is attested by inscriptions found not only in france but in scotland and on the danube. 5 the custom of carrying lighted torches of straw ( brandons ) about the orchards and fields to fertilise them on the first sunday of lent seems to have been common in france, whether it was accompanied with the practice of kindling bonfires or not. thus in the province of picardy on the first sunday of lent people carried torches through the fields, exorcising the field - mice, the darnel, and the smut. they imagined that they did much good to the gardens and caused the onions to grow large. children ran about the fields, torch in hand, to make the land more fertile. at verges, a village between the jura and the combe dain, the torches at this season were kindled on the top of a mountain, and the bearers went to every house in the village, demanding roasted peas and obliging all couples who had been married within the year to dance. in berry, a district of central france, it appears that bonfires are not lighted on this day, but when the sun has set the whole population of the villages, armed with blazing torches of straw, disperse over the country and scour the fields, the vineyards, and the orchards. seen from afar, the multitude of moving lights, twinkling in the darkness, appear like will - o - the - wisps chasing each other across the plains, along the hillsides, and down the valleys. while the men wave their flambeaus about the branches of the fruit - trees, the women and children tie bands of wheaten - straw round the tree - trunks. the effect of the ceremony is supposed to be to avert the various plagues from which the fruits of the earth are apt to suffer ; and the bands of straw fastened round the stems of the trees are believed to render them fruitful. 6 in germany, austria, and switzerland at the same season similar customs have prevailed. thus in the eifel mountains, rhenish prussia, on the first sunday in lent young people used to collect straw and brushwood from house to house. these they carried to an eminence and piled up round a tall, slim beech - tree, to which a piece of wood was fastened at right angles to form a cross. the structure was known as the hut or castle. fire was set to it and the young people marched round the blazing castle bareheaded, each carrying a lighted torch and


to which a piece of wood was fastened at right angles to form a cross. the structure was known as the hut or castle. fire was set to it and the young people marched round the blazing castle bareheaded, each carrying a lighted torch and praying aloud. sometimes a straw - man was burned in the hut. people observed the direction in which the smoke blew from the fire. if it blew towards the corn - fields, it was a sign that the harvest would be abundant. on the same day, in some parts of the eifel, a great wheel was made of straw and dragged by three horses to the top of the hill. thither the village boys marched at nightfall, set fire to the wheel, and sent it rolling down the slope. at oberstattfeld the wheel had to be provided by the young man who was last married. about echternach in luxemburg the same ceremony is called burning the witch. at voralberg in the tyrol, on the first sunday in lent, a slender young fir - tree is surrounded with a pile of straw and firewood. to the top of the tree is fastened a human figure called the witch, made of old clothes and stuffed with gunpowder. at night the whole is set on fire and boys and girls dance round it, swinging torches and singing rhymes in which the words corn in the winnowing - basket, the plough in the earth may be distinguished. in swabia on the first sunday in lent a figure called the witch or the old wife or winters grandmother is made up of clothes and fastened to a pole. this is stuck in the middle of a pile of wood, to which fire is applied. while the witch is burning, the young people throw blazing discs into the air. the discs are thin round pieces of wood, a few inches in diameter, with notched edges to imitate the rays of the sun or stars. they have a hole in the middle, by which they are attached to the end of a wand. before the disc is thrown it is set on fire, the wand is swung to and fro, and the impetus thus communicated to the disc is augmented by dashing the rod sharply against a sloping board. the burning disc is thus thrown off, and mounting high into the air, describes a long fiery curve before it reaches the ground. the charred embers of the burned witch and discs are taken home and planted in the flax - fields the same night, in the belief that they will keep vermin from the fields


air, describes a long fiery curve before it reaches the ground. the charred embers of the burned witch and discs are taken home and planted in the flax - fields the same night, in the belief that they will keep vermin from the fields. in the rhon mountains, situated on the borders of hesse and bavaria, the people used to march to the top of a hill or eminence on the first sunday in lent. children and lads carried torches, brooms daubed with tar, and poles swathed in straw. a wheel, wrapt in combustibles, was kindled and rolled down the hill ; and the young people rushed about the fields with their burning torches and brooms, till at last they flung them in a heap, and standing round them, struck up a hymn or a popular song. the object of running about the fields with the blazing torches was to drive away the wicked sower. or it was done in honour of the virgin, that she might preserve the fruits of the earth throughout the year and bless them. in neighbouring villages of hesse, between the rhon and the vogel mountains, it is thought that wherever the burning wheels roll, the fields will be safe from hail and strom. 7 in switzerland, also, it is or used to be customary to kindle bonfires on high places on the evening of the first sunday in lent, and the day is therefore popularly known as spark sunday. the custom prevailed, for example, throughout the canton of lucerne. boys went about from house to house begging for wood and straw, then piled the fuel on a conspicuous mountain or hill round about a pole, which bore a straw effigy called the witch. at nightfall the pile was set on fire, and the young folks danced wildly round it, some of them cracking whips or ringing bells ; and when the fire burned low enough, they leaped over it. this was called burning the witch. in some parts of the canton also they used to wrap old wheels in straw and thorns, put a light to them, and send them rolling and blazing down hill. the more bonfires could be seen sparkling and flaring in the darkness, the more fruitful was the year expected to be ; and the higher the dancers leaped beside or over the fire, the higher, it was thought, would grow the flax. in some districts it was the last married man or woman who must kindle the bonfire. 8 it seems hardly possible to separate from these bonfires, kindled on the


the fire, the higher, it was thought, would grow the flax. in some districts it was the last married man or woman who must kindle the bonfire. 8 it seems hardly possible to separate from these bonfires, kindled on the first sunday in lent, the fires in which, about the same season, the effigy called death is burned as part of the ceremony of carrying out death. we have seen that at spachendorf, in austrian silesia, on the morning of ruperts day ( shrove tuesday? ), a straw - man, dressed in a fur coat and a fur cap, is laid in a hole outside the village and there burned, and that while it is blazing every one seeks to snatch a fragment of it, which he fastens to a branch of the highest tree in his garden or buries in his field, believing that this will make the crops to grow better. the ceremony is known as the burying of death. even when the straw - man is not designated as death, the meaning of the observance is probably the same ; for the name death, as i have tried to show, does not express the original intention of the ceremony. at cobern in the eifel mountains the lads make up a straw - man on shrove tuesday. the effigy is formally tried and accused of having perpetrated all the thefts that have been committed in the neighbourhood throughout the year. being condemned to death, the straw - man is led through the village, shot, and burned upon a pyre. they dance round the blazing pile, and the last bride must leap over it. in oldenburg on the evening of shrove tuesday people used to make long bundles of straw, which they set on fire, and then ran about the fields waving them, shrieking, and singing wild songs. finally they burned a straw - man on the field. in the district of dusseldorf the straw - man burned on shrove tuesday was made of an unthreshed sheaf of corn. on the first monday after the spring equinox the urchins of zurich drag a straw - man on a little cart through the streets, while at the same time the girls carry about a may - tree. when vespers ring, the straw - man is burned. in the district of aachen on ash wednesday, a man used to be encased in peas - straw and taken to an appointed place. here he slipped quietly out of his straw casing, which was then burned,


publications > information sheet > summary of geer workshop : hydrologic modeling and processes summary of greater everglades ecosystem restoration workshop : 2. hydrologic modeling and processes, may 7 - 8, 2002 during april and may 2002, the united states geological survey ( usgs ) greater everglades place based studies ( pbs ) held five information workshops in south florida to discuss status of greater everglades ecosystem research, and to solicit suggestions for additional studies from everglades restoration partners. the hydrologic modeling and related processes workshop was held at nova southeastern university in fort lauderdale, may 7 - 8, 2002. the greater everglades restoration program is prescribing ecosystem - wide changes to some of the physical, hydrological, and chemical attributes of the everglades ecosystem. the ability to accurately understand the complex interactions between contaminants, nutrients, hydrology, and other processes and their effects on the landscape and habitat within the greater everglades ecosystem, during the present, recent past, and prior to significant human alteration, is crucial for the success of greater everglades ecosystem restoration and successful implementation of the comprehensive everglades restoration plan ( cerp ). knowledge of these processes and their interactions produces better informed planning, project implementation, and land management decisions. getting the water quantity, quality, distribution and timing right, as required by cerp, requires a complementary program of hydrologic research, monitoring, and modeling. | measuring flow velocity in taylor slough wetlands to develop a simulation model. [ larger version ] many organizations and programs are dependent on scientific knowledge and more accurate hydrologic and ecologic models for restoring the greater everglades ecosystem. these include federal, state, and local agencies, native american tribal governments, as well as private organizations. research needs, including those directly related to hydrologic modeling and processes, and those relevant to other research topics, were compiled during the workshop based on discussions among the represented organizations and individuals having interests and roles within greater everglades restoration. for the purposes of this summary, these needs have been divided into 1 ) hydrological modeling and related research needs and 2 ) other needs discussed that are relevant to one of the other four workshop topics. hydrologic modeling needs - enhance connectivity between sfwmm ( south florida water management model ) and southern inland and coastal system ( sics ) and tides and inflows in mangroves of the everglades ( time ) models. - develop internet - accessible sics and time model real - time animations. - collect time equivalent


) and southern inland and coastal system ( sics ) and tides and inflows in mangroves of the everglades ( time ) models. - develop internet - accessible sics and time model real - time animations. - collect time equivalent data from outside of time model domain. - develop additional salinity simulation capability to support across trophic level system simulation ( atlss ) program for developing estuarine species models. - expand boundaries of sics and time models to the entire cerp project area including areas east of us 1. - incorporate solute - transport and simple settling algorithms in regional models to assist in setting cerp water quality performance measures. - model cerp implementation impacts on transport of nutrients within the everglades. - incorporate seepage effects associated with the eastern boundary of the everglades within all applicable models. - complete additional work to couple water quality and hydrologic monitoring data with sics and time models. - increase spatial resolution of surface water and groundwater elevation and salinity monitoring. - improve discharge and recharge estimates associated with stormwater treatment areas. - increase spatial extent of monitoring of flow structure in wetlands to assess flow impacts on landscapes and habitat, including tree islands. - conduct additional studies on the hydraulic properties of the surficial aquifer system including the overlying peat and marl unit. - collect additional information on floridian aquifer hydrogeology. - develop additional models and model inputs for the southwest coast of florida. - develop stochastic methods for generating rainfall input data needed for applicable models. - improve understanding of groundwater solute transport and upwelling ( such as sulfates ), and subsequent surface water mixing in central everglades, particularly wca - 3a south of alligator alley. - create probabilistic / stochastic approaches to better define trends and certainties within models. - incorporate climate - change variables into model simulations. research needs relevant to other workshops topics - complete usgs aerial height finder ( ahf ) topographic survey in everglades national park, loxahatchee, big cypress and water conservation areas. - map and delineate unique landscape features such as tree islands and hammocks using ahf system. - establish navd88 control along the southwest gulf coast in everglades national park. - conduct bathymetric surveys of tidal rivers and creeks along the southwest coast of florida. - create a centralized ecosystem data repository system. - gather reliable farm elevation / topographic information at appropriate resolution. - use


governor general of canada the governor general is technically chosen by the queen and is allowed to use almost all of the queen ' s powers. but most of the time neither the queen nor the governor general use their powers without advice from the prime minister of canada. - the queen would normally always choose whoever the prime minister wants them to choose to become governor general. - the governor general usually uses his / her powers for what the prime minister advices him / her to do. once in a while the prime minister may want something done that the governor general is not allowed to do on her own. the prime minister must then go straight to the queen, for example for the appointment of 4 or 8 extra senators to parliament. david lloyd johnston is the current governor general of canada. as canada has two official federal languages, the governor general ' s title is in both english and french. the governor general ' s style and title in full is, in english : his excellency the right honourable david lloyd johnston, chancellor and principal companion of the order of canada, chancellor and commander of the order of military merit, chancellor and commander of the order of merit of the police forces, governor general and commander - in - chief in and over canada, and in french : son excellence le tres honorable david lloyd johnston, chancelier et compagnon principal de l ' ordre du canada, chancelier et commandant de l ' ordre du merite militaire, chancelier et commandant de l ' ordre du merite des forces de police, gouverneur general et commandant en chef du canada


from wikipedia, the free encyclopedia the word score can have several meanings. originally it meant : keeping count of something by making notches in a tally stick. this might be for keeping count of how much money they owed ( e. g. how much tax or debt ). - a footballer who kicks the ball into the goal scores a goal. - a person who helps to count the points during a game is “ keeping score ”. - a score is the sheet music written for a group of players such as an orchestra. - a score can mean a " soundtrack " in a movie. - score is an old word for the number 20. it is used in the famous expression from the bible : “ three score years and ten ” meaning : “ seventy years old ” ( 3x20 + 10 ) ( psalm 90 ). this was thought to be a normal life span. and in the beginning of the gettysburg address : " four score and seven years ago... " = ( 4 * 20 + 7 ) years = 87years. - a score is an american 20 dollar bill ( banknote ). | this disambiguation page lists articles with similar titles. if a link brought you here, you can go back and fix it so it goes straight to the right page.


most people are fairly aware and fully prepared when it comes to fire protection in the home place. with the advantages of cutting edge technology found in products such as the smoke alarms from fire protection online in the event of a fire people can be rest assured they will be warned about a fire straight away. other related products that can be a great addition in your home are small fire extinguishers and fire blankets. i have had to use a fire blanket many times due to over enthusiasm when it comes to cooking! this is all well and good but far less people are prepared for the risk of fires from outside of the home. natural disasters such as flooding, electrical storms and even heavy winds or snow can cause fires outside of the home due to the electrics they could possibly disturb. something we may possibly forget to consider is the potential risk from neighbouring buildings, whose inhabitants may not be as vigilant as you are with fire safety. here are some very useful tips to ensure you and your family are safe from the threat of fires from inside and outside of your home : - keep your garden and outside areas tidy and free from clutter – this also includes any natural litter such as leaves, twigs and pine needles. - always make sure you replace the batteries in your smoke alarm – most smoke detectors have a ‘ test ’ button which allows you to test if the alarm still makes an audible noise. test this function regularly. - store anything flammable far away from the house – if you have any gas canisters or flammable liquids such as petrol or oil, make sure they kept are as far away from the house as possible. - keep fire tools handy in the garden – if you are worried about the contents of your garage or potting shed, keep appropriate fire tools to hand which can be used to extinguish any threat of fire as soon as you are aware. - prune hedges and trees regularly – make sure there are no branches looming over your home that if ignited, could come crashing down in high winds or a storm. - more importantly, if you do ever experience a fire call 999 to make the fire brigade aware immediately. this is an advertorial post – please see my disclosure for further information.


his campaign for president in 1968 forced a president from office mccarthy ' s campaign increased popular opposition to the war in vietnam. transcript of radio broadcast : 28 august 2009 i ' m steve ember. and i ' m barbara klein with people in america in voa special english. today we tell about eugene mccarthy. his campaign for the presidency in nineteen sixty - eight increased popular opposition to the war in vietnam. and it changed american history. eugene mccarthy was a quiet and mentally gifted lawmaker from minnesota. as a young man, he was interested in being a religious worker or a baseball player. later, he was a college professor. he wrote poetry. he also became active in democratic party politics. in the nineteen sixties, he was one of the first democrats in the united states congress to oppose the party leadership. he expressed opposition to the war americans were fighting in vietnam. and he forced a president from office. eugene mccarthy was born in nineteen sixteen in the town of watkins, minnesota. his father ' s parents came from ireland. his father bought farm animals and was a storyteller. his mother raised four children. eugene completed a study program at saint john ' s university in collegeville, minnesota. he continued his education at the university of minnesota. there, he completed study programs in economics and sociology. mccarthy taught social sciences in public high schools for a few years. then he taught economics, education and sociology at two colleges in minnesota. he married another teacher, abigail quigley. they would later have four children. during world war two, eugene mccarthy worked as a technical aide for a military intelligence office of the war department. he became active in the democratic party after the war. in nineteen forty - eight, he became head of the democratic - farmer - labor party of ramsey county, minnesota. that year he was elected to the united states house of representatives. he served five terms. in nineteen fifty - eight, mccarthy defeated a republican party senator and won a seat in the united states senate. two years later, he became famous by speaking at the democratic party ' s national nominating convention. he nominated adlai stevenson for president. but the democrats chose john f. kennedy as their candidate. in nineteen sixty - four, mccarthy easily won re - election to a second term in the senate. he served in the senate for a total of twelve years. in nineteen sixty - seven, opposition to the war the united states was fighting in vietnam was growing. it had begun to harm president lyndon johnson ' s popular and political support. in october, thousands


served in the senate for a total of twelve years. in nineteen sixty - seven, opposition to the war the united states was fighting in vietnam was growing. it had begun to harm president lyndon johnson ' s popular and political support. in october, thousands of demonstrators marched in washington, d. c. to protest the eugene mccarthy was a leader of the anti - war movement. mccarthy announced he would show his opposition to the war and to president johnson. he asked democrats for their support in the party ' s presidential primary elections in nineteen sixty - eight. " there is only one thing to do take it to the country! " he declared. mccarthy made political campaign stops across the country. he said the american people were against the war for military, economic, diplomatic and moral reasons. and he said they wanted a change. he said : " party unity is not a sufficient excuse for silence. " he also said : " we do not need presidents who are bigger than the country, but rather ones who speak for it and support it. " many young peace activists and college students worked on mccarthy ' s presidential campaign. during the nineteen sixties, many students wore long hair and unusual clothing. but the students who worked for the mccarthy campaign changed their appearance. they cut their hair and wore nicer clothing. the media said these students became " clean for gene. " his campaign for president was also called a " children ' s crusade " because of the many young people involved. nineteen sixty - eight was a difficult year for the nation. it was filled with surprises, tragedy, violence and sadness. the primary election in new hampshire was the first step of the presidential nominating process. mccarthy surprised experts by winning forty - two percent of the democratic vote in the new hampshire primary. that was just seven percentage points behind president johnson. the results of this vote helped the anti - war movement. they showed the deep division within the democratic party. a few days after mccarthy ' s success, senator robert kennedy entered the race for the democratic nomination for president. robert kennedy was a brother of president john kennedy, who had been murdered in nineteen sixty - three. robert kennedy had served as the top government lawyer in his brother ' s administration. senator kennedy also opposed the vietnam war. many people were pleased when he announced his plans to be a candidate. but mccarthy and his supporters were angry that kennedy had entered the race. on march thirty - first, president johnson spoke to americans about the war in vietnam and his efforts to limit it. at the end of his speech, president johnson


be a candidate. but mccarthy and his supporters were angry that kennedy had entered the race. on march thirty - first, president johnson spoke to americans about the war in vietnam and his efforts to limit it. at the end of his speech, president johnson surprised the nation. he announced that he would not seek or accept the nomination of his party for another term as president. another shocking event took place a few days later. on april fourth, the nation ' s top civil rights leader, the reverend martin luther king, junior, was shot and killed in memphis, tennessee. his death led to riots in more than one hundred cities. after the riots, vice president hubert humphrey decided to seek the presidential nomination. traditional democrats supported him. mccarthy won democratic primaries in four states. on june fourth, he lost the important california primary to senator kennedy. then another tragic event happened. kennedy was shot and killed in los angeles shortly after giving his victory speech. in august, democrats gathered in chicago, illinois for their nominating convention. thousands of mccarthy supporters and war protesters also went to chicago. rioting and violent clashes broke out between the protesters and the city ' s police force. inside the meeting place, delegates voted for the party ' s presidential candidate. but having forced president johnson out of office, mccarthy failed to win the nomination. the democrats nominated humphrey as their candidate to face the republican candidate, former vice president richard nixon. nixon defeated humphrey in the election and became president. the war in vietnam would continue for seven more years. after losing the fight for the nomination, mccarthy did not offer to help vice president humphrey. in fact, he did not express support for the democratic candidate until a few days before the election. the next year he gave up his seat on the senate foreign relations committee. he separated from his wife of twenty - four years. he also announced he would not seek reelection to the senate in nineteen seventy. after retiring from the senate, mccarthy moved to rappahannock county, virginia. he lived alone near the blue ridge mountains. he wrote books, poetry and stories for newspapers. mccarthy was a candidate for president four other times. but he was not taken seriously as a candidate. mccarthy became increasingly critical of the two - party system and traditional politicians, even democrats. in nineteen eighty, he supported the republican candidate, ronald reagan, for president over the democrat, president jimmy carter. mccarthy remained active until the end of his life. in two thousand five, he published a collection of stories and poems. it is called " parting shots from my


for the most part, it ’ s the insect - eating birds that migrate south. those that stay behind are either seed eaters or insect eaters that have perfected techniques, which allow them to extract morsels hidden behind and between the bark of trees, as do woodpeckers and nuthatches. it ’ s not difficult to observe birds preening themselves with their bills and feet to carefully clean, rearrange and oil their feathers. they do so, in part, to maintain flight capabilities, but in winter, the process is essential for heat regulation. birds have a “ preen gland ” located on their rumps just below the upper tail feathers. oil squeezed from this gland is rubbed over the body as a waterproofing agent. birds have over 25 % more feathers in winter than during the summer months. growing beneath the large, outer flight feathers are tiny, tuft - like, down feathers that provide one of the world ’ s most effective heat traps. it ’ s the same stuff humans have adapted for use in hats, coats and other cold - weather apparel. when fluffed and preened into position, these feathers trap a layer of warm air next to the bird ’ s body that prohibits the loss of body heat. at night, or when it ’ s really cold during daylight hours, birds tuck their heads back under their body feathers into this warm - air source. this head tucking allows them to breathe pre - warmed air and further cut down on energy expenditure. but what about their bare legs and feet? well, you ’ ve no doubt observed a bird standing one - legged on a bare branch. the missing appendage was lifted up beneath the lower feathers into that warm - air zone. the exposed foot is protected by a physical adaptation ornithologists call the “ counter - current heat exchange system. ” in this system, leg arteries and veins are placed side by side so that heat in the arteries coming directly from the heart warms the chilled blood in the veins and keeps the lower extremities unfrozen. beaver tails, whale fins and many other types of exposed animal limbs are protected in this fashion. making it through the night is the most challenging task facing birds during the winter months. like humans, birds shiver involuntarily as a warming reflex. when all else fails, they huddle and snuggle together. finches, sparrows, crows, jays and doves roost in the dense conifers to reduce heat loss. species such as brown creep


guide to civil war resources at the missouri state archives federal records on microfilm the missouri state archives maintains a small collection of microfilmed federal records, available for research in the reference room. department of the army : bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands the missouri state archives maintains a small collection of microfilm regarding the bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, commonly referred to as the freedmen ' s bureau. the records of the education division of the bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands contain monthly and other school reports for missouri from 1867 through 1870. the records primarily consist of incoming and outgoing correspondence of reverend john w. alvord, inspector of finances and schools. included as well are narrative reports from alvord to the commissioner of the freedmen ' s bureau. a scope and contents note offers information about the bureau and the records contained in this series. the registers & letters received by the commissioner of the bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands contains letters received between 1865 and 1866. included are registers, into which the following information was entered : name / office of correspondent, date of letter, place from which sent, date of receipt, and abstract of contents. indexes to the register, both general name and general subject, are available, as well as many of the letters. occasionally, enclosures such as reports, newspaper clippings, and publications are included. department of the army : war department collection of confederate records, union provost marshal ' s file this series of records on microfilm contains records for individual civilians, arranged alphabetically on 400 + reels. the provost marshal ' s office was established in the war department in march 1863. its functions included arresting deserters, enlisting volunteers, enrolling men for the draft, and compiling statistics regarding recruits and casualties. the office was abolished in august 1866. department of commerce : bureau of the census, federal census schedules federal census schedules for missouri are available for census years 1830 through 1880, enumerating persons in the state and their property. the records can be problematic, with misspellings and inaccurate information, but can also be a source of specific information about a person, a family, or a neighborhood. each census schedule has a slightly different format. census schedules illuminate the state of missouri during a particular period, identifying trends in settlement, occupations, immigration, slaveholding, and more.


introduction to irony : or, how to take a joke 101 december 4, 2012 i know a few holocaust jokes. i learned them from the children of survivors. i suspect they ’ d disagree with the harvard student who declared that pain was no laughing matter. “ i don ’ t think that jokes should trigger on any type of pain, ” 20 - year - old dakota rot explained to the boston globe. she was responding to satirical fliers distributed on campus advertising a fake social club, noting “ jews need not apply, ” and “ coloreds okay, ” and including a reference to date rape. “ if you ’ re a person that ’ s part jewish or a person of color or a woman who ’ s has been in any dangerous situation, you shouldn ’ t have to read this. ” rot declared. it should go without saying that, “ you don ’ t have to read this. ” but if you ’ re confronted with offensive speech and fail to avert your eyes or plug your ears, you will probably survive the encounter. i am “ a person that ’ s part jewish ” as well as a “ woman who ’ s been in a dangerous situation, ” and i feel fine reading and writing about “ offensive ” language in the harvard fliers. ( i have read and viewed much worse over the years, and, even then, felt fine. ) harvard dean evelynn m. hammonds, however, feels less than fine about the fliers. she denounced them as “ hurtful and offensive, ” an affront to harvard ’ s values and its standards of “ thoughtfulness and respect. ” hammond offered the usual, obligatory statement of support for free speech, but it seems limited to support for speech she doesn ’ t find offensive. perhaps harvard should change its motto to “ no laughing allowed, ” because satire is intentionally, inherently offensive : it laughs at sacred cows ; it mocks painful, serious issues and ideas. consider just a few headlines from the onion. “ god answers prayers of paralyzed little boy. ‘ no, ’ says god. ” “ turkey pardon mishap results in accidental release of serial rapist ” “ recession - proof jobs include any in which you witness your boss kill someone. ” i confess to having laughed at these stories. some people probably found the onion ’ s jokes about rape, workplace murder, crippled children and religious faith “ hurtful and offensive ” and exploitative of extraordinary pain. but i bet i was not alone in guiltlessly finding them funny. i have even laughed at my old friend


onion ’ s jokes about rape, workplace murder, crippled children and religious faith “ hurtful and offensive ” and exploitative of extraordinary pain. but i bet i was not alone in guiltlessly finding them funny. i have even laughed at my old friend ’ s holocaust jokes. here ’ s one : “ in forest hills ( known years ago as a community of survivors ) people crowded into bakeries don ’ t take numbers ; they just raise their arms. ” i have laughed at my late father in law ’ s definition of an anti - semite as “ someone who hates jews more than he should. ” this doesn ’ t mean i find the holocaust or anti - semitism funny. it does mean i have a sense of black humor, which is utterly lacking on many college and university campuses today, along with any sense of irony. satire is the enemy of political correctness, which makes it a frequent target of campus censors and speech codes that prohibit offensive jokes. “ ( m ) uch of comedy is saying what we all know we shouldn ’ t say, ” greg lukianoff, president of the foundation for individual rights in education ( fire ) a€¨observes. his new book, “ unlearning liberty : campus censorship and the end of american debate, ” describes the dramatic decline of humor and free speech on campus. at washington state university, a student received death threats after writing and directing a satirical musical mocking identity politics in order to “ show people we ’ re not that different, we all have issues that can be made fun of. ” a mob of students disrupted the play and “ threatened to turn a theater performance into a full - scale riot. ” at lone star college, a student group was “ threatened with dissolution for distributing a tongue in cheek flyer listing ‘ top ten gun safety tips, ’ ” including “ no matter how excited you are about buying your first gun, do not run around yelling, “ ‘ i have a gun. i have a gun. ’ ” at yale, students were chastised for decorating a t - shirt with an f. scott fitzgerald quote, “ i think of all harvard men as sissies. ” the administration declared the t - shirts unacceptable and “ pulled the design. ” these incidents are not anomalous. they ’ re typical. censorship on campus is routine and perversely equated with tolerance. harvard officials condemned the satirical social club fliers as acts of intolerance, but the only intolerant actors in this familiar controversy are


20 years of carbon sequestration on a 10 - acre tropical farm. by stephen ( esteban ) bartlett subtitle : only small - scale community - based agriculture can cool the planet and care for the earth ’ s fertility el guao, dominican republic it was in 1990 that i first saw ( and decided to buy ) the 10 acres of land that was to become the source of life and livelihood for my then young family and for the families who would work with us and for us. in rolling hills of dark red sandy loam mixed with caliche rock, overlooking the atlantic ocean about 2 miles distant and 650 feet above sea level, an ageing widower lived and worked on this land ( now for sale ) amidst a community of struggling families and individuals. there was no retirement for this gentleman as long as his children did not send him the support he needed, so he decided to sell the farm and move to a small house in town. he was getting tired and his body was getting too old for the physical rigors of subsistence farming and forestry. he had a daughter in town who wanted to support him there. absentee landholders then owned and in 2010 own even more today of the pastured fields of these coastal hills. these urban owners live in nearby towns or cities or in the capital city of santo domingo four hours drive to the south. for at least three generations, the land supported a fairly dense settlement of family farms, whose abandoned homesteads were in 1990 only in evidence by clusters of fruit trees and perennial herbs and flowers surrounded now by open stretches of pasture grasses and scattered royal palms, bordered by the living fences strung with barbed wire known as ‘ pinon´ ( gliricidia sepium ). the grandchildren or great - grandchildren of the original settlers on this once dense tropical forest were to be our neighbors, who today have been largely replaced by haitian immigrant agricultural workers, a phenomenon with its own roots in international capitalism and neo - colonial economic policy. the dozens of haitian young men living in el guao in 2010 occupy the old houses built by dominican family farmers who have moved to the cities or died off. in looking at the transformations that have taken place in the community of el guao from 1990 to the eve of 2010, i am convinced anew, and with greater clarity, of this essential truth as expressed by the via campesina movement : without small - scale community - based farming there will be no solution to the fatal downfall of humanity due to natural calamity related to global warming and climate shock. the


clarity, of this essential truth as expressed by the via campesina movement : without small - scale community - based farming there will be no solution to the fatal downfall of humanity due to natural calamity related to global warming and climate shock. the reason for this is simple : short of eliminating all humans from the face of the earth, or returning human presence to small bands of hunters and gatherers, only small - scale farmer - foresters in communities rooted to the land are capable of practicing the agro - ecological farming methods that are proven to allow the earth to store the excess co2 released into the atmosphere by deforestation and fossil fuel burning, a long - term calamity that is currently threatening our species´ collective future. and there is a corollary to that conviction : only small - scale community - based farming can provide for a wide and equitable distribution of the wealth derived from the productive capacities of the land under human labor. hence, social justice and the sustainability of flourishing communities also depend on the restoration of small - scale farming. the restoration of family farm economies is an essential win - win solution for all but the shareholders and executives in the world ’ s largest corporate monopolies. in 1990 this 10 acres that was to become our family farm was owned by isidro santo and, by inheritance law, the children of he and his deceased wife candida alvarez, who had to sign off on the sale. the land was mildly forested with a shaded coffee grove ( about an acre ), a crop field ( conuco ) and many fruit trees around the palm board house and also scattered among the mostly sloping pastured fields, surviving from previous garden plots turned to pasture now. about half of the farm consists of a rocky expanding slope bordering the road to the north ( facing the ocean horizon ) and a back southern half of fairly flat wedge where one of the crop fields and coffee grove are located. a natural waterhole that has never dried up in living memory, bordered by a huge pinon and a giant mango tree, collect the rainfall runoff from much of the pastured hills. isidro the ageing farmer was primarily a bee keeper and a wood sawyer, a member of those breed of men who use 7 foot long two - person saws to cut planks and beams for the construction of houses and outbuildings. isidro had planted many orange trees over the years which were now in their late years of productive life and his small and mature coffee grove likewise produced a couple hundred or so pounds of coffee


and beams for the construction of houses and outbuildings. isidro had planted many orange trees over the years which were now in their late years of productive life and his small and mature coffee grove likewise produced a couple hundred or so pounds of coffee each year. there were also a wide variety of edible fruit trees, ranging from tropical plums to jobo de la india, nispero, tamarindo, and several others. the farm is surrounded by a 500 - acre cattle finishing ranch owned by one of the largest landholders of the area, who also own a slaughterhouse in the capital, from which beef is exported to the u. s. a typical pattern of tropical land use that allows for the maintenance of soil fertility over time is shifting cultivation. when virgin or mature forest stands are first cut down, the cycle begins. on the land where the forest has been cut, and often burned as a means of removing the considerable mass of fallen wood, crops like corn, beans, squashes, peppers, followed by cassava, cocoyams, bananas, plantains, etc … are planted in the new layer of ash and the ¨rested¨ soil that has lain under forest for many years. after the first year or two of corn and bean crops, the farmer will also plant a scattering of avocado, lime, mango, breadfruit, orange, coconut tree seedlings and allow for the growth of a few volunteer royal palms ( for the oil seed to be fed to pigs and the thatch for the roofs of the dwellings ). some farmers with an eye for diversity and wood products, like isidro, will also protect valued timber tree species here and there, for use over time in maintaining or building structures on their land. in our area species such a cigua, cabirma, cuerno de buey, roble, juan primero, mahogany were planted or allowed to grow after sprouting naturally through bird droppings most often. once the land has begun to lose its fertility for crops like corn and sweet potatoes, it may be used to cultivate leguminous crops like peanuts, which was a widespread crop in these light soils supported by the peanut processing plant in abreu ( about 4 miles down on the coastal highway ). after a number of seasons of peanuts or two or three seasons of corn and beans, the exposed soils are typically in need of a rest, so the farmer switches over to cassava, or pigeon peas. by then some of the fruit trees are


. after a number of seasons of peanuts or two or three seasons of corn and beans, the exposed soils are typically in need of a rest, so the farmer switches over to cassava, or pigeon peas. by then some of the fruit trees are starting to flower and bear fruit, and some of the palms have begun to grow into trees and shoot skyward. in the sandy loam the heavy rainfalls of this once rain forest leach many of the nutrients in tilled and cleared soils down into deeper subsoil layers, unavailable by the annual crops but reachable by the roots of fruit trees. if a farmer decided to plant coffee or cocoa trees in a former ´conuco´ ( the name of the area where food crops are grown ), they would traditionally also plant tree species known to favor coffee with their shade and physiological complementarity, like amapola, guama, and also breadfruits or castano. my approach to the problem of exhausted soils was a system of agro - forestry within the fields. i planted leucaena trees grown in nurseries with the symbiotic root fungi in long north - south rows. the forage of these trees, once established, would provide a steady diet of green manure ( from the 21 % protein leaf ) to the soil and / or food for cattle who would in turn manure the soil. after the establishment of those trees and the re - introduction of cattle into those fields, our cows had the unusual distinction of producing more milk during times of drought, when we were primarily feeding leucaena leaf forage to make up for the loss of pasture grasses. as i have just alluded, another shifting rotation scheme short circuits the longer cycle through coffee and cocoa and involves growing corn on plowed or herbicided ground and then planting grass for pasture. in the case of isidro and many of the local farmers of the area, local milk and cheese production has encouraged people to raise milk cows because of the ready market for dairy products. so old crop and orchard areas are sometimes planted in grass too, which accounts for the many fruit trees dotting our pastures, a development that has, as a side effect, demonstrated that cows love fruits, from avocados to mangos to grapefruits to jaguas to sour oranges. cows love a diverse field as much as anyone, for shade and sweet snacks! the milk fat ( cream ) that rises to the top of the pot when pasteurizing milk from our cows has an


or use herbicides to control the weeds. weeds and an occasional drought would also cause a lot of the pasture grasses to die, which would then have to be replanted on cleared ground. at the time, this was done by cutting the african pangola grasses from thick stands or from neighbors plots, or where grass was being removed to plant a conuco, and transplanting the grasses into our land with pickaxes after a heavy mowing and weeding operation. plowing could also be used to try to remove and kill weeds, but much of our pasture was too hilly and rocky for plowing. without exception, all of our neighbors had come to rely on using herbicides like round up ( gliphosate ) or gramozon and other woody plant herbicides to provide space for the grasses to flourish. vines like bejuco caro were constant headaches, since even herbicides could not kill them, and they had to be dried, piled and burned. in our area most of the pastures were heavily stocked and most were overgrazed, despite the high rainfall - high growth conditions. the more successful ranchers who were buying up the lands of the less successful ( or less capitalized or less able financial managers ) would sell off cattle at strategic moments to allow the grasses to rebound from heavy use, thus avoiding weed infestations or heavy erosion over time. on lands constantly grazed, as with milk cows that cannot be sold off periodically, the reversion of pastures to less productive grass species like saladillo or gramma was commonly observed. in fact, i believe that it was the advent of herbicide use in pasture establishment and maintenance that allowed for large land owners to expand their holdings economically. they could pay for a backpack spray pump, and the chemicals and train a worker or two to do the spraying, with a donkey to carry the water. otherwise hired labor costs would have made such expansions far more expensive, and less competitive with households that were providing much of that labor from within the family ( ie unpaid ). in a few seasons of timely and focused herbicide use, most of the weed species become greatly decimated, allowing for easier pasture maintenance. from our own experience, trying to maintain pastures manually was a never ending, toilsome and expensive activity accomplished by hiring several workers armed with machetes, pickaxes, and scrupulous enough to make fires to kill off the difficult - to - kill vines or thorny invasive species. for more than 15 years we tried to maintain our


activity accomplished by hiring several workers armed with machetes, pickaxes, and scrupulous enough to make fires to kill off the difficult - to - kill vines or thorny invasive species. for more than 15 years we tried to maintain our pastures non - chemically, and since we were not present for 9 of those years and since our farm overseer was getting old and less able to do months of backbreaking, 8 - hour days, we had to make a change. in recent years we have made judicious use of herbicides and newly available grass varieties that we could plant by broadcasting purchased seeds, to re - establish pastures overgrazed by 15 years of the lives of our three productive cows and their offspring. during that period our oldest and best cebu - swiss cow, chocolate by name, gave birth to an astonishing 16 healthy calves in her productive life! ( the modern industrial milk cow on average does not even reach past her second birth and many do not reach completion of a second pregnancy. ) in addition to shifting cultivation and periodic reforestation of land, pasture grazing patterns are critical in maintaining the fertility of soils ( and their ability to store or sequester carbon ). tall stands of grass with well developed root systems hold large amounts of carbon and prevent leaching and erosion of the carbon in soils, as well as the valuable soils themselves. well - maintained herds who do not overgraze likewise deposit over time carbon in the form of manure, thus bringing more nutrients and organic material ( grass mulch and humis ) to the surface layers of the soil and to the roots of the grasses. in the same way, shifting cultivation of the kind i described above allow for the land to be put to a variety of productive uses while maintaining an overall density of carbon in the vegetation growing. on a given piece of land in shifting cultivation only in the first year or two is the field fully cleared of vegetation, for the first planting of corn, beans, squashes, peanuts, etc … after two or three years, shifting to cassava, cocoyam, banana cultivation, plowing or uprooting all the vegetation is no longer necessary and would only accelerate the loss of fertility, and the volume of vegetation increases in the 3 - dimensional, multi - layer intercropping. the weeds are cut by mowing machetes in what is called ´chapeo´or ´pic a tierra´ work. this does not disturb or turn the bare soil. root stocks of the bananas and root crops are


one metric ton is 1, 000 kilograms, or 2, 250 pounds ), and it is possibly significantly larger than this. this calculation is based on the following : one mature timber tree yields usable lumber and sawdust and unusable wood weighing more than a metric ton total, not including the weight of the roots. a 40 % increase in forest cover consists of, say, some 800 timber trees averaging ¾ of a ton each grown over a total of 10 to 20 years, that would yield 600 tons, plus at least another 150 - 200 tons in root mass. increased pasture biomass, including leaf and roots could weigh 6 to 8 tons every 3 months on, say, the 7. 5 acres ( about 3 hectares of pasture or 24 to 32 tons per year as it is grazed ). over 20 years the amount of biomass consumed by cattle could reach 100 to 130 metric tons, with most of that returning to the soil as manure or trampled grass. the biomass in wood and leaf forage of, say, 3, 000 pinon and leucaena trees that line our pastures and grow in north south rows within some pastures must weigh somewhere in the range of 300 tons. a total of 1, 500 tons increase to a biomass that must have amounted to at least 2, 000 metric tons to begin with in 1990 thanks to the tree planting propensity of the former farmer / forester isidro santo. interestingly, some of the palm boards and two by fours of lumber hewn by isidro still grace the structure one of the houses on the farm. they are highly durable which conserves their co2 sequestration for many years. please keep in mind that this is entirely a rough extrapolation based on the weight of a single tree after 10, 15 or 20 years, the numbers of trees planted and growing and the estimated weight of a mass of grass mowed from a field based on some literature on the subject. but the point is this, only through a highly diversified use of the land could such increases in total biomass by achieved, compared to a starting point of an already diverse and significantly forested land use. small - scale farmers without the support of government extension, infrastructure and marketing cannot afford to plant large areas of their land in forest trees ( as we did ) whose benefits will only accrue after 10 to 15 years of growth. but given the opportunity to rationally manage land in terms of shifting cultivation, including timber trees, farmers would stand to benefit economically to a large degree, reaping considerable


) whose benefits will only accrue after 10 to 15 years of growth. but given the opportunity to rationally manage land in terms of shifting cultivation, including timber trees, farmers would stand to benefit economically to a large degree, reaping considerable benefits from the sale of valuable lumber, not to mention increased income from charcoal making using the waste wood of a small - scale lumbering operation. forest management extension programs and support by governments around the world should be a key component for improving farm production, soil fertility and carbon sequestration, as with support for the production of important staple foods for their populations combating hunger both rural and urban. as we know, the larger the land holding, the more likely the production of that land will be destined for exportation, and the profits therefore accruing to the exporter - importers, food processors, and distributors of that food, money that flows away from the farm, rural community and country of production. a farm and economic policy that would stimulate the circulating of that wealth at the local, regional and national levels, would be a motor for economic development, and a sure vehicle for redistributing wealth and for returning and retaining workers on the land, as independent, autonomous farmers or as decently paid field workers. agrarian reform is a vital need around the world, if we are to reverse global warming caused by deforestation and loss of co2 from the land. agrarian reform that makes land accessible to as many farmers as possible is essential. such agrarian reform could provide rural communities the kind of support that would allow and encourage them to practice diversified agro - ecological farming and forestry. the 20 years of tree planting on our farm in el guao is now yielding excellent lumber for the making of furniture and the building of homes, cut by the low - carbon one man saw techniques. the land now yields large amounts of wood prunings or wood fall that can be ( and is ) used directly for cooking or processed in rustic but efficient charcoal pyramids into saleable charcoal for cooking food, a renewable form of energy whose co2 is returned to the forest over time as new trees are grown for future meals to be cooked over. it yields increased soil fertility ( and therefore carbon storage ) in the pastures heavy with waist high grass, and in the fertility that accrues with shifting cultivation as soil is restored by the gradual restoration of vegetative and forest cover over time, producing edible and useful products throughout the cycle. it yields increased food supply on the farm and in the communities,


in the fertility that accrues with shifting cultivation as soil is restored by the gradual restoration of vegetative and forest cover over time, producing edible and useful products throughout the cycle. it yields increased food supply on the farm and in the communities, more resilient to drought or flooding due to increased root mass and depth. our former coffee grove still has some coffee plants, sprouted from fallen seed from the mature old trees. but what that grove now yields after hurricanes knocked down the older shade and volunteer timber trees ( long ago turned into soil humus or charcoal ) is a crop of african yams, cocoyams ( tropical taro root ) and plantains that is feeding several families in the community. our farm overseer vitelbo understands shifting cultivation and he understands the nutrient cycles of land necessary for the food crops that can be grown on land. yams love the edge of the forest and grow well interplanted together with cocoyams and bananas, as well as wild plants some of which are used as medicines. yams take a year to yield, but the yield of each plant is a highly nutritious root that can weigh 20 to 50 pounds or more, and once dug up, the semi - perennial vine will continue to grow a new root to be eaten in a year to come. yam tubors consist of a creamy and dense potato - like root with good protein content, whose taste is beloved throughout the african diaspora, considered the king of tubors in west africa. the african yam, to my mind, is the quintessential crop for tropical humanity : it nourishes like little else can, and it grows in the forest, or at the edge of the forest. together with bananas and plantains, cocoyams and breadfruits, coconuts and ¨green cheese¨ / avocados, these are the staffs of life for the small - scale tropical farm community, their true wealth and security in a time where forests are being razed across the world. yams, plantains, coconuts, avocados, breadfruits in local markets are typically signs that the forest continues to grow, as yams need the forest to climb upon. plantains produce their delicious abundance in small clearings in the forest. avocados, coconuts and breadfruits are part of the forest. african yams for breakfast with free range chicken eggs or for supper with fish or guinea fowl, is the earthy nectar of the


everybody needs a rock by byrd baylor if you find a rock by peggy christian let ' s go rock collecting by roma gans rocks by chris pellant dirt by steve tomecek dirt by natalie rosinsky dirt by luana k. mitten the dirt on dirt by paulette bourgeois dig and explore : materials : rocks, dirt, shovel or spoon description : bury several rocks in a bucket or tub of dirt. give your little one a spoon or shovel and let them dig in the dirt to find the rocks. they will have fun exploring. help your toddler count the rocks that they find. skills targeted : observe and explore their surroundings, sensory development, counting dry and wet dirt : materials : dirt, water description : let your toddler touch and play with dry dirt. after a few minutes add some water to the dirt and let your toddler touch and play with the wet dirt. talk with them about how it feels different when it gets wet. skills targeted : sensory development, compare and contrast noise maker : materials : empty water bottle, rocks, hot glue description : help your toddler fill an empty water bottle with several rocks. you and your child can count the rocks as you put them in the water bottle. hot glue the cap onto the water bottle, so that your little one will not be able to take it off. when the glue dries and is no longer hot, your little one can shake their new noise maker. skills targeted : sensory development, encourage listening, counting, motor skill development hop scotch : materials : side walk chalk, a rock description : draw a hop scotch sketch on the side walk. right the number 1 - 10 in each square. help your little one count as you write each number. show your toddler how to gently toss the rock into one of the squares. see if they can name the number that the rock landed in. your little one can walk, jump, or run to the square and pick up their rock. they can do this over and over again. skills targeted : number recognition, counting, motor skill development, encourage your toddler to get moving, language development hard and soft : materials : rocks, several soft objects ( such as cotton balls, pom - poms, marshmallows etc ), a box description : place several rocks into the box along with several soft objects. without looking, have your toddler reach into the box and grab and object. ask them if it is hard or soft before they take it out. have them take the object out and see


place several rocks into the box along with several soft objects. without looking, have your toddler reach into the box and grab and object. ask them if it is hard or soft before they take it out. have them take the object out and see if they were correct. talk about the object. all the hard objects are rocks, so they will discover that rocks are hard. skills targeted : understand opposites, sensory development, compare and contrast how things feel, language development paint rocks : materials : rocks, paint, paint brushes description : provide several different colors of paint and paintbrushes for your toddler. give them a large rock and let them paint it. talk about rocks and how they are hard, as your little one is painting. skills targeted : sensory development, enhance creativity, language development rock hunt : materials : a bucket descriptions : give your toddler a bucket and take them outside. have them find and gather rocks. when have collected several rocks, dump them out and have your little one pick out their favorite rock. count the rocks together. they can even start a rock collection throughout the week. where ever you go, during the week, encourage your toddler to look for rocks and bring one or two home to add to their collection. skills targeted : counting, appreciate nature and the world around them, observe, sensory development, language development mud pie : materials : dirt, water, sticks, grass description : your toddler will love getting a little messy while making a mud pie. provide your toddler with dirt, a bucket of water, sticks and grass and help them make a mud pie. talk with your child about where they can find dirt and how it feels while you play. skills targeted : sensory development, encourage free play and creativity, language development plant a flower : materials : flower pot, dirt, flower or seeds, water description : talk with your child about how plants and flowers need dirt to grow. have your toddler help you fill a flower pot with dirt. they can place a flower or seeds in the dirt, and add more dirt to cover. your toddler can help you water the flower often. since easter is right around the corner, your toddler could plant a flower or seeds in a plastic egg. these make cute decorations for the upcoming holiday. skills targeted : understand how plants live and grown, encourage love of nature, enhance science skills, language development, sensory development, motor skill development count rocks : materials : rocks, sidewalk chalk description : have your little one find at least 10 rocks. write


skills targeted : understand how plants live and grown, encourage love of nature, enhance science skills, language development, sensory development, motor skill development count rocks : materials : rocks, sidewalk chalk description : have your little one find at least 10 rocks. write the numbers 1 - 10 on the sidewalk and have your toddler put one rock on each number. with your toddler, count the rocks pointing to each number as you go. you can extend this activity by calling out a number and having your toddler go get the rock that is on that number. skills targeted : counting, number recognition, one to one correspondence, enhance math skills, follow directions, enhance listening skills songs and fingerplays : this is the way we play in the dirt : ( sung to the tune of this is the way we roll the ball ) i like to play in the dirt, play in the dirt, play in the dirt. i like to play in the dirt, in our backyard. i like to dig in the dirt, dig in the dirt, dig in the dirt. i like to dig in the dirt. in our backyard. i like to squish in the mud, squish in the mud, squish in the mud. i like to squish in the mud. in our backyard. rocks and dirt : ( sung to the tune mary had a little lamb ) rocks and dirt are so much fun, so much fun, so much fun. rocks and dirt are so much fun. i like rocks and dirt. i dig in the dirt to find rocks, to find rocks, to find rocks. i dig in the dirt to find rocks. look, i found 3! when it rains the dirt gets wet, dirt gets wet, dirt gets wet. when it rains the dirt gets wet. the dirt turns to mud! 5 little rocks : 1 little rock sat in a garden looking sad and blue. another rock rolled by and now there are 2. 2 little rocks sat in the garden happy as can be. another rock rolled by and now there are 3. 3 little rocks sat in the garden, wishing for some more. another rock happen too roll up and now there are 4. 4 little rocks sat in the garden, doing a jig and jive. another rock rolled by and now there are 5. snacks and recipes : 1 package of oreo cookies 8 oz. cream cheese 2 packs of vanilla instant pudding mix 12 oz. cool whip 1 c. powdered sugar mix cream cheese, cool whip and powdered sugar


buzzard44 wrote : this seems pretty useless. the article states that when the power is halved by a factor of four, then the light output is halved. this means when you increase the power by a factor of 4, the light output is only doubled. given it is " 230 % efficient " ( which in itself is a bs play on semantics ), let ' s say i wanted, oh, a watt of light. just one watt. if the quadrupling the power to double the light holds true, we ' re talking megawatts of power. seems to me the concept is that you run each one at the almost vanishingly low power level where it works very efficiently, but make up for the low output by having millions of microscopic versions of this thing etched onto a single chip. since light output will scale linearly with number of leds, this theoretically could get you useful amounts of light at very high efficiency. such a device would be the equivalent of a peltier device where the " hot " side emits visible radiation instead of infrared ( heat ). another amusing implication of this phenomenon : such a device would cool itself down as it operates, and eventually stop working because it gets too cold! there would need to be the inverse of a heat sink ( a cold sink? ) attached to it to enable it to operate reliably! yogibbear wrote : okay. nothing is 230 % efficient. i don ' t care what the article says. or what they claim. or why it " doesn ' t break " conservation laws. it just cannot break it. the energy comes from somewhere. oh wow it " draws it in " from the surroundings... that ' s energy consumption. that ' s not 230 % efficiency. actually, any engineering students who ' ve done any undergrad level thermodynamics classes should be familiar with air conditioning systems which are greater than 100 % efficient. note however that entropy is not violated, as the heat output has higher entropy than the original system. yup, systems that utilize this effect can actually have a " coefficient of performance " of up to 5. 0 ( i. e. " 500 % efficiency ", if we use the misleading interpretation from in the original article ). http : / / en. wikipedia. org / wiki / heat _ pump # efficiency


category : history of juvenile justice by barry krisberg september 1, 2005 " a century ago, reformers proved that prisons don ’ t help wayward children. now america is learning that lesson all over again. " in 1899, illinois and colorado established a new “ children ’ s court. ” the idea was to substitute treatment and care for punishment of delinquent youths. these changes were promoted by child advocates such as the famous social activist jane addams and crusading judges like denver ’ s ben lindsey, as well as influential women ’ s organizations and bar associations. over the next 20 years, the concept of a separate court system for minors spread to most states. although the new children ’ s court movement lacked adequate resources to fulfill its lofty mission, the intellectual promise was virtually unchallenged for two - thirds of the 20th century. several key assumptions lay behind the juvenile - court idea. first, children were not just “ small adults, ” and they needed to be handled differently. second, there was a need for specially trained legal and correctional professionals to work with minors. third, placing children in adult prisons and jails made them more antisocial and criminal. and ﬁnally, the emerging science of rehabilitation could rescue many of these troubled young people from lives of crime. in the intervening years, a wealth of research has validated each of these premises. despite broad support within the academic, legal, and social - work professions, the ideal often failed to live up to its promise. over time, the juvenile - justice system in many states reverted to the punitive approach it was designed to replace. though they were often called “ training schools, ” the institutions were juvenile prisons. and the premise that the court, by deﬁnition, was acting “ in the best interest of the child ” left young offenders without the rights guaranteed to adult criminal defendants. there were repeated accounts of abusive practices. the duration of conﬁnement was often unrelated to the severity of the offense. juvenile hearings were usually secret, with no written transcripts and no right to appeal. minors were not provided legal counsel, there were no safeguards against self - incrimination, and offenders were denied liberty without the due process of law guaranteed by the u. s. constitution. a series of legal challenges culminated in the landmark 1967 supreme court decision in re gault. writing for the court, justice abe fortes proclaimed, “ under our constitution, the condition of being a boy does not justify a kangaroo court. ” reviewing the case of 15


legal challenges culminated in the landmark 1967 supreme court decision in re gault. writing for the court, justice abe fortes proclaimed, “ under our constitution, the condition of being a boy does not justify a kangaroo court. ” reviewing the case of 15 - year - old gerald gault, who was sentenced to six years in an arizona youth correctional facility for making an obscene phone call, the court decreed that minors be afforded most of the due - process rights required in adult criminal courts. gault signaled a new era of reforms. one was a movement to divert as many youths as possible from the formal court system and to decriminalize “ juvenile status offenses ” such as truancy, running away, curfew violations, and incorrigibility. the 1970s witnessed widespread efforts to deinstitutionalize or “ decarcerate ” youngsters, moving them from secure detention centers and training schools to community - based programs that emphasized education and rehabilitation. the most dramatic example came in 1972 in massachusetts, where a respected reformer closed all of the state juvenile facilities and started over. jerome miller had been recruited to the state department of youth services ( dys ) to clean up a range of scandals and abuses. he encountered an intransigent bureaucracy. corrections officers opposed even such modest reforms as letting youngsters wear street clothing instead of prison uniforms, or not requiring that their heads be completely shaven. undeterred, miller decided to close down the state ’ s network of jail - like training schools. as the young inmates of the notorious lyman school were loaded onto a bus that would take them to dorms at the university of massachusetts, to be housed temporarily until being reassigned to community programs, one top miller deputy proclaimed to the shocked guards, “ you can have the institutions ; we are taking the kids. ” the training schools were replaced with a diverse network of small residential programs, typically with 25 children or fewer, located closer to the youths ’ home communities. a range of nonresidential programs included day reporting centers and intensive home - based supervision. the dys continued to operate about half of the most secure facilities. private nonproﬁts were recruited to run the rest, as well as all of the community - based programs. although miller left massachusetts soon after becoming the department ’ s youth - services commissioner, the bay state continued to expand and reﬁne the alternatives to the old prison - like training schools and never reopened the large juvenile institutions. research by harvard law school and my organization, the national council on


the department ’ s youth - services commissioner, the bay state continued to expand and reﬁne the alternatives to the old prison - like training schools and never reopened the large juvenile institutions. research by harvard law school and my organization, the national council on crime and delinquency, showed that the miller reforms successfully reduced the frequency and severity of new offenses of youth in the new programs compared with the training - school graduates. as the massachusetts model spread to many other states, congress in 1974 created the federal juvenile justice and delinquency prevention act, with bipartisan backing. the act established a federal office of juvenile justice and delinquency prevention ( ojjdp ) to conduct research, provide training, and make grants to states and jurisdictions that voluntarily complied with the act ’ s mandates. the new law required participating states to remove status offenders and dependency cases from secure conﬁnement, and to separate juveniles from adults by “ sight and sound ” in correctional facilities. in 1980, the act was amended to require that participating states remove minors from jails. forty - eight states participated. miller went on to implement variations of his massachusetts reforms in pennsylvania and illinois. other states that broadly followed miller ’ s model included jurisdictions as politically diverse as utah, missouri, and vermont. often, publicity about abusive conditions in state facilities and lawsuits in federal courts catalyzed these reforms. from 1980 into the 1990s, colorado, indiana, oklahoma, maryland, louisiana, florida, georgia, rhode island, and new jersey were among states that began closing large, prison - like youth facilities. for a time, it appeared that the miller reforms would become the “ gold standard ” for juvenile corrections, as the federal ojjdp provided training and support to jurisdictions seeking to replicate the massachusetts approach. the invention of the “ super - predator ” the rejection in some quarters of a reform model reﬂects both ideological preconceptions and misinformation about juvenile crime. rates of serious violent juvenile crime as measured by the national crime survey were relatively constant between 1973 and 1989, then brieﬂy rose by more than one - third and peaked in 1993. some cited demographics, as the children of the baby boomers reached their teenage years. others pointed to an epidemic of crack cocaine that fueled urban violence, as well as high unemployment and declining economic prospects for low - skilled workers, especially among minority groups. no one really knows for sure. but fear of a violent juvenile crime wave led some to predict a new cohort of “ super - predators


violence, as well as high unemployment and declining economic prospects for low - skilled workers, especially among minority groups. no one really knows for sure. but fear of a violent juvenile crime wave led some to predict a new cohort of “ super - predators. ” conservative academics such as james q. wilson and john diiulio and a small band of mainstream criminologists such as alfred blumstein and james fox forecast societal disaster. wilson predicted “ 30, 000 more young muggers, killers, and thieves ” ; diiulio in 1990 foresaw another 270, 000 violent juveniles by 2010. he warned of a “ crime bomb ” created by a generation of “ fatherless, godless, and jobless [ juvenile ] super - predators. ” the media hyped the story, and many elected officials exploited it. the citizenry was told about a generation of babies, born to “ crack - addicted ” mothers, who would possess permanent neurological damage, including the inability to feel empathy. the scientiﬁc evidence supporting this claim was nonexistent. more than 40 states made it easier to transfer children to adult criminal courts. educators enacted “ zero - tolerance ” policies to make it easier to expel youngsters from school, and numerous communities adopted youth curfews. many jurisdictions turned to metal detectors in public schools, random locker searches, drug tests for athletes, and mandatory school uniforms. the panic was bipartisan. every crime bill debated by congress during the clinton administration included new federal laws against juvenile crime. paradoxically, as attorney general janet reno advocated for wider and stronger social safety nets for vulnerable families, president bill clinton joined congressional leaders demanding tougher treatment of juvenile felons, including more incarceration in both the adult and youth correctional systems. however, the much - advertised generation of super - predators never materialized. after 1993, rates of serious juvenile crime began a decade - long decline to historically low levels. and this juvenile - crime drop happened before the tougher juvenile penalties were even implemented. the fear - mongering social scientists had based their dire predictions on grossly inaccurate data and faulty reasoning, but the creators of the super - predator myth prevailed in the public - policy arena throughout most of the ’ 90s. as we approached the centennial of the american juvenile court, it looked like the juvenile - justice ideal was dying. the ideal of juvenile justice survives despite adverse political currents, the juvenile - justice ideal has received a new lease on life thanks to pioneering efforts by states and by foundations, as


the american juvenile court, it looked like the juvenile - justice ideal was dying. the ideal of juvenile justice survives despite adverse political currents, the juvenile - justice ideal has received a new lease on life thanks to pioneering efforts by states and by foundations, as well as the continuing programmatic inﬂuence of the federal approach begun in the 1970s and expanded during the clinton - reno era. one key initiative of the federal ojjdp is known as balanced and restorative justice. this approach, now embraced by many jurisdictions, places a major value on involving victims in the rehabilitative process. by coming to terms with harm done to victims, the youthful offender is also offered a way to restore his or her role in the community. the second signiﬁcant federal program is the justice department ’ s comprehensive strategy for serious, violent, and chronic juvenile offenders, ﬁrst adopted in 1993. the research showed that a very small number of offenders committed most serious juvenile crimes, and that identiﬁcation and control of these “ dangerous few ” was key. however, unlike the response to the supposed super - predators, this strategy does not call for an across - the - board crackdown on at - risk youth. a comprehensive body of research assembled by two senior justice department juvenile - justice officials, john j. wilson and james c. howell, showed that prevention was the most cost - effective response to youth crime, and that strengthening the family and other core institutions was the most important goal for a youth - crime - control strategy. the proposed comprehensive strategy was adopted by reno as the official policy position of the justice department in all matters relating to juvenile crime, and the program was successfully implemented in more than 50 communities nationwide. the basic idea was to help local leaders build their youth - service systems to provide “ the right service, for the right youth, at the right time. ” this collaborative planning process helped policy - makers and professionals to debunk the myths about juvenile crime and to learn about interventions that were proven, as well as to foster more cooperative activities among multiple agencies. most important, the effort showed community participants how to effectively respond to juvenile lawbreaking without resorting to mass - incarceration policies. a third major national reform movement was launched by the annie e. casey foundation in 1992. the goal : to reduce the overuse of juvenile - detention facilities and to redirect funding toward more effective services for at - risk youngsters. the foundation also sought to improve the conditions of conﬁnement for detained youth


foundation in 1992. the goal : to reduce the overuse of juvenile - detention facilities and to redirect funding toward more effective services for at - risk youngsters. the foundation also sought to improve the conditions of conﬁnement for detained youth and to reduce the overrepresentation of minority youths in detention. the casey foundation approach required a multiagency planning process and included the development of improved risk screening, expansion of options for most detained youths, and efforts to expedite the processing of cases. after initial demonstration projects, the foundation has expanded the program to scores of communities. it also offers technical assistance and convenes an annual meeting. at the last such convening, in san francisco, more than 700 people from across the nation gathered to discuss ways to further reduce unnecessary juvenile detention. the original demonstration project has led to a vibrant national movement, which includes high - quality replication manuals and a documentary, plus academic and professional publications. these approaches all require collaborations among many sectors of the community. they all employ data and evidence - based practices to guide the reform agenda. diversity is recognized as vital because one - size - ﬁts - all programs usually fail. instead, they seek to create a comprehensive continuum of appropriate services. preventive strategies and early interventions are viewed as far more cost - effective than punitive approaches. all these programs place a great emphasis on involving youth, plus their families and neighbors, in shaping solutions. the core values of the juvenile - justice ideal continue to live. like the reform impulse of a century ago, the goal is to commit the juvenile - justice system to pursuing the best interests of the child, to strengthening family and community solutions to youth misconduct, and to emphasizing humane and fair treatment of the young. in spite of the promise embodied in approaches like these, unlawful and brutal practices continue to plague youth correctional facilities in many states. some jurisdictions are being investigated by the federal government for statutory and constitutional violations of the rights of institutionalized minors. in other locales, advocates for young people are successfully litigating against youth detention and corrections facilities. at the same time, the political hysteria surrounding the super - predator myth appears to be in remission. the chorus is growing to reject approaches such as youth correctional boot camps or “ scared straight ” programs that use prison visits to try to frighten youngsters away from criminal lives. while some of these dangerous programs continue to exist, many jurisdictions have shut them down. there is growing awareness about the prevalence of mental illness among institutionalized youngsters and the emergence


use prison visits to try to frighten youngsters away from criminal lives. while some of these dangerous programs continue to exist, many jurisdictions have shut them down. there is growing awareness about the prevalence of mental illness among institutionalized youngsters and the emergence of several initiatives to better meet their health - care needs. this year ’ s most positive development was the supreme court ’ s decision to end the death penalty for those younger than 18 at the time of their offense. but this progress does not minimize the severe problems of the juvenile - justice system. funding for services for troubled young people in the juvenile - justice and child - welfare systems remains woefully inadequate. young people still do not have anything resembling adequate legal representation. too many continue to be banished to the criminal - court system and languish in adult prisons. and racism, sexism, and class biases continue to tarnish the promise of equal justice for all. the way forward this american prospect special supplement includes reports from places as diverse as california, texas, new mexico, missouri, and louisiana. all suggest that reform coalitions, often with strange bedfellows, can acknowledge the superiority of the reform approach and change practices that dehumanize young people and fail to reduce juvenile crime. by now the evidence is clear : small, community - based approaches that stress prevention, education, and restitution rather than prison - like punishment are simply better policy. at the same time, as ellis cose recounts, racial disparities remain immense. and as sam rosenfeld reports, far too many children who need mental - health services are being dumped into the juvenile - justice system. given the overwhelming evidence that reform works, why is there continuing resistance? the answer to this question is complex. first and foremost, since the mid - ’ 60s, crime policy in the united states has been heavily politicized. democrats and republicans have competed to position themselves as tough on crime. being perceived as soft on juvenile offenders is considered a political liability. second, the media continue to exaggerate the amount of violent crime committed by minors. isolated stories about vicious crimes that are committed by very young adolescents are widely disseminated and become the grist for talk radio and other media commentary. the simplistic solution has been that tough responses to juvenile crime will deter youthful offenders. resistance to proven juvenile - justice models often comes from public - employee unions that fear the loss of jobs as traditional youth correctional facilities are downsized and some funding goes to community - based organizations. also, severe state


to juvenile crime will deter youthful offenders. resistance to proven juvenile - justice models often comes from public - employee unions that fear the loss of jobs as traditional youth correctional facilities are downsized and some funding goes to community - based organizations. also, severe state and local budget problems have led to a retrenchment in needed services, even as more innovative juvenile - justice models could actually save money. in some locales, organizations purporting to represent families of crime victims have lobbied for tougher penalties for juvenile offenders. progressive reforms are often undercut by entrenched biases about the predominantly poor and minority families caught up in the juvenile - justice system. these racial, ethnic, and class prejudices are too often reinforced by media reports that breed fear among the electorate about the “ barbarians at the gates. ” as long as economic and ﬁscal pressures fuel anxiety over immigrants, the increased competition for jobs, and the deteriorating public - school system, it will be hard to generate compassionate and rational responses for youthful lawbreakers. jerome miller once observed that the history of juvenile justice reﬂects a pattern of abuse and scandal followed by humanistic changes, but then a return to the previous conditions and bad practices. in a new millennium, one can only hope that proponents of the juvenile - justice ideal can ﬁgure out how to end this tragic cycle. * barry krisberg is president of the national council on crime and delinquency, which is based in oakland, california. 1. it is wrong to hold children and adolescents who have not reached legal age to adult standards. in other areas of law we recognize the differences between children and adults. children are not permitted the same rights and responsibilities as adults ( e. g. voting, smoking, joining the military ) because we recognize their inability to make adult decisions. why don ' t we recognize the same difference in the criminal law? we don ' t say, " this is a very important election, so let ' s let the kids vote ". we don ' t say, " this is a very important war so let ' s give our children weapons and send them to fight ". so why do we say " this case is different and this kid deserves to be treated as an adult and locked away in a prison "? 2. recent research demonstrates that transferring children from juvenile court to adult court does not decrease recidivism, and in fact actually increases crime. children are uniquely positioned for reform and redemption. juvenile detention facilities ( generally ) have the programs in place to


2. recent research demonstrates that transferring children from juvenile court to adult court does not decrease recidivism, and in fact actually increases crime. children are uniquely positioned for reform and redemption. juvenile detention facilities ( generally ) have the programs in place to aid in that process of reformation. prisons do not. 3. with appropriate treatment most children who commit crimes, even the most violent crimes, can be rehabilitated and become responsible adults. precisely because their brains are still changing. the prefrontal cortex - which regulates aggression, long range planning, mental flexibility, abstract thinking, and perhaps moral judgment ( see " bower study " ) has not yet developed in children. the amygdala, the center of impulsive and aggressive behavior is the center piece of the child brain and is left unchecked by the under developed prefrontal cortex. 4. psychological research confirms what every parent knows : children, including teenagers, act more irrationally and immaturely than adults. studies further confirm that stressful situations only heighten the risk that emotion, rather than rational thought, will guide the choices children make. the supreme court recognized just this! in roper v. simmons, justice kennedy wrote : " any parent knows " and " scientific and sociological studies... tend to confirm " that children possess a " lack of maturity ".. an underdeveloped sense of responsibility.. [ and take ] impetuous and ill - considered actions and decisions. " 5. children in adult prisons are 5 times as likely to be sexually assaulted, twice as likely to be beaten by staff, 50 percent more likely to be attacked with a weapon and 8 times as likely to commit suicide as children in juvenile facilities. 6. punishment is a failed a strategy for changing behavior, teaching new skills, or developing new and more positive attitudes and beliefs. the only justification for inflicting harsh punishment is to deliver vengeance in accord with the old testament standard of an eye - for - an - eye. we should be protecting, not taking out vengeance, on our children. 7. contrary to popular belief, it is the child and not his or her parent or guardian who must decide what to tell the police and defense attorneys, whether or not to follow attorney instructions, whether to testify, whether to give information to the prosecution, and whether to go to trial or accept a plea bargain. although common sense would suggest that many children are simply too young to undertake such weighty legal responsibilities, it is rare for courts to consider whether children lack the competence to


information to the prosecution, and whether to go to trial or accept a plea bargain. although common sense would suggest that many children are simply too young to undertake such weighty legal responsibilities, it is rare for courts to consider whether children lack the competence to stand trial because of their age. every child offender should have a competency hearing before trial. 8. “ adult time for adult crime ” may be a catchy phrase but it reflects a poor understanding of criminal justice principles. if the punishment is to fit the crime, both the nature of the offense and the culpability or moral responsibility of the offender must be taken into account. as the u. s. supreme court has repeatedly recognized, the blameworthiness of children cannot be equated with that of adults, even when they commit the same crime. 9. youth tried in the adult criminal court face the same penalties as adults including life without parole which for child offenders puts them last in line to receive any classes or rehabilitation programs and makes it very difficult to file for clemency for failure to prove any sort of rehabilitation. 10. statistics show a plethora of impact issues have been fueled by blended sentencing laws, including unintended consequences such as giving prosecutors, rather than judges, the authority to decide when to charge a juvenile as an adult. policy analysts have begun questioning whether states have gone too far in enacting legislation that makes it easier to prosecute juveniles as adults. barbe stamps is the founder and director of teen advocates usa, a children ' s rights educational and public advocacy website trying and sentencing youth in adult criminal court minimum age for charging youth in adult court each state determines its laws for prosecuting youth in adult court. thus, the age at which it is permitted to charge a juvenile in adult court differs from state to state. how youth are charged in adult court in 47 states, youth can be charged in adult court through judicial waiver. prosecutorial discretion / direct file can be utilized in 16 states to prosecute youth in the adult system. twenty - nine states have statutory exclusion laws that mandate some children be charged in adult court for certain offenses. the facts on transfer sixty - three percent of americans believe that all youth, regardless of the crime committed, are capable of recovery and redemption. ( 1 ) yet, on any given day, approximately one out of 10 incarcerated youth are confined in adult facilities. ( 2 ) youth held in adult prisons and jails are five times more likely to be victims of attempted sexual attacks or rapes than those held in juvenile


, on any given day, approximately one out of 10 incarcerated youth are confined in adult facilities. ( 2 ) youth held in adult prisons and jails are five times more likely to be victims of attempted sexual attacks or rapes than those held in juvenile institutions. ( 3 ) the suicide rate for juveniles in adult prisons and jails is nearly eight times higher than that for juveniles in youth detention centers. ( 4 ) twenty - three states report over - representation of minority youth transferred to adult criminal court. ( 5 ) nationwide, nearly 60 % of cases petitioned for person offenses are committed by white youth, but only 45 % of such cases are transferred to adult court. for black youth, 40 % of cases are petitioned for the same crimes, but 50 % are transferred to adult court. ( 6 ) ( 1 ) peter hart research associates & public opinion strategies, changing public attitudes toward the criminal justice system, washington, dc, february 2002. ( 2 ) office of juvenile justice and delinquency prevention, juvenile offenders and victims : 2006 national report, washington, dc, 2006. ( 3 ) u. s. department of justice, bureau of justice assistance, juveniles in adult prisons and jails, washington, dc, october 2000. ( 5 ) building blocks for youth, and justice for some, washington, dc, april 2000.