arena and in need of support. his view could be refuted by showing that the term " god5 " can be understood sufficiently to allow the sentence " god5 exists " to express a proposition. there could be philosophical debate about such an issue. in the case of the subjective noncognitivist, presumably he is not making a claim in the public arena. he only says that he himself fails to grasp the concept, allowing that possibly others might ( or perhaps that he himself might come to grasp it later ). of course, if he were to have very strong doubts about such a possibility, then his position would come close to that of the objective one. in expressing such doubts, he would be making a statement in the public arena. a similar distinction could be drawn in the case of agnosticism. subjective agnostics would be people who simply make autobiographical reports regarding their own situation. each of them says, for example, " i don ' t have enough evidence one way or the other to give an answer to the question whether god5 exists. " in contrast, objective agnostics would be making a statement in the public arena. it is the statement that there just does not exist sufficient evidence to warrant an answer to the given question, and if anyone at all were to answer the question with a yes or no, then that would be a mistake, and perhaps irrational. the way i have been construing agnosticism, it is the objective view that i have in mind. and similarly for noncognitivism. when i speak of that position, it should be understood that it is the objective form to which i mean to refer. thus, given a specific definition of " god, " agnostics are people who claim that no one has sufficient evidence to warrant acceptance of either theism or atheism. and noncognitivists are people who claim that no one understands the sentence " god exists " in a way that would allow it to express a proposition. one objection to my definition of " atheism " is that it seems to allow no way for anyone to simply proclaim, " i am an atheist " irrespective of the definition given for " god. " it seems to force one to always listen to a definition of " god " before saying, " i am an atheist relative to that definition. " a better way of defining " atheism, " it is claimed, is " denial of the existence of all gods. " i have two replies to this objection


" god " before saying, " i am an atheist relative to that definition. " a better way of defining " atheism, " it is claimed, is " denial of the existence of all gods. " i have two replies to this objection. first, to define " atheism " as the denial of the existence of all gods is unsatisfactory, because there may be gods that clearly do exist. some people say, " god is the universe " or " god is love. " the reasonable response here should be to grant that god does exist when defined that way. consider also primitive tribes who worshiped huge statues as gods. we should be able to say, " their god was a huge statue. " but if we say that, then we need to grant that their god did indeed exist. second, discussions of the existence of god almost always occur within linguistic contexts in which a certain particular concept of god is understood. so one could legitimately proclaim " i am an atheist " in such a setting without first agreeing on a definition of " god, " for the simple reason that some definition of " god " is already being assumed. for example, if one is discussing the topic with christians, then it might be assumed that it is the christian concept of god that is at issue. there would then be no problem in simply proclaiming, " i am an atheist, " for it would be understood within that particular context that what is meant is " i am an atheist with regard to the god of christianity. " as indicated previously, agnostics allow that " god exists " expresses a proposition, but they regard the evidence as insufficient to warrant committing oneself one way or the other about the truth value of the proposition. they are not even willing to say that the proposition is probably true or that it is probably false. if a person were to say that it is probably true, then i would call him a " theist, " even if he is not willing to go so far as to say that he " believes in god. " he may just say that the evidence presently available favors the proposition that god exists ( where the term " god " is given some particular definition ). i would call him a " theist " so long as he leans to that side. similarly, i would call a person an " atheist " even if he is not willing to say that he believes in god ' s nonexistence. he may just say that the available evidence favors the proposition that god does not exist ( given some


similarly, i would call a person an " atheist " even if he is not willing to say that he believes in god ' s nonexistence. he may just say that the available evidence favors the proposition that god does not exist ( given some particular definition of " god " ). i would say that ' s enough to classify the person as an " atheist, " at least relative to the given definition of " god. " we could draw a distinction here between " weak theists " and " strong theists, " and between " weak atheists " and " strong atheists, " depending on how strongly they proclaim their view. but in contrast to these positions, the agnostic does not claim that the available evidence favors either side, even to the slightest degree. let us now look at the concepts of atheism and agnosticism more closely to see whether any further distinctions may be drawn within them. among atheists, i would distinguish four different types, as follows : disproof atheists, who claim that there is good objective evidence for god ' s nonexistence, and if there is any good objective evidence at all for god ' s existence, it is significantly outweighed by the evidence for god ' s nonexistence. methodological atheists, who claim that there is no good objective evidence either for god ' s existence or for god ' s nonexistence, but there is a certain methodological principle which places the burden of proof upon theists, and since they fail to meet that principle, the only rational position to take is that of atheism. ( some methodological atheists formulate the principle by saying that the burden of proof is always on any person making an existence claim, since, from a logical point of view, existence claims are only capable of proof, not disproof. no one has ever proven the nonexistence of santa claus, or elves, or unicorns, or anything else, simply because the very logic of an unrestricted existential proposition prohibits its disproof. it is impossible to go all over the universe and show that, for example, there are no elves anywhere. for this reason, rational methodology calls for us to deny the existence of all those things which have never been shown to exist. that is why we all regard it rational to deny the existence of santa claus, elves, unicorns, etc. and since god is in that same category, having never been shown to exist, it follows that rational


have never been shown to exist. that is why we all regard it rational to deny the existence of santa claus, elves, unicorns, etc. and since god is in that same category, having never been shown to exist, it follows that rational methodology calls for us to deny the existence of god. ) mystical atheists, who claim that there is no rational support for theism or atheism, but who believe in god ' s nonexistence on the basis of a private, subjective, mystical experience. faith atheists, who accept atheism, not on the basis of any grounds or experiences, but simply on the basis of " faith, " regarding it to be a " properly basic belief. " they say that one could be rational in accepting a noetic system that has atheism as its foundational presupposition, since there is no good objective evidence for god ' s existence. it is an interesting question which, if any, of the positions represented here is true or correct or the best one to hold, but i take that to be outside the scope of the present essay. i turn now to an examination of types of agnosticism. among the types which may be distinguished are the following : unknowability agnostics, who say that not only is there no evidence relevant to the issue of god ' s existence but that there could be none. they may view the issue as so abstract and removed from human experience that it is impossible that we should have any evidence regarding it, one way or the other, so the matter is essentially unknowable. ( note that people with this outlook could easily move over to the position of noncognitivism. they are making the claim that the matter of god ' s existence is essentially unknowable and that there could not possibly be evidence regarding it, one way or the other. if they were to conclude that the sentence " god exists " therefore does not express any proposition at all, then they would be noncognitivists. but if, instead, they allow that there is a proposition expressed but it is simply one that we cannot ever legitimately claim to be true or false, then they are to be classified as " unknowability agnostics. " zero - data agnostics, who allow that it is possible to know whether or not god exists, but no one does in fact know it for the simple reason that there is zero data regarding the matter. although no one at present has any relevant data


- data agnostics, who allow that it is possible to know whether or not god exists, but no one does in fact know it for the simple reason that there is zero data regarding the matter. although no one at present has any relevant data, it is possible that some may come along in the future. data - vs. - data agnostics, who concede that there is evidence relevant to the issue of god ' s existence, but who have judged it to be perfectly balanced. that is, the evidence presently available in support of god ' s existence is exactly matched by evidence presently available against god ' s existence. they could be called " knife - edge agnostics, " since they view the positive evidence for god ' s existence as so perfectly balanced by negative evidence that it is as if they were balanced on the edge of a knife without falling to one side or the other. data - vs. - principle agnostics, who are another type of " knife - edge agnostics. " they agree with the methodological atheists, described above, who claim that there is a certain methodological principle that places the burden of proof upon the theists. the question is raised as to how much evidence is needed for the existence of something in order for it to satisfy the burden of proof required by the given principle. presumably there is some minimum amount such that any lesser amount would still call for us to deny the existence of the thing. take, for example, bigfoot or the loch ness monster. it may be argued that there is some slight evidence in favor of the existence of such entities but it is less than the amount needed to satisfy the burden - of - proof requirement. thus, the rational stance to take with respect to them, at least at the present time, is that of denying their existence. if, in the future, additional evidence is found favoring the existence of the entity, and that evidence is of sufficient quantity to satisfy the burden - of - proof requirement, then at that time the rational stance to take would be to believe that the entity exists. suppose, now, that additional evidence is found for, say, the existence of bigfoot. but the evidence is not quite sufficient to satisfy the burden - of - proof requirement. it is almost enough. in fact, it is as close to satisfying the requirement without actually satisfying it as it is possible to get. one might say, in a case like this, that the evidence for the existence of bigfoot is balanced on a knife - edge.


. in fact, it is as close to satisfying the requirement without actually satisfying it as it is possible to get. one might say, in a case like this, that the evidence for the existence of bigfoot is balanced on a knife - edge. it is not enough to warrant belief, but it is also too much evidence to warrant denial of bigfoot ' s existence. in such a case, it might be argued, the rational stance to take for anyone aware of the evidence is that of withholding judgment on the matter. well, this is the situation with data - vs. - principle agnostics. they are not claiming that there are two opposing bodies of evidence, one favoring god ' s existence and the other favoring god ' s nonexistence. rather, there is only a body of evidence that favors god ' s existence. however, the evidence, at least at the present time, is not sufficient to satisfy the burden - of - proof requirement imposed upon theism, though it is right at the threshold of satisfying it. it is not yet enough to warrant belief that god exists, but it is also too much to warrant denying god ' s existence. hence, the rational stance for anyone to take regarding god ' s existence is that of agnosticism. ( thus, both types of " knife - edge agnostic " claim that there is definite evidence in favor of god ' s existence, but that it is exactly balanced by something else. one type, data - vs. - data agnostics, say that the something else is definite evidence in favor of god ' s nonexistence. the other type, data - vs. - principle agnostics, say that the something else is a principle of rational methodology which places a certain burden of proof upon the theist. ) it must be remembered that all of these positions are relative to a given definition of " god. " someone may be one type of agnostic relative to one definition but a different type of agnostic ( or a theist or an atheist or a noncognitivist ) relative to another definition. i leave the reader with these questions : are there definitions of " god " with regard to which you are an atheist or agnostic on the matter of god ' s existence? if so, can you locate yourself on the above lists with regard to each of those definitions? and are there definitions of " god " with regard to which you are a theist and perhaps even ones with regard to which you are a noncognitiv


dysfunctional uterine bleeding what is it? dysfunctional uterine bleeding, also called anovulatory bleeding, is any bleeding from the vagina that varies from a woman ' s normal menstrual cycle. the normal cycle is triggered by signals from hormones. dysfunctional uterine bleeding occurs when the cycle ' s hormonal signals get thrown off. this can include alternating periods that are heavy and light, spotting or unpredictable shorter and longer cycles. regular monthly menstrual cycles flush out the endometrial lining, which is the blood - enriched layer of tissue that grows inside the uterus every month in anticipation of a possible pregnancy. if ovulation does not occur, periods can be delayed, which allows the lining to grow thicker. for this reason, delayed periods are often heavy ones. lighter periods, or spotting between periods, may represent an endometrial lining that is unstable and leaking, either because hormonal levels don ' t adequately support it or because the lining may be too thick. other factors that can change bleeding patterns include : - hormonal abnormalities ( thyroid problems, elevated prolactin hormone ) - excessive exercise or weight loss - stress or illness - the start of menstruation in adolescence. regular ovulatory cycles may not develop for a few months or even years. - the end of menstruation. dysfunctional uterine bleeding is common in the months to years before menopause. irregular bleeding can come at different times from month to month and last for different lengths of time. the amount of blood flow may vary from light to extremely heavy with large clots. in some people, the bleeding may be associated with uterine cramps. your doctor will ask about your medical history and about symptoms that might suggest a cause for the irregular bleeding or other hormonal abnormalities. the doctor may do various tests to check for these causes of abnormal bleeding patterns : - pregnancy - - urine or blood tests - thyroid hormone and prolactin hormone abnormalities - - blood tests - menopause ( especially in women in their 40s or 50s ) - - blood tests to determine if estrogen levels are falling, which suggests the beginning stages of menopause - abnormalities of the uterus or ovaries - - a transvaginal ultrasound, in which a small, rodlike probe is inserted into the vagina to take measurements of the endometrial lining - possible cancer in women over 35 ; or those who have had breast, ovarian or colon


a transvaginal ultrasound, in which a small, rodlike probe is inserted into the vagina to take measurements of the endometrial lining - possible cancer in women over 35 ; or those who have had breast, ovarian or colon cancer ; or who have a strong family history of these cancers ; or who have not had a period in six months - - an endometrial biopsy, done in the office, in which the doctor uses a speculum to look at the cervix, then inserts a thin, straw - like tube through the cervix into the uterus, and brushes it along the endometrial layer to collect a tissue sample if you have heavy bleeding, your doctor will check iron levels in your blood to see if you are anemic. most women have a period that is irregular in timing or in the amount of bleeding at some point during their menstrual years, most often because of a cycle without a normal ovulation. normal periods may resume as early as the next period or might take a few months to become regular again. some women become regular only with the help of treatments, such as birth control pills. if irregular periods signal the beginning of menopause, the last period may not occur for a few months or a few years. there is no way to prevent dysfunctional uterine bleeding. see a doctor promptly if you continue to have irregular periods. early diagnosis and treatment can help to make your periods regular again, which is important for your overall health. if the cause of dysfunctional uterine bleeding is another medical condition, treating that condition should restore normal cycles. otherwise, treatment is based on the cause, the amount of bleeding and the woman ' s reproductive goals ( whether she wants to have children or not ). birth control pills, which combine the hormones estrogen and progesterone, can regulate and decrease the amount of bleeding. your doctor may recommend that you take monthly pills containing progesterone only. women seeking to become pregnant may be treated with medications to help their ovaries ovulate more regularly. heavy bleeding can be stopped with higher doses of hormone pills, either estrogen or progesterone. when bleeding is more severe, hospitalization may be necessary. if hormonal therapy does not work, a surgical d and c ( dilation and curettage ) can stop severe cases of bleeding. during this procedure, the tissue lining of the uterus is removed, allowing a healthier lining to


. if hormonal therapy does not work, a surgical d and c ( dilation and curettage ) can stop severe cases of bleeding. during this procedure, the tissue lining of the uterus is removed, allowing a healthier lining to take its place. if an endometrial biopsy reveals endometrial hyperplasia, which is a thicker and abnormal looking lining, closer monitoring with treatment may be required, especially in older women and postmenopausal women on hormone replacement therapy. endometrial hyperplasia increases a woman ' s risk of developing endometrial cancer. when to call a professional call your doctor right away for an evaluation if you are having fevers, abdominal pain or heavy bleeding with dizziness or fainting. if your periods are irregular over a few months, make an appointment to see your doctor. be prepared to tell your doctor the dates of your last few periods. there are many effective treatments to help regulate periods and control irregular bleeding. if you have irregular periods and are having difficulty becoming pregnant, you can take drugs that stimulate ovulation. having irregular periods, however, does not mean you are infertile. you still need to use protection against pregnancy when you are sexually active. national women ' s health information center ( nwhic ) 8550 arlington blvd. fairfax, va 22031


iucn tiger specialist peter jackson earns his stripes 07 june 2005 | news story iucn - the world conservation union, gland, switzerland ( 07. 06. 05 ) - researchers plan to name the recently identified malayan tiger, a new subspecies, panthera tigris jacksoni to honour the career of tiger conservationist peter jackson, former chair and still active member of the species survival commission ’ s cat specialist group. as with many threatened species, tigers have been divided into subspecies – natural geographically separate populations – for conservation as well as recognition purposes. the discovery of this new subspecies therefore has major conservation implications and is highlighted in the most recent edition of cat news, the ssc cat specialist group newsletter. tigers historically inhabited much of asia and may have numbered as many as 100, 000 animals as recently as a century ago. unfortunately, they have declined dramatically since then. today ’ s remaining population is estimated to be only 5, 000 - 7, 000 individuals and three of the traditional eight subspecies, the javan, bali and caspian tigers, became extinct in the mid to late 20th century. this collapse prompted peter ’ s interest in tigers as far back as the 1950s, when as reuters foreign correspondent in india, he became fascinated by india ’ s wonderful wildlife. however, it was the iucn general assembly in delhi in 1969, when the crash in india ’ s tiger population was a dominant issue, that marked a watershed. it was the start of his close involvement in tiger conservation which would lead to his establishment as one of the key players in this field. working for wwf international in the 1970s, peter was closely involved in operation tiger to fund conservation action and he worked in tandem with the indian government ’ s programme to establish a network of tiger reserves. malayan tiger ( p. t. jacksoni ) - photo by uf - malaysia tiger projectlater on, he worked independently to promote tiger conservation and in 1983, was nominated chair of the ssc cat specialist group, a post he held for 17 years. in his own words, this became his “ life ’ s mission ” and naming this newly - identified subspecies after him is a fitting tribute to peter ’ s drive and commitment to tiger, indeed all wild cat conservation. the correct identification of a subspecies is critically important for conservation purposes. this discovery, at the end of last year, is the culmination of a 20 - year long study to characterize living tiger populations using a molecular genetic approach and has been published in the online journal public library of science plos - biology. the results


, at the end of last year, is the culmination of a 20 - year long study to characterize living tiger populations using a molecular genetic approach and has been published in the online journal public library of science plos - biology. the results of the study showed that there was strong genetic evidence for four of the five remaining subspecies ( amur, indochinese, sumatran and bengal ) whilst the sampling of the south china tiger was very sparse and requires further sampling. unexpectedly, the indochinese tiger showed a distinct separation into two distinct groups as different as the other subspecies are from each other. one group is confined to the malayan peninsula and the other across the rest of the traditional indochinese tiger range ( see distribution map ). the newly identified subspecies has the common name malayan tiger, to emphasize its geographical range, and the scientific name panthera tigris jacksoni, in honour of peter jackson ’ s career and dedication to tiger conservation. this discovery will have important consequences for tiger conservation and management. specifically, it would suggest that the new species be recognized and managed as a high priority in malaysia. cat news article ( 356kb ) / / plos report / / distribution map ( 281kb ) for further information contact : andrew mcmullin, iucn species programme communications officer tel : + 41 ( 0 ) 22 999 0153 ; email : firstname. lastname @ example. org


| scientific name : | | pangasius sanitwongsei | | species authority : | | smith, 1931 | pangasius beani smith, 1931 pangasius sanitwangsei smith, 1931 | red list category & criteria : | | critically endangered a2acd ver 3. 1 | | assessor / s : | | jenkins, a., kullander, f. f. & tan, h. h. | | reviewer / s : | | collen, b., darwall, w., ram, m. & smith, k. ( srli freshwater fish evaluation workshop ) | there are ongoing threats to p. sanitwongsei, including harvesting, and alteration of the river for dams and increased shipping. assessed as critically endangered due to an estimated population decline of more than 99 % over three generations, even using the most optimistic values for generation time and population size ( assuming a constant exponential rate ). this rate has been inferred for the whole population given that the same threats exist throughout the range of p. sanitwongsei. | range description : | | the species is known from the chao phraya and mekong basins in cambodia, china, lao pdr, thailand and viet nam. | native : cambodia ; china ( yunnan ) ; lao people ' s democratic republic ; thailand ; viet nam | range map : | | click here to open the map viewer and explore range. | two sub - populations may be separated by the khone falls, over which p. sanitwongsei does not appear to migrate ( poulsen 2001 ). local fishermen report declines in sightings / catch of p. sanitwongsei ; one interviewee said that p. sanitwongsei had disappeared from his catch, while another ( ex - chair of the giant catfish fishermens club ) said that ' fifteen years ago 100 p. sanitwongsei were caught per year … five years ago about 5 - 20 fish were caught per year … recently the catch has declined further and the fish has disappeared ' ( meynell 2003 ). generation time is not known, but that of the closely related pangasianodon gigas is estimated at 10 - 15 years. | habitat and ecology : | | p. sanitwongsei is a benthopelagic, potamodromous species which inhabits large rivers surrounded by rainforest. p. sanitwongsei uses deep pools as refuges in the dry season. | overfish


| p. sanitwongsei is a benthopelagic, potamodromous species which inhabits large rivers surrounded by rainforest. p. sanitwongsei uses deep pools as refuges in the dry season. | overfishing for food and to a lesser extent the aquarium trade, has depleted the natural population of p. sanitwongsei ( wang 1998 ). this species is likely to have been affected by the destruction of rapids and reefs as part of the upper mekong navigation improvement project, and by the construction of dams. projects such as these affect the natural flood / drought cycles throughout the river, and therefore the migratory behaviour of fish such as p. sanitwongsei. | conservation actions : | | in 1989 p. sanitwongsei was listed as a class ii protected species by the provincial government of yunnan, china. | | citation : | | jenkins, a., kullander, f. f. & tan, h. h. 2009. pangasius sanitwongsei. in : iucn 2012. iucn red list of threatened species. version 2012. 2. < www. iucnredlist. org >. downloaded on 25 may 2013. | | feedback : | | if you see any errors or have any questions or suggestions on what is shown on this page, please fill in the feedback form so that we can correct or extend the information provided |


if you would like to support the journal you can do so here with your contribution of $ 25, $ 50 or $ 100 by clicking above. peace philosophy centre dialogue and learning for creating a peaceful, sustainable world. the asia - pacific journal is available free to all. but your contribution allows us to improve and expand our service in the wake of 3. 11. donate - $ 25, $ 50, $ 100 click a cover to order. click a cover to order. click a cover to order. click a cover to order. click a cover to order. click a cover to order. north korea, japan and the abduction narrative of charles robert jenkins in the 1960s, a subculture of americans became obsessed with alien abductions. their ur - narrative revolved around the experience of betty and barney hill, a sober, middle - aged, interracial couple who told of being taken from their car one night in 1961 and subjected to medical investigation by extraterrestrials with small bodies and large foreheads. they were not the type to fabulize simply to draw attention to themselves, so their story attracted interest beyond the usual ufo fans. gradually others came forward with similar tales. these abduction narratives paralleled the central fears of the cold war era. like the soviets, the aliens were unintelligible. they were capable of other - worldly scientific advances just as sputnik had dazzled and frightened americans. they likely harbored designs for taking over the world. and they seemed to hover just beyond our line of sight waiting for an opportunity to put us to some unknown use. although a small cadre of americans believed deeply in these ufo abductions, the majority saw no need to displace their dread of communists onto visitors from a more distant world. for roughly 20 years, the case of north korean abductions seemed to exercise a similar hold on the japanese imagination. the stories of missing japanese rumored to have been abducted by north korean agents belonged to the margins of political and media discourse. no mainstream media outlet would touch the story. in 1996, a north korean defector described native japanese helping to train spies at a north korean facility, and the abduction narratives gained greater credibility. still, after pyongyang launched its taepodong intermediate - stage rocket over japan in 1998, most japanese simply feared north korea ’ s conventional and potentially nuclear military threat. the abduction stories belonged to the past. they were not confirmed. people disappeared for various reasons : they were killed, they decamped for overseas, they assumed


in 1998, most japanese simply feared north korea ’ s conventional and potentially nuclear military threat. the abduction stories belonged to the past. they were not confirmed. people disappeared for various reasons : they were killed, they decamped for overseas, they assumed new identities and took up residence far from their homes. the japanese government was portraying north korea as a clear and present danger, and this conventional cold war framework held sway over the more outlandish version of north korean perfidy. but in 2002, the abduction narrative in japan swerved suddenly from the margins to the very center of the policy debate. japanese prime minister koizumi junichiro visited pyongyang on september 17, 2002 in an attempt to break the logjam of non - recognition in japan - north korea relations. in the course of that visit, koizumi extracted a confession and an apology from north korean leader kim jong il. north korea had abducted japanese citizens. it was as if a ufo had landed in downtown tokyo and the earth stood still for the japanese. a narrative nurtured by a relatively small group of japanese, particularly the families of the disappeared, had turned out to be true. koizumi and kim jong il but that was only the beginning of the story. it turned out that there were several true narratives. and the story of charles robert jenkins and his family was one of them. the narrative of charles robert jenkins in the early morning of january 5, 1965, worried that his unit was about to leave south korea to fight in the vietnam war, charles robert jenkins made what he later regretted as the worst decision of his life. the 25 - year - old deserted from his unit and crossed the demilitarized zone into north korea. he would live for nearly 40 years in north korea. it was, as he details in his book the reluctant communist : my desertion, court - martial, and forty - year imprisonment in north korea, a life of privileged misery. when it appeared in japan in 2005, jenkins ’ s book was an instant sensation. the abduction story dominated the news in japan after koizumi ’ s 2002 visit, which opened the way for five of the abductees to return the following month, including jenkins ’ s wife soga hitomi. in 2004, koizumi paid another visit to pyongyang and brought back five children of the abductees. jenkins and his two children followed shortly thereafter, through a third country. the japanese media and the ruling liberal democratic party fanned a frenzy of demands


resignation, and finally some respite in married life. there is also redemption, as jenkins and his family manage to negotiate their way out of the country and he atones for his desertion. but jenkins is neither a dramatic personage nor a keen observer. he confesses a fondness for drink. this understandable weakness helped him survive, but may also have diminished his capacity or his desire to pierce the mysteries of north korean life. if jenkins had dictated his story to a north korea expert, rather than to journalist jim frederick, his debriefing might have been more illuminating. hard knocks, north korean - style jenkins was accustomed to austerity. he came from a poor north carolina family where “ when we had enough spare butter to spread right onto our bread, that was a good day. ” he joined the army and came to enjoy the drills and duties. if the rumor of his unit shipping out to vietnam had not touched his deepest fears, he would have likely become career military. so, on reaching north korea, he was not the type to grouse about a little hardship. but he faced a good deal more than standard hardship. jenkins was thrown in with three other deserters, whom he describes as “ pretty much total fuck - ups as soldiers. ” their living conditions were typical of rural korean life in the 1960s : outside toilet, no running water. still it was a life of privilege. they didn ’ t have to work very hard. and they usually had enough to eat. they were, however, subjected to daily propaganda sessions. “ we studied about ten or eleven hours a day, ” he writes. “ if we didn ’ t memorize enough or were not able to recite portions of our studies on demand, we were forced to study sixteen hours a day on sunday, which was usually our only day of rest. ” this crash course in ideology enabled the four to catch up to average north koreans, who had been studying the precepts of north korean communism, more precisely kim il - sungism, all their lives. there are occasional descents into greater hardship – for instance, when a north korean doctor removes jenkins ’ u. s. army tattoo without anesthesia – but for the most part the story is of drudgery and boredom and workaday austerity. jenkins sees north korea as “ little more than a giant prison. ” after several ill - fated attempts to escape, he and his compatriots eventually resign themselves to getting by. they teach english, work on a military dictionary


austerity. jenkins sees north korea as “ little more than a giant prison. ” after several ill - fated attempts to escape, he and his compatriots eventually resign themselves to getting by. they teach english, work on a military dictionary, translate lines from english - language movies, even star in north korean movies when western actors are needed. ultimately they become citizens. they are rewarded for their good behavior not by reduced sentences but with conjugal visits. each is matched with another foreigner. jenkins, 40 years old in 1980, is introduced to the 20 - year - old soga hitomi, and, after some initial wariness, they are married and have two children. jenkins and soga jenkins was entitled to certain privileges, but that didn ’ t include the ability to travel around the country or meet a wide variety of people. he presents a narrow slice of north korea life. still, there are some intriguing asides to the main narrative. jenkins tells of an ethiopian who slips him western movies on videocassettes. he describes various market activities, such as his sales of honey to augment his family ’ s meager rations. he chronicles the rise of corruption with the decline of the economy. as the food crisis sets in during the mid - 1990s, jenkins and his family must take shifts to guard their corn plot to prevent pilfering from thieves. one day, a soldier comes to the door and asks for food. “ that shocked us. it was one thing for the army to steal. but for a soldier to beg? that is something that never would have happened in decades past, when the country could at least feed itself. ” the school where they send their two children demands that all students bring supplies : a kilo of lead, rabbit skins. and then, of course, there is the omnipresent nationalism that shapes north korea more deeply than communism ever did. jenkins and the soldiers are paired off with foreigners, for their blood must not be allowed to taint the “ pure ” korean population. similar sentiments can be found among some in south korea, but the version of ethnonationalism that persists in the north embodies a much more unselfconscious racism. jenkins also provides the occasional glimpse of the human side of north koreans. there are the cadres whom he more - or - less befriends and who look the other way when, one drunken night, he calls kim jong il a dog. as jenkins struggles with the choice to leave the country


of north koreans. there are the cadres whom he more - or - less befriends and who look the other way when, one drunken night, he calls kim jong il a dog. as jenkins struggles with the choice to leave the country to visit his wife in a third country – he worries that he ’ ll end up in a u. s. brig if he gets out or in a north korean prison if he doesn ’ t – his north korean minder leans over to say quietly to him : “ if you don ’ t come back, there is nothing we can do. ” a few intriguing details aside, jenkins ’ narrative provides no unexpected revelations about north korea. his story corresponds to what we more or less know about the country. there is only one part of the story that is controversial. jenkins alleges that one of his american compatriots, joseph dresnok, beat him 30 times over a 7 - year period. in the first one, and presumably some that followed, a north korean cadre bound jenkins ’ s hands behind his back and instructed dresnok to administer the beating. for reasons that jenkins still can ’ t fully fathom, dresnok complied willingly. in the documentary crossing the line, which features interviews with dresnok in pyongyang, the last american deserter left in north korea denies the charges. joseph dresnok walks past a statue of kim il sung in pyongyang abduction narrative revised the narrative of alien abduction that betty and barney hill unleashed on america sent ufologists scrambling to find examples of similar incidents in history. after all, it just wasn ’ t credible that aliens had appeared in the past but had only decided to escort humans into their ships to conduct medical examinations during the kennedy years. the abduction aficionados found what they were looking for : earlier cases in brazil, in france, elsewhere in the united states. as the cases multiplied, different camps also emerged, for now there were competing narratives to reconcile – what did the aliens look like, where did they come from, were they having sex with their human captives? also, too, there were a range of different explanations for the phenomenon, from the literal to the psychological to the mythic. in a way, ufology resembled kremlinology : labored interpretations and heated disagreements based on scant evidence acquired at considerable remove. by contrast, after koizumi ’ s visits and the publication of the narrative of charles robert jenkins, the truth of north korean abduction


benefits of trade and aid to the country. and yet, outside of japan, the abductions have not achieved anywhere as much attention. south korea, which lists a far greater number of its citizens abducted by the north, has tiptoed around the issue, though associations of victim families are trying to emulate their japanese counterparts in forcing a shift in the new lee myung bak government. meanwhile, in the united states, conservatives are aghast that the bush administration – and presidential candidate barack obama – have failed to link the removal of north korea from the state sponsors of terrorism list to the case of kim dong - sik. the north korean government allegedly abducted kim in 2000. the case remains so far below the media and political radar in the united states to be almost non - existent ( the same can be said of the alleged abduction of another american citizen, actress susan richardson, which the media really does treat like an ufo abduction story ). having been rescued by the japanese, jenkins is appalled by this discrepancy : “ why is japan the only country that is – rightfully – making the return of abducted citizens or citizens who are being held against their will in north korea a large part of their diplomatic dealings with that country? it is a tragedy, in my opinion, that more countries don ’ t investigate further or take the stand that japan has, because this should not just be japan ’ s issue to fight alone. ” most painful of all for the japanese government has been the u. s. indifference to the abduction issue in the late june decision to remove north korea from the state sponsors of terrorism list as part of the six party talks. u. s. negotiators in these talks pledged their support for japan ’ s position even as they refused to allow the issue to block resolution of the nuclear issue. south korea has focused on economic cooperation with north korea. the united states and russia are focused on denuclearization. only tokyo has made its relationship with pyongyang contingent on a resolution of the abduction issue. representatives of the abductee families blasted the fukuda government for its failure to persuade the united states to link the abduction issue to removal of north korea from the terrorism list ; opposition leader ozawa ichiro echoed their sentiments but laid the blame directly on washington. transformation of japanese foreign policy the biggest mystery, however, is how the abduction issue will figure in the transformation of japanese foreign policy. like their u. s. neoconservative counterparts,, japanese neonationalists have


directly on washington. transformation of japanese foreign policy the biggest mystery, however, is how the abduction issue will figure in the transformation of japanese foreign policy. like their u. s. neoconservative counterparts,, japanese neonationalists have long been angling to shift the country ’ s international orientation. the abduction issue is their september 11. it has been an opportunity to assert victimhood, to dust off plans to drive up defense spending, and embark on a new brand of militarism that ( at least for the time being ) functions within the u. s. - japanese alliance. koizumi, for all his post - modern flourishes, was committed to this project, his successor abe even more so. the abduction has not only frozen japanese - north korean relations. it has frozen the very image of north korea for japan. the country that abducted japanese citizens and those of other countries was a great deal more powerful than it is today, its marginal nuclear capacity notwithstanding. north korea in the 1970s was still competing head - to - head against south korea. it took a shot at the leadership of the non - aligned movement. it sent military trainers, development money, and propaganda to various third world countries. its abductions were not so much acts of desperation as part of an asymmetrical campaign to best south korea and establish a leading role in international affairs. that north korea was indeed a mysterious and powerful force that sent emissaries to japan to extract its citizens for its own purposes. but that north korea no longer exists. jenkins, in his occasional asides, tells the story of this decline. “ the troops are starving along with the rest of the people, ” he writes of the difficult period of the 1990s. “ the enlisted men are little more than kids in rags, and the officers are totally corrupt. and no one knows the first thing about military subjects anymore. ” in short, north korea in recent decades has become but a shadow of its former threat. for the purposes of pushing the re - militarization of japanese foreign policy, the actual truth of north korea ’ s military capacity or the intentions of its leadership are largely irrelevant. north korea is a ladder that can be kicked away once the objective of a “ normal ” japanese military is reached. the abduction narrative played a critical role in this process. it made it easier for the japanese to forget the stigma of japan ’ s much larger campaign of abducting koreans during world war ii – the thousands and thousands of “ comfort women ” as well as


abduction narrative played a critical role in this process. it made it easier for the japanese to forget the stigma of japan ’ s much larger campaign of abducting koreans during world war ii – the thousands and thousands of “ comfort women ” as well as those forced to serve in the military and to labor in factories. it asserted a powerful threat at a time when a full - scale demonization of beijing was problematic in the context of growing japanese - chinese economic cooperation. even the gaps in the abduction narrative were helpful for, like a good mystery novel, the audience in japan hung on to each new installment to learn the answers to the remaining riddles. the trajectory of japan ’ s foreign policy seems clear, even though there has not yet been a change in constitution, a dramatic increase in military spending, or a ratcheting up of rhetoric. quietly, japan has acquired new offensive capabilities, participated in the iraq and afghanistan wars with the dispatch of ground and maritime self - defense forces, and prepared the foundation for a rejection of the pacifist past. perhaps that is why current prime minister fukuda yasuo feels more comfortable showing flexibility on the abduction issue than his predecessors, koizumi and abe. fukuda has resumed bilateral negotiations with north korea, and extracted a surprise promise from pyongyang to reinvestigate what it had previously declared was a closed issue. in return, japan has promised to partially lift sanctions if this new inquiry makes progress. this might also open the way for japan to provide food aid during what is shaping up to be a second major agricultural crisis for north korea. if the two countries do finally establish diplomatic relations, and the abduction saga is laid to rest, north korea will no longer be an alien force for the japanese. but pyongyang will have helped to create, with its abductions, exactly the opposite of what it wanted : a japan unshackled from its recent pacifist past and armed to the teeth. john feffer is the co - director of foreign policy in focus at the institute for policy studies, author of numerous works on food policy and on the two koreas, and a japan focus associate. he wrote this article for japan focuspublished at japan focus on july 2, 2008. we welcome your comments on this and all other articles. please consider subscribing to our rss feed, or following us via twitter or facebook.


c14 - the double cluster algol - eclipsing binary star perseus lies along the plane of the milky way, but as we view it, we are looking away from the galactic centre, so that there are fewer clusters within its boundaries than when looking towards sagattarius or scorpius. however, the two clusters that form the perseus double cluster provide one of the best binocular sights in the heavens and perseus also harbours a very interesting star system, algol. whilst, for northern observers, perseus comes high overhead in the latter months of the year, for southern observers it only just rises above the northern horizon so that, whilst they should be able to observe algol, sadly, the double cluster will lie below their horizon. c14 - twin open clusters b m visible to the unaided eye as a hazy patch in the milky way, binoculars or a small telescope at low power can show both these two beautiful clusters in the same field of view. they are most easily found by sweeping with your eyes, binocular or finder scope to the east and a little south of cassiopeia, following the line set by its bright stars gamma and delta. the bright cores of the two clusters are separated by just less than one moon diameter, 25 arc minutes, and together they cover over a degree of sky. given their separation and individual visual brightness of between 4th and 5th magnitude, one should be able to see them as separate entities. but this is not usually the case. surprisingly perhaps, the best chance to do so is by observing them just as twilight ends ; when they first appear to the eye but the background stars of the milky way are still invisible. ( in a similar fashion, the brighter stars of constellation - those that form the patterns that we learn - show up far more clearly under twilight or light - polluted conditions than when seen in really dark conditions. this is why you are advised to learn the shapes and locations of the constellations when the sky conditions are not too good! ) the two clusters, also known as h and chi persei, are a beautiful sight in 10x50 binoculars ; each cluster having a bright centre and many individually resolved stars. with a low - power eyepiece both can be seen in the same field and then, moving up to medium power, each can be observed in detail. they lie in the perseus spiral arm of the milky way some 7300 light years away, and were both formed about 3 million years ago.


in the same field and then, moving up to medium power, each can be observed in detail. they lie in the perseus spiral arm of the milky way some 7300 light years away, and were both formed about 3 million years ago. position : 2h 20. 5m + 57deg 08min algol - eclipsing binary star e b algol is one of the most remarkable and most famous individual stars in the sky. its arabic name is al ghul, which means the ' demon ' star ( ghul is related to ' ghoul ', a ghost ). why a demon? because it winks! every 2. 87 days its brightness quickly drops from magnitude 2. 1 to 3. 4 and then rises again to 2. 1 over a period of 10 hours. john goodricke of york was one of the first astronomers who discovered its regular brightness variations in 1782 – 3. much later, in 1881, astronomers realised that the effect could be caused by a binary system in which the orbital plane of the two stars was almost in line with the earth, so that every 2. 87 days there is a partial eclipse! this is when the fainter star of the two comes in front of the brighter. in between each major drop in brightness, there is a much smaller drop as the brighter star comes in front of the fainter. the primary star is a blue b - type star with a surface temperature of 12, 000k. the secondary is a much larger but dimmer k - type orange giant star. interestingly, the two stars do not seem to be following the normal rules of stellar evolution. more massive stars evolve faster than less massive ones, so the orange giant - which has evolved away from the main sequence - should be more massive than the blue primary star. but it has less mass! it appears that material may be flowing from the giant star ( so reducing its mass ) onto the normal star whose mass is thus increasing. position : 3h 8. 2m + 40deg 57min


town in the government of kiev, russia. in 1897 it had a total population of 6, 068, of which 4, 500 were jews. there were 670 jewish artisans and 71 jewish day - laborers ; of the latter 25 engaged in field - work during the harvest season. the economic condition of the jews there has been unfavorably affected by the abolition of annual and weekly fairs, and in 1900 the poverty of the population became so great that a mob of several hundred collected at the house of the local police official and demanded bread and the reestablishment of the fairs. the jewish artisans are engaged extensively in the manufacture of a new kind of footwear, one variety of which, worn by the peasantry, is known as " postaly, " and another, worn by the more prosperous, as " skorokhody. " the 25 hadarim afforded instruction to 475 children, and 59 jewish pupils attended the city school. the talmud torah, founded in 1898, had 97 pupils. in 1768 lipovetz suffered with other ukrainean towns from the attacks of the haidamacks. - voskhod ( monthly ), 1890, ii. 94 ; - voskhod ( weekly ), 1900, nos. 12, 17.


country on the coast of north africa, now a french colony, but formerly belonging successively to carthage, rome, the saracens, and the ottoman turks. the claim is put forth by several jewish algerian communities that they were established in north africa at the time of the destruction of the temple. though this is unwarranted, the presence of jews there since the first centuries of the common era is attested by epitaphs ( " c. i. l. " viii. 8423, 8499 ; " bulletin archeologique du comite des travaux historiques, " no. i. xiii. 64 ), from which two inferences may be drawn : first, that since the jews mentioned bear latin names, most of them came from italy ; secondly, that since the proportion of jewish inscriptions to the great mass of latin - algerian inscriptions is very small, the number of jews was not large. under the fairly tolerant vandals the jews probably multiplied ; for justinian in his edict of persecution respecting north africa, proclaimed by him after the overthrow of the vandal empire, mentions them in the same category as arians and heathens ( " novellæ, " xxxvii. ). in the seventh century an important addition to the jewish population was made by spanish immigrants, who, fleeing from the persecutions of the visigothic king sisebut and his successors, escaped to mauritania, and settled in the byzantine cities. whether they mingled with the berber population, making converts among them, is an open question, to which, however, arabic historians give an affirmative answer. ibn - kaldun categorically maintains that several berber tribes professed judaism : the nafusah in ifrikiyyah ( tunis and a department of constantine ), the faudalawah, the fazaz, the madiunah, the bahlulah, and the ghayyathah in the maghreb al - aksa ( in the west of the department of oran and morocco ). the powerful tribes of the jarua and of the aures, whose queen, the kahina dihya, for a long time kept the arabian generals in check, also practised the jewish religion. ibn - kaldun adds that the existence of judaism among the berbers lasted until the reign of the founder of the idriside dynasty. this prince devoted himself energetically to stamping out all traces of judaism from his empire ; but certain present usages among the tribes of


that the existence of judaism among the berbers lasted until the reign of the founder of the idriside dynasty. this prince devoted himself energetically to stamping out all traces of judaism from his empire ; but certain present usages among the tribes of the aures, such as house - cleaning at passover time and sabbath observance, must be considered as survivals of that religion. moreover, some contend that certain portions of the tribe of the henansha ( south constantine ), leading in all particulars the pastoral life of the arabs, still observe the religion of moses. arabic domination. under arabic domination the situation of the algerian jews was what that of " the people of the book " ( ahl - al - kitab ) has always been in moslem empires. though they were compelled to pay the poll - tax ( jizyah ), the regime was relatively tolerant, and they maintained the free exercise of their religion. at the same time they were always exposed to the caprice of a prince or to an outburst of popular fanaticism. on several occasions under idriside emirs they suffered persecution, but under the aghlabites they experienced real tranquillity, and even a fair amount of favor. two jewish physicians, both named ishak ben amram, appear to have attained a certain standing at the court of ziyadat - allah i. and of ziyadat - allah iii., and to have been the confidants and counselors of those princes. the almoravide dynasty seems to have left the jewish communities of the maghreb in peace ; but the fanatical almohades, who overthrew it ( 1146 ), followed a totally different policy toward the jews. the first almohade, ' abd al - mu ' min, made them the object of frequent persecutions. in pursuance of a fanciful belief, of which it is impossible to find the least foundation in moslem tradition, he pretended that mohammed had permitted the jews the free exercise of their religion for only five hundred years, and that if, at the expiration of that time, the messiah had not appeared, they must be forced into islam by fair means or foul. his successors pursued the same course, and their severe measures produced either emigration to the east or forced conversions. becoming suspicious of the sincerity of the new converts, the almohades, in order to distinguish them from moslems of longer standing, obliged them to wear a


course, and their severe measures produced either emigration to the east or forced conversions. becoming suspicious of the sincerity of the new converts, the almohades, in order to distinguish them from moslems of longer standing, obliged them to wear a special garb. under the various dynasties, which after the fall of the almohades divided the maghreb among themselves, the hafsides of tunis, the banu ziyan of tlemcen, and the marinides of fez, the situation of the jews was somewhat improved. at any rate their situation was far better than that of jews across the mediterranean in christian spain ; and the african coast cities became the natural shelter for refugees from spanish persecutions. spanish immigration. in 1391, in consequence of that terrible uprising against the jews which steeped castile, aragon, andalusia, and the balearic isles in blood, groups of immigrants landed at algiers, oran, mostaganem, and bougie, penetrated into the cities of the interior, and settled there with the permission of the moslem authorities. they had to pay a capitation fee of a doubloon for admission into the land. on the whole, they were well received by the jewish communities already there, but for some time they formed separate groups. the ancient algerian jews were known as " wearers of turbans, " the newcomers as " wearers of birettas. " greatly superior to the african jew in culture and in intellectual and commercial activity, the spanish jew soon gained the upper hand, and from the first years of the fifteenth century rabbis who emigrated from spain are found at the head of nearly all jewish communities in algeria : at algiers, isaac ben sheshet barfat, known by the abbreviation " ribash, " and simon ben zemah duran i., similarly called " rashbaz " ; at oran, amram ben merovas ephrati ; at constantine, joseph ben menir and maimun ben saadia najar ; at medeah, saadia darmon ; at tlemcen, abraham ben hakin and ephraim ankawa ; at bougie, benjamin amer, etc. henceforth the number of jews in algeria continually augmented, the increase being most marked when a large immigration into africa took place at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. after the expulsion of the jews from spain ( 1492, 1502 ) four to five thousand of them repaired to africa


increase being most marked when a large immigration into africa took place at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. after the expulsion of the jews from spain ( 1492, 1502 ) four to five thousand of them repaired to africa. an old chronicler says : " those who arrived at oran were so numerous that the arabs, on seeing their vessels, thought that enemies were descending upon them and killed a number ; but afterward the moslem prince took pity on them, and, through the intervention of an influential jew of the country named dodiham, permitted them to land. he had board cabins erected outside the city for them and the cattle they brought with them. " the conclusion may be drawn that these new immigrants found in the algerian citieswell - constituted jewish communities, full of vitality, by which they were absorbed, despite their own strength and importance ; for, in the first place, the division of the jews into two groups, african and spanish, that has existed at tunis up to our own times, ceased in algeria after the middle of the turkish period ; and, in the second place, arabic has remained the current speech of the algerian jews, while the contrary is the case at tetuan and tangiers, where spanish is the vernacular of the jews. at first algeria did not offer the jewish refugees from spain a very secure asylum. when cardinal ximenes took oran in 1509, he overwhelmed the jews with his impositions ; peter of navarre, in his conquest of bougie ( 1510 ), pillaged, massacred, and reduced to slavery a considerable number of jews. turkish domination. but under turkish domination, from 1519 onward, during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, the jews in the towns of the regency of algiers enjoyed a fair amount of security, being practically guaranteed the free exercise of their religion and the liberty to administer their own affairs. however, they were despised, subjected to annoying treatment, forced to pay heavy taxes, and, if they complained, punished with the utmost rigor. in addition they were exposed to arbitrary acts at the hands of petty local tyrants. the pasha of tuggurt, mohammed al - akhal ben jallab, wished to convert the jews to islam by force, and the deys of algiers on several occasions handed over the houses of the jews to the populace for pillage. but it was chiefly in the villages occupied by the spaniards and exposed to the wars between the regency and the catholic kings that the


force, and the deys of algiers on several occasions handed over the houses of the jews to the populace for pillage. but it was chiefly in the villages occupied by the spaniards and exposed to the wars between the regency and the catholic kings that the jews suffered from active fanaticism — the fanatical hate inspired by the inquisition. the spaniards in possession of tlemcen in 1563 killed or enslaved fifteen hundred jews there, and in 1669 taxardo expelled from oran the jewish population, proscribed the free exercise of judaism, and replaced the synagogue by a church dedicated to san christo de la patienza. it is no wonder, then, that the algerian jews publicly demonstrated their joy on several occasions when the turks were victorious over the spaniards. the following curious fact is worthy of mention : emperor charles v. sent a jew of oran named jacob cansino ( 1556 ) to represent him at the court of the emperor of morocco, and to protect the interests of spanish subjects in that country ; the descendants of this jacob cansino, isaac, hayyim, aaron, and jacob, in direct succession from father to son, filled the office of consuls of spain in morocco until 1666. in the eighteenth century certain jewish communities were reestablished or enlarged under the friendly rule of turkish deys. among the chief of these is the present community in oran. in 1792, after the final evacuation of the city by the spaniards, the dey mohammed al - kabir invited the jews of tlemcen, of mostaganem, of mascara, and of nedroma to live there. on condition of the payment of certain taxes, and of building within fixed limits, he conceded to them a piece of land between what is now chateau - neuf and saint - andre. at constantine the dey salah donated to the jews of the region some land with indefinite boundaries between the souk al - aseur and the gate of elkantara. they established themselves there, erected buildings, and peopled that part of the city up to the desert. in the seventeenth century a new jewish element found its way into the chief cities of the regency, especially at algiers. these jews from leghorn, italy, called gorneyim, soon attained great importance as social economic factors. it was their commercial activity that brought them to algiers, and in the course of the eighteenth century they became the bankers of the deys, intermediaries between them and the european powers, and their respected and influential counselors, almost


economic factors. it was their commercial activity that brought them to algiers, and in the course of the eighteenth century they became the bankers of the deys, intermediaries between them and the european powers, and their respected and influential counselors, almost even their ministers. the organization of the jewish algerian communities developed in the course of time. definite information concerning the system during the turkish period is in existence, and a short summary may be given. placed at the head of the community was a mukaddam selected by the arabic or turkish governor of the city or the region. the mukaddam was the official representative of the community, and the sole legal intermediary with the moslem authorities for all administrative and financial affairs. he was assisted by a council ( tobe ha - ' ir ), appointed by himself, which, apart from its administration of the general affairs of the community, saw to the levying and collecting of the taxes imposed on the jews of the country. the rabbinical tribunal possessed two judicial functions. in purely religious matters, it settled ritual questions and, if necessary, inflicted penalties, fines ( kenas ), excommunications ( herem ), and flogging ( malkot ) ; in civil matters it exclusively pronounced judgment on questions pertaining to personal relations and succession. the mukaddam executed the sentences. in civil matters other than those involving personal relations, the rabbinical tribunal was not necessarily the sole authority ; the moslem cadi had the same power if the parties concerned were agreed in bringing their differences to him, or when only one of the litigants was a jew. the administration of religious matters was entrusted to various officials, hierarchical in character, in the following order : gizbar, gabbai, haber. the first had the care of the synagogue and supervised the expenses attendant on the service. in certain cities the title of gizbar was merely honorary and was purchasable through donations. the gabbai and the haber attended to mortuary ceremonies, and the latter took an important part in marriage celebrations. it was his duty to conduct the bride from her parents ' home to the residence of her husband. the revenues of the community were at first derived from taxation on articles of consumption levied on certain trades ( the butcher ' s trade and the sale of passover bread ). collections and voluntary gifts supplied the rest. there were generally four large collections a year : at the new - year, for the housing of the poor ;


levied on certain trades ( the butcher ' s trade and the sale of passover bread ). collections and voluntary gifts supplied the rest. there were generally four large collections a year : at the new - year, for the housing of the poor ; on yom kippur eve, for food for the poor ; at hanukkah, for clothes for the poor ; at purim, for defraying the expense of the passover. the algerian jews were forced to reside in a restricted quarter, analogous to the ghetto of medieval europe, and called by various names : harrah and sharah in the provinces of algiers and constantine ; and in the province of oran, mellah, which is still the name that it bears in morocco. among the tribes, the jews lived apart under the authority of the sheik. their situation was wretched and precarious, and more so under turkish than arabic domination. distinction, of course, must be made between the leghorn or frankish jews and the native. the turks imposed on the latter the most difficult drudgery without compensation, and subjected them to endless annoyances. they were officially obliged to wear a special costume : a shachiah, a skullcap of dark - colored cloth, a gray burnoose, and shoes without heels ( tcharpi or bettim ). the women dressed in a caftan, without the veil worn by moslem women to cover their faces. entrance into the mosques was absolutely prohibited to jews, and before certain particularly venerated mosques they were compelled to take off their shoes. they were forbidden to ride upon a horse, an animal set apart for moslems only, and could use only asses or mules ; nor were riding - saddles permitted, merely pack - saddles and panniers. through their mukaddam, they had to pay to the moslem authorities the taxes imposed by islam on " the people of the book. " in certain cities they were subjected also to the same taxation as the moslems. at medeah, the gharama, payable by the entire population, was apportioned equally to the jewish and moslem communities, the latter numbering six thousand, the former only six hundred. religious antagonism and the scorn of the moslemsfor all those who denied the mission of mohammed did not, however, create insuperable barriers between them and their subjects. on the contrary, there are still traces of the intercourse that


antagonism and the scorn of the moslemsfor all those who denied the mission of mohammed did not, however, create insuperable barriers between them and their subjects. on the contrary, there are still traces of the intercourse that undeniably existed between the two peoples. unity of language, daily life side by side, and the economic position rapidly attained by the jew in the slothful moslem society, greatly contributed to create common usages and observances. it was not rare that rabbis commanded great respect from arabs, and at the present day ( 1901 ) the jews of the country zealously claim as sainted rabbis a number of highly venerated walis, sidi ya ' kub ( jacob ) and sidi yusif ( joseph ) at tlemcen, sidi yousha ' ( joshua ) ben nun near honain, etc., all bearing biblical names, whom the arabs, in consideration of their high qualities, exalted after their death to the dignity of moslem marabouts. the tombs of these illustrious personages have become sanctuaries, the resorts of pilgrims of both races, before which they practise the same observances, sometimes highly fanciful. moreover, every year an arab of algiers, a self - constituted guardian of one of these marabouts of disputed origin, goes to the province of oran to make collections among the jewish communities, and is generally very successful. in the same category with these facts is the well - known veneration paid by the arabs to the synagogue of bona. the existence among the jews of a large number of usages and superstitions is to be attributed wholly to moslem influence. such are : the custom among women of mutilating their faces on the death of their kindred ; belief in the sorcery of the jinn ; and confidence in the efficacy of white fowls placed under the sick - bed, etc. these beliefs are widespread, and ministers of religion have difficulty in combating them. for four centuries the family of the duran provided heads of the community at algiers. in other cities, owing to the emigration of 1391, spanish rabbis in the course of the fifteenth century obtained the leadership of all the jewries. at tlemcen was the well - known ephraim ankawa ( d. 1422 ) ; at oran and tlemcen, abraham abi zimra, isaac abi zimra, then alal


the jewries. at tlemcen was the well - known ephraim ankawa ( d. 1422 ) ; at oran and tlemcen, abraham abi zimra, isaac abi zimra, then alal ben sidun ( fifteenth century ), joseph alashkar, and judah halaz ( sixteenth century ), and the family of the gavisson, originally from seville and granada, who left spain after 1492. at constantine is the tomb of ben menir, surnamed " hehasid, " who arrived there probably after the end of the fourteenth century. his successor was najar, author of various casuistic and juristic treatises. the french conquest. the french conquest freed the mass of algerian jews from the turkish yoke. they welcomed it as a veritable deliverance — which it was — and the very day after the entrance of the french troops at algiers, they became devoted allies of the civilizing power which made an end of turkish barbarity in that country. the knowledge of the arabic language possessed by the jews made their services, of which they were not sparing, extremely valuable to the french. the roll of honor of the military interpreters contains the names of a number of algerian jews, some of whom died on the field. according to highly respected authorities, the brunt of the defense of oran when besieged by abd el - kader in 1833 was borne by the jews. therefore it is easy to comprehend that from 1830 to 1870 opinion has been shifting in the direction of the assimilation of the algerian jews with the french citizens. magazine articles, various publications, and the resolutions of the general councils did not cease since 1845 to pronounce such an assimilation to be most profitable for the future of french algeria. and this desire, frequently expressed, naturally found an echo in the various legislative decisions, which, in the forty years before 1870, pretended to regulate the legal status of the algerian population. in these decisions the statutes concerning the israelites were always double in character. in the first place they clearly distinguish between jew and moslem among the natives : and in the second place, they more and more approximate the jewish element to the french. to mention instances : after aug. 10, 1834, the authority of the rabbinical tribunals was considerably restricted ; henceforth they decided only on matters of marriage, divorce, and liturgy ; and seven years later they were completely suppressed ( ordinance of feb. 28, 1841 ), though " pretoire


the authority of the rabbinical tribunals was considerably restricted ; henceforth they decided only on matters of marriage, divorce, and liturgy ; and seven years later they were completely suppressed ( ordinance of feb. 28, 1841 ), though " pretoires " of the moslem cadis in the meantime continued to be in operation. the decree of march 15, 1860, which in penal matters subjected the natives of the territories of the commando to martial law, was not applicable to the jews, who, no matter in what part of algeria they lived, were tried before the criminal courts of the civil law. the mosaic law in secular matters had been suppressed by the statute of june 16, 1851, and the suppression was confirmed by the senatusconsulte of 1865, which in addition, according to article 2, admitted native jews to all the rights of french citizens on the demand of each individual. in 1866 they were granted a special representation in the municipal councils of algeria. finally, the decree of oct. 24, 1870, better known as the decree of cremieux, was the last stage in the long journey toward the legal assimilation of the algerian jews. it naturalized them as a whole, and, conforming to the principles of the revolution of 1789, suppressed judaism as a nationality in the new france of africa, but permitted it to exist as a religionrecognized by the state. such in the twentieth century is the situation of the jews of algeria. they are french citizens, and since 1870 they have made praiseworthy efforts to show themselves worthy of their new status. their children attend the schools and colleges of algeria, and every year a number enter the large schools of paris. recent riots. within recent years a strange phenomenon has manifested itself — active anti - semitism attended by mob violence and bloodshed. the political anti - semitic party had but one aim, to oppress the jew, to drive him, if possible, from the country. to that end pamphlets were written, speeches were made, special papers, like " l ' algerie francaise " and " l ' anti - juif, " were started, anti - jewish songs were composed, lengthy books were written ; all means were devised for making the life of the jew unhappy. jewish merchants were boycotted, indigent jews could not avail themselves of the free hospital service open to others, attempts were made to render them ineligible to public office, and if jewish children were not actually kept out of the public schools, they did not receive the same treatment


, indigent jews could not avail themselves of the free hospital service open to others, attempts were made to render them ineligible to public office, and if jewish children were not actually kept out of the public schools, they did not receive the same treatment as the others. during february, 1897, an association of students made public manifestations against a jewish professor recently installed at algiers ; but the signal for unleashing popular hatred was a common brawl at mostaganem, begun by a party of cyclists from oran, and ending in violence, pillage, and the complete sacking of the synagogue ( may 18, 1897 ). the evil spread, and the same scenes were enacted at ain - tedeles, oran, ain - temouchent, and several other places. " a bas les juifs! " " mort aux juifs! " rang through the whole province. jews were unsafe on the streets ; stores and homes were plundered, and many persons were wounded. from this time manifestations continued to be made, disturbances very frequently occurred, and street brawls were the order of the day. justice, to put it mildly, was tardy ; the police were lenient to the anti - semites, and offenders against jews received ridiculously small penalties. hopes were founded on the new governor - general, lepine, who assumed office at the end of 1897 ; but his policy was not sufficiently strong, and equally violent riots occurred in algiers in january, 1898. the leader was max regis, elected mayor of algiers in november, 1898. other outbreaks occurred in july, 1898 ; february, april, and september, 1899, and the anti - semites were victorious in the elections of may and november, 1898. by december, 1899, there was a sensible improvement ; jonnart, the new governor - general, in his reply to the grand rabbi ' s address of welcome, declared himself against anti - semitism, but the anti - semites were victorious in the municipal elections in all three provinces. it is difficult to assign causes for the peculiar and violent character of algerian anti - semitism. some ascribe it to jealousy created by the cremieux decree. but the leaders of the movement were not natives who might be affected by such jealousy. it may be due to social conditions in algeria. there is a large element of foreign adventurers of mixed nationalities who were too rapidly naturalized and who, disappointed in their hopes of making fortunes quickly, were ready to accept the teachings of clericalism


jealousy. it may be due to social conditions in algeria. there is a large element of foreign adventurers of mixed nationalities who were too rapidly naturalized and who, disappointed in their hopes of making fortunes quickly, were ready to accept the teachings of clericalism and to turn against the easiest victims of their passions. the natives simply followed the lead of these agitators. religion and religious organization. the religious organization by consistories is similar to that in france. since july 10, 1861, the consistories have received legal recognition, and are managed by a rabbi and six laymen elected by the jews themselves for eight years. the constitution of the consistories is settled by the ordinance of nov. 9, 1845, which defined all functions, fixed the amount of sums to be spent, and specified the purposes of expenditures. the decree of dec. 31, 1895, and still more that of aug. 23, 1898, limited the power of the consistories, whose number was augmented that each might embrace a smaller sphere. the consistory of algiers includes, besides five congregations in algiers, fourteen outlying communities, one of which, medeah, has a rabbi ; the consistory of constantine includes twenty - one communities, of which bona has a rabbi ; and the consistory of oran embraces thirty - eight, including the community of tlemcen. vital statistics. up to 1856 the census of the natives in algeria was made by the military administration and gave only approximate figures. from 1830 to 1870 there was no increase in population among the jews, but after 1881 many came from morocco and tunis, in order to enjoy the fuller liberty conferred on algerian jews by the cremieux decree. however, after 1895 the tribunals struck from the list of voters many such jews. leroy - beaulieu gives the population of native jews in 1891 : algiers, 14, 895 ; oran, 19, 794 ; constantine, 12, 875 — that is, a total of 47, 564 out of a population of 4, 169, 650. hazell ' s " annual " ( london ) for 1900 gives the jewish population as 50, 000. the average number of births a year for the years 1891, 1892, and 1893 was 2, 698, or 56. 72 to 1, 000 souls ; the number of deaths was 1, 812, or 38 to 1, 000. this is a comparatively large death - rate, due to great mortality among infants. - l. addison, the present state of the jews in the bar


000 souls ; the number of deaths was 1, 812, or 38 to 1, 000. this is a comparatively large death - rate, due to great mortality among infants. - l. addison, the present state of the jews in the barbary states, 1675 ; - morgan, istoria, degli stati d ' algeri, tunisi, tripoli, e morocco, london, 1784 ; - l. reynier, de l ' economie publique et rurale des arabes et des juifs, 1820 ; - r. jungmann, costumes, mœurs et usages des algeriens, 1837 ; - heloise hartoch, lettre sur l ' etat des juifs de l ' algerie, 1840 ; - joanny pharaon and dr. goldscheider, lettres sur l ' etat des juifs en algerie, in arch. isr. sept. and oct., 1840 ; - j. c. f., la question juive en algerie, ou de la naturalisation des juifs algeriens, par un algerien progressif, algiers, 1860 ; - de fourton, rapport... sur les israelites indigenes de l ' algerie, 1870 ; - charles du bouzet, les lndigenes israelites de l ' algerie, 1871 ; - a. cremieux, refutation de l ' expose des motifs, 1871, p. 27 ; - j. m. haddey, le livre, d ' or des israelites algeriens, 1872 ; - charles roussel, les juifs et les musulmans, in revue des deux mondes, aug. 15, 1875 ; - paul gaffarel, l ' algerie, 1883 ; - maurice wahl, les juifs d ' algerie, 1886 ; - j. weyl, les juifs proteges francais aux echelles du levant et en barbarie sous les regnes de louis xiv. et de louis xv., in rev. et. juives, 1886, xii., xiv. ; - de grammont, histoire d ' algerie sous la domination turque, 1887 ; - paul leroy - beaulieu, l ' algerie et la tunisie, 1897 ; - schurer, gesch. iii. 26 ; - a. cahen,


algerie sous la domination turque, 1887 ; - paul leroy - beaulieu, l ' algerie et la tunisie, 1897 ; - schurer, gesch. iii. 26 ; - a. cahen, les israelites dans l ' afrique septentrionale ; les juifs de l ' algerie, in bulletin, de la societe archeologique de constantine, 1867 ; - bloch, notes sur les israelites d ' algerie, in rev. et. juives, 1885, x. 255 ; - idem, les israelites d ' oran, ib. 1886, xiii. 85 - 99 ; - barges, les juifs de tlemcen, in souvenirs d ' un voyage a tlemcen, paris. - on the origin and consequences of the decree cremieux : delsieu, essai sur la naturalisation collective des juifs indigenes, 1860 ; - fregier, les juifs algeriens, leur passe, leur present, leur avenir juridique, 1865 ; - l. forest, la naturalisation des juifs algeriens et l ' insurrection, de 1871, paris, 1897 ; - jacques cahen, les israelites de l ' algerie et le decret cremieux, 1900. - for anti - semitic literature : henri garrot, les juifs algeriens, 1898 ; - meynie, les juifs en algerie, 1888. - on the present situation of the jews : durieu, l ' antisemitisme algerien, in rev. socialiste, july, sept., oct., dec., 1899 ; jan., feb., march, 1900 ; - anonymous, l ' œuvre des anti - juifs d ' alger, 1899 ; - anthony wilkin, among the berbers of algeria, ch. xii. ( anti - semitism in algiers ), london, 1900.


| advent : a refugee – a person without past and future | rome, 17 december 2012 – what defines the existence of a refugee? a journalist recently asked me this question on swiss radio. she could have looked up the definition in the 1951 geneva refugee convention but then she was asking the question from an existential rather than a legal viewpoint. what is the meaning of being a refugee, what does it do to a person? a refugee is someone whose past has been destroyed and whose future is blocked : a person seemingly without a past or a future. life as a linear progression of past, present and future. we all have a past and a future, which meet in the here - and - now. most people have a home, a place where they were born, grew up, went to school, with family and friends, in a community based on a shared culture, values and beliefs. rooted in this past we build the present and future, with dreams, career plans, opportunities in education and our chosen profession. no past. for a refugee, however, the past has been taken away, left behind, or destroyed : the security and protection offered by a home, family and community have been lost. dear ones, family members have been dispersed, some or all killed. school and university studies have been abruptly interrupted. refugees find themselves in a new country, a new culture, sometimes with another religion and value system. they can no longer refer to their past when defining their identity because it has been torn away. for some, the experience suffered in their home country was so traumatic and deeply disappointing that they want to cut loose, never to refer to it again, much less return to it. the past is no longer a reference point for the present. no future. but there is no future either. many refugees feel their host country tolerates them at best but doesn ' t really want them. the willingness to welcome large or even small numbers of refugees has faded. so - called xenophobia is a growing phenomenon not just in wealthier regions but also in countries in the global south, which were once receptive. forcibly displaced people who are granted international refugee status can end up living under the protection of the un for more than 10, even 15 years, because their home and host countries fail to protect them. children are born as refugees, grow up in camps and spend their entire childhood and youth there. many other refugees are not recognised at all. nowadays, more than half the world ' s refugees live in cities, often illegally, without documents


protect them. children are born as refugees, grow up in camps and spend their entire childhood and youth there. many other refugees are not recognised at all. nowadays, more than half the world ' s refugees live in cities, often illegally, without documents, status or protection. they live a life in the shadows. in many countries, even recognised refugees are not allowed to work. less than one percent have access to higher education, due to many obstacles, not least because it ' s simply too expensive. no work, no higher education opportunities, no local integration, no return, no resettlement means no future for most. just the here - and - now. refugees live at the crossroads between past and future. they just live in the here - and - now, often on the margins of society, at the borders of countries, in a ‘ no man ' s land '. advent and christmas. let ' s consider the life of a refugee through the lens of advent and christmas. the experience of a refugee mirrors the meaning of advent, a time in the here - and - now between the unredeemed past and expected salvation in the future. the unredeemed past is marked by the sin of the world : greed for power, riches and glory. across the world, people are oppressed, violated and killed for the sake of robbing their land, their resources, for the sake of the glory of a few. it is such violence and injustice that refugees have had to run away from, which destroyed their past. thus refugees are left with nothing but the hope and desire for peace, for a new home where they will find protection. they wait for years for this new home, which will be either back in their country, or in the host country through local integration, or in another country where they may be resettled. they wait patiently, without ever losing hope, until one day the message of peace is announced, the message delivered by the angel at christmas : peace on earth to all people of goodwill ( cf. lk 2 : 14 ). the existence of refugees is an illustration of the theological meaning of advent, of a people who live in darkness and who see a great light, as the prophet isaiah said ( cf. is 9 : 2 ). jrs nourishes the hope of christmas. working with refugees, jrs also experiences this dimension of advent to some degree. there is no need to go into detail to understand what it means for jrs teams to share the tragedies unfolding right


##urishes the hope of christmas. working with refugees, jrs also experiences this dimension of advent to some degree. there is no need to go into detail to understand what it means for jrs teams to share the tragedies unfolding right now in eastern congo and syria. hundreds of thousands have fled the wanton destruction. jrs still has teams on the ground in eastern congo and syria, holding out for as long as possible with people who are forced to endure an unredeemed world at war, a place in the here - and - now without past or future. this is in line with our mission that gives priority to accompanying refugees, to being with them and sharing to some degree the dangers they are exposed to. another priority of jrs is to serve refugees by offering psychosocial and pastoral care, and especially education, to kindle hope through learning. jrs formal and informal education programmes reach over 250, 000 children, young people and adults. school is about more than increasing knowledge, it is a place where the past is healed and the future is gained. education in the here - and - now of a refugee ' s life helps to re - connect the lost past and future. one can lose everything but not what one carries in the mind and heart, knowledge and values, the spirit of hope. education is a source of hope and an instrument of peace. the mission of jrs finds deep meaning in advent, striving for the hope, joy and peace celebrated at christmas. it is about finding a new home, the protection of a new family, community and country, just as mary and joseph found a humble place in bethlehem, cared for by the poor shepherds who were the first to hear the message of the angels : peace on earth to all people of goodwill. peter balleis sj, jrs international director


while fossils can be found around kimmeridge, they are often not very good for collecting as the rock in which they formed is very crumbly. the best specimens are found in the exposed ledges on the shore line. it is definitely not a good idea to look for fossils in the cliff or, as some people do, sit or sun bathe beneath them. these cliffs are very unstable and you only have to stop and listen for a short while to realize they are falling all the time. occasionally large sections of cliff crash onto the beach without warning, so beware! coastal features : kimmeridge ledges the kimmeridge ledges are limestone fingers of rock that formed from fine silts during periods when the jurassic sea here at the time was deep. the ledges are clearly seen in the cliff and show the fall of the cliffs to the east. the ledges reach from the cliffs down onto the shore and far out to sea and have been responsible for numerous ship wrecks along this stretch of the jurassic coastline. coastal visitor centre kimmeridge marine centre town / village or area : tourist info centres in this area : purbeck marine wildlife reserve, rock pools, seaweed the shallow, sunlight rich water and rocky sea floor of kimmeridge bay provides ideal conditions for seaweed to grow and over 100 different species have been recorded in the marine reserve. interest : kimmeridge coal money, smuggling around kimmeridge, blackstone mining industry, cement stone, the kimmeridge cobb, the clavell tower


the kansas city fed offers free economic and personal finance resources for educators, bankers and consumers. - classroom activities and select a category to explore free, age - specific tools for parents, educators and bankers to help children better understand economics and personal finance. - traveling historical - resources for bankers in the classroom - consumer help - bank director ' s desktop - foreclosure resources - credit card resources in the classroom enhance classroom learning by integrating free personal finance and economics resources into your curriculum. register for free resources. teach children to save help students understand the basics of personal finance through classroom visits and activities on april 23 and 24. continuing education for bankers stay on top of current trends, issues and regulations with a variety of resources for bankers and directors. use a variety of resources and tools to become more educated on financial and economic issues. book a tour of our money museums in kansas city or denver. read our entertaining stories that combine economics and personal finance into life lessons that feature " money morals. " learn more about financial fables. inventors become entrepreneurs we partnered with conestoga magnet school students in omaha to develop a book on entrepreneurship, innovation and inventions. check out our free traveling trunk to use in elementary and middle school classrooms. the trunk is filled with hands - on activities and lesson plans on money, economics and personal finance for teachers. student board of directors unique program gives tenth district students the opportunity to learn more about the federal reserve. shred challenge student competition prompted by an economic theme, students create an original work of art with approximately $ 800 in shredded money from the kansas city fed. fifty nifty econ cards use our economic cards to expand elementary and middle school students ’ vocabulary through various activities and games. core concept cards our core concept cards teach high school students how to incorporate economics into their everyday lives.


for immediate release mike heideman, 785 - 296 - 4363 as of june 4, the kansas department of health and environment ( kdhe ) has identified three cases that are linked to a nationwide outbreak of salmonella saintpaul bacterium infections. kansas is currently one of nine states affected by the outbreak. two of the cases are in south - central kansas and one is in southeast kansas. an epidemiologic investigation conducted by the new mexico and texas departments of health and the indian health service using interviews comparing foods eaten by ill and well persons has identified consumption of raw tomatoes as the likely source of illnesses in new mexico and texas. the specific type and source of tomatoes are under investigation ; however, preliminary data suggest that large tomatoes, including roma and red round are the source. kdhe is coordinating with local health departments as well as the centers for disease control and prevention ( cdc ) to assist in the outbreak investigation. as a precaution, kdhe and cdc are advising consumers to do the following : most persons infected with salmonella develop diarrhea, fever and abdominal cramps 12 to 72 hours after infection. the illness usually lasts 4 to 7 days, and most persons recover without treatment. however, in some persons, the diarrhea may be so severe that the patient needs to be hospitalized. the elderly, infants and those with impaired immune systems are more likely to have a severe illness. every year, approximately 40, 000 cases of salmonellosis ( salmonella infection ) are reported in the united states. because many milder cases are not diagnosed or reported, the actual number of infections may be thirty or more times greater. salmonellosis is more common in the summer than winter. for more information, visit www. cdc. gov / salmonella / saintpaul /.


what does it do? one of the most important activities of the kansas department of wildlife, parks and tourism is protection and management of threatened and endangered species. the checkoff has been able to fund dozens of projects that assess the status of threatened and endangered species and other animals on the state ' s species in need of conservation list. one of the more exciting projects of the checkoff was the golden eagle reintroduction project in russell and ellsworth counties. the goal of the project was to establish nesting golden eagles in that area in cooperation with western resources, inc. food base for golden eagles, primarily black - tailed prairie dogs, continued in decline in the area which hampered success. while cottontail rabbits were provided as food for young eaglets, they never were able to adapt fully without prairie dogs as well to supplement a mixed diet and encourage later nesting. occasionally, golden eagles nest in two to three places in western kansas but we not been able to enjoy expanded nesting and populations. perhaps with additional food base improvements, especially prairie dog towns, there could be opportunity for more golden eagles in the state. for several years the chickadee checkoff sponsored the nursing home bird feeder program with tremendous success. over 250 sites have been provided with bird feeders and initial bird feed. this was one of the first projects funded through the checkoff in 1981. another of the first projects subsidized by the checkoff was the songbird bundle supplied by the kansas forest service. the bundle consists of several species of shrubs and small trees suitable for backyard wildlife habitat plantings. the plants are selected because they provide food, cover and habitat for a variety of desirable animals. since 1985, the checkoff has sponsored the backyard habitat improvement program. besides providing information and assistance to people for improving their yards for wildlife, a certification program is offered to recognize those people who have done the necessary or exemplary things for wildlife in their own backyards. the chickadee checkoff has supported the kansas winter bird feeder survey since 1988. about 1000 people have participated in past years and provided valuable information about midwinter bird populations. research and habitat management have focused on sensitive river species in southeast kansas, dwindling resources in western kansas and endangered species such as the least tern. the outdoor wildlife learning sites program ( owls ) has been one of the most popular programs initiated and supported by the checkoff. over 200 schools have taken advantage of owls grants in developing outdoor learning laboratories. the chickadee checkoff has supported hundreds of research and surveying projects to help determine the