temple in pak, times of india. - order for temple ' s reconstruction sought, gulf news. - " us department of state international religious freedom report 2006 ". state. gov. retrieved 2013 - 04 - 30. - temple row – a dab of sensibility please, malaysiakini. com. - muslims destroy century - old hindu temple, gatago. com - hindu group protests " temple cleansing " in malaysia, financial express. - marshall, paul. saudi arabia ' s religious police crack down. freedom house. - " hindus in south asia and the diaspora : a survey of human rights 2005 ". hafsite. org. retrieved 2013 - 04 - 30. - diana lary ( 1974 ). region and nation : the kwangsi clique in chinese politics, 1925 - 1937. cambridge university press. p. 98. isbn 0 - 521 - 20204 - 3. retrieved 2010 - 06 - 28. - don alvin pittman ( 2001 ). toward a modern chinese buddhism : taixu ' s reforms. university of hawaii press. p. 146. isbn 0 - 8248 - 2231 - 5. retrieved 2010 - 06 - 28. - diana lary ( 1974 ). region and nation :


modern chinese buddhism : taixu ' s reforms. university of hawaii press. p. 146. isbn 0 - 8248 - 2231 - 5. retrieved 2010 - 06 - 28. - diana lary ( 1974 ). region and nation : the kwangsi clique in chinese politics, 1925 - 1937. cambridge university press. p. 99. isbn 0 - 521 - 20204 - 3. retrieved 2010 - 06 - 28. - diana lary ( 1974 ). region and nation : the kwangsi clique in chinese politics, 1925 - 1937. cambridge university press. p. 99. isbn 0 - 521 - 20204 - 3. retrieved 2010 - 06 - 28. further reading - barasch, moshe ( 1992 ). icon : studies in the history of an idea. university of new york press. isbn 0 - 8147 - 1172 - 3. - besancon, alain ( 2009 ). the forbidden image : an intellectual history of iconoclasm. university of chicago press. isbn 978 - 0 - 226 - 04414 - 9. - bevan, robert ( 2006 ). the destruction of memory : architecture at war. reaktion books. isbn 978 - 1 - 86189 - 319 - 2. - freedberg, david ( 1977 ). in a. bryer and j. herrin. the structure of byzantine and european iconoclasm. university of birmingham, centre for byzantine studies. pp. 165 – 177. isbn 978 - 0 - 7044 - 0226 - 3. - freedberg, david ( 1985 ; reprinted in public, toronto, 1993 ). iconoclasts and their motives ( second horst gerson memorial lecture, university of groningen ). maarssen : gary schwartz. isbn 978 - 90 - 6179 - 056 - 3. - gamboni, dario ( 1997 ). the destruction of art : iconoclasm and vandalism since the french revolution. reaktion books. isbn 978 - 1 - 86189 - 316 - 1. - gwynn, david m. from iconoclasm to arianism : the construction of christian tradition in the iconoclast controversy [ greek, roman, and byzantine studies 47 ( 2007 ) 225 – 251. - ivanovic, filip ( 2010 ). symbol and icon : dionysius the areopagite and the iconoclastic crisis. pickwick. isbn 978 - 1 - 60899 - 335 - 2. - lamb


- this article is about the ghetto in minsk. for a ghetto in minsk mazowiecki during the german nazi occupation of poland, see minsk ghetto. the minsk ghetto was created soon after the german invasion of the soviet union. it was one of the largest in eastern europe, and the largest in the german - occupied territory of the soviet union. it housed close to 100, 000 jews, most of whom perished in the holocaust. the ghetto was created soon after the german invasion of the soviet union and capture of the city of minsk, capital of the belorussian ssr, on 28 june 1941. on the fifth day after the occupation, 2, 000 jewish intelligentsia were massacred by the germans ; from then on, murders of jews became a common occurrence. about 20, 000 jews were murdered within the first few months of the german occupation, mostly by the einsatzgruppen squads. on 17 july 1941 the german occupational authority, the reichskommissariat ostland, was created. on the 20th, the minsk ghetto was established. a jewish council ( judenrat ) was established as well. the total population of the ghetto was about 80, 000 ( over 100, 000 according to some sources ), of which about 50, 000 were pre - war inhabitants, the remainder ( 30, 000 or more ), refugees and jews were forcibly resettled by the germans from nearby settlements. in november 1941 a second ghetto was established in minsk for jews deported from the west. they were mostly from germany and the protectorate of bohemia and moravia ; at its height it had about 35, 000 inhabitants. little contact was permitted between the inhabitants of the two ghettos. as in many other ghettos, jews were forced to work in factories or other german - run operations. ghetto inhabitants lived in extremely poor conditions, with insufficient stocks of food and medical supplies. in march 1942 approximately 5, 000 jews were killed nearby where " the pit " memorial to the minsk ghetto now stands. by august fewer than 9, 000 jews were left in the ghetto according to german official documents. the ghetto was liquidated on 21 october 1943, with many minsk jews perishing in the sobibor extermination camp. several thousands were massacred at maly trostenets extermination camp ( before the war, maly trostenets was a village a few miles to the east of minsk ). by the time the red army retook the city on 3 july 1944, there were only a few jewish survivors


##mination camp ( before the war, maly trostenets was a village a few miles to the east of minsk ). by the time the red army retook the city on 3 july 1944, there were only a few jewish survivors. the minsk ghetto is notable for its large scale resistance organization, which cooperated closely with soviet partisans. about 10, 000 jews were able to escape the ghetto and join partisan groups in the nearby forests. barbara epstein estimates that perhaps a half of them survived, and notes that all together, perhaps as many as 30, 000 people tried to escape the minsk ghetto to join the partisans ( but 20, 000 of them could have died along the way ). the story of the minsk ghetto was not well researched until the late 20th century. officials of the belorussia communist party did not organize any evacuation of the town ' s inhabitants before fleeing the german advance. they later collaborated in creating a false story that such an evacuation did happen. they also tried to discredit the minsk resistance as having ties with the nazis. in the united states, research into communist resistance was not a priority during the cold war, and jewish historiography did not wish to concentrate on the issue of communist jewish partisans ( see also red scare ). see also further reading - barbara epstein, the minsk ghetto 1941 - 1943 : jewish resistance and soviet internationalism, university of california press, 2008, isbn 978 - 0 - 520 - 24242 - 5 ( ) - hersh smolar, the minsk ghetto : soviet - jewish partisans against the nazis, holocaust library, 1989, isbn 0 - 89604 - 068 - 2 - map of the minsk ghetto at ushmm - minsk ghetto photographs - 1943 minsk ghetto list - political controversy marks anniversary of minsk ghetto ' s destruction, radio free europe, october 22, 2008 - ' interviews from the underground : the minsk ghetto resistance '


| | this article may contain improper references to self - published sources. ( october 2012 ) | | | this article ' s tone or style may not reflect the encyclopedic tone used on wikipedia. ( august 2009 ) | | part of a series on | participatory economics, often abbreviated parecon, is an economic system proposed in the 1990s primarily by activist and political theorist michael albert and radical economist robin hahnel, among others. it uses participatory decision making as an economic mechanism to guide the production, consumption and allocation of resources in a given society. proposed as an alternative to contemporary capitalist market economies and also an alternative to centrally planned state - socialism, it is described as " an anarchistic economic vision ", and is a form of socialism, since in a parecon the means of production are owned in common. the underlying values that parecon seeks to implement are equity, solidarity, diversity, workers ' self - management and efficiency. ( efficiency here means accomplishing goals without wasting valued assets. ) it proposes to attain these ends mainly through the following principles and institutions : - workers ' and consumers ' councils utilizing self - managerial methods for making decisions - balanced job complexes - remuneration according to effort and sacrifice - participatory planning albert and hahnel stress that parecon is only meant to address an alternative economic theory and must be accompanied by equally important alternative visions in the fields of politics, culture and kinship. the authors have also discussed elements of anarchism in the field of politics, polyculturalism in the field of culture, and feminism in the field of family and gender relations as being possible foundations for future alternative visions in these other spheres of society. stephen r. shalom has begun work on a participatory political vision he calls " par polity ". both systems together make up the political philosophy of participism, which has significantly informed the interim international organization for a participatory society. decision - making principle one of the primary propositions of parecon is that all persons should have a say in decisions proportionate to the degree to which they are affected by them. this decision - making principle is often referred to as self - management. in parecon, it constitutes a replacement for the mainstream economic conception of economic freedom. work in a participatory economy | part of a series on | democratic work life workers in a participatory economy would make decisions about what to do in the workplace according to the above decision making principle


mainstream economic conception of economic freedom. work in a participatory economy | part of a series on | democratic work life workers in a participatory economy would make decisions about what to do in the workplace according to the above decision making principle, where workers have say in proportion to how much they are affected by a decision. workplace decisions might be through majority vote, requiring 50 % majority. sometimes a higher percentage, such as a 2 / 3 majority, or 80 %, or even consensus might be needed. for instance, upgrades to a plant that would require a great deal of time and effort for all workers might need greater than 50 % vote, as workers would be affected adversely by the decision. another example is when a decision might have advantages but involves some risk, such as raising a heavy beam while building a bridge that might endanger some workers, but will make the bridge be built faster. such a decision would seem to require consensus among the affected workers, giving any one worker veto power due to the danger. personal decisions of any one worker, such as where to place pictures on their desk, do not require a vote at all, as they affect only one individual. balanced job complexes some tasks and jobs are more desirable than others, and some tasks and jobs are more menial than others. so, to achieve an equitable division of labour, it is proposed that each individual do different tasks, which, taken together, bring an average desirability and an average level of empowerment. the main goals are to dissolve economic hierarchy and achieve one class of workers, and to empower all to make contributions to the workplace. hahnel and albert argue that without balanced job complexes, those with empowering jobs, such as accounting or management, would be able to formulate plans and ideas, while others, such as janitors, would not develop the capacity to do so, neither would they have the training. without balanced job complexes, most workers would most likely end up merely ratifying the proposals of empowered workers, and would have little reason to attend meetings. compensation for effort and sacrifice albert and hahnel argue that it is inequitable and ineffective to compensate people on the basis of their birth or heredity. therefore, the primary principle of participatory economics is to reward for effort and sacrifice. for example, mining work — which is dangerous and uncomfortable — would be more highly paid than office work for the same amount of time, thus allowing the miner to work fewer hours for the same pay, and the burden of highly


for effort and sacrifice. for example, mining work — which is dangerous and uncomfortable — would be more highly paid than office work for the same amount of time, thus allowing the miner to work fewer hours for the same pay, and the burden of highly dangerous and strenuous jobs to be shared among the populace. additionally, participatory economics would provide exemptions from the compensation for effort principle. people with disabilities who are unable to work, children, the elderly, the infirm and workers who are legitimately in transitional circumstances, can be remunerated according to need. however, every able adult has the obligation to perform some socially useful work as a requirement for receiving reward, albeit in the context of a society providing free health care, education, skills training, and the freedom to choose between various democratically structured workplaces with jobs balanced for desirability and empowerment. the starting point for the income of all workers in participatory economics is an equal share of the social product. from this point, incomes for personal expenditures and consumption rights for public goods can be expected to diverge by small degrees reflecting the choices that individual workers make in striking a balance between work and leisure time, and reflecting the level of danger and strenuousness of a job as assigned by their immediate peers. allocation in a participatory economy | this section does not cite any references or sources. ( january 2012 ) | consumers ' and producers ' councils albert and hahnel proposed the creation and organization of consumers ' and producers ' councils to implement the decision making principle. these would be similar to workers ' councils, and many individuals would be eligible for participation on both sides of the principle. consumers ' councils would act as decision - making bodies for consumption planning, and producers ' councils - which are agglomerations of several workers ' councils - act as decision - making bodies for production planning. geographically, consumers ' councils could be nested within the same neighborhood councils, ward councils, city or regional councils and a country council used for political decision - making through parpolity - parecon ' s political counterpart. decisions would be achieved either through consensus decision - making, majority votes or through other means compatible with the principle. the most appropriate method would be decided on by each council. the producers ' councils would probably correspond to workplace councils in each workplace and similar workplaces would group into nested councils on successively larger geographical scales. facilitation boards in a proposed participatory economy, key information relevant to converging on an economic


councils would probably correspond to workplace councils in each workplace and similar workplaces would group into nested councils on successively larger geographical scales. facilitation boards in a proposed participatory economy, key information relevant to converging on an economic plan would be made available by iteration facilitation boards ( ifbs ), which, based on proposals from worker / consumer councils and economic data, present indicative prices and economic projections at each round of the planning process. the ifb has no decision - making authority. in theory, the ifb ' s activity can consist mainly of computers performing the ( agreed upon ) algorithms for adjusting prices and forecasts, with little human involvement. at later stages of the planning process, the ifbs could present a number of annual plans consistent with the participatory planning results, to be chosen by a popular vote. the facilitation boards should function according to a maximum level of radical transparency and only have very limited powers of mediation, subject to the discretion of the participating councils. the real decisions regarding the formulation and implementation of the plan are to be made in the consumers ' and producers ' councils. participatory planning the proposed participatory planning procedure would be a periodic ( probably either annual, bi - annual or quarterly ) event where citizens participate to determine which and how many goods to produce. this would result in new base prices, which could be adjusted between planning events by facilitation boards according to established guidelines to account for unforeseen circumstances. the process would begin with facilitation boards first announcing a set of indicative prices which workers and consumers would use, individually and through their councils at each level, to decide on their production and consumption proposals. proposals could be made either collectively through a local consumer council, or individually on a computer ; or any combination of the two. personal consumption proposals would be a prediction by each citizen of what goods and services they plan to consume the next year. collective consumption proposals would be created by citizens making proposals for a wider geographical area ( e. g. a new recreation center at the community level or a new power plant at the provincial level ) and interested parties would be able to vote on collective consumption proposals affecting their region. workers ' councils and producers councils would respond with production proposals outlining the outputs they propose to produce and the inputs they believe are required to produce them. individual workers would indicate their proposed hours of work, and workers will be able to propose upgrades and innovations for their workplace. when the proposals are all in


proposals outlining the outputs they propose to produce and the inputs they believe are required to produce them. individual workers would indicate their proposed hours of work, and workers will be able to propose upgrades and innovations for their workplace. when the proposals are all in, the ifbs aggregate all the production and consumption proposals for the different categories of goods and services – inputs into all the production processes as well as consumer goods – to see if proposed supply and demand are equal. if they are not equal for every good and service the ifb revises the set of indicative prices and the process is repeated through successive rounds until a consistent set of production and consumption proposals is arrived at. the facilitation boards then implement these final proposals by setting new prices and organizing production plans. pareconomists believe it would be possible for planning iterations to converge on a feasible plan within an acceptable time delay, and claim this method would lead to prices representing the estimated marginal social opportunity cost for all goods and services. money in a participatory economy pareconomists propose replacing conventional money with a personal voucher system which would be non - transferable between consumers, and would be only usable at a store to purchase goods. the proposed electronic " credits " awarded to workers based on their perceived level of effort and sacrifice would simply be deducted from the workers account when used to make a purchase, disappearing rather than transferring the credit to the vendor. people would be able to borrow credits if approved by an appropriate board, but no interest would be charged. albert and hahnel claim the non - transferability of parecon credits would make it impossible to bribe or even beg for money. and monetary theft would be impossible. people would still be free to barter their individual goods with each other, e. g. exchange a couch for a stereo, but any attempt to create an exchangeable currency would likely be discouraged, as this might lead to attempts to reinstate money and capitalism. credits might be shareable amongst family members, depending on how the parecon is set up. albert and hahnel did not clarify how a currency of this form would be used in international trading with non - parecon countries. if a capitalist country refuses to be paid for their bought goods in this way, it is likely that a parecon nation would use money for international trading, but keep its unique credit currency for internal purposes. albert - hahnel class theory when analyzing the subject of class and how individuals stratified into them interact with each other, albert


likely that a parecon nation would use money for international trading, but keep its unique credit currency for internal purposes. albert - hahnel class theory when analyzing the subject of class and how individuals stratified into them interact with each other, albert and hahnel came to the conclusion that marxian class theory and views of class among capitalist economists were inadequate to assess how economies of all kinds are divided along class lines. while both agree with many leftist theories of class that view wage - labor as resulting from the inequality of bargaining power between those who own the means of production in the economy ( owner class ) and those who operate them and produce wealth ( working / producer class ), they criticize theories which they claim fail to acknowledge a third class in - between labor and capital ; the professional - managerial class or coordinator class. the coordinator class, they claim, are neither owners of the means of production nor producers of wealth but rather " monopolizers of empowering work " whose main function is to act as middle - men between ownership and production. the interests of the coordinator class are seen as distinct from both workers and owners ; this class ' s ideal is neither pure capitalism or worker self - management but a managerial state. similar to the new class theory, it is this class albert and hahnel claim which usurped power in former communist states rather than the working class and rearranged economic power - structures in their favor. | working class | | coordinator class | | owner class | | producers of economic wealth perform rote and unempowering work subordinated to the other two classes. perform mainly empowering work involving managerial decision - making have interests distinct from both labor and capital | owners of the means of production | opposition to central planning and capitalism | part of a series on | | part of a series on | robin hahnel has argued that " participatory planning is not central planning ", stating " the procedures are completely different and the incentives are completely different. and one of the important ways in which it is different from central planning is that it is incentive compatible, that is, actors have an incentive to report truthfully rather than an incentive to misrepresent their capabilities or preferences. " unlike historical examples of central planning, the parecon proposal advocates the use and adjustment of price information reflecting marginal social opportunity costs and benefits as integral elements of the planning process. hahnel has argued emphatically against milton friedman ' s a priori tendency to deny the possibility of alternatives : friedman assumes away the best solution for


and adjustment of price information reflecting marginal social opportunity costs and benefits as integral elements of the planning process. hahnel has argued emphatically against milton friedman ' s a priori tendency to deny the possibility of alternatives : friedman assumes away the best solution for coordinating economic activities. he simply asserts " there are only two ways of coordinating the economic activities of millions — central direction involving the use of coercion — and voluntary cooperation, the technique of the marketplace. " [... ] a participatory economy can permit all to partake in economic decision making in proportion to the degree they are affected by outcomes. since a participatory system uses a system of participatory planning instead of markets to coordinate economic activities, friedman would have us believe that participatory planning must fall into the category of " central direction involving the use of coercion. " albert and hahnel have voiced detailed critiques of centrally - planned economies in theory and practice, but are also highly critical of capitalism. hahnel claims " the truth is, capitalism aggravates prejudice, is the most inequitable economy ever devised, is grossly inefficient — even if highly energetic — and is incompatible with both economic and political democracy. in the present era of free - market triumphalism it is useful to organize a sober evaluation of capitalism responding to friedman ' s claims one by one. " critique of markets a primary reason why advocates of participatory economics perceive markets to be unjust and inefficient is that only the interests of buyer and seller are considered in a typical market transaction, while others who are affected by the transaction have no voice in it. for example when vehicles using fossil fuels are manufactured, distributed and sold, others outside the transaction end up bearing costs in the form of pollution and resource depletion. the market price of vehicles and fuel does not include these additional costs, which are referred to as externalities, resulting in prices which will not accurately reflect aggregate opportunity costs. mainstream economists largely acknowledge the problem of externalities but believe they can be addressed either through coasian bargaining or the use of pigovian taxes - extra taxes on goods that have externalities. according to economic theory, if pigovian taxes are set so that the after - tax cost of the good is equal to the social cost of the good, the direct cost of production plus cost of externalities, then quantities produced will tend toward a socially optimal level. hahnel observes, " more and more economists outside the


after - tax cost of the good is equal to the social cost of the good, the direct cost of production plus cost of externalities, then quantities produced will tend toward a socially optimal level. hahnel observes, " more and more economists outside the mainstream are challenging this assumption, and a growing number of skeptics now dare to suggest that externalities are prevalent, and often substantial ". or, as e. k. hunt put it, externalities are the rule rather than the exception, and therefore markets often work as if they were guided by a " malevolent invisible foot " that keeps kicking us to produce more of some things and less of others than is socially efficient. " as long as a market economy is in place, albert and hahnel favour pigovian taxes over other solutions to environmental problems such as command and control or the issuance of marketable permits. however, hahnel, who teaches ecological economics at american university, argues that in a market economy businesses try to avoid the " polluter pays principle " by shifting the burden of the costs for their polluting activities to consumers. in terms of incentives he argues this might be considered a positive development because it would penalize consumers for " dirty " consumption. however it also has regressive implications since tax incidence studies show that ultimately it would be poor people who would bear a great deal of the burden of many pollution taxes. " in other words, many pollution taxes would be highly regressive and therefore aggravate economic injustice. ". he therefore recommends that pollution taxes be linked to cuts in regressive taxes such as social security taxes. hahnel argues that pigovian taxes, along with associated corrective measures advanced by market economists, ultimately fall far short of adequately or fairly addressing externalities. he argues such methods are incapable of attaining accurate assessments of social costs : " markets corrected by pollution taxes only lead to the efficient amount of pollution and satisfy the polluter pays principle if the taxes are set equal to the magnitude of the damage victims suffer. but because markets are not incentive compatible for polluters and pollution victims, markets provide no reliable way to estimate the magnitudes of efficient taxes for pollutants. ambiguity over who has the property right, polluters or pollution victims, free rider problems among multiple victims, and the transaction costs of forming and maintaining an effective coalition of pollution victims, each of whom is affected to a small but unequal degree, all combine to render market systems incapable of eliciting accurate information from pollution victims about the damages they


victims, and the transaction costs of forming and maintaining an effective coalition of pollution victims, each of whom is affected to a small but unequal degree, all combine to render market systems incapable of eliciting accurate information from pollution victims about the damages they suffer, or acting upon that information even if it were known. critique of private ownership and corporations advocates of parecon say the basis of capitalism is the concept of private ownership of resources and corporate entities, which confers upon every owner the right to do with their property as they please, even though decisions relating to some property may have unwanted effects on other people. they believe in a capitalist system people outside a corporation have limited ability to interfere with owners ' activities while they abide by the law. whilst consumers can influence corporations through their own market interactions, or through buying and selling of their goods, services, or even shares, advocates of parecon are unsatisfied with this limited influence, especially as organization of collective consumer action is difficult in a market economy. promoters of parecon hold that corporate lobbying, bribery, and propaganda campaigns enable pursuit of private profit and power and are not in the interest of the majority of citizens. critique of tendency towards efficiency hahnel has also written a detailed discussion of parecon ' s desirability compared to capitalism with respect to incentives to innovate. in capitalism, patent laws, intellectual property rights, industry structures, and barriers to market entry are institutional features that reward individual innovators while limiting the use of new technologies. hahnel notes that, in contrast, " in a participatory economy all innovations will immediately be made available to all enterprises, so there will never be any loss of static efficiency. ". innovation is sometimes the outcome of cumulative creativity, which pareconomists believe may not be legitimately attributed to individuals. | part of the politics series on | although participatory economics is not in itself intended to provide a general political system, clearly its practical implementation would depend on an accompanying political system. advocates of parecon say the intention is that the four main ingredients of parecon be implemented with a minimum of hierarchy and a maximum of transparency in all discussions and decision making. this model is designed to eliminate secrecy in economic decision making, and instead encourage friendly cooperation and mutual support. this avoidance of power hierarchies puts parecon in the anarchist political tradition. stephen shalom has produced a political system meant to complement parecon, called parpolity although parecon falls under


encourage friendly cooperation and mutual support. this avoidance of power hierarchies puts parecon in the anarchist political tradition. stephen shalom has produced a political system meant to complement parecon, called parpolity although parecon falls under left - wing political tradition, it is designed to avoid the creation of powerful intellectual elites or the rule of a bureaucracy, which is perceived as the major problem of the economies of the communist states of the 20th century. parecon advocates recognize that monopolization of empowering labor, in addition to private ownership, can be a source of class division. thus, a three - class view of the economy ( capitalists, coordinators, and workers ) is stressed, in contrast to the traditional two - class view of marxism. the coordinator class, emphasized in parecon, refers to those who have a monopoly on empowering skills and knowledge, and corresponds to the doctors, lawyers, managers, engineers, and other professionals in present economies. parecon advocates argue that, historically, marxism ignored the ability of coordinators to become a new ruling class in a post - capitalist society. while many types of production and consumption may become more localised under participatory economics, the model does not exclude economies of scale. david schweickart suggests participatory economics would be undesirable even if it was possible, accusing it of being : - " a system obsessed with comparison ( is your job complex more empowering than mine? ), with monitoring ( you are not working at average intensity, mate - - get with the program ), with the details of consumption ( how many rolls of toilet paper will i need next year? why are some of my neighbors still using the kind not made of recycled paper? " participatory economics would create a large amount of administrative work for individual workers, who would have to plan their consumption in advance, as well as creating a new bureaucratic class. proponents of parecon argue that capitalist economies are hardly free of bureaucracy or meetings, and a parecon would eliminate banks, advertising, stock markets, tax returns, and long - term financial planning. albert and hahnel claim it is probable that a similar number of workers will be involved in a parecon bureaucracy as in a capitalist bureaucracy, with much of the voting achieved by computer rather than meeting, and those who are not interested in the collective consumption proposals would not be required to attend. critics suggest that proposals require consideration of an unfeasibly large set of


in a capitalist bureaucracy, with much of the voting achieved by computer rather than meeting, and those who are not interested in the collective consumption proposals would not be required to attend. critics suggest that proposals require consideration of an unfeasibly large set of policy choices, and that lessons from planned societies show that peoples ' daily needs cannot be established well in advance simply by asking people what they want. albert and hahnel note that markets themselves hardly adjust prices instantaneously, and suggest that in a participatory economy facilitation boards could modify prices on a regular basis. according to hahnel these act according to democratically decided guidelines, can be composed of members from other regions, and are impossible to bribe due to parecon ' s non - transferable currency,. however, takis fotopoulos argues that " no kind of economic organisation based on planning alone, however democratic and decentralised it is, can secure real self - management and freedom of choice. " loss of efficiency parecon might reduce efficiency in the workplace. for one, expert and exceptional workers ( e. g. exceptional surgeons and scientists ) would not be performing their tasks full - time. participatory economics would expect them to share in " disempowering work " and would not offer opportunities to seek additional compensation for their high ability or finding solutions to problems. theodore burczak argues that it is impossible for workers to give the unbiased assessments of the " largely unobservable " characteristics of effort proposed as the basis for salary levels, and the absence of market exchange mechanisms likewise makes calculating social costs of production and consumption impossible. see also - albert, michael parecon : life after capitalism chapter 19 individuals / society - michael albert and robin hahnel, " looking forward " pp. 18 - 21. - albert, michael parecon : life after capitalism part ii, chapter 7 : remuneration pp. 112 - 117. - michael albert and robin hahnel, " looking forward " pp. 92 - 93. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, p. 221, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation p. 81, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation ch. 4, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, 85. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, 274. - robin hahnel, ( 2004 ).


from competition to cooperation ch. 4, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, 85. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, 274. - robin hahnel, ( 2004 ). " protecting the environment in a participatory economy ". retrieved february 13, 2006. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation p. 241, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation p. 240, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - schweickart, david ( january 2006 ). " michael albert ' s parecon : a critique ". retrieved 2012 - 07 - 08. - michael albert and robin hahnel, " looking forward " pp. 86 - 89. - " participatory economics by michael albert | znet article ". zcommunications. 2008 - 11 - 19. retrieved 2010 - 08 - 17. - takis fotopoulos ( 2003 ), " inclusive democracy and participatory economics ", democracy & nature, volume 9, issue 3 november 2003, pp. 401 - 425. - michael albert, " parecon : life after capitalism ", p. 282. - burczak, theodore a. socialism after hayek. pp. 143 – 4. further reading - a quiet revolution in welfare economics, albert and hahnel, princeton university press, 1990. - looking forward : participatory economics for the twenty first century, albert and hahnel, south end press, 1991. - the political economy of participatory economics, albert and hahnel, princeton university press, 1991. - moving forward : program for a participatory economy, albert, ak press, 1997. - parecon : life after capitalism, albert, verso books, 2003. - economic justice and democracy : from competition to cooperation, hahnel, routledge, 2005. - realizing hope : life beyond capitalism, albert, zed press, 2006. - real utopia : participatory society for the 21st century, chris spannos ( ed. ), ak press, 2008. - takis fotopoulos ( 2003 ), " inclusive democracy and participatory economics ", democracy & nature, volume 9, issue 3 november 2003, pages 401 - 425 - comparison with inclusive democracy - rameez rahman, michel meulpolder, david hales, johan pouwelse, henk sips ( 2009 ),


in digital circuits, a shift register is a cascade of flip flops, sharing the same clock, in which the output of each flip - flop is connected to the " data " input of the next flip - flop in the chain, resulting in a circuit that shifts by one position the " bit array " stored in it, shifting in the data present at its input and shifting out the last bit in the array, at each transition of the clock input. more generally, a shift register may be multidimensional, such that its " data in " and stage outputs are themselves bit arrays : this is implemented simply by running several shift registers of the same bit - length in parallel. shift registers can have both parallel and serial inputs and outputs. these are often configured as serial - in, parallel - out ( sipo ) or as parallel - in, serial - out ( piso ). there are also types that have both serial and parallel input and types with serial and parallel output. there are also bi - directional shift registers which allow shifting in both directions : l→r or r→l. the serial input and last output of a shift register can also be connected to create a circular shift register. serial - in, serial - out ( siso ) destructive readout these are the simplest kind of shift registers. the data string is presented at ' data in ', and is shifted right one stage each time ' data advance ' is brought high. at each advance, the bit on the far left ( i. e. ' data in ' ) is shifted into the first flip - flop ' s output. the bit on the far right ( i. e. ' data out ' ) is shifted out and lost. the data are stored after each flip - flop on the ' q ' output, so there are four storage ' slots ' available in this arrangement, hence it is a 4 - bit register. to give an idea of the shifting pattern, imagine that the register holds 0000 ( so all storage slots are empty ). as ' data in ' presents 1, 0, 1, 1, 0, 0, 0, 0 ( in that order, with a pulse at ' data advance ' each time — this is called clocking or strobing ) to the register, this is the result. the left hand column corresponds to the left - most flip - flop ' s output pin, and so on. so the serial output of the entire register is 10110000. as you can see if we were to continue to input data


the result. the left hand column corresponds to the left - most flip - flop ' s output pin, and so on. so the serial output of the entire register is 10110000. as you can see if we were to continue to input data, we would get exactly what was put in, but offset by four ' data advance ' cycles. this arrangement is the hardware equivalent of a queue. also, at any time, the whole register can be set to zero by bringing the reset ( r ) pins high. this arrangement performs destructive readout - each datum is lost once it has been shifted out of the right - most bit. serial - in, parallel - out ( sipo ) this configuration allows conversion from serial to parallel format. data is input serially, as described in the siso section above. once the data has been input, it may be either read off at each output simultaneously, or it can be shifted out and replaced. in cases where the parallel outputs should not change during the serial loading process, it is desirable to used a latched output. in a latched shift register ( such as the 74595 ) the serial data is first loaded into an internal shift register, then upon receipt of a load signal the state of the shift register is copied into a set of output registers. parallel - in, serial - out ( piso ) this configuration has the data input on lines d1 through d4 in parallel format. to write the data to the register, the write / shift control line must be held low. to shift the data, the w / s control line is brought high and the registers are clocked. the arrangement now acts as a siso shift register, with d1 as the data input. however, as long as number of clock cycles is not more than the length of the data - string, the data output, q, will be the parallel data read off in order. the animation below shows the write / shift sequence, including the internal state of the shift register. one of the most common uses of a shift register is to convert between serial and parallel interfaces. this is useful as many circuits work on groups of bits in parallel, but serial interfaces are simpler to construct. shift registers can be used as simple delay circuits. several bidirectional shift registers could also be connected in parallel for a hardware implementation of a stack. sipo registers are commonly attached to the output of microprocessors when more output pins are required than are available. this allows several binary devices to be


| | this article needs additional citations for verification. ( september 2007 ) | terere ( of guarani origin ) is an infusion of yerba mate ( in spanish ) / erva - mate ( in portuguese ), similar to mate but prepared with cold water rather than with hot, and in a slightly larger vessel. it is originally from paraguay, and is found also in northeastern argentina and southern and western brazil. when hot ( mate ), the guarani people call this infusion ka ' ay, where ka ' a means herb and y means water. the scientific name of yerba mate is ilex paraguariensis. the vast majority of people in paraguay take their terere with water - infused herbs such as mint " menta - i " or lemongrass. when not prepared with plain cold water, citrus fruit juices are usually used, although this practice varies depending on the region. while mixing fruit juices with terere is common in northeastern argentina, brazil and paraguay, lime and orange juices are used in argentina and paraguay ; lime and pineapple juice are more common in brazil. terere taken with juice is commonly called " terere ruso " ( i. e., russian terere ) because this practice is more common with slavic immigrants in the southeast of paraguay and northeast of argentina, than with spanish - and guarani - speaking paraguayan people. in some parts of argentina, terere is seen as a lesser form of mate, and its drinking hardly ever follows the traditional drinking mate ritual. in paraguay, by contrast, terere is considered preferable to mate on a hot day. first invented by the guarani ( guarani, in portuguese language ) natives who lived in paraguay and western brazil ( mato grosso do sul ) territory that used to belong to paraguay before the war of the triple alliance, terere was spread by the dwellers of that region, and for centuries was a social beverage. people usually prepare one jar of natural water and a " guampa " ( spanish ) / " cuia " ( portuguese ) with a " bombilla " ( spanish ) / " bomba " ( portuguese ) which is shared among the group of people. since paraguay and mato grosso do sul have a very hot climate, this drink is excellent to refresh the body and can be considered a very low - calorie, non - alcoholic beverage. additionally, it is an important ritual signifying trust and communion. guampas / cuias are gourds that


, this drink is excellent to refresh the body and can be considered a very low - calorie, non - alcoholic beverage. additionally, it is an important ritual signifying trust and communion. guampas / cuias are gourds that can be made from animal horns, usually made from ox horns. the new cuia or the one not used for some time needs to be watered before use, because the lower part of the cuia is usually capped with a round piece of leather. by filling the cuia with water the leather expands, covering all leaks in the cuia. many cuias are capped using a wooden cork as well. cuias are also made from wood and covered in leather or steel. in a pinch a simple drinking cup can serve as a cuia. bombillas / bombas are metal straws with a filter at the end. erva - mate / yerba is placed at the bottom of the cuia, and as water is added the bomba drinks from the cuia the clear green liquid. terere in paraguay and brazil terere is a typical drink from paraguay and certain regions of brazil. it is very popular among young and old people. it is common to see students going to school with a guampa and their thermos underneath their arms filled with plenty of ice and water, for summer temperatures can reach 40° to 45°c ( 104° to 113°f ). see also | wikimedia commons has media related to : terere |


catholic encyclopedia ( 1913 ) / dualism ( from lat. duo, two ). like most other philosophical terms, has been employed in different meanings by different schools. first, the name has been used to denote the religious or theological system which would explain the universe as the outcome of two eternally opposed and coexisting principles, conceived as good and evil, light and darkness, or some other form of conflicting powers. we find this theory widely prevalent in the east, and especially in persia, for several centuries before the christian era. the zend - avesta, ascribed to zoroaster, who probably lived in the sixth century b. c. and is supposed to be the founder or reformer of the medo - persian religion, explains the world as the outcome of the struggle between ormuzd and ahriman. ormuzd is infinite light, supreme wisdom, and the author of all good ; ahriman is the principle of darkness and of all evil. in the third century after christ, manes, for a time a convert to christianity, developed a form of gnosticism, subsequently styled manichaeism, in which he sought to fuse some of the elements of the christian religion with the dualistic creed of zoroastrianism ( see manichaeism and zoroaster ). christian philosophy, expounded with minor differences by theologians and philosophers from st. augustine downwards, holds generally that physical evil is the result of the necessary limitations of finite created beings, and that moral evil, which alone is evil in the true sense, is a consequence of the creation of beings possessed of free wills and is tolerated by god. both physical and moral evil are to be conceived as some form of privation or defect of being, not as positive entity. their existence is thus not irreconcilable with the doctrine of theistic monism. second, the term dualism is employed in opposition to monism, to signify the ordinary view that the existing universe contains two radically distinct kinds of being or substance - - matter and spirit, body and mind. this is the most frequent use of the name in modern philosophy, where it is commonly contrasted with monism. but it should not be forgotten that dualism in this sense is quite reconcilable with a monistic origin of all things. the theistic doctrine of creation gives a monistic account of the universe in this sense. dualism is thus opposed to both materialism and idealism. idealism, however, of the


forms of a dual origin of the world which erected matter, or evil, or any other principle into a second eternal being coexistent with god, and it taught the monistic origin of the universe from one, infinite, self - existing spiritual being who freely created all things. the unfamiliar conception of free creation, however, met with considerable opposition in the schools of philosophy and was abandoned by several of the earlier heresies. the neo - platonists sought to lessen the difficulty by emanastic forms of pantheism, and also by inserting intermediate beings between god and the world. but the former method implied a materialistic conception of god, while the latter only postponed the difficulty. from the thirteenth century, through the influence of albertus magnus and still more of st. thomas aquinas, the philosophy of aristotle, though subjected to some important modifications, became the accredited philosophy of the church. the dualistic hypothesis of an eternal world existing side by side with god was of course rejected. but the conception of spiritual beings as opposed to matter received fuller definition and development. the distinction between the human soul and the body which it animates was made clearer and their separability emphasized ; but the ultra - dualism of plato was avoided by insisting on the intimate union of soul and body to constitute one substantial being under the conception of form and matter. the problem of dualism, however, was lifted into quite a new position in modern philosophy by descartes ( q. v. ). indeed, since his time it has been a topic of central interest in philosophical speculation. his handling of two distinct questions, the one epistemological, the other metaphysical, brought this about. the mind stands in a cognitional relation to the external world, and in a causal relation to the changes within the body. what is the precise nature of each of these relations? according to descartes the soul is res cogitans. its essence is thought. it is simple and unextended. it has nothing in common with the body, but is connected with it in a single point, the pineal gland in the centre of the brain. in contrast with this, the essence of matter lies in extension. so the two forms of being are utterly disparate. consequently the union between them is of an accidental or extrinsic character. descartes thus approximates to the platonic conception of charioteer and chariot. soul and body are really two merely allied beings. how then do they interact? real reciprocal


the union between them is of an accidental or extrinsic character. descartes thus approximates to the platonic conception of charioteer and chariot. soul and body are really two merely allied beings. how then do they interact? real reciprocal influence or causal interaction seems impossible between two such disparate things. geulincx and other disciples of descartes were driven to invent the hypothesis of occasionalism and divine assistance, according to which it is god himself who effects the appropriate change in either body or mind on the occasion of the corresponding change in the other. for this system of miraculous interferences leibniz substituted the theory of pre - established harmony according to which god has coupled pairs of bodies and souls which are destined to run in parallel series of changes like two clocks started together. the same insoluble difficulty of psycho - physical parallelism remains on the hands of those psychologists and philosophers at the present day who reject the doctrine of the soul as a real being capable of acting on the body which it informs. the ultra - dualism of descartes was immediately followed on the continent by the pantheistic monism of spinoza, which identified mind and matter in one infinite substance of which they are merely " modes. " the cognitional question descartes solves by a theory of knowledge according to which the mind immediately perceives only its own ideas or modifications. the belief in an external world corresponding to these ideas is of the nature of an inference, and the guaranteeing of this inference or the construction of a reliable bridge from the subjective world of thought to the objective world of material being, was thenceforth the main problem of modern philosophy. locke similarly taught that the mind immediately apprehends only its own ideas, but he assumed a real external world which corresponds to these ideas, at least as regards the primary qualities of matter. berkeley, accepting locke ' s assumption that the mind immediately cognizes only its own ideas, raised the question : what grounds have we for believing in the existence of a material world corresponding to those ideas? he concludes that there are none. the external cause of these ideas is god who awakens them in our minds by regular laws. the dualistic opposition between mind and matter is thus got rid of by denying an independent material world. but berkeley still postulates multitude of real substantial minds distinct from each other and apparently from god. we have thus idealistic pluralism. hume carried berkeley ' s scepticism a step farther and denied the existence of permanent spiritual substances,


world. but berkeley still postulates multitude of real substantial minds distinct from each other and apparently from god. we have thus idealistic pluralism. hume carried berkeley ' s scepticism a step farther and denied the existence of permanent spiritual substances, or minds, for grounds similar to those on which berkeley rejected material substances. all we know to exist are ideas of greater or less vividness. kant repudiates this more extreme scepticism and adopts, at least in the second edition of his chief work, a form of dualism based on the distinction of phenomena and noumena. the mind immediately perceives only its own representations. these are modified by innate mental forms. they present to us only phenomena. but the noumena, the things - in - themselves, the external causes of these phenomenal representations, are beyond our power of cognition. fichte rejected things - in - themselves outside the mind, and reduced the kantian dualism to idealistic monism. the strongest and most consistent defenders of dualism in modern philosophy have been the scotch school, including reid, stuart, and hamilton. among english writers in more recent times martineau, mccosh, mivart, and case have carried on the same tradition on similar lines. the problem of dualism, as its history suggests, involves two main questions : - does there exist a material world outside of our minds and independent of our thought? - supposing such a world to exist, how does the mind attain to the cognition of it? the former question belongs to epistemology, material logic, or general philosophy ; the latter to psychology. it is true that dualism is ultimately rejected by the materialist who reduces conscious states to functions, or " aspects " of the brain ; but objections from this standpoint will be more suitably dealt with under materialism and monism. the idealist theory since berkeley, in all its forms, maintains that the mind can only know its own states or representations, and that what we suppose to be an independent, material world is, in the last analysis, only a series of ideas and sensations plus belief in the possibility of other sensations. our conviction of the objective reality of a vivid consistent dream is analogous to our conviction of the validity of our waking experience. dualism affirms, in opposition to all forms of idealism, the independent, extramental reality of the material world. among its chief arguments are the following : - our belief in the existence of other minds is an inference from their bodies


. dualism affirms, in opposition to all forms of idealism, the independent, extramental reality of the material world. among its chief arguments are the following : - our belief in the existence of other minds is an inference from their bodies. consequently the denial of an external material world involves the rejection of all evidence for the existence of other minds, and lands the idealist in the position of " solipsism ". - physical science assumes the existence of a material world, existing when unperceived, possessing various properties, and exerting various powers according to definite constant laws. thus astronomy describes the movements of heavenly bodies moving in space of three dimensions, attracting each other with forces inversely proportioned to the square of the distance. it postulates the movement and action of such bodies when they are invisible as well as when they are visible through long periods of time and over vast areas of space. from these assumptions it deduces future positions and foretells eclipses and transits many years ahead. observations carried out by subsequent generations verify the predictions. were there not an extramental world whose parts exist and act in a space and time truly mirrored by our cognitions and ideas, such a result would be impossible. the branches of science dealing with sound, light, heat, and electricity are equally irreconcilable with idealism. - the teachings of physiology and psycho - physics become peculiarly absurd in the idealist theory. what, for instance, is meant by saying that memory is dependent on modifications in the nervous substance of the brain, if all the material world, including the brain, is but a collection of mental states? - psychology similarly assumes the extramental reality of the human body in its account of the growth of the senses and the development of perception. were the idealist hypothesis true its language would be meaningless. all branches of science thus presuppose and confirm the dualistic view of common sense. granted, then, the truth of dualism, the psychological question emerges : how does the mind come to know the material world? broadly speaking there are two answers. according to one the mind immediately perceives only its own representations or ideas and from these it infers external material objects as the cause of these ideas. according to the other, in some of its acts it immediately perceives extended objects or part of the material world. as hamilton says : " what we directly apprehend is the non - ego, not some modification of the ego ". the theory which maintains an


other, in some of its acts it immediately perceives extended objects or part of the material world. as hamilton says : " what we directly apprehend is the non - ego, not some modification of the ego ". the theory which maintains an immediate perception of the non - ego he calls natural dualism or natural realism. the other, which holds a mediate cognition of the non - ego, as the inferred cause of a representation immediately apprehended, he terms hypothetical dualism or hypothetical realism. the doctrine of immediate or presentative perception is that adopted by the great body of scholastic philosophers and is embodied in the dictum that the idea, concept, or mental act of apprehension is non id quod percipitur sed medium quo res percipitur - - not that which is perceived but the medium by which the object itself is perceived. this seems to be the only account of the nature of knowledge that does not lead logically to idealism ; and the history of the subject confirms this view. but affirmation of the mind ' s capacity for immediate perception of the non - ego and insistence on the distinction between id quod and id quo percipitur, do not dispose of the whole difficulty. modern psychology has become genetic. its interest centres in tracing the growth and development of cognition from the simplest and most elementary sensations of infancy. analysis of the perceptive processes of a later age, e. g. apprehension of size, shape, solidity, distance, and other qualities of remote objects, proves that operations seemingly instantaneous and immediate may involve the activity of memory, imagination, judgment, reasoning, and subconscious contributions from the past experience of other senses. there is thus much that is indirect and inferential in nearly all the percipient acts of mature life. this should be frankly admitted by the defender of natural dualism, and the chief psychological problem for him at the present day is to sift and discriminate what is immediate and direct from what is mediate or representative in the admittedly complex cognitional operations of normal adult life. in favour of natural dualism : - - rickaby, first principles of knowledge ( new york and london, 1901 ) ; case, physical realism ( new york and london, 1881 ) ; ueberweg, logic, tr. ( london, 1871 ) ; hamilton, metaphysics ( edinburgh and london, 1877 ) ; mccosh, exam. of mill ( new york, 1875 ) ; martineau, a study of religion (


the buff - tailed bumble bee is an efficient commercial pollinator for several reasons : it is widely distributed ; it produces large colonies ; and it is adaptable to artificial conditions and diverse climatic conditions, habitats, and flower types. although these bees are efficient pollinators, they also are known to be nectar robbers - when they find a flower with nectar too deep for them to reach they bite a hole near the base of the corolla and drink the nectar through the hole. when the bees collect nectar this way, they do not necessarily pollinate the flower. since the late 1980 ' s, this species has been used for commercial pollination of greenhouse - grown tomato crops throughout europe and in countries where the species is not native, such as new zealand and japan. in 1995 and 1996 shipments of the buff - tailed bumble bee were allowed into mexico. shortly after this importation, the internal bumble bee parasite nosema bombi ( a microsporidian or very small species of fungi ) was discovered in shipments of the buff - tailed bumble bee and all imported colonies were destroyed and importation permits retracted. many countries have concerns about importing these non - native bees. in addition to outbreaks of disease, other concerns include : threatening the relationships between native plants and pollinators ; introducing new diseases ; and disrupting genetic adaptations by hybridizing with native species. because of these concerns, restrictions on importation of the buff - tailed bumble bee exist in the canary islands, norway, japan, china, south africa, new south wales, and australia. the importation of the buff - tailed bumble bee is prohibited in the united states, canada, and mexico. however, even with these restrictions, close to one million buff - tailed and eastern bumble bee ( b. impatiens ) colonies are reared commercially each year in 16 countries in europe, asia, south america, and australia each year ( velthuis, h. h. et al., 2006 ). - bombus terrestris and lucorum, laura brodie, university of aberdeen, http : / / www. bumblebee. org / - importation of non - native bumble bees into north america : potential consequences of using bombus terrestris and other non - native bumble bees for greenhouse crop pollination in canada, mexico, and the united states, k. winter, l. adams, r. thorp, d. inouye, l. day, j. ascher, and s. buchmann


winter forecast, part i : the woolley bear prediction according to legend, the severity of the upcoming winter can be judged by examining the pattern of brown and black stripes on woolly bear caterpillars - - the larvae of isabella tiger moths. if the brown stripe between the two black stripes on either end of the caterpillar is thick, the winter will be a mild one. a narrow brown stripe portends a long, cold winter. some traditional forecasters say that the 13 segments on the caterpillar ' s body correspond to the 13 weeks of winter. the hagerstown, maryland woolley bear forecast the hagerstown, maryland town and country almanack has been publishing weather forecasts and weather lore for 211 years. the almanack sponsors an annual woolly bear caterpillar event, where local school children in hagerstown collect woolly bears. a panel of judges examines the collected specimens and issues a woolly bear forecast for the upcoming winter. the results of this year ' s contest, which ended october 31 : " from the small number of woolly bears, the consensus is that the winter will be very mild. the woolly bears predicted this by their three ( 3 ) bands of which the front band ( representing the first half of winter and black in color ) was shorter in length and normal. the back band ( representing the second half of winter ) was very small, thus indicating the mild winter prediction. as a result of those markings, which were similar in all woolly bears, the sponsors were able to make the predictions. " oil valley vick naturally, this forecast only applies to the hagerstown, maryland area, so other locales will need to do their own woolly bear work to gauge the local winter forecast. in oil city, pennsylvania, just 150 miles northwest of hagerstown, organizers of the pumkin bumkin festival have located the lair of " oil valley vick ", a woolly bear caterpillar of unknown forecasting ability, but great potential. in his inaugural forecast on october 23 this year, oil valley vick wowed the crowd at the pumkin bumkin festival when he crawled out of his log. the black stripes covering fully 2 / 3 of oil valley vick ' s body left no doubt that he expected a cold, severe winter for northwestern pennsylvania. figure 1. kelly the woolly bear caterpillar with her owner, six - year - old kurstin hartsell of ansonville, nc. image credit : jim morton


no doubt that he expected a cold, severe winter for northwestern pennsylvania. figure 1. kelly the woolly bear caterpillar with her owner, six - year - old kurstin hartsell of ansonville, nc. image credit : jim morton, avery county chamber of commerce. the banner elk, north carolina woolly bear forecast in banner elk, nc it ' s the fastest woolly bear caterpillar which is judged to be the best forecaster. after successfully out - sprinting hundreds of other woolly bears, this year ' s winner of the 31st annual woolly worm festival race was kelly the woolly worm, raced by six - year - old kurstin hartsell of ansonville, nc. kelly the woolly worm ' s official forecast for the winter of 2008 - 2009 calls for the first four weeks to be cold and snowy, followed by three weeks of seasonably cold weather, followed by six weeks of snowy and cold weather ( severely cold in week 11, march 1 - 7 ). a study of the predictions of the banner elk woolly bears between 1978 and 2000 revealed that " woolly worm winter predictions were exactly on target eight times out of 23, or 34. 8 %. woolly worm predictions were close ( 4. 0 - 4. 9 ) another five times ( 21. 7 % ). woolly worm predictions were right in some areas, wrong in others ( 3. 0 - 3. 9 ) six times ( 26. 1 % ). woolly worm predictions were wrong more than they were right ( 2. 0 - 2. 9 ) four times ( 17. 4 % ). put another way, the woolly worms were close or completely right 57 % of the time, and more than half right 82. 6 % of the time ". other studies of woolly bear forecast accuracy several scientific studies have been done on woolly bear caterpillar forecasts, including one by the american museum of natural history. none of these studies has shown any correlation between woolly bear markings and the severity of the upcoming winter. according to the old farmer ' s almanac, dr. charles curran, curator of insects at the american museum of natural history in new york city, studied woolly bear markings between 1948 - 1956 in bear mountain state park, 40 miles north of new york city. he found some preliminary results that seemed to indicate that the thickness of the bands might indicate the severity of the upcoming winter. however, dr. curran gave up the study in 1955 after finding two groups of cater


( courtesy of and adapted with modifications from the university of wisconsin ) under most conditions, insects are not perennially serious pests of currants and gooseberries ; however, certain insects occasionally will become abundant enough to cause serious damage if left uncontrolled. the currant aphid, cryptomyzus ribis ( l. ), overwinters in the egg stage on plant stems. eggs hatch in early spring, and the insects feed by sucking out the plant juices, which results in stunted and distorted new growth. as leaves continue to develop, they will be crinkled with downturned edges. areas between veins on the upper leaf surface may be reddened. as the aphids feed, they excrete excess sugar and water in small droplets called honeydew. ants may feed on this, and a black fungus ( sooty mold ) often grows on it. the aphids themselves are small ( up to about 2 millimeters ), green, and usually found in colonies. other aphid species also occasionally feed on currants and gooseberries. aphids often are kept under good natural control by predators such as ladybugs, small parasitic wasps, and even some insect diseases. in some areas or during certain years, these natural controls may not be adequate, and you might choose to use a chemical spray. dormant sprays are effective, as are summer horticultural oil or insecticidal soap if applied when the aphids are first seen. the damaging stage of the currant borer, synanthedon tipuliformis ( clerk ), is a pale, yellow, wormlike larva that tunnels through the pith of the cane. a member of the clear - winged moth family, the wasp - like adult lays its eggs on the canes in early june. after hatching, the worm enters the cane and feeds all season. it overwinters in the larval stage in the cane, emerging as the adult moth the following spring. feeding damage will kill the cane ; the first symptom is yellowing foliage on individual canes in late spring. red currants are attacked most frequently. cut out and destroy infested canes as early as possible. once the larvae bore into canes, chemical control is not possible. imported currant worm the imported currant worm, nematis ribesii ( scopoli ), is the most serious insect pest of currants and gooseberries, with the latter being the favored host. foliage is consumed by


not possible. imported currant worm the imported currant worm, nematis ribesii ( scopoli ), is the most serious insect pest of currants and gooseberries, with the latter being the favored host. foliage is consumed by several small, spotted, caterpillar - like larvae. the adults are sawflies about the size of a housefly. two generations hatch each year, causing damage in the spring and again in late summer. bacillus thuringiensis - based products and / or a broad - spectrum insecticide should control this insect. start looking for damage shortly after the leaves have fully expanded. the second generation usually is less severe than the first and does not require treatment. currant stem girdler adult sawflies, janus integer ( norton ), make numerous punctures in canes during egg laying in spring, resulting in drooping and wilting of new shoots in late spring. further damage occurs as the larvae tunnel through the canes. this insect also attacks poplar and willow trees, and damage usually is more severe near stands of these trees. removing and destroying infested canes at the first sign of wilting is the best control. fourlined plant bug the fourlined plant bug, poecilocapsus lineatus ( fabricus ), is yellowish green with four dark stripes on its back. it is quite active and runs and flies readily. it sucks plant juices from leaves and young stem growth, causing deformed and brown foliage. older leaves will be spotted with many tiny, light spots. this insect feeds on numerous wild hosts, and damage occurs most frequently when such plants are allowed to grow near currants and gooseberries. in areas where plant bugs have been a problem, they can be controlled by an early season application of pyrethrum - based or pyrethroid compounds. the larval stage of the gooseberry fruitworm, zophodia convolutella ( hubier ), is a greenish worm with darker stripes along the sides. the worms feed by hollowing out the insides of the fruit of both currants and gooseberries ; each worm consumes several berries. the adult is a moth. bacillus thuringiensis - based products and / or a broad - spectrum insecticide should control this insect. make two applications 10 days apart, starting at early fruit development. currant fruit fly fruits infested by the currant fruit fly, epochra canadensis ( loew ), drop early and have dark


in the early spring of 2011, in the middle of the conflict in libya, 72 desperate sub - saharan men, women and children tried to get to lampedusa. instead, they were left to die in a small, overcrowded inflatable rubber dinghy as their calls for help went unheeded. when things first started to go wrong and fuel and food supplies were dwindling, a call was made from a satellite phone to father zerai, a contact person whose number they had been given in case of an emergency and who subsequently notified the italian coast guard. by that time, the boat was drifting with little fuel left and taking in water. the phone call enabled the italian coast guard to establish the boat ’ s location. a helicopter was sent to drop some drinking water and food. the boat was now drifting in the middle of the mediterranean. rough waters threw some people overboard and currents sent the boat back to libya. fishing boats in the vicinity ignored the vessel. on the 5th day at sea, people started dying onboard. a large military vessel also failed to assist. on the 15th day, only 11 people were still alive. on april 10th, the boat stranded on the libyan coast. the 11 survivors were arrested. one died in custody due to lack of care. here ’ s an animated map depicting the events : those who ignored the boat could possibly be facing judicial action.


so why do people keep shaming others to " help " them lose weight? you probably have heard about children ' s healthcare of atlanta ' s campaign to fight obesity ( overview here and discussion here. ) i was outraged from the start of this campaign because my large clients tell me their experiences in our world where shame has led them to promote self hate not health. now, disney has thrown in its influence, money, and cartoonists to promote body shame and bullying. they just started this habit heroes online campaign and interactive epcot exhibit to fight obesity. i am close to tears reading what this campaign has to offer although thankful that blogger yoni feedhoff brought it to my attention. the eye - opening post can be found here. this is just another campaign showing the skinny heroes saving those dumb enough to be fat ( please read my pissed off sarcasm ). there is no way this campaign or any like it will promote long term health. even more, those who are not large can be harmed by this message too. they are taught skinny people are better, stronger, and automatically healthy. these campaigns lay the foundation for bullying and a negative relationship with food. those in the fight against obesity often admit, although a tough pill to swallow, maybe shaming is okay because it will get people to make changes. i want to provide some insight as to why this does not work. what shaming leads to : - not wanting to move one ' s body because one wants to hide it ( thus less exercise ) - not wanting to fuel one ' s body in a way that feels good during and after eating ( thus less fruit, veggie consumption and eating more forbidden foods ) - more negative self talk and then more depression - weight gain after consulting with experienced colleagues and finishing a master ' s degree in counseling, i have learned empowerment promotes health. empowering interactions help people find intrinsic motivation to encourage a healthy life. what empowerment leads to : - moving one ' s body more because one enjoys it and it feels good ( thus more exercise ) - wanting one ' s body to feel strong and able to do this movement ; also wanting food to make the body feel good during and after eating ( thus more fruits, veggies ; " forbidden " foods eaten with less frequency ) - more positive self talk and less depression - healthy bodies and minds


in december 1858 the british colonist newspaper reported that the fraser river was frozen all the way across below the mouth of the harrison river. at port douglas, the new town at the north end of harrison ' s lake - - at the south end of the new harrison lillooet trail to the goldfields - - the snow fell for three days before the sky cleared and the thermometer plunged to 5 degrees below zero. a party of one hundred twenty miners came downriver from fort yale in canoes ; when they struck ice at the mouth of the harrison river they took to their feet and walked downriver toward fort langley. they supposed the hbc fort was a mere fifteen miles away - - but they were wrong. the journey would have taken them three days, but they had provisions for only one. their trail had to be made though ten inches of snow over a high mountain, and in places the men waded waist deep sloughs and pushed their way through the thick underbrush that clogged the valley floor in those years. but many were rescued by the captain of the steamer, enterprise, who pushed his way up and down the fraser river, continuously sounding his horn and stopping to pick up anyone he found. the people he rescued were in terrible shape when found - - the december 15 gazette tells us that he rescued " the large number of persons scattered around, and who, after two days suffering from intense cold, sleet and snow, without food, and almost without clothing, having been forced to throw away our blankets, rifles and other arms ( from being able to carry them along further through fatigue and exhaustion ) and denude ourselves of our drenched clothing... " does it sound colder than it should be to you? do you think that the fraser river should freeze over in mid - winter? it doesn ' t anymore - - but it did then. as you know if you have read my book, there are at least two very bad winters mentioned in it - - the winter of 1847 - 1848, and that of 1861 - 62. the frozen winter of 1858 was just a normal year - - those of 1847 - 48 and 1861 - 62 were abnormally cold! my source for the stories that follow is jason allard, son of the ovid allard who worked at fort langley and fort yale under james murray yale. this is what he has to say about fraser river ' s mid - winter weather, in his reminiscences [ e / c / al5a, bca ) : "


worked at fort langley and fort yale under james murray yale. this is what he has to say about fraser river ' s mid - winter weather, in his reminiscences [ e / c / al5a, bca ) : " weather conditions in the fraser valley since the early days of the gold rush up the fraser has greatly changed. " at yale in early days the first snow fall usually took place in the begining [ sic ] of november - - october and november were always wet so was march april and may. " it was nothing unusual for a rain fall for weeks at a time particularly in the lower fraser valley " it was a regular event for the fraser to freeze over in december and remain closed until the month of march. " since the coming of the whites to the fraser valley - - there has been two very severe winters - - 1847 and 1861 / 2. " an old indian chief of yale who was aged about 90 yrs at the time i speak of in 1858. " the chief tal - tal - wheet tza said he remembered a severe winter in yale when the river opposite yale was frozen over - - " goats and deer and other game died of starvation and were completely wiped out. " mountain goats & deer came down to the valley and stood around, and also on top of the indians subterranean houses for warmth. " they were so tame that they were killed with clubs. " the old indian said it was pitiful to listen to the cries of the deer for mercy when being clubbed. " as a matter of fact it got so that the indians would not kill them - - and besides their meat become unfit food through starvation. " so that is the cold winter weather in yale in 1858 - - he goes on to describe the winter of 1847 - 48 at fort hope and fort langley : " the winter of 1847 / 8 was a remarkable cold winter. " the river was frozen from hope to langley. " mr. chief trader h. n. peers a h. b. co ' s officer skated from hope to langley on the ice - - " the severe weather and deep snow killed nearly all the hudson ' s bay co ' s cattle at fort langley. " those cattle that did not die of starvation were drowned in crossing them on to island where there were bull rushes. " a few head were saved by the indians, who gathered rushes for the starving cattle - - my old nurse rose told me that the snow in langley was three ft. deep early in may and the run of ul


island where there were bull rushes. " a few head were saved by the indians, who gathered rushes for the starving cattle - - my old nurse rose told me that the snow in langley was three ft. deep early in may and the run of ull - a - chons ( small fish ) died on top of the ice. " i remember well the severe winter of 1861 / 2. " it was at first a pretty open winter and owing to the low stage of the water in the fraser the st [ eame ] r col moody maade [ sic ] her last trip to yale for the time being in decr. " it was on the morning of the 4th of february - - 1862 that i was awakened by my father ovid allard who was then in charge of the hudson ' s bay co ' s business in yale... " as soon as i was awakened - - i heard the wind blowing and when i looked out the drift snow was half way up the roof - - the very same day the river was partly frozen over on both sides of the river leaving a narrow channel where it was swift current. " i engaged two indians to take the board of management ' s letter to ft. langley & thence on to its destination... " yale was completely snowed under. " a few who had snow shoes broke roads on the side walk of the one business street. " communication with the lower fraser and victoria was at a stand still and travelling was laborious and dangerous on account of the ice.... " business and transportation were on a stand still until the 14th day of april when the steamer " flying dutchman " capt. bill moore blasted the ice at union bar above ft. hope in order to reach yale. " there was good sleighing on the ice between ft. langley and sapperton. " hay & grain was in great demand and prices were high - - at yale a hundred dollars was asked for hay & none could be got at that price. " i am more or less taking a day off - - well, i am doing work i have delayed doing and am also looking for documents that i have lost and that i need to find! my house has been packed up twice in the last few months, and unpacked - - these documents could have gone anywhere [ and probably have ]. i am also putting together my costume for the st. stephens talk - - it will be anything but genuine but i am, after all, a writer, not a re - en


the head on side viewfor this first lesson, he explains us his method to simply draw a side head of a horse. in a further lesson we will have a look at other parts of the body of this amazing animal... step i start first by sketching a trapezium : step ii following this first step, you will draw two dotted lines passing through the middle of each side ( see image ). then, sketch a little arrow ( in blue ) composed of two small lines at the top of the trapezium ( bottom left on the image ). finally, for this second step, create the location of the jaw by drawing a light cercle ( the location is important ). step iii in the top half of the trapezium, create a line from side to side, by joining the two quarters of its length. here you don ' t know why it stands for but you are lacating the space reservation for the eye... finish by drawing the last construction lines as shown on the image bellow. step iv when the construction lines are finished, we are going to better detail our sketches... draw the general basis ( the eye in the rectangle previously prepared, the ear the following one, the nastril ). step v delete the construction lines and start the details... you will start fist with the external outlines. don ' t try to find the pecfection right now, you will refine them later... let you be guided by the sketches you have previously created. you will notice that the top of the circle aims at the location of the mane et the bottom at the jaw... step vi notice that the mouth is being precised as well as the cheek and the jaw... you can now start to place the veins and the shadows ( on the ear, on the neck and from the nostril to the eye ), then the back bone of the jaw. step vii at this step, we could think that we draw the bones... but it ' s not the case! these are the shadows again. you have to know that in paintings, what creates the reality is generally due to the lights and the shadows. step viii now you should stop for a while in order to sharpen your pencil... when you are ready, refine the outlines and detail more the eye ( eyelid and glints ), the nastril and the ear. carry on with the shadows ( on top of the eye and in


it ’ s allergy season and if you suffer from allergies, you ’ re not alone. over 50 million americans — at least one in five, maybe more — have allergies, leaving many folks off balance. here ’ s a little background on allergies. in 1905 austrian pediatrician clemens pirquet first used the term allergy, which is derived from the greek word allos, meaning different or changed and the word ergos, meaning work or action. in essence, allergy is an altered reaction — and it ’ s a pervasive and costly one, too. we ’ ve already noted that allergies affect over 50 million americans, but its effects hit the pocketbook as well. in fact, the cost of allergies in the u. s. is more than $ 10 billion annually. allergic rhinitis ( nasal allergies ) is present in about 35 million americans — six million of those being children. likewise, asthma affects 15 million americans — with five million of those children. the number of cases of asthma, incidentally, has doubled over the last 20 years. that ’ s a whole lot of rough breathing, sneezing, sinus congestion and itchy eyes, leading millions of people to look for relief. what causes allergies? certain foods, dust mites, molds, pollens and animal dander ( from dogs and cats, for example ) are often to blame for these allergic reactions, and they prompt your immune system to attack these foreign substances as dangerous invaders. here ’ s what happens : your immune system sends out antibodies to attack the intruders known as allergens. one type of the antibodies generally associated with allergies is immunoglobulin e ( ige ). interestingly, receptor cells for ige are dotted throughout the body including areas near the sinuses, nose, eyes and throat. ( do those areas sound familiar? ) when the allergens enter the body, ige antibodies go to work in the tissues surrounding the sinuses, nose, eyes and throat and link up with mast cells to release powerful natural chemicals known as histamines and leukotrienes, both of which bring on inflammation — an over - the - top inflammation response, to be exact. common allergic reactions include sneezing, watery eyes, itchiness, runny nose, hives, asthma and more. for many, allergic symptoms occur throughout the sinus system and appear to be all in their head.


one of the cool things about working at argonne national laboratory is exploring new ideas. i ’ ve worked on a lot of combustion technologies, including hydrogen, but right now i ’ m doing something really unusual — burning gasoline in a diesel engine. the first question you ’ re probably asking is, “ why in the world do you want to do that? ” well, i got the idea after talking to some colleagues who have been working on similar concepts. we ’ re working on a combustion system that ’ s not traditional diesel combustion but not spark - ignition combustion either. most researchers call this approach low temperature combustion, or ltc. several types have been explored, such as hcci ( homogeneous charge compression ignition ), m - k ( modulated kinetics or smokeless rich ) and unibus ( uniform bulky stratified ) combustion. why, you ask, would we explore this alphabet soup of technologies when when traditional diesel and spark ignition have served us well for more than a century? because traditional diesel combustion spews a lot of particulate matter and oxides of nitrogen ( nox ). and spark - ignition gasoline combustion has a significant efficiency problem due to the throttle, which is needed to control power output. because of the nature of these two systems, there ’ s really no significant improvement that can be achieved with either one. we decided to look for something that was a cross between the two. this new system is more like traditional diesel combustion than spark ignition but uses a fuel and combustion approach that minimizes the emissions problems associated with diesels. it cuts nox more than particulate matter but has advantages for both. we wanted to eliminate the throttle so we could retain efficiency while avoiding what we call “ mixing controlled ” combustion. mixing controlled combustion occurs when diesel jets squirt fuel into the engine, resulting in almost immediate ignition. it requires diffusing fuel from the center of the jet to the reaction zone and the diffusion of air from the outside into the reaction zone as combustion progresses. this diffusion is what produces particulates and nox. our approach is to use a fuel injector — in this case a diesel fuel injector — but use fuel that is difficult to auto - ignite. in this case, gasoline. the advantage is we can inject fuel rather early in the compression stroke without it igniting immediately. in fact, we can inject fuel two or three times during the compression stroke and it won ’ t ignite until the piston is very close to the top of the cylinder


inject fuel rather early in the compression stroke without it igniting immediately. in fact, we can inject fuel two or three times during the compression stroke and it won ’ t ignite until the piston is very close to the top of the cylinder, a position called top dead center, or tdc. this approach also lets us place ignition exactly where we want it because we can control the precise timing of injection events. using a fuel that is difficult to auto - ignite allows a long delay between injection and ignition, providing the opportunity to get all the fuel into the combustion chamber before ignition. this is important because this is how we can avoid particulate and nox production. there is no liquid fuel to “ coke up ” because all of it is somewhat mixed with air before ignition. there also is little air present that does not have fuel near it, so the availability of air to heat up and dissociate into nox is drastically reduced. using exhaust gas recirculation lets us reduce nox further. the next question you may ask is, “ ok, this sounds great. now what do you need to give up to get high efficiency and clean emissions? ” the answer is power density. because we are reducing the “ violence ” with which the combustion reactions occur, peak power will drop roughly 25 percent. however, the standard operation of vehicles in the united states rarely requires engines be operated at peak power. how often do you have the accelerator pedal mashed to the floor? if your answer is “ often, ” i ’ d ask if you drive in nascar. besides — the torque profile of the new system is essentially the same as a conventional diesel and it provides excellent performance in the powerband where most people actually drive. the impact on drivers will be negligible. one thing we ’ re doing differently than others who ’ ve explored this area is we ’ re using gasoline with a slightly lower octane than pump gasoline. we ’ re burning fuel in the 80 to 85 ron, or research octane number, range. it ’ s a little easier to auto - ignite than pump gasoline, yet provides energy companies with an easier target to hit when refining a barrel of petroleum. this is one reason energy companies like bp and conocophillips are monitoring our work and providing some advice. regardless of fuel, the real trick to this approach is the careful control of fuel injection into the cylinder — the number of injections, the fuel pressure, the timing of each injection and so forth. the system is not