Because we’re not exactly sure how it’s going to work out,” Savikataaq said.

ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᑲᔪᓯᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Savikataaq said ITK has told him they don’t want to be a service provider—but Savikataaq said he’s shared his concerns with the prime minister about the money going to ITK.

ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐱᕇᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒧᖓ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑎᐅᔪᒪᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ—ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᕋᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓᑎᑐᑦ ᐅᓇ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐱᕇᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


Right now, by law, the GN is the service provider to everyone in the territory, he said.

ᒫᓐᓇᓕ, ᒪᓕᒐᖅᑎᒍᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


If the GN is no longer going to be a public government, then you’d have to open the Nunavut land claims agreement, he said.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᐸᑕ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᑖᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑏᑦ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᕆᐊᖃᓕᕋᔭᖅᐸᑎᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


MMIWG report helps build case for more housing money

MMIWG ᐅᓂᒃᑳᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᒧᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓂᒃ


Between the GN’s own Blueprint for Action on Housing and the recommendation for more housing in the report by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, “we have a more convincing case for the feds to do something,” Savikataaq said.

ᐅᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᕆᓂᐊᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᒃᑲᓐᓂᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᖕᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ, “ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐱᓪᓚᕆᒃᑕᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᕐᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᓂ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


As for the MMIWG report, now being looked at by Nunavut’s family services department, Savikataaq said there’s only one way to meet that recommendation for more housing, that is, with more federal funding for it.

ᐅᑯᓄᖓᓕ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓪᓗ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᑐᐊᖑᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᒃᑲᓐᓂᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᒐᔭᕐᓂᖅ, ᐅᑯᑎᒎᓇᓕ, ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


“3,000 ᐅᖓᑖᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᕆᐊᖃᕋᑦᑕ.


For 2019-20 we have enough money to build 83,” he said.

2019/20-ᒧᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᕋᑦᑕ ᓈᒻᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ 83-ᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᒃᓴᓄᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“Do the math: we can’t do it on our own.

“ᓇᐃᓴᐅᑎᑦ ᑕᑯᓚᐅᕐᓯᐅ: ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ.


ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᖃᙱᓗᐊᕋᑦᑕ.”


At their annual joint meeting, on Thursday and Friday in Dawson City, Yukon, the three premiers also plan to discuss mental health and addictions, climate change and sustainable development, energy, transportation and sustainable infrastructure. The premiers also want to ensure that the territories play a big role in the new Arctic Strategy and Framework, Savikataaq said—which ITK has said it also wants.

ᐊᑐᓗᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᒥᓴᐃᓂᖅ, ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᐃᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓱᓕ


Addictions treatment, elder care remain priorities Meanwhile, as Savikataaq nears his one-year mark in office, he said he’s proud to be premier and loves his job.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᕈᓘᔭᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᕕᐊᓃᓐᓂᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᒃᑯᓕᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖁᕕᐊᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂ.


He’s full of praise for his team of staff, cabinet members and MLAs.

ᐱᐅᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦ.


“ᑕᒪᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ.


It’s a bit slower process than we’d like for the treatment centre and bringing the elders back,” he said.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓱᒃᑲᐃᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖅ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᑎᓐᓄᑦ ᐅᑎᖅᑎᒐᓱᖕᓂᖏᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


These are two priorities that the premier said he wanted to work on when interviewed last August.

ᒪᕐᕉᖕᒪᑎ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᒋᔪᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᐱᖅᓱᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐋᒐᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ.


But Savikataaq said his government has its mandate and they know what they want to get done.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᒪᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᖏ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒐᒃᓴᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᐊᓂᒍᒪᔭᖓᓂᒃ.


“It takes time to get done what we want to do because of the process of budgeting and the financing,” he said.

“ᐱᓕᕆᑯᑖᖕᓇᕐᒪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔪᒪᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“We’re still working towards a treatment centre and an elders home and we’re closer than we have ever been, but we’re not quite there yet.”

“ᐱᓕᕆᔪᒍᑦ ᓱᓕ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᕋᕆᔭᐅᔪᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᓪᓗᑎᒍᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᕕᒃᓴᕗᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᐊᓂᙱᑕᕗᑦ ᓱᓕ.”


Qikiqtani Inuit want to reopen benefits agreement with Baffinland

ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᑖᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᒧᑦ


Magnitude of potential impacts revealed during technical meeting in Iqaluit

ᐊᖏᔪᒻᒪᕇᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᕗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ


The Qikiqtani Inuit Association’s Levi Barnabas (fourth from right) says the QIA wants to re-open the Inuit impact and benefit agreement for Baffinland Iron Mines Corp.’s Mary River iron mine.

ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓕᕙᐃ ᐹᓇᐸᔅ (ᑎᓴᒪᖓ ᑕᓕᕐᐱᐊᓂ) ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᓄᓘᔮᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᖓᓄᑦ.


Barnabas made the remark on June 19 at the technical meeting in Iqaluit on expansion plans for the mine.

ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔫᓂ 19-ᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᓐ.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᔭᐃᓐ ᔪᐊᔾ)


The Qikiqtani Inuit Association’s Levi Barnabas is calling for the reopening of the Inuit impact and benefit agreement for Baffinland Iron Mines Corp.’s Mary River iron mine.

ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᐃᓚᖓᑦ ᓕᕙᐃ ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐱᒋᐊᖁᔨᕗᖅ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᔨᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐ ᓄᓘᔮᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᑦᓯᐅᕐᕕᐊᓂᒃ.


Barnabas, a director on QIA’s board, offered these parting words on Wednesday, June 19, during a technical meeting of the Nunavut Impact Review Board that was held in Iqaluit this week to review the company’s plans to expand its operations.

ᐹᓇᐸᔅ, ᑲᑎᒪᔨᐅᖃᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᐊᓂᒍᑎᖃᓚᐅᖅᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔫᓂ 19-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


The current IIBA, which replaced the first agreement signed in 2013, was signed last October.

ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᑦ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖔᓕᕐᓂᑯ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑕᐅᓂᑯᒥᑦ 2013-ᒥᑦ, ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ.


But the negotiations for this IIBA took place before Baffinland had filed its revised proposal with the Nunavut Impact Review Board to boost its operations in north Baffin.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒪᙵᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑦ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᖅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᒥᑦ ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᙱᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓘᑉ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᒃ.


And that deal was reached before the QIA realized how the mining company’s expansion might affect Inuit and the environment.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᐅᕌᓂᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᓂᖃᕋᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᕙᑎᒋᔭᐅᒧᒥᓐ.


This became clearer during the second technical meeting called for this week by the NIRB on Baffinland’s project proposal.

ᐅᓇ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐆᒧᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒧᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖓ ᐅᑯᑎᒌᓇᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑲᑎᒪᓚᐅᖅᖢᑎᒡᓗ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ.


In the short term, Baffinland wants to build a 110-kilometre railway in north Baffin, double its ore production to 12 million tonnes a year and extend the length of its shipping season from July 1 to Nov. 15 to accommodate about 175 transits of big ore-carrying ships.

ᕿᓚᒥᕈᓗᒃᑯᑦ, ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᓴᓇᔪᒪᖕᒪᑕ 110 ᑭᓛᒥᑕᓂᒃ ᑕᑭᓂᓕᖕᒥ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᖕᒧᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓘᑉ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᒃ, ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᐅᖓ 12 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑕᓐᔅ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᒥᐊᕐᔪᐊᒃᑰᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᒫᙵᑦ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 15-ᒧᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ 175-ᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᔾᔪᑏᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒥᓐ ᐅᓯᑲᖅᑕᐅᑎᑦ ᐅᒥᐊᕐᔪᐊᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ.


The railway to the north of Mary River would likely start operating by 2021 and accommodate a total fleet of five locomotives and 200 cars.

ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖓ ᓄᓘᔮᑦ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓄᙵᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓕᕋᔭᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ 2021-ᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᕐᑕᐅᕙᒡᓗᓂ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᓂᒃ 200-ᓂ ᐅᓂᐊᒐᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


Building it would require multiple quarries and at least 12.7 million cubic metres of rock-fill.

ᓴᓇᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ ᐃᓗᑐᖅᑎᕆᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒫᓂ 12.7 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑭᐅᐱᒃ ᒦᑕᔅᓯ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᑖᕐᕕᒃᓴᓂᒃ.


This map shows the full extent of the company’s future expansion plans: one railway running north to Milne Inlet and another running south to Steensby Inlet, with eventual annual production of 30 million tonnes of iron ore per year.

ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᙳᐊᖅ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᒪᔪᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᒥᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ: ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᒧᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎ ᐅᐊᓇᒧᑦ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᕝᕕᐅᓗᓂ ᓄᓘᔮᑦ ᕿᙳᐊᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓ ᓂᒋᕐᒧᑦ Steensby Inlet-ᒧᑦ, ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᓕᕐᓂᐊᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ 30 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑕᓐᔅ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒥᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᑕᒪᓐ.


Participants at the meeting also shared observations of what they said were impacts due to the mine’s current shipping and mine operations: dislocation of narwhals last summer away from Pond Inlet and dust problems inland that are so visible that a normally white-coloured fox turned pink from red iron ore dust.

ᑲᑎᒪᖃᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᑲᑕᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᑕᑯᓯᒪᓕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᖓᒍᑦ: ᕿᓚᓗᒐᐃᑦ ᑑᒑᓖᑦ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᖓᓕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᐅᑉ ᐅᖓᓯᒋᔭᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐳᔪᕐᒥ ᐊᑲᐅᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓗᐊᕌᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᒧ ᓴᕿᔮᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᒪᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᓪᓗᖅᑕᐃᑦ ᑎᕆᒐᓂᐊᕐᔪᐃᑦ ᐊᐅᐸᔪᒃᓯᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᐅᐸᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᐅᑉ ᐳᔪᖓᓄᑦ.


Barnabas said the QIA will continue to work with Baffinland.

ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᑲᔪᓰᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐹᕕᓛᓐᑯᓐᓂᑦ.


But he said the technical meeting left him with many concerns and no time left to fully discuss them.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᑖᕈᑎᒋᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᕕᖃᙱᓗᐊᓕᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖅ.


The role of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit continues to be the central concern of the QIA, which presented a report on IQ linked to the area around the mine during the meeting.

ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᐳᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓄᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᔪᓂ ᑕᒪᑐᖓ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ.


The use of Inuit knowledge is “vital,” Barnabas said, adding that IQ should be the lens through which Baffinland assesses the mine.

ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᖏᑦ “ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐊᓘᖕᒪᑕ,” ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ, ᐅᖃᕆᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᒍᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᓕᕌᖓᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


That was picked up in closing comments from Frank Tester, an advisor to Pond Inlet on the Baffinland project, who said Pond Inlet supports the QIA’s call to reopen the IIBA.

ᐅᓇ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᒪᑐᕙᓪᓕᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᕗᕌᖕᒃ ᑎᐊᔅᑐᒧᑦ, ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᖕᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᖅᓯᖁᔨᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐆᒥᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᒥᑦ.


Tester, a researcher known for his previous studies of the impacts of mining in Nunavut’s Kivalliq region, then delivered a list citing Baffinland’s shortfalls in many areas.

ᑎᐊᔅᑐ, ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᒋᓂᑯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑭᕙᓪᓕᕐᒥᐅᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᒋᓗᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒥᓱᕈᓘᔭᕐᓂᒃ.


Tester said IQ is “inadequate,” “poorly understood” and “improperly” used by Baffinland.

ᑎᐊᔅᑐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ,” “ᑐᑭᓯᔭᐅᓯᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ” ᐊᒻᒪᓗ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ” ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᓐᓂᒃ.


He said its social and cultural research, which he called out for a lack of inclusion of women, families and food security, is “inadequate.”

ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒌᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᖃᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎ, ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᖓ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᒌᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕿᖃᕈᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.”


As for the cumulative effects assessment, Tester said it was “problematic” and that climate change hadn’t been properly assessed.

ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᓪᓕ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᑎᐊᔅᑐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᕙᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ” ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


He also said Pond Inlet had serious concerns about the development of the proposed railway.

ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᖃᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᓇ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᓕᐊᖑᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᓴᖓ.


Other issues raised by Inuit around the table in their final comments included the need for better protection and preservation of archeological sites, as well as more contracting opportunities and involvement for the smaller communities closest to the mine.

ᐊᓯᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐃᓚᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᑕᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᒥᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᒍᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᐅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐃᑦᑕᕐᓂᓴᖃᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒥᑭᓐᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᖃᓂᕐᓴᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


Now Baffinland has three months to placate the QIA, resolve outstanding issues, such as how caribou will manage to cross the railway, provide information that various participants at the meeting requested and prepare for the final public hearing on the phase-two proposal.

ᒫᓐᓇᓕ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ ᐱᖓᓱᓂᒃ ᖁᕕᐊᓱᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᑲᑕᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᒪᑯᑎᑐᓇ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᑐᒃᑐᐃᑦ ᐃᑳᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᐊᓂᒃ, ᑐᓴᐅᒪᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᔭᐅᔪᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᒪᔭᖅᑐᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖅ 2-ᒥᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


This hearing was to take place in Pond Inlet in mid-September.

ᐅᓇ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᖕᒦᓐᓂᐊᓚᐅᕐᑐᓯ ᓯᑎᐱᕆᐅᑉ ᕿᑎᕐᐸᓯᐊᓂᒃ.


But due to the number of expected participants and the shortage of places to stay in the community, the hearing will now take place in both Pond Inlet and in Iqaluit, the NIRB’s executive director said.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓂᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔭᖅᑐᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖅᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ, ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓃᓐᓂᐊᓕᕐᖢᓂ, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ.


The dates for the two hearings have been pushed back, to Sept. 23 to Sept. 27 in Pond Inlet and Sept. 30 to Oct. 4 in Iqaluit.

ᐅᓪᓗᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᕝᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᑖᑯᓄᖓ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐅᖓᕙᕆᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ, ᐅᕗᖓ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 23-ᒥᑦ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 27-ᒧᑦ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 30-ᒥᑦ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆ 4-ᒧᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ.


The hearing in Pond Inlet will focus on participation by local communities and groups.

ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᓂᒃ.


The hearing in Iqaluit will include additional participants and feature a community roundtable with five representatives invited from each of the communities of Igloolik, Hall Beach, Clyde River, Pond Inlet, Arctic Bay, Resolute Bay and Grise Fiord.

ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖅ ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᖃᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑐᙵᓱᒃᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᒃ, ᓴᓂᕋᔭᒃ, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒃ, ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ, ᐃᒃᐱᐊᕐᔪᒃ, ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᖅ.


The NIRB is also planning to make a site visit to the Mary River mine before the hearings.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᐳᓛᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓘᔮᓂᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


The changes to the initial plans for the final hearing mean the NIRB’s report with recommendations on Baffinland’s expansion will go to ministers in Ottawa about three weeks after the Oct. 21 federal election.

ᐊᓯᙳᕈᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦᑕ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕈᒪᓂᖓ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓄᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᐱᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓰᑦ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆ 21-ᒥᑦ.


Nunavik Inuit sign deal with Ottawa to launch self-government negotiations

ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᖏᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖃᑎᖃᖅᐳᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐋᔩᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ


Health and social services will be a priority in discussions, Makivik says

ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑕᐅᓕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ


Makivik Corp. president Charlie Watt and Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett sign a memorandum of understanding June 18, which acts as a framework for any future negotiations towards self-government in Nunavik.

ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓕ ᕗᐊᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᕐᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᑐᑭᓯᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᒍᑎᒥᒃ ᔫᓂ 18-ᒥᑦ, ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕈᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


(ᐊᔾᔨᙳᐊᖅ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᓐᓂᒃ)


Nunavik’s Makivik Corp. has signed an agreement with the federal government that serves as a framework for negotiations towards an Inuit self-government for the region.

ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕈᒪᓂᖏᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


The agreement was signed June 18 by Makivik President Charlie Watt and Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett.

ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᐃᑉᐹᓂᑦ, ᔫᓂ 18, ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓕ ᕗᐊᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ.


The MOU, in development since last fall, outlines Makivik’s objectives, a timeline for discussions, a work plan, dispute resolution and funding.

ᐅᓇ MOU, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᑭᐊᒃᓵᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᐃᓯᒪᕗᖅ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓱᖃᕐᕕᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᑲᑕᖕᓂᐅᑉ, ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ.


In an email to Nunatsiaq News, a spokesperson with CIRNA called the document “a starting point for discussions that will cover many topics on self-determination and governance.”

ᖃᕋᓴᐅᔭᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓄᑦ, ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ CIRNA-ᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑎᑎᖃᖅ “ᐱᒋᐊᓕᕈᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂ ᐱᓇᓱᒍᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ.”


Earlier this year, Makivik appointed a chief negotiator, Mary Simon, to chair the Nunavik Inuit constitutional task force.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐅᑭᐅᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓯᒪᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᒃᑯᐊᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᒥᐊᓕ ᓴᐃᒪᓐᒥᑦ, ᐃᒡᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


Its mandate is to spell out the creation and role of an Inuit government in Nunavik based on Inuit values, heritage, identity, culture and language.

ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒐᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓕᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᐃᑦᑎᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓇᔭᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐱᖃᖅᑎᐅᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᓯᕐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᖃᕐᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥᑦ.


“I am very eager to begin the discussions and negotiations,” Simon said, following the MOU’s signing.

“ᓂᕆᐅᖕᒪᕆᒃᑐᖓ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᑲᑕᓕᕈᑦᑕ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ,” ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ, ᐊᑎᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ MOU-ᒧᑦ.


Those negotiations will largely be focused at a main table, Simon explained, with sectoral forums to discuss specific issues.

ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔪᒪᔪᓂᒃ, ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᑐᖅ, ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓄᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓄᑦ.


“We have agreed to tackle community and family well-being as an urgent topic to ensure that Nunavik Inuit receive the health and social services that all Canadians expect and to provide economic opportunities that we so desperately need,” she said in a June 19 release.

“ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᓚᐅᕋᑦᑕ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᖁᓇᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᓛᖑᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑕᐃᓕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᐅᑕ ᓂᕆᐅᒋᓯᒪᔭᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᕕᖃᕈᑦᓇᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᑕᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐ ᔫᓂ 19-ᒥᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑎᒍᑦ.


Now that Makivik has an MOU in place with Ottawa, its next task will be to enter into a similar agreement with the Quebec government.

ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓯᒪᓕᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ MOU-ᒥᑦ ᐋᑐᕙᒥᑦ, ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓕᐅᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑯᐸᐃᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


Simon said last month that Nunavik Inuit are not asking the government for anything, but rather negotiating “to bring back the authority that has been taken” from the region.

ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᓐ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᖏᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᑭᓱᑐᐃᓐᓇᓂ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ “ᐅᑎᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᔭᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᑯᓂᒃ” ᑕᒫᙵᑦ.


The task force is working to prepare a draft of the Nunavik Inuit government constitution, to be presented to an all-organizations meeting this fall.

ᐱᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᕙᓪᓕᐊᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᑎᖃᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᔪᐊᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓂᒃ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓛᖅᖢᓂ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓕᒫᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓕᖅᐸᑕ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖅ.


The federal government is currently working with Indigenous groups at 80 Recognition of Indigenous Rights and Self-Determination discussion tables across the country, with a goal “to explore new ways of working together to advance the recognition of Indigenous rights and self-determination,” CIRNA said.

ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᕙᓂ 80 ᐃᓕᓴᕆᓯᒪᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔪᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᒥᑦ, ᑐᕌᒐᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ “ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᕿᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓇᓱᒍᒪᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ,” CIRNA ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


ᓂᕈᐊᕐᑕᐅᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᓃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ?


ᑕᑯᒋᐊᖅᑳᕐᓗᓯ ᕿᒡᒋᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓂ


There are no options for a directly elected premier in which regular MLAs do not lose power

ᐱᕕᖃᕐᕕᒃᑕᖃᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᒥ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪ ᐊᓯᐅᔨᓇᔭᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ


Should Nunavut MLAs choose to hold a plebiscite on whether Nunavut’s premier should be chosen in a Nunavut-wide election?

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᐹᓐ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᑎᑲᑕᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᒪᓇᔭᕐᒪᖔᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯ?


Some people believe the best way to improve the quality of territorial government in Nunavut is to start using a direct, public vote to choose the premier.

ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᖕᒪᑕ ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᐸᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᒃᓴᒥᑦ.


ᐅᓇᓕ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒡᒍᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐹᓪ ᖁᐊᓴ.


Nunavut MLAs gave him the premiership on Nov. 17, 2017.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 17, 2017-ᒥ.


In just seven months, on June 14, 2018, the same group of MLAs took the job away from him.

ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 7-ᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃ, ᔫᓂ 14, 2018-ᒥᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖓᓂᒃ ᐲᕐᓯᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


Now, Quassa is advancing a proposal that could permanently weaken the power of regular MLAs and make it far more difficult, and perhaps impossible, for them to remove a premier in the future.

ᒫᓐᓇᓕ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᓯᐅᕋᓱᓕᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᒻᒪᕆᓕᕐᓗᓂ, ᐃᒻᒪᖄᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᒻᒪᕆᓕᕐᓗᓂ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᒃ ᐲᕐᓯᔪᓐᓇᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂ.


He’s given notice that this fall, he plans to ask the same MLAs who removed him from the premiership to support a Nunavut-wide plebiscite on the question of whether Nunavut’s premier should be directly elected.

ᖃᐅᔨᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖑᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᐱᕆᔪᒪᓗᓂᒋᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐲᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖁᓪᓗᓂᒋᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᐊᐱᕐᓱᕈᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᖁᔭᐅᖕᒪᖔᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᓄᑦ.


In support of this idea, Quassa points to the work of the Nunavut Implementation Commission in the mid-1990s.

ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖓ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑎᖃᖅᑎᖢᓂᐅᒃ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᓴᖅᑭᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ 1990-ᖏᑦᑕ ᕿᑎᐸᓗᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


That’s the long-forgotten 10-member body that created the first blueprints for Nunavut’s public government, under the terms of a long-forgotten agreement called the Nunavut Political Accord.

ᐅᓇ ᐳᐃᒍᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑐᖃᐅᓕᕐᑐᖅ ᖁᓕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᐹᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᕆᓇᔭᖅᑕᖓᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒋᓇᔭᖅᑕᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᕘᓈᖓᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐳᐃᒍᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑐᖃᐅᓕᕐᒥᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓕᕆᔨᑦ.


In 1996, they recommended that a Nunavut premier should be directly elected in a Nunavut-wide vote to be held prior to legislative assembly elections, and that such a premier should have the power to hire and fire their own ministers.

1996-ᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᑕᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᐸᒡᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓂᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖁᐊᓴ ᑕᒻᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ.


The Nunavut commission put lot of work into looking at a system for the direct election of a premier.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕈᓘᔭᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ.


Their favoured option was actually drawn from a list of 12.

ᑖᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᓴᖓᑦ ᐱᔭᐅᓂᑯ 12-ᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕋᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


The commission did this because, at that time, there was deep, widespread dissatisfaction with the territorial government everywhere in the Northwest Territories, including within the three regions that later formed Nunavut.

ᑲᒥᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᙱᔾᔪᑎᑕᖃᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑎ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


Elected people at all levels, including MLAs, territorial cabinet ministers and officials with Indigenous organizations, were producing multiple gaffes, scandals and outrages, many related to domestic violence, alcohol abuse, and the abuse of women and children.

ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᓂᖏᑦ ᓇᓃᑐᐃᓐᓇᕋᓗᐊᕐᐸᑦ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᑦ, ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᓄᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᒻᒪᕆᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᖅᑭᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᓕᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᙱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ, ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᙵᑲᑕᖕᓇᕈᓘᔭᕐᓂᒃ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᒥᐊᓗᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᓱᕈᓯᕐᓂᒡᓗ.


Voters on either side of the division boundary were deeply frustrated.

ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᐃᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥ ᓴᐱᓕᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᕆᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


The non-partisan consensus system did not appear to offer a way of expressing that dissatisfaction in a general election.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᖏᓐᓂᖅ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᒃᓴᕐᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᙱᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᖅᑎᒍᑦ.


But the three parties to the Nunavut Political Accord—Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. and the governments of Canada and the Northwest Territories—did not adopt the idea of a directly elected government leader and left the decision to the future Nunavut legislature.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ—ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅ—ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᔪᒥ ᒪᓕᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ.


It didn’t take long for Nunavut’s first group of MLAs to make up their minds.

ᐊᑯᓂᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᖏᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


In March of 1999, they chose a premier and cabinet from among themselves.

ᒫᑦᓯ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖕᒥᖕᓂᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


And in June 1999, at a caucus retreat in Baker Lake, MLAs decided to stick with that system.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᔫᓂ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᖃᒪᓂᖅᑐᐊᕐᒥᓐ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕈᒪᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


“Caucus agreed that the current method of selection of the premier will remain in place to ensure that the holder of the position is accountable at all times to the elected members of the legislative assembly,” they said in a statement issued on June 17, 1999. (The italics are ours.)

”ᑳᑎᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᖠᓂᐅᕙᒃᑐᖅ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ,” ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᑎᒍᑦ ᔫᓂ 17, 1999-ᒥᑦ. (ᓴᖑᖓᔪᑦ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂᙶᖅᑐᑦ.)


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑲᒪᓇᙱᓚᖅ.


Every one of the Nunavut commission’s 12 options would have seen the regular MLA caucus lose power and influence.

ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᒥᓇᓴᓐᑯᑦ 12 ᐃᓱᒪᒃᓴᖅᓯᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᐃᒪᐃᑎᑦᑎᓇᔭᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᓴᙱᓂᖃᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓗᐊᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


Indeed, there are no options for a directly elected premier in which regular MLAs—and the small Nunavut communities and regions that many of them represent—would not lose power and influence.

ᐄᓛᒃ, ᐊᓯᒎᖅᕕᒃᓴᖅᑕᖃᕋᔭᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓪᓚᕆᒃᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒧᑦ ᒪᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ—ᐊᒻᒪ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᒥᑭᑦᑐᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ—ᐊᓯᐅᔨᓇᔭᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐅᓪᓗᒥᒧᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᒍᑎᒋᕙᕗᑦ.


Just last month, regular MLAs doubled down on the principle that their predecessors asserted in 1999, insisting the premier and cabinet are accountable to the public only through the work of regular MLAs.

ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓵᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓪᓚᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖏᑦᑕ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐃᓕᒪᓚᐅᕐᑕᖓᓂᒃ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᒪᐅᓇ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ.


“Regular members are responsible for effectively holding the government accountable to the people of Nunavut through our scrutiny of the government’s budgets, business plans, bills and policies,” they said, in a gruff letter of warning signed by John Main, the chair of the regular members’ caucus.

“ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᑑᑎᖃᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᓄᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯᕆᕙᒃᑕᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔪᑎᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᑎᒍᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᑎᑎᖃᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᔮᓐ ᒪᐃᓐᒧᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕐᔪᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ.


This suggests that if he wants his colleagues in the legislature to support the idea of an elected premier, Quassa has a tough hill to climb.

ᐅᓇ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕈᒪᒍᑎ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᑦ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᒪᔪᕋᖅᑐᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᖃᖅᐳᖅ.


Even Premier Joe Savikataaq says he’s opposed to it.

ᐅᓇᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᔫ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᐱᐅᒃᓴᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ.


That’s not a judgment on the merits of Quassa’s plebiscite proposal, which he made, obviously, in good faith.

ᐅᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᕈᑎᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᖁᐊᓴᐅᑉ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍᓗ, ᓇᓗᓇᙱᓚᖅ, ᐱᓪᓚᕆᒃᖢᓂ.


It simply means political realities could prevent such a plebiscite from ever being held.

ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᓪᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᕙᒃᑐᑎᒍᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᑎᑕᐅᓇᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ.


However, if MLAs, or the cabinet, do decide to leap into a plebiscite on the question of a directly elected premier, they must do so with their eyes wide open.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓕᑳᓪᓚᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐆᒥᖓ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖃᑦᑕᕈᒪᓇᔭᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᑦᑎᐊᕐᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒡᓗᑎᒃ.


And they absolutely must provide the public with a specific, detailed proposal setting out how such a system would work.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


Simply asking people whether or not they want a directly elected premier wouldn’t be good enough.

ᐊᐱᕆᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᒪᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᑲᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓇᒻᒪᒐᔭᙱᒻᒪᑦ.


That’s because the greatest danger posed by a directly elected government leader is that, without sufficient safeguards, the system could create a four-year dictatorship run by an unaccountable, bullying demagogue.

ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᓛᖑᓇᔭᕐᑐᕐᓕ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᐃᒻᒪᓐᓇ, ᐅᔾᔨᕆᓗᐊᑦᑎᐊᑲᑕᙱᓪᓗᓂ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᐅᔪᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᑎᓴᒪᓄᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑭᓇᒧᑦ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᙱᓪᓗᓂ, ᐱᔭᐅᔪᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᑐᓂᒡᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᓂ.


So a description of those safeguards, in the form of a detailed proposal, must be built into any plebiscite question.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓴᕈᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᓖᑦ, ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᖅ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᓯᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᒪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔪᒪᔭᒧᑦ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᔪᒥᒃ.


Keep in mind that the winner of such a vote wouldn’t really be a “premier” anymore.

ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒋᑦᑎ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓵᓚᒃᓴᖅᑐᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᒃᑯᑦ “ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᓪᓚᕆᐅᒍᓐᓃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ.”


Such a system would create a new type of position, similar to that of a U.S. state governor, moving Nunavut towards American-style republicanism.

ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᐃᓂᒋᔭᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᒥᒃ, ᐊᔾᔨᐸᓗᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒥᐊᓕᑲᒥᑦ ᒐᕙᓇᕆᔭᐅᔪᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᕙᓪᓕᐊᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


There, the head of the executive branch of government—the governor and cabinet—do not sit in the state legislature.

ᑕᐃᑲᓂᓕ, ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂ—ᐅᓇ ᒐᕙᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᖏᑦ—ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑕᐅᕙᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᔨᔪᐊᕐᒥᓐ.


It would likely create a stronger executive branch, empowering ministers, deputy ministers and the rest of the bureaucracy.

ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᙱᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓂᒃ ᐱᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕈᔪᖕᓂᒃ.


At the same time, it would weaken MLAs and their legislative committees.

ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓴᙲᒃᑎᑦᑎᕚᓪᓕᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓂᒃ.


Given that vote-rich Baffin would likely dominate a Nunavut-wide election, this idea might also weaken and permanently marginalize smaller regions like the Kitikmeot.

ᐅᓇ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᒍ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᒻᒪᐃᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓗᒃᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓴᙲᒡᓕᕚᓪᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒥᑭᓐᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑰᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᕿᑎᕐᒥᐅᑎᑐᑦ.


Is that what Nunavut residents really want?

ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᖃᐃ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅ ᐱᔪᒪᓪᓚᕆᖕᒪᑕ?


And who would be eligible to run for premier?

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᓇ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᙳᕋᓱᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ?


ᐃᓐᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑑᕐ?


ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ?


Above all, how would MLAs get rid of a directly elected premier who abuses their power or engages in unethical behaviour?

ᐅᓇ ᐱᓂᖅᐹᖑᓪᓗᓂ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᑦ ᐃᓂᒥᓄᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᓕᕐᓂᕈᓂ?


And when would the election for premier be held?

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᖓᒃᑯᓪᓕ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᒪᓐ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒧᓐ?


In the period prior to a general election of members?

ᒪᐅᓇᖃᐃᑦ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ?


ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᖅᑕᖃᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ?


Also, it’s essential that such a system provide for a second run-off vote between the top two finishers of the first vote to ensure a candidate gets least 50 per cent of the vote before being declared premier.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᓪᓗᓂ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᒍᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᖅᑕᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᒥᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᓛᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᑰᖕᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔫᑦ ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓇᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᒪ ᐱᖃᑎᖓ ᓵᒪᖃᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᙳᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


If the legislative assembly can’t provide detailed answers to these and other questions prior to a plebiscite, then they shouldn’t hold one.

ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᐅᔪᓐᓇᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕋᓱᓪᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᑦ.


Meanwhile, there’s a simpler solution to the question of how to choose a premier on a Nunavut-wide basis.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᔪᕐᓇᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᒥᒡᓗ ᑭᐅᔾᔪᑎᑕᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᓕᒫᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᓗᑎᒃ.


And that is to abandon the current non-partisan system and embrace a party system.

ᐅᕝᕙᓕ ᒫᓐᓇ ᓇᓕᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᖓᓂ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᕌᒐᕆᔭᖃᖅᑐᑎᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖔᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


But that may not be a good fit for Nunavut either.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ.


Stay tuned for an editorial on that subject soon.

ᑕᑯᒋᐊᓚᐅᕐᐸᔅᓗᓯ ᑕᒪᑐᒪ ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑎᒥᙶᖅᑐᒥᓐ ᖃᓂᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ.


Government of Nunavut touts its long-awaited, revised Corrections Act

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓯᕗᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ, ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ


“It has made for a better bill for the inmate population”

“ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ”


Construction is now underway in Iqaluit of the new Qikiqtani Correctional Healing Centre, which will replace the controversial Baffin Correctional Centre.

ᓴᓇᕙᓪᓕᐊᓯᕗᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᐆᒥᖓ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ, ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓗᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕕᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᙶᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᓴᐃᕋ ᕌᔾᔪᔅ)


The Government of Nunavut says its new corrections legislation is more transparent, Inuit-focused and responsive to the needs of inmates in the territory.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅ ᓴᕿᔮᕐᑐᒃᑰᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᓂ, ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.


Bill 1, Nunavut’s Corrections Act, received assent earlier this month.

ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ 1, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ, ᐊᖏᖅᑕᐅᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥ.


One of the main pieces of the legislation is the creation of a new investigations officer, responsible for review and oversight.

ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᕐᓕ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᒧᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᑖᒥᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ, ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ.


The legislation also provides for new limits on segregation, counselling for inmates by elders and reporting on disciplinary hearings.

ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᖃᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᔭᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᒧ (ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᓕᓴᕋᐃᙱᓐᓂᖅ), ᐃᓅᓯᓕᕆᔨᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑰᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓂᒃ.


Nunavut’s new corrections act was a long time coming; it was originally inherited from the Northwest Territories where it was first drafted in the early 1970s.

ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᕈᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᐅᑕᕿᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ; ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᑰᓪᓗᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓕᕆᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ 1970-ᖏᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ.


The GN launched consultations in 2016 to gather input to draft its own act.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 2016-ᒥᑦ ᖃᑎᕐᓱᐃᓇᓱᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᖓᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᔭᖓᓄᑦ.


But once the proposed legislation was introduced to the legislature in 2017, it died on the order paper when the assembly dissolved before the territorial elections that year.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᒪᓕᒐᒃᓴᐅᖁᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ 2017-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᓯᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᖅᑲᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓚᐅᓕᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥᑦ.


The re-introduced legislation is largely the same bill that was introduced two years ago, with an emphasis on grievance procedures and Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, said Bill MacKay, deputy minister of Justice.

ᑖᓐᓇ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᖅ ᐊᔾᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐸᓗᐊ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐅᖓᓪᓕᕐᒥᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓚᐃᕐᑐᓄᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᐅᓪ ᒪᑲᐃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖓ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


“The process has taken a while, but we had a lot of input over the course of the last few years,” MacKay said.

“ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖓ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓚᓯᒪᔭᕗᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ,” ᒪᑲᐃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“At the end of the day, it has made for a better bill for the inmate population and for Nunavummiut as a whole.”

“ᐅᓪᓗᖅ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ.”


But it will take some time to see the results of the new legislation, which won’t come into effect until the new investigations officer and deputy officer roles are filled.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᑕᕿᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᒥᔪᒍ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᒃᓴᖅ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᔾᔮᙱᖢᓂ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᓂᐊᖅᑕᖓᑕ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᖃᓕᖅᐸᑕ.


That will likely take a year, MacKay said.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓕᒫᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐊᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᒪᑲᐃ.


Both of those positions will provide oversight independent of the GN, though their decisions will be referred back to the director of corrections to ultimately act on.

ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᒃᓵᒃ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕐᓇᕈᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᒧᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓕᕋᔭᕐᒪᒍ.


Officers can review and make decisions on inmates in administrative segregation, which can either be imposed by corrections staff or requested by inmates for safety reasons, as well as in cases of disciplinary segregation, which are decided as a result of a hearing.

ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐃᒪᓐᓇᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᔪᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓴᖅᑐᒦᑦᑕᐃᓕᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᓪᓗ, ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᒻᒪᕆᒃᑲᔭᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


Inmates can then ask for a review on those decisions.

ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᐱᕆᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕈᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ.


While there was previously no set timeline for when that review would have to happen for inmates in disciplinary segregation, notice must now be given within a 24-hour period.

ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓯᒪᙱᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᑎᒋᔪᖅ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ, ᖃᐅᔨᑎᑦᑎᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕋᑦ 24 ᐃᓗᐊᓂᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᔪᒪᕝᕕᖓᑕ.


Among the other reforms introduced in the new bill are the following:

ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᖕᒥᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕈᑎᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᔪᑦ:


• a requirement to flag an inmate’s mental health issues as a health issue (and not a safety one) and to refer inmates to mental health services

• ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔫ ᐃᓱᒪᖓᒍᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕈᑎᖏᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕐᓂᓪᓚᕆᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ (ᖁᐊᓵᕐᓇᕋᔭᕐᓂᕐᒨᙱᑦᑐᖅ) ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᖏᒍᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᑎᑉᐸᒡᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᓕᕆᔨᓄᑦ


• ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓚᐃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᑦᔭ


• a requirement to produce annual reports, including information on disciplinary hearings

• ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒧᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐊᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑰᕈᑎᓂᒃ


• a minimum amount of Inuit-focused programming, including the availability of elders for counselling as requested

• ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᐅᔾᔨᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑕᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑐᖃᕈᒪᓐᓇᕈᓂ


• the creation of an Inuit Society Values Committee, whose members would be appointed based on nominations from Inuit organizations, to guide the use of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit

• ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓂᒃ, ᑲᑎᒪᔨᒃᓴᑦ ᑎᒃᑯᐊᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᕙᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖓ ᒪᓕᒃᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒍ


Because the previous legislation came from Northwest Territories, it wasn’t Inuit-focused, MacKay said.

ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᙶᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᓯᒪᓚᐅᙱᒻᒪᑦ, ᒪᑲᐃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Now all corrections policies and directives must be reviewed by that committee.

ᒫᓐᓇᓕ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᐃᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᒃᓴᐃᓪᓗ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓄᑦ.


“We wanted to make sure that it was a key part of this legislation,” he said.

“ᑖᓐᓇ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑐᒪᒐᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒧᖓ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓗᓂ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Iqaluit passes motion to develop ban on plastic bags

ᐃᖅᑲᓗᐃᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒥᒃ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ


“It’s always been an issue on people’s minds”

“ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᒋᔭᐅᕙᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ”


Iqaluit city council passed a motion on Tuesday night to develop a ban on single-use plastic bags in the city.

ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔩ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒥᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐹᓂᑦ, ᔫᓂ 25, ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᒃᑕᔫᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂᒃ.


Coun. Kyle Sheppard, who introduced the motion, said he hopes the bylaw will be put into effect by January 2020.

ᑲᐃᐅᓪ ᓴᐳᑦ, ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᖕᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕋᓛᑦ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 2020-ᒥᑦ.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᐃᐊᒪ ᑐᕌᓐᑐ)


Plastic bags in Nunavut’s capital may soon be a thing of the past.

ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖃᕐᕕᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᓂᐊᓕᕐᑐᑦ.


Iqaluit city council passed a motion on Tuesday night to write a bylaw banning the use of plastic bags in the city’s retail stores.

ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐹ ᐅᓐᓄᖓᓂ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒥᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕈᓐᓃᖁᓗᒋᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃᓂᑦ.


Coun. Kyle Sheppard tabled the motion, which passed with unanimous support from council.

ᑲᑎᒪᔨ ᑲᐃᐅᓪ ᓴᐳᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥᒃ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ.


Sheppard says the motion is something Iqaluit residents have expressed interest in for a long time, but the recent community cleanup day inspired him to bring it to council.

ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᖔᕈᑎ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖅ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓕᓚᐅᕐᑕᖓ.


“Anybody involved in the community cleanup can comment on the number of plastic bags found throughout town, lying in our creeks.

“ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᐃᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᓚᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᒐᔭᖕᓂᒃ ᓇᓂᓯᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐃᓗᐊᓂᒃ, ᑯᒐᓛᖕᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕆᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


It’s always been an issue on people’s minds,” he said.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


This is not the first time such a bylaw has been proposed by the city.

ᐅᓇ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᐹᙳᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂᒃ.


In 2008, Iqaluit city council drafted a similar bylaw to eliminate single-use plastic bags.

2008-ᒥᑦ, ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᖑᔭᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔾᔨᐸᓗᐊᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒥᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᕐᓗᑎ ᐊᑐᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.


Under that bylaw, retailers would not have been allowed to hand out plastic bags, but could offer paper bags or reusable bags for a fee.

ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᑎᒍᓪᓕ, ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᕈᓐᓃᖁᔭᐅᓂᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐸᐃᑉᐹᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᑐᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᕌᕐᔪᒃᓗᑎᒃ.


Plastic bags could still be used to package meat, fish and produce.

ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᓱᓕ ᓂᕿᓄᑦ, ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᕈᒻᑐᕕᓂᕐᓄᑦ.


Retailers who violated the ban were to be fined $100.

ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᒪᓕᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᖢᑎᒃ $100-ᓂᒃ.


Although the 2008 bylaw received support from city council at the time, it was held up in third reading and was never put in place.

ᐅᓇ 2008-ᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᖅ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓄᖃᖓᑎᑕᐅᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᔪᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓇᓂ.


“We’re trying to rectify and revive that process from 11 years ago,” Sheppard said.

“ᐋᕿᒋᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕋᓱᒃᑲᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ 11-ᓂ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᑯ,” ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Beyond the plastic in the city’s streets, Sheppard said harvesters have told him about finding plastics inside the stomachs of animals hunted in the area.

ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑑᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᓴᐳᑦ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᒃᐸᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᔾᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕿᐊᕈᕐᒥᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᒃᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᒫᓂ.


“Anytime you’re boating now, you can see plastic bags floating under the water.

“ᖃᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᒥᐊᖅᑐᕐᖢᓂ ᑕᑯᔪᓐᓇᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᒍᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐃᒪᐅᐊ ᐃᓗᐊᒎᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


I think banning them now would be a good step in preventing some of that waste going forward.”

ᐃᓱᒪᔪᖓ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᒍᑎᒃ ᐱᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᒃᑕᑯᐃ ᓯᕗᒧᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᖁᓇᒋᑦ.”


Sheppard said he realizes a ban on plastic bags also raises the question: Why not ban all plastic in Iqaluit?

ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᔫᒐᓗᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᒍᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐅᓇ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ: ᖃᓄᐃᒻᒪᓪᓕ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᓕᒫᖅ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ?


“In the bigger scheme of things, all plastics are an issue. But locally, we don’t have a straw problem.

“ᐊᖏᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᓂ, ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ. ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᕙᓂ ᓄᓇᑦᑎᓐᓂᑦ ᓱᓪᓗᓕᑯᓗᖕᓂ ᐃᒥᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ.


ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕋᑦᑕᓕ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.”


There have been other efforts to curb Iqaluit’s plastic use.

ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


In 2011, Northmart started charging customers 25 cents per plastic bag, a policy that still applies today.

2011-ᒥᑦ, ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ 25 ᓴᓐᔅᓂᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᒥᒃ ᐹᒃᓴᒧᑦ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᓱᓕ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᓪᓗᒥ.


Northmart saw a 60 per cent reduction in plastic bags handed out in its Nunavut and Nunavik stores after introducing the charge.

ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ 60 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒥ ᐊᑦᑎᒃᓯᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᑐᓂᐅᖅᑲᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᑉᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃᓂᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᒍᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


The Northwest Company, which owns Northmart, donated the money collected from bag sales to programs such as school breakfasts, community cleanups and scholarships.

ᓄᐊᑦᕕᐊᔅᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦᒥᑦ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᐊᑭᓕᐅᑎᒍᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐅᓪᓛᕈᒻᒥᑕᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᐃᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.


Arctic Ventures, Iqaluit’s other major grocery store, started a 10-cent-a-bag charge in 2008 and immediately saw a drop of 30 to 40 per cent in the number of plastic bags it handed out to customers.

ᐋᑎᒃ ᕙᓐᓱᔅ, ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓘᖕᒥᔪᖅ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃ, ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 10 ᓯᐊᓐᔅᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᒧᑦ 2008-ᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᐅᔨᑲᐅᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ 30 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒥᑦ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒧᑦ ᐅᓄᕈᓐᓃᖅᐹᓪᓕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓂᐅᕕᖅᑐᓄᑦ.


Both Northmart and Ventures handed out free reusable bags to customers before moving to charging them for single-use plastic bags, to encourage people to step away from plastic.

ᑕᒪᐃᓂᒃ ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕙᓐᓱᔅ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓂᐅᕕᕆᐊᖅᐸᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᙱᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᑐᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᒪᓪᓗᒋᑦ.


Baffin Canners and the Baffin Gas bar use corn-based biodegradable bags.

ᕚᕕᓐ ᑳᓄᔅ (Baffin Canners) ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐹᕕᓐ ᐅᕐᓱᐊᓗᒃᑖᕐᕕᒃ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᑦ ᑯᐊᓐᒥᙶᖅᑐᒥᒃ ᓄᖑᔭᑦᑐᒥ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.


The federal government also announced its plans earlier this year to ban single-use plastics, including bags, as early as 2021.

ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᕐᕌᒍ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖁᔨᔪᓐᓃᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᕆᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓚᒋᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ 2021 ᑎᑭᑉᐸᑦ.


Sheppard is hopeful the bylaw will pass this time around.

ᓴᐳᑦ ᓂᕆᐅᒃᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᖁᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᑕᒪᐅᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔭᐅᓂᖓᒍᑦ.


“ᓂᕆᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᖓ.


I know I’ve heard from a lot of residents before and after the motion was made.

ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒐᒪ ᑐᓴᕐᓯᒪᓂᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᙶᕈᑎ.


ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᒫᓐᓇᒧᑦ.”


City administration will write the bylaw in consultation with council members and is expected to bring it back for first reading in the next couple of months, Sheppard said.

ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᑕᖅᑮᒃ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᐊᓂᒍᕐᓯᒪᓕᕈᑎᒃ, ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Sheppard said he hopes the bylaw, if it passes, will be in effect by January 2020.

ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᖕᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᖅ, ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᒃᐸᒃ, ᐊᑐᓕᕐᓂᐊᖁᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 2020-ᒥᑦ.


Debate on a bylaw happens after second reading, where council can then make changes or recommendations, Sheppard said.

ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᖃᑕᓕᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᑲᑎᒪᔩᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ, ᓴᐳᑦ. ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, 76, ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᖅᐳᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ


Veteran MLA remembered as “one of the driving forces behind the creation of Nunavut”

ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᔭᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ “ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓂᑯ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᒐᓱᒃᖢᒍ”


ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ 2016-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


The veteran HIgh Arctic MLA and mayor died on July 1 at the age of 76.

ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᖅ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᐃᔭ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥᑦ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᓕᖅᖢᓂ 76-ᓂᒃ.


Nunavut and Northwest Territories leaders are paying tribute to one of Nunavut’s longest-serving elected leaders, Ludy Pudluk, who died on July 1 at the age of 76, following a long illness.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᑉ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᓂᖃᓚᐅᕐᐳᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓛᒥᑦ, ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᓕᖅᖢᓂ 76-ᓂᒃ, ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗ ᖃᓂᒪᓪᓗᓂ.


Pudluk was born on Jan. 31, 1943, at an outpost camp called Qaumarjuit on Navy Board Inlet, near Mittimatalik, or Pond Inlet.

ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐃᓅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 31, 1943-ᒥ, ᓄᓇᓕᕋᓛᒥᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᖃᐅᒫᕐᔪᐃᑦ ᐅᕙᓂ ᓇᐃᕕ ᐳᐊᑦ ᐃᓐᓚᑦᒥᑦ, ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᐅᑉ ᖃᓂᒋᔭᖓᓂ.


In 1958, he moved with his father’s family to Resolute Bay, where he lived for the rest of his life.

1958-ᒥ, ᓄᒃᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᑖᑕᖓᑕ ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᒧᑦ, ᑕᐃᑲᓂᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᓕᖅᖢᓂ.


He told the Qikiqtani Truth Commission that at the age of 16 or 17 he attended school for two or three years in Resolute Bay and learned English by doing work at the Royal Canadian Air Force base there.

ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᓱᓕᔪᓄᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᒥ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ 16-ᓂᒃ 17-ᓂᓪᓗᑭᐊᖅ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᖓᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐱᖓᓱᓂᓪᓗᑭᐊᖅ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓪᓗᓇᐅᔭᕈᓐᓇᕐᓯᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖃᖅᑕᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᒃᓴᖃᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


Pudluk, whose English surname has also been spelled as “Padluk,” gave more than an hour of testimony to the truth commission in 2008. Readers many find the video recording here.

ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑐᑦ ᐊᑎᕈᓯᖓ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᒥᔪᖅ “Padluk,” ᐅᖃᓪᓚᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓱᓕᔪᓄᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᑯᓐᓄᑦ 2008-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


From 1975 to 1991, he was elected four times to serve as a member of the legislative assembly of the Northwest Territories, representing the High Arctic constituency.

1975-ᒥ 1991-ᒧ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑎᓴᒪᐃᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ, ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᕐᒥᐅᓂᒃ.


After the electoral district’s name changed to Quttiktuq, he won re-election in 1991 and served as a territorial MLA until 1995.

ᓂᕈᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᖅᒧᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ 1991-ᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ 1995 ᑎᑭᖢᒍ.


He also served as minister of government services in the Government of the Northwest Territories. John Quirke, now the clerk of the Nunavut legislature, served as Pudluk’s deputy minister at that time.

ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ, ᔮᓐ ᑯᐊᒃ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑎᑎᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᖅ, ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒧᑦ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ.


Following his 20-year career as an MLA, Pudluk served as mayor of Resolute Bay and participated in other local organizations.

ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᐊᕙᑎᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓯᒫᓪᓚᓚᐅᖅᖢᓂ, ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᒪᐃᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᑲᑕᒃᖢᓂ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᒐᓚᖕᓂ.


“I was saddened to hear of the passing of Ludy Pudluk, member of the Order of Nunavut and MLA for the High Arctic in the Northwest Territories legislative assembly from 1975 to 1995,” Nunavut Premier Joe Savikataaq said in a statement posted on Facebook.

“ᓄᒫᓱᒍᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᐸᕋ ᑐᓴᕋᒪ ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖏᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᒧ (Order of Nunavut) ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ 1975-ᒥᑦ 1995-ᒧᑦ,” ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᔫ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᕙᐃᔅᐳᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᔮᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ.


“I’m wishing his loved ones peace and remembering his contributions to Nunavut today,” Savikataaq said.

“ᐃᓚᑯᓗᖏ ᖃᓄᐃᖁᙱᓚᒃᑲ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᕙᒃᑲ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᒥ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


In a joint statement, the Speakers of the Nunavut and N.W.T. legislatures also say they mourn Pudluk’s passing.

ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᒌᒃᖢᑎᒃ, ᐅᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᒥ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔫᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᑐᒥ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ.


“Mr. Pudluk was a dedicated spokesperson for the North, was a strong climate change activist, and made significant contributions to the creation of Nunavut,” Jackson Lafferty, the Speaker of the N.W.T. assembly, said in the statement.

“ᒥᔅᑕ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑎᐅᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒧᑦ, ᓴᙱᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᓕᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ,” ᔮᒃᓴᓐ ᓛᕗᑎ, ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐅᖃᕐᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᐊᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


Nunavut’s Speaker, Simeon Mikkungwak, expressed similar sentiments.

ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑎ, ᓯᒥᐅᓐ ᒥᑭᙳᐊᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᐸᓗᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕆᕗᖅ.


“Ludy Pudluk received the Order of Nunavut last year in recognition of his lifetime of public service.

“ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᑖᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓅᓯᖓᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓅᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


My colleagues and I join his family, friends and former constituents in mourning his passing,” Mikkungwak said.

ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᒃᑲ ᐅᕙᖓᓗ ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓂ ᐃᓚᐅᕗᒍ,” ᒥᑭᙳᐊᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Nunavut Senator Dennis Patterson, along with other Nunavut MLAs who sat in the N.W.T. legislature, like the late Mark Evaluardjuk, Ipeelie Kilabuk and Joe Arlooktoo, worked with Pudluk for many years.

ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᓴᓂᑐ ᑕᓂᔅ ᐹᑐᓴᓐ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑦᑕᓚᐅᖅᑐᓂᒃ, ᐆᑐᓇᖅ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᒫᒃ ᐃᕙᓗᐊᕐᔪᒃ, ᐊᐃᐱᓕ ᕿᓚᐸᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᔫ ᐋᕐᓗᒃᑐ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒐᓴᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ.


“Today we mourn the death of one of Nunavut’s foremost elder statesmen, who was known as the dean of the assembly at the time of his retirement in 1995, for his five terms representing the High Arctic in the Northwest Territories,” Patterson said in a statement.

“ᐅᓪᓗᒥ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᕙᕗᑦ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᖃᑕᐅᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᖅ, ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᒪᔨᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᓄᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ 1995-ᒥᑦ, ᑕᓪᓕᒪᐃᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᕐᒥᐅᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ.


“Ludy was respected by all his colleagues as a wise, humble man with a strong vision for Nunavut and an ever-present sense of humour,” Patterson said.

“ᓘᑎ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᑦᑎᐊᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᓕᒫᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᖕᓂᖓᓄᑦ, ᐃᓄᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᓴᙱᔪᒥᒃ ᑕᐅᑐᙳᐊᒐᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᔅᓯᓇᕐᓴᕋᐃᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᖢᓂ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Last year, the Nunavut legislature honoured Pudluk by inducting him into the Order of Nunavut.

ᐊᕐᕌᓂ, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᑦ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ ᐃᓕᓴᕐᓯᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᒥᑦ ᐱᑖᕐᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ.


In a speech he gave last year at Pudluk’s investiture ceremony, Patterson praised the work of Pudluk and other members of the Nunavut caucus of the N.W.T. legislature.

ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐸᓪᓘᑉ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᖓᓄᑦ ᖁᕕᐊᓲᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ, ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐸᓪᓘᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓂ ᐱᒃᑯᒋᔭᖃᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ.


“Those of us who were in the N.W.T. legislative assembly during those critical years know that without the support of the N.W.T. assembly, Nunavut would never have happened.

“ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓄᓪᓕ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒦᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑎᒍ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕈᓘᔭᑲᑕᖕᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᓐᓇᕋᔭᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ.


“It was the combined pressure from TFN [Tungavik Federation of Nunavut] but also the elected legislative assembly of those years, which pushed Ottawa to agree to divide the N.W.T. in 1993,” Patterson said.

“ᑲᑐᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᑎᓕᐅᕆᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅ ᐊᕕᖁᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ 1993ᔾᒥᑦ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“Ludy Pudluk, I salute you for your leadership and your endurance as one of the driving forces behind the creation of Nunavut.” On the day of Pudluk’s memorial service, flags will be lowered to half-mast at the legislative assembly building in Yellowknife.

“ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓚᐅᕐᓃᑦ ᐅᐱᒋᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᐸᕋ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒻᒪᕆᖕᓃᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᖃᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ.”


Nunavut judge pushes back against Supreme Court’s Gladue doctrine

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐅᖓᕙᕆᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᕗᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯ Gladue ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ


Gladue principles don’t apply to bail hearings, Justice Paul Bychok rules

Gladue ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᖏ ᐊᑐᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐹᓪ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᐳᖅ


A Nunavut judge has ruled that the Supreme Court of Canada’s Gladue decision does not apply to bail hearings.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᕗᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ Gladue (ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᕐᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᒧᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ) ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᑲᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


Contrary to what some judges in other parts of the country have found, Justice Paul Bychok of Nunavut ruled last November that the Supreme Court of Canada’s famous Gladue decision does not apply to bail hearings.

ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᓄᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᔭᐅᓯᒪᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐹᓪ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᑕᖅ ᐃᒪᓐᓇᖔᖅ ᐅᖃᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᕕᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᑕᖓᑦ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ.


“As I have stated, extending the spirit of Gladue to pre-trial bail is not supported by statutory law or properly grounded judicial precedent,” Bychok said.

“ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑕᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᓇ Gladue ᖃᓄᐃᒍᑎᕕᓂᖓ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᒻᒪᕆᒃᑎᒍᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᓪᓚᕆᒃᓯᒪᙱᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


He issued the ruling on Nov. 29, 2018, after Chris Jaypoody, 38, of Clyde River, who then faced a second-degree murder charge, had applied for bail.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 29, 2018-ᒥ, ᐅᓇ ᑯᕆᔅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ, 38, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᖕᒥᐅᑕᖅ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᓯᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᑎᒥ ᐱᓇᓱᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


Bail hearings are usually covered by a temporary publication ban.

ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᒍᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᓯᐅᒋᐊᖃᙱᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᑲᒃᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ.


That means that while a case is before the court, it’s illegal for media to report things that are said at the bail hearing, including the judge’s reasons for making a bail decision.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᖅ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ, ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᕗᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᒍᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᑉ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


In Jaypoody’s case, that ban was lifted this past June 27, when a different judge, Justice Susan Cooper, sentenced Jaypoody to four years in prison on a manslaughter conviction.

ᐆᒧᖓᓕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᑎᑎᕋᐅᓯᖃᖅᑕᐃᓕᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᔪᖅ ᔫᓂ 27-ᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᓯᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒥᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᓲᓴᓐ ᑰᐳ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᑎᓴᒪᓂ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ.


On the same day, with the ban no longer in place, the Nunavut court released the full text of Bychok’s 25-page bail decision.

ᑕᕝᕙᓂᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᓪᓗᕐᒥ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᑕᐃᓕᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᓕᒫᖑᓂᑯᓂᑦ ᒪᒃᐱᒐᓕᖕᓂᑦ 25-ᓂ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


In it, Bychok agreed that Jaypoody is neither a flight risk nor at risk of re-offending.

ᑕᕝᕙᓂ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᕿᒫᒐᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑲᓐᓂᕋᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.


ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐋᒃᑳᖅᑐᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓄᑦ, ᓴᐳᔾᔨᔨᓄᑦ


But he denied Jaypoody’s bid for bail, on the grounds that releasing him would damage public confidence in the administration of justice, especially within Clyde River.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐋᒃᑳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ, ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᒍᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓃᕋᔭᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓗᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒻᒥ.


In doing so, he rejected submissions from Crown and defence lawyers, who agreed Jaypoody ought to be released while awaiting trial and posed no threat to public safety.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕐᖢᓂ, ᒪᓕᓚᐅᙱᓚᖅ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᓗᐊᐃᔭᓂᒃ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓄ.


Ilan Neuman, Jaypoody’s defence lawyer, proposed Jaypoody be released into the supervision of Jaypoody’s 56-year-old mother and his 70-year-old stepfather, who would act as sureties.

ᐃᒪᓐ ᓂᐅᒪᓐ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᕐᑎᖓ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ, ᐱᔪᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ 56-ᓂ ᐅᑭᐅᓕᒃ ᐊᓈᓇᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ 70-ᓂ ᐅᑭᐅᓕᒃ ᐊᑖᑕᒃᓴᖓᓄᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐊᑭᓖᔨᐅᓇᔭᖅᖢᑎᒃ.


Under that plan, Jaypoody would live with them at their home.

ᑖᕝᕘᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᖏᕐᕋᖓᓃᓐᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ.


The lawyer representing the Crown that day, Moray Welch, did not oppose Jaypoody’s pre-trial release, and suggested a curfew from 9 p.m. to 7 a.m. every day, and that each surety post $1,000.

ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔪᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓂᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᓂ ᐅᓪᓗᕐᒥ, ᒧᕆᐃ ᕗᐃᐊᔅ, ᐊᑭᕋᖅᑐᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓯᕐᓯᒪᓕᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᓂᒃ 9-ᒥ ᐅᓐᓄᒃᑯ 7-ᒧᑦ ᐅᓪᓛᒧᑦ ᖃᐅᑕᒫᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᑲᒪᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑑᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᓗᑎᒃ $1,000-ᓂ.


And, according to Bychok, the Crown lawyer said releasing Jaypoody into the community would not shock the people of Clyde River, because of “the scale of what transpires in this territory on a regular basis.”

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐆᒧᖓᓕ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃᒧᑦ, ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓄᑦ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᒃᐸᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᒪᖏᔭᐅᓇᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒻᒥᐅᑕᓄᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ “ᑕᐃᒪᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᒡᒍᖕᒪᑦ ᑕᒫᓂ.”


But Bychok shot back, calling that a “startling assertion,” saying domestic and family violence in Nunavut should not be normalized because of its frequency.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᑭᐅᑲᐅᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ “ᑐᐸᖕᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᓚᒌᓄᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒐᔪᖕᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ.


“The staggering frequency of domestic and family violence—what Crown Counsel called ‘regular’—does not make domestic and family violence, indeed homicides, in our homes somehow unremarkable,” he said.

“ᒪᑯᐊ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᖅ—ᐅᑯᐊ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᖓ ‘ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᒐᔪᒃᑐᖅ’—ᒪᑯᓂᖓ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᑎᓐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᖅ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᕙᖕᓂᖅ, ᐊᖏᕐᕋᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᙱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᐅᕗᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“I do not share the prosecution’s perspective on domestic and family-related homicides in Nunavut.

“ᐃᓱᒪᒋᖃᑎᒋᙱᓚᕋ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᑉ ᐋᖅᑭᒃᓯᒪᔭᖓ ᐅᓇ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᓄ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.


In my respectful view, news of any pre-trial release for Mr. Jaypoody would seriously undermine reasonable public confidence that the justice system takes domestic and family violence seriously.

ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᓐᓂ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᕋᓕ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᑐᓴᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᐆᒥᖓ ᒥᔅᑕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᒥ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒡᓗ ᓲᕐᓗ ᑭᓲᖏᓐᓂᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐅᓪᓗᓂ.”


Gladue does not apply to bail, judge says

Gladue ᐊᒃᑐᐃᓂᖃᙱᓚᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ


And in a section of his judgment that goes on for at least five pages, Bychok also rejected a submission from defence lawyer Neuman asserting that judges should consider Gladue principles at bail hearings.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓚᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᖏᓐᓅᖓᔪᓂᑦ ᒪᒃᐱᖓᕐᓂ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᒻᒥᔪᖅ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᒥᑦ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᓂᐅᒪᓐᒥᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ.


In the Gladue decision, which dates to 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada said that in sentencing Indigenous offenders, courts must take their special circumstances into account.

ᐅᕙᓂᓕ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᑯᑦ 1999-ᒥ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᒍᓯᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


Bychok said that when the Supreme Court did this, they did not create “new law.”

ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ “ᓄᑖᒥ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥ.”


They simply interpreted an existing law on sentencing principles for Indigenous people that Parliament had added to the Criminal Code in 1996.

ᑐᑭᓕᐅᕆᑐᐃᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᔮᕌᓂᒃᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓕᕌᖓᑕ ᒪᓕᒃᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᐸᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᖅ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ 1996-ᒥᑦ.


But Parliament, at that time, chose not to apply those principles to bail hearings, Bychok said.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᖅ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔪᓄᑦ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᕈᓐᓇᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥᓐ


“In my view, there is no jurisdiction—or authority—for judges to override Parliament’s will in this area.

“ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᑯᓪᓕ, ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᙱᒻᒪᑕ—ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᙱᖢᓂ—ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᑕᒪᐅᓇ.


Stated differently, there is no legal foundation on which judges may assume and find that Gladue sentencing considerations apply to pre-trial bail law,” Bychok said.

ᐅᖃᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖓᒍᑦ. ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᖏᒻᒪᑕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᔭᕆᐊᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓇᓂᓯᓂᕐᒥᒃ Gladue-ᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᓂᒃ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Even though some judges have tried to extend the reach of the Gladue decision by injecting “new judge-made considerations into the statutory pre-trial bail framework,” Bychok said he won’t do that.

ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᒃᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᔾᔨᓇᓱᒃᖢᑎᒃ “ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒧᑦ-ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᔾᔮᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᑐᖅ.


So Neuman’s request for “a new set of judge-made pre-trial bail considerations in Nunavut” won’t fly, Bychok said.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖓ ᐆᒥᖓ “ᓄᑖᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒧᑦ-ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᒍᓐᓇᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ” ᐊᑐᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᖅ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


“ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕈᓐᓇᙱᓐᓇᒪ.


In my respectful view, this is a task for Parliament and not the judiciary,” Bychok said.

ᐃᓱᒪᖏᔭᒃᑯᓪᓕ, ᐅᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᐅᖕᒪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓅᙱᑦᑐᖅ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


In an interview, Neuman said he respects Bychok’s decision, but he also said other judges have expressed different opinions.

ᐊᐱᕐᓱᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖓ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᖃᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


“I am not criticizing Justice Bychok, but there have been other views as to how to approach it,” Neuman said.

“ᓈᒻᒪᒋᙱᓪᓗᒎᙱᑕᕋ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᑐᒧᖓ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒍᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ,” ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


For example, a guidebook published by the Legal Services Society of British Columbia, which contains material contributed by lawyer Jonathan Rudin of Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto, advises people to get a Gladue report to help them get a favourable bail decision.

ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᕈᑎ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᒐᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂ ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᐱᐊᒥ, ᐃᓗᓕᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓂᑯᓂᒃ ᓗᐊᐃᔭᒥᑦ ᔮᓇᑕᓐ ᕈᑎᓐ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᑐᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒥ, ᐅᖃᐅᔨᓯᒪᖕᒪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ Gladue ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75 ᐊᓯᔾᔩᕗᖅ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ


Meanwhile, Bychok’s position on Gladue and bail hearings may soon become irrelevant.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᖓ Gladue ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᑯᒍᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᓛᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᕗᑦ.


That’s because of Bill C-75, a set of changes to the Criminal Code that received royal assent this past June 21.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᔾᔪᑎᓕᒡᓕ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75, ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕈᑎᒐᓚᐃᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑯᐃᓐᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᔫᓂ 21-ᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᓐ.


One of those changes effectively requires that judges take Gladue principles into account when making bail decisions.

ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕈᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᖅᐸᒡᓗᑎᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓕᕌᖓᑕ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ.


A summary of the new provisions, which will come into force this fall, says that in bail decisions, judges must pay attention to the circumstances of Indigenous accused persons.

ᓇᐃᓈᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓂᖓ ᓄᑖᓂ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᑎᓂᒃ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖅ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᒍᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


And judges must also pay special attention to those who “belong to a vulnerable population that is overrepresented in the criminal justice system and that is disadvantaged in obtaining release under this Part.”

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᑦ ᒪᑯᓂᖓ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ “ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᕙᙱᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᕝᕘᓇ.”


At the same time, Bill C-75 contains a provision that could work against accused persons in Nunavut, given Nunavut’s high rates of family violence: a “reverse onus” requirement for those accused of intimate partner violence.

ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅC-75 ᐃᓗᓕᖃᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᐃᓚᒌᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᖃᑦᑕᙱᓐᓂᖏᑦ: “ᐃᒡᓗᖔᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᓴᑦ” ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᙱᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂ.


A “reverse onus” means it’s up to the accused person to show cause for why they should be released on bail.

ᐅᓇ “ᐃᒡᓗᖔᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᓴᖅ” ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᖃᓄᐃᒻᒪ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᑲᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ.


With lesser offences, it’s the Crown that must show cause.

ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᓗᐊᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᓄᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔾᔪᑎᓄᑦ, ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


Another amendment in Bill C-75 that could raise Nunavut’s incarceration rates is a provision that increases sentences for those convicted of repeat offences involving intimate partner violence.

ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓ ᐋᕿᖏᐊᕈᑎ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75 ᖁᕝᕙᕆᐊᕈᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᓇ ᐃᓗᓕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖏ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᐱᕋᔭᐃᓐᓇᔭᓗᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


Nunavut has the highest per capita rate of violent crime in Canada.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᖕᓂᖅᐹᖑᔪᖅ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᙱᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ.


Meanwhile, Bychok is not the only person who has resisted the expansion of Gladue principles in the courts.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᓄᑑᙱᓚᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᒪᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᒥᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᓂᑦ.


In the past, activists within Indigenous women’s groups, such as Pauktuutit, have alleged the Gladue decision produces lenient sentences for Indigenous men convicted of assaulting or abusing Indigenous women.

ᖃᖓᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓕ, ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᑯᓇᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ, ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᐸᐅᒃᑑᑎᒃᑯᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕᑕ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᖓ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᙱᑎᑦᑎᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᖑᑎᓄᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ.


And the recent report of the National Inquiry on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls contains potentially conflicting messages for policy-makers.

ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᕐᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐊᕕᓃᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᖕᓂᒧᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᓪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ.


In one recommendation, they call upon federal, provincial and territorial governments to recognize the production of Gladue reports as “a right.”

ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᒍᑎᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ, ᐳᕌᕕᓐᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕐᓯᓯᒪᓗᑎ ᐅᓇ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓂᑯ Gladue ᐅᓂᒃᑳᑦ “ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ.”


But in another recommendation, they call upon federal, provincial and territorial governments to thoroughly evaluate the impacts of Gladue principles “as it relates to violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people.”

ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᓂᑯ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ, ᐳᕌᕕᓐᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖏᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᑦᑎᐊᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ “ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ 2SLGBTQQIA ᐃᓄᖕᓂ.”


In Nunavut, 55 per cent of incarcerated people are remanded prisoners who can’t get bail.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, 55 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᑲᐃᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᙱᑦᑐᑦ.


So it remains to be seen whether all these recent changes will reduce or increase Nunavut’s high incarceration rates.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑕᑯᓂᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᕗᒍ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖅ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᒥᒃᖠᕚᓕᕈᑎᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᐅᓗᑎᒡᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


Can Nunavut afford to pay for political parties?

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓕᕐᓱᐃᔪᓐᓇᕋᔭᕐᐹ?


Cash-poor Nunavut could be vulnerable to sleaze and corruption

ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᑦᑎᐊᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᐳᖅ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ


The seven-member Nunavut cabinet chosen at the start of the third legislative assembly in 2008 wait to be sworn in on Nov. 19, 2008.

7-ᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐱᖓᔪᖓᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ 2008-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᕗᑦ ᐊᖏᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 19, 2008-ᒥ.


The assembly chose an eighth minister in early 2009.

ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕐᔪᐊᑦ 8-ᒋᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 2009 ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


For those who believe Nunavut’s ready to choose a premier by way of a direct, pan-territorial public vote, instead of a vote held only among MLAs, there are likely many ways to bring that about.

ᑕᐃᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᓕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᓐ, ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐃᒪᓐᓇᐅᙱᖔᖅᑐᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᓄᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᔪᒃᓴᐅᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᒍᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.


The Nunavut Implementation Commission investigated the issue in 1996, and, though dated, many of their observations are still valid. You can find their report embedded at the bottom of this editorial.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᓐ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ 1996-ᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ, ᖃᖓᓕᓴᐅᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᒥᓱᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᑯᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐊᑐᕈᑎᖃᖅᐳᑦ.


But all those options would require complicated sets of changes to the rules and conventions under which the Nunavut legislature defines the relationship among MLAs, the premier and the executive council.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᔭᕆᑐᔪᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕐᓯᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂ ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓄᑦ, ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ.


ᐅᓇ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


But some believe there’s an easier way to get there.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᔪᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.


And that is for Nunavut to encourage and embrace a system of territorial political parties.

ᐅᕘᓇᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᒃᑯᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑎᒍᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


That wouldn’t be quite the same as choosing a premier in a direct territory-wide vote.

ᑖᓐᓇᓕ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᓗᐊᕋᔭᙱᑕᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᖠᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


But that’s how it’s perceived, and in matters of political legitimacy, it’s often perception that counts.

ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᖕᒪᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᖕᒪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


For example, many Canadians likely believe that in 2015, they elected Justin Trudeau to serve as prime minister.

ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᐅᑕ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᒃᑐᒃᓴᐅᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ 2015-ᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᐊᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᔭᔅᑎᓐ ᑐᕉᑑᒥ ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᑦ.


They elected 338 MPs and Justin Trudeau was only one of them.

ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 338 ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᔭᔅᑎᓐ ᑐᕉᑑ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ.


He became prime minister for two reasons.

ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᙳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᑎᒍᑦ.


One, in 2013 a private political organization called the Liberal Party of Canada chose him as their leader.

ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ, 2013-ᒥ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᐹᑎ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒋᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂᔾᔪᒃ.


Two, in 2015, 184 people loyal to that party were elected, representing a majority of the 338 seats in the House of Commons.

ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓ, 2015-ᒥ, 184 ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ, ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᓄᓛᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ 338-ᓂᒃ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ.


And it’s that Liberal majority in the House of Commons—now comprising 177 MPs—to whom Trudeau owes his job, at least until the next national election.

ᑕᐃᒪᓖ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᐅᓄᓛᖑᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ—ᒫᓐᓇ 177-ᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ—ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᓪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᖢᓂ, ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓛᖅᑐᒧᑦ.


Under the unwritten conventions of the Constitution, Trudeau governs because of their support and not because of yours.

ᑎᑎᕋᖅᓯᒪᙱᒃᑲᓗᐊᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ, ᑐᕉᑑ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓕᔅᓯ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓅᙱᑦᑐᖅ.


But the party system makes people feel as if they chose Trudeau to lead the national government, and it’s that perception that matters.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᒍᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑐᕉᑑᒥ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᐳᖅ.


Which brings us to Nunavut, where there are no legal or constitutional barriers standing in the way of a party system.

ᑕᐃᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᐊᖔᕐᓗᑕ, ᑕᒫᓂ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᓗᕐᑕᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓄᑦ.


So if you want to create a territorial political party for Nunavut, go right ahead.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᔪᒪᒍᔅᓯ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ, ᐊᑏ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᑦᑎ.


Round up 22 candidates willing to run under your party banner in the next territorial election.

ᑲᑎᕐᓱᐃᓗᓯ 22-ᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔪᒪᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᕝᕕᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕆᔭᕐᓄᑦ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓕᕐᐸᑦ.


But early on, you’ll run into a big problem.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᓕᖃᓕᕋᔭᖅᐳᑎᑦ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓗᖕᒥᑦ.


ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑭᓕᕋᔭᕋᕕᐅᒃ?


In particular, how would you pay for an election campaign?

ᐱᓗᐊᕐᑐᒥ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᐊᑭᓖᓇᔭᕋᕕᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᒐᓱᓕᕐᑎᓪᓗᑎ?


How do you pay for websites, telephones, internet, posters, signs, buttons, brochures and advertisements?

ᖃᓄᖅ ᐊᑭᓕᕐᓱᐃᓇᔭᕋᕕᑦ ᖃᕋᓴᐅᔭᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᔮᒐᓂᒃ, ᐅᖄᓚᐅᑎᓄᑦ ᐃᑐᓂᐊᑦᒧᑦ, ᐊᑭᓐᓇᒥ ᐊᔾᔨᙳᐊᓂᒃ, ᑎᑎᖃᓂᒃ, ᖃᑭᖅᑯᐊᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᓕᒫᒐᕋᓛᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓂᓴᐅᑎᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ?


Above all, how do you pay for the enormous cost of mounting a party leader’s tour throughout all or most of Nunavut’s communities?

ᐅᓇᓗᐊᕐᓕ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᐊᑭᓖᓇᔭᕐᐱᑦ ᐊᑭᑐᔪᐊᓗᖕᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐳᓚᕋᑲᑕᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓚᐃᓐᓇᖏᓐᓄᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ?


For every political party in Canada at every level, their lifeblood is money, money given to them by large numbers of individual persons, corporations and unions.

ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᒪᑭᑕᒍᑎᖓᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖅᑯᓯᐊᖏᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᒐᓴᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ.


The Yukon territory offers a useful comparison. Yes, culturally and demographically, Yukon does not resemble Nunavut.

ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓇᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᙳᐊᕈᑎᒥᑦ ᒪᓂᒻᒪᐅᔪᖅ. ᐄ, ᐃᓕᖁᓯᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓇᓃᓐᓂᖓᒍᑦ, ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ.


But the size of its population, about 40,000 or so, is roughly equal to Nunavut’s, and its legislature is made up of only 19 MLAs, even fewer than Nunavut’s.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ, ᒫᓂ 40,000 ᐅᖓᑖᓄᑦ, ᐊᔾᔨᓪᓗᐊᐸᓗᒋᕚ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᖓ 19-ᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖃᖅᖢᓂ, ᐅᓄᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.


The Yukon’s legislators are organized into political parties.

ᔫᑳᓐ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᖏ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


This means their financial disclosures, released by Elections Yukon, give us a rough idea of how much it costs to run partisan election campaigns in a territory that’s roughly comparable in population size and capacity to Nunavut.

ᐅᓇ ᑐᑭᓕᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᖏᑦ, ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ, ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔾᔪᑎᒋᐸᓗᒍᓐᓇᖅᐸᕗᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᓂ ᐊᑐᕋᔭᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᒥ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᒍ ᓇᓕᒧᐸᓗᐊ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑎᑐᑦ.


In Yukon’s last territorial election, in 2016, the Yukon Liberal Party gained power by winning 11 of 19 seats.

ᑭᖑᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ 2016-ᒥ, ᔫᑳ ᓕᐳᕈᒃᑯᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎ 11-ᓄ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᓄᑦ 19-ᓂᑦ.


To do that, they spent $254,774.93, Elections Yukon reported.

ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑐᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᖢᑎᒃ$254,774.93,ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


The second-place Yukon Party, which took six seats, spent $215,139.14. To win two seats, the third-place Yukon New Democratic Party spent $229,455.77.

ᑐᒡᓕᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ 6-ᓂ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᖅᑖᖅᖢᑎᒃ, ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ $215,139.14-ᓂ.ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑖᖕᓄᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᕐᖢᑎᒃ, ᐱᖓᔪᒋᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᓂᐅ ᑎᒧᑯᕌᑎᒃ ᐹᑎ ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ $229,455.77.


The tiny Yukon Green Party, which won no seats, spent only $4,118.50.

ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᐅᓄᙱᑦᑐᑯᓗᐃ ᔫᑳᓐᒧᑦ ᒍᕇᓐ ᐹᑎᑯᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ $4,118.50.


This tells us that to run a credible territorial election campaign for a population of around 40,000 people, you’ll have to raise at least $200,000 to $250,000.

ᐅᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᒍᑎᒋᕙᕗᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᓄᖃᖅᑐᒧᑦ 40,000-ᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂᒃ ᐱᕈᖅᑎᑦᑎᒋᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᐳᑎᑦ ᒫᓂᑦ $200,000-ᓂᑦ$250,000-ᓄᑦ.


So how did Yukon’s political parties raise that money?

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᕈᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᐸᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ?


Through donations of course—within a system that imposes very few rules.

ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑎᒍᑦ—ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐅᓄᙱᑦᑐᑯᓗᖕᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


In Nunavut, no person, business or group may contribute more than $2,500 to a territorial election candidate.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓇᖕᒥᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᑐᓂᓯᔭᕆᐊᖃᙱᑦᑐᑦ $2,500 ᐅᖓᑖᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᔪᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


Also, such donors must be based only in Nunavut.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒦᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ.


Out-of-territory contributions are forbidden.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᐅᙱᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᑦ.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ, ᑕᒪᐅᓇ ᒪᑐᐃᖓᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᖅ.


For example, a Vancouver-based mining company called Copper North Mining Corp. gave the Yukon Liberals a $50,000 donation in 2016.

ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐ, ᕚᓐᑯᕗᒥ ᑐᙵᕕᓕᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓴᖅᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑲᒻᐸᓂ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᑳᐳ ᓄᐊᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐱᕇᓴᓐ, ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᔫᑳᓐ ᓕᐳᕈᑯᓐᓄᑦ $50,000ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ 2016-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


That single donation accounts for nearly one-fifth of the party’s election spending that year.

ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅ ᓲᕐᓗ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᐅᓕᖓᒍᓂ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᑖᒃᓇᙵᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓂᕐᒧ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᑯᖓ.


And another B.C.-based firm, called Victoria Gold Corp, gave the Yukon Party $10,000. The Yukon Party also received $6,400 from Shoppers Drug Mart Pharmaprix, based in Toronto.

ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓᓕ ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᒥᐊᒥ ᑐᙵᕕᓕᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃ, ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᕕᒃᑑᕆᐊ ᒎᓗ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐ, ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᓄᑦ$10,000-ᓂ.ᐅᑯᖓ ᔫᑳᓐ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᓕᕆᔩ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᑦ $6,400ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᓵᐳᔅ ᑐᕋᒃ ᒫᑦ ᐄᔭᒐᖅᑖᕐᕕᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ.


As for the Yukon NDP, they received sizeable donations from unions: $10,000 from Toronto-based UNIFOR, $7,000 from the Ottawa-based Canadian Labour Congress and $5,000 from the United Steelworkers, based in Burnaby, B.C.

ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᓐᑏᐲᑯᑦ, ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓚᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓗᖕᓂ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ: $10,000ᐅᑯᓇᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ UNIFOR, $7,000 ᐋᑐᕚᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ $5,000ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᕙᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᓇᐱ, ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᐱᐊᒥ.


In Nunavut, all those contributions would be illegal.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑦ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᓂᒃ.


(They would also be illegal at the federal level, because Elections Canada now imposes a $1,600 limit on all contributors to federal parties and candidates.)

(ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᒐᔭᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᑎᒍᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᒪᐃᑎᑦᑎᓕᕐᒪᑕ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᐅᖓ $1,600 ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᓄᑦ.)


The Elections Nunavut rules, of course, apply only to individual non-partisan candidates contesting individual constituencies.

ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ, ᑐᕌᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᒍ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᓅᖓᙱᑦᑐᓄᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᒐᓱᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


The Nunavut Elections Act doesn’t regulate territorial political parties—because there aren’t any.

ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅᔪᐊᖓᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖃᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ—ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑦᑐᖅᑕᖃᙱᑦᑐᖅ.


But the Nunavut rules are clear: a $2,500 limit and no contributions from outside the territory.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᖏᑦ ᓱᖅᑯᐃᓇᑦᑎᐊᕐᒪᑕ: $2,500-ᒥ ᐃᓱᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᕆᐊᖃᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


ᐱᒻᒪᕆᖕᒥᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᐊᖃᕐᓇᕐᒪᑦ.


Yukon’s population, as of December 2018, stands at 40,700. About three in four of those people, 31,800, live in Whitehorse and its various neighbourhoods.

ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᐃᓄᒋᐊᖕᓂᖏᑦ, ᐱᒋᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᓯᐱᕆ 2018-ᒥᑦ, ᒫᓃᐸᓗᖕᒪᑦ 40,700. ᓲᕐᓗ ᑎᓴᒪᓂ ᐱᖓᓱᐃᑦ ᕗᐊᐃᑦᕼᐅᐊᔅᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓂᒋᔭᖏᓐᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ.


Almost all other communities are reachable by road.

ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᐸᓗ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑭᑕᒃᓴᐅᔪᐃᓐᓇᐸᓘᓪᓗᑎᒃ.


The only off-road, fly-in community is Old Crow, in the north of the territory.

ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖃᙱᑦᑐᑐᐊᕐᓕ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᑦ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐅᐸᒐᒃᓴ ᐅᓇ ᐆᑦ ᑯᕉ, ᔫᑳᓐ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᑦ.


This means that when Liberal leader Sandy Silver or Yukon Party leader Darrell Pasloski did their campaign tours in 2016, all they had to do was jump into their SUVs and drive around.

ᑖᓐᓇᓕ ᑐᑭᓕᒃ ᐅᓇ ᓕᐳᕈᓪᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓐᑎ ᓯᐅᕗ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᔫᑳᓐ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᑎᐅᕈᓪ ᐸᔅᓛᔅᑭ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐳᓚᕋᑲᑕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ 2016-ᒥᑦ, ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᒥᓄᑦ ᐃᑭᒐᒥᒃ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᑲᑕᒃᖢᑎᒃ.


But if a political party’s election campaign in a comparatively low-cost jurisdiction like Yukon costs around $250,000, how much more would such a campaign cost in Nunavut?

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᕕᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᑭᑐᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᒦᑐᖅ ᐆᑐᓇᖅ ᔫᑳᓐᑎᑐ ᐊᑭᖃᕈᓂ ᒫᓂ $250,000-ᓂᒃ, ᖃᔅᓯᑐᕋᔭᕐᐸᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓗᓂ ᐊᑭᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ?


We don’t know enough to be able to offer a precise estimate.

ᖃᐅᔨᒫᓂᙱᓗᐊᕋᑦᑕ ᐅᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᓯᒪᔪᓐᓇᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᓇᐃᓴᐅᑎᓂᒃ.


But given the well-known costs of scheduled and charter air service, it’s likely much, much higher.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᓇᕐᓂᖓ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑉ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᕝᕕᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓵᑕᒐᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑭᖏᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖁᑦᑎᖕᓂᕐᓴᒻᒪᕆᐊᓘᔪᒃᓴᐅᕗᖅ.


Elections Yukon reported that all territorial political parties in Yukon, together, received a total of $641,023.78 in revenues during the 2016 election year.

ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᓂ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᑕᒪᕐᒥ ᔫᑳᓐᒥᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔪᑦ, ᑲᑎᖢᑎᒃ, ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ $641,023.78 ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ 2016-ᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᒥᓐ.


So in higher-cost Nunavut, it’s conceivable that a viable three-party system could require between $1 million and $2 million in donations in any given election year.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐊᑭᑐᓂᕐᓴᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓇᕐᐳᖅ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᐅᔨᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᒫᓂᑦ $1 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᓂᑦ $2 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᓄᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓕᕌᖓᑦ.


Given the crushing poverty that afflicts Nunavut, where about half the population is dependent on subsidized social housing and, for at least part of the year, income support, where will these political contributions come from?

ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᔪᕐᓴᕐᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᖅ, ᓇᑉᐸᓪᓗᐊᖏᓪᓗ ᐃᓄᖏᑦᑕ ᐃᒡᓗᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᑉ ᐃᓗᐊᒍᑦ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᒃᓴᑦ ᓇᑭᙶᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ?


Party politics may not be as easy as you think.

ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕐᓂᕐᓴᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᕐᓂᑦ.


Without strict contribution and spending rules, a political party system in Nunavut could be extremely vulnerable to sleaze and corruption.

ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓪᓚᕆᒃᑕᖃᙱᒃᑯᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᕆᐊᓕᖕᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ, ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᓕᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.


No one, except those with vested interests, wants a system where big unions and big corporations, including royalty-rich Inuit corporations, could buy themselves an election.

ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᖃᕈᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐊᖏᔪᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᔪᐊᑦ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᑯᖏᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓇᓱᒃᑐᒥ ᓂᐅᕕᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


Incidentally, a poorly designed system for the Nunavut-wide direct election of a premier would likely create similar exposure to sleaze and corruption.

ᐃᓱᒪᓇᕐᐳᕐᓕ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᕈᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑕᓕᒫᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᖓ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ.


In the end, it’s up to the elected representatives who run Nunavut’s public government who have to make the final decisions.

ᐃᓱᐊᒍᓪᓕ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔨᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᐳᓯ.


As we said last month, look before you leap.

ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕋᑦᑕ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᑕᑯᒋᐊᓚᐅᕐᓗᓯ ᕿᒡᒋᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓂ.


Arctic airline merger could take 18 to 24 months to complete, CEO says

ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᑲᑎᒐᓱᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ


“Integrating our two companies will require a tremendous amount of planning, coordination and hard work”

“ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᕈᓘᔭᕐᓇᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᒻᒪᕆᖕᓇᕐᓗᓂ”


The complex work of fusing First Air and Canadian North into a single pan-Arctic airline will take between 18 and 24 months, the new airline’s incoming CEO and president, Chris Avery, said on Wednesday, July 10, in a message to stakeholders.

ᐱᔭᕆᑐᕈᓘᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓂᖅ ᑲᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᙳᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔨᙳᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖅ, ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᔅᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 10, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᖅᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ.


The complex work of fusing First Air and Canadian North into a single pan-Arctic airline will take between 18 and 24 months, the new airline’s incoming CEO and president, Chris Avery, says in a message to stakeholders.

ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᑎᒋᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᒧᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔨᐅᓕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒋᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᕆᔭᐅᓗᓂ, ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᐱᖓᔅᓯᕐᒥ, ᔪᓚᐃ 10.


Transport Canada, following a decision by the federal cabinet, approved the merger last month, subject to a long list of terms and conditions aimed at protecting northern consumers from the monopoly that the merger will create.

ᐃᖏᕐᕋᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ, ᒪᓕᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᖏᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᖏᓚᐅᕐᐳᑦ ᑲᑎᑦᑐᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᓐ, ᒪᓕᒋᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎ ᐅᓄᕈᓘᔭᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒋᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ.


Avery’s message, issued on Wednesday, July 10, said the owner of First Air, Makivik Corp., and the owner of Canadian North, the Inuvialuit Development Corp., have completed the transaction that’s required to merge the two businesses.

ᐊᐃᕗᕆᐅᑉ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᒥ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥᑦ, ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐋᕿᓱᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂᒃ.


ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ


That means they’re now ready to start the complicated tasks required to integrate their workforces, facilities, aircraft fleets, flight reservation systems, flight schedules and other parts of their businesses.

ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᐳᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᓐᓇᕐᓯᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᔭᕆᑐᓕᒑᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᓇᕝᕕᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖁᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕝᕕᒋᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓄᑦ.


“Because of the complex nature of the airline industry and the many essential services we provide, integrating our two companies will require a tremendous amount of planning, coordination and hard work, to be completed within distinct phases,” the message said.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒥᓱᓄᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᒋᕙᒃᑕᑦᑎᓐᓄᑦ, ᑲᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᒫᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᑲᑕᒋᐊᖃᓪᓚᕆᖕᓂᐊᕐᒪᓐ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒡᓗ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕐᓗᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᐊᖁᓪᓗᒍ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᒍᑎᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ,” ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


And it could take up to two years before the merger partners will have unified their maintenance operations and consolidated their fleets to enable them to transition towards obtaining a single air operator certificate from the federal government, the message said.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᖕᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᐊᒃ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᓱᕋᒃᓯᒪᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖏᑦ ᑲᑎᑕᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒥᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᑎᑖᕋᓱᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᒥᔪᑦ.


Throughout that process, the merger partners will take a “communities first” approach in light of the vital role they play in northern Canada.

ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌ ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ “ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ” ᐃᓱᒪᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᓇ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᖕᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᖓᓂᒃ.


“We fully understand that our customers depend on us for every aspect of their lives and that in order to fulfill this crucial role, we must maintain safe and sustainable operations at all times.”

“ᑐᑭᓯᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᐳᒍᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᕗᑦ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓅᓯᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ, ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕆᐊᖃᖅᐳᒍᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᙵᓕᒫᖅ.”


Chris Avery, now the CEO and president of First Air, is the incoming CEO and president of the new merged airline that Makivik Corp. and the Inuvialuit Development Corp. are creating.

ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓪᓗᓂ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓕᒑᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᙳᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᑖᒥ ᑲᑎᓕᒑᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᒃᓱᖅᑕᖓᓂᒃ.


Avery, who succeeded Brock Friesen as boss of First Air this past October, has been named incoming head of the merged airline.

ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐃᓇᖏᕐᓯᓂᑯ ᕗᕌᒃ ᕗᕇᓴᓐ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᕐᒥ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ, ᑕᐃᔭᐅᓯᒪᓕᕐᐳᖅ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ.


“As incoming president and CEO of the merged Canadian North, I look forward to leading our teams through this exciting transformation, incorporating the unique strengths and abilities of our dedicated and caring team members,” Avery said.

“ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᖓ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᖓ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒋᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥ, ᓂᕆᐅᒃᐳᖓ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᔪᒃᑰᕐᑎᓪᓗᑕ, ᐃᓚᓕᐅᔾᔨᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᔪᙱᓐᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒡᓗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᑦᑕ,” ᐊᐃᕗᕆ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


Johnny Adams of Nunavik, currently the executive chairman of First Air, will serve as executive chairman of the merged airline, and Patrick Gruben, the current chairman of the Inuvialuit Development Corp. and chairman of Canadian North, will assume the role of vice-chairman.

ᔮᓂ ᐋᑕᒻᔅ ᓄᓇᕕᒥᐅᑕᖅ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᑲᑎᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪ ᐹᑐᕆᒃ ᒍᕉᒐᓐ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒧᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂᒃ.


The statement confirmed that the new airline will be branded as Canadian North, but will continue to use First Air’s inuksuk-themed logo.

ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᔪᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕈᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᓄᑖᒥ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖅᑕᖃᕐᓂᐊᓕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᓗᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᙳᐊᖅ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂ ᑕᕐᓴᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ.


ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖃᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᔪᖃᕐᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ


The statement from First Air doesn’t say whether merging the two work forces will lead to job losses, and the airlines give no details on how they will merge facilities like hangars and cargo warehouses.

ᐅᓇ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᔨᔾᔪᑎᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐱᖁᑎᖏᑦ ᒪᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᕖᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᖃᕐᕖᑦ ᑲᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


However, the cabinet order setting out terms and conditions for the merger says any reduction in job numbers in the merged entity’s operations in Nunavut and the Northwest Territories should be achieved primarily through attrition.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖁᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᒥᒃᖠᒋᐊᖅᐸᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᓕᕆᐅᖑᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦ ᓄᖃᕌᖓᑕ ᐃᓇᙱᖅᑕᐅᕙᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ.


And the merged entity must create an Inuit training and development program “to increase Inuit representation across all parts of the merged entity’s operation and management,” the federal government said.

ᑖᒃᑯᐊᒡᓗ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᓕᖅᑑᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ “ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕚᓪᓕᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᑎᒍᑦ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᔪᐃᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᖏᑦᑎᑦ,” ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


Here’s how the merged airline’s aircraft will look.

ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔩᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖓᑦ.


They’ll use Canadian North’s name and First Air’s inuksuk-themed logo and livery.

ᐊᑐᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ ᐊᑎᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕘᔅᑎ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᒐᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ.


For its part, the companies say they will continue to focus on recruiting Indigenous people.

ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ, ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒥᒃ.


“Our goal will be to lead our industry as a top employer, with continued focus on recruiting Inuit and other Indigenous team members for excellent careers within the aviation sector,” their message said.

“ᑐᕌᒐᕗᓪᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑎᐊᕙᐅᓛᖑᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᒃᓴᑦᑎᐊᕙᖕᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ.


And the two companies do say they’ll use a phased approach to merge the two airlines.

ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔫ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃ.


That means that in the short term they will:

ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓇᐃᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ:


• Continue to operate as two separate companies, serving customers as two separate brands.

• ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᑎᑐᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ, ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᑎᑐ.


• Allow scheduled services customers to continue booking, flying and shipping cargo with either airline with no significant changes.

• ᑲᔪᓯᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᓕᐅᕈᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᖃᖓᑕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑐᖃᙱᓪᓗᓂ.


• Allow charter clients, partners or vendors to continue working with the staff and departments they’re familiar with.

• ᐱᔪᓐᓇᖅᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᓵᑕᕐᓯᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓴᓇᖃᑎᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᓕᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


For the longer term, the new airline will:

ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓂᕐᓴᕐᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᙳᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ:


• Develop a combined flight schedule to enable customers of both airlines to book any flight operated by Canadian North or First Air.

• ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᔪᒥᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓄᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕝᕕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᕘᔅᑎ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ.


• Work to expand Canadian North’s Aurora Rewards loyalty program to all scheduled flights operated by First Air, so that customers of both airlines have the ability to earn Aurora Rewards points and Aeroplan Miles that can be redeemed for free flights.

• ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᑦ ᐊᕉᕋ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᕈᑎᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖃᕐᕕᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕙᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᒃ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᕉᕋ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᕈᓐᓇᕈᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᐅᕈᐸᓛᓐ ᒪᐃᐅᔅ ᐅᑎᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᒥ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


And later this year and beyond, they will:

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᑐᒪᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐅᖓᑖᓄᓪᓗ, ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ:


• Roll out a unified “Canadian North” brand, featuring the First Air’s inuksuk logo on their livery, signage and other materials.

• ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ “ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ” ᑕᕐᓴᒃᓴᒥᒃ, ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᒐᙳᐊᖅ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᑎᓂᒃ.


• Merge the two workforces in a gradual process that will be done “hand-in-hand” with work on flight reservations systems, fare products, operational processes, fleets and facilities.

• ᑲᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᒪᕐᕉᐃᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓱᒃᑲᐃᓪᓗᑎ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᑭᓕᒐᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᑐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓴᓇᕝᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


• Do more diversification by expanding activities like their charter business.

• ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᓵᑕᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂᒃ.


And their message repeats their oft-state rationale for the merger.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ ᐅᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.


“The highly inefficient status quo of two airlines operating overlapping flight schedules with aircraft capacity that far exceeds demand on most of our routes has contributed to higher airfares and cargo rates and impeded our ability to invest in improving our operations.”

“ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᐸᒃᑐ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓂᖏᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᐸᓗᒃᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᓗᐊᖅᐸᒃᖢᓂ ᖄᖏᐅᑎᓯᒪᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᑦ ᐊᑭᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᕗ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᒃᖢᓂ ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᑦᑎᒍᑦ.”


But the merged airline will operate more efficiently and serve everyone better, the message said.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑲᑎᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐ ᓈᒻᒪᓈᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐃᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᖅ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ.


Nunavut birthright org commits to becoming an Inuktut-first workplace

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᖓᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ


“One of the aspirations for Nunavut was for Inuktut to remain the majority language”

“ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓛᖑᓗᓂ”


A Nunavut flag blows in the wind in Apex.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓴᐃᒪᑎᖓᑦ (ᐊᐅᓚᖁᑎ) ᐊᓄᕌᕐᕕᐅᕗᖅ ᓂᐊᖁᙴᒥᑦ.


Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. marked Nunavut Day with a pledge to become an Inuktut-language workplace.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᓴᐃᕋ ᕌᔾᔪᔅ)


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᓚᐅᕐᐸᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.


NTI officials announced those plans at an event held in Kugluktuk on Wednesday, July 9.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓᑕ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒻᒪᕆᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᖁᒡᓗᖅᑑᒥᑦ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 9-ᒥ.


“One of the aspirations for Nunavut was for Inuktut to remain the majority language and its use in workplaces, schools and the public,” said NTI’s vice-president James Eetoolook in a news release.

“ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓛᖑᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᖕᓂᑦ, ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᕕᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑕᒫᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓᑕ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖓ ᔭᐃᒥᓯ ᐃᑦᑐᓗᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ.


“We are leading by example and commit to being an Inuktut-first workplace.”

“ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒋᓂᐊᕋᑦᑎᒍ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᒍ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.”


To launch the process, the organization has sought the guidance of elders, NTI said.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᑎᓐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ, ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓄᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


NTI said the territory’s education system is rooted too strongly in English and French and that has resulted in a decline in Inuktut.

ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᓂᖓ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑎᑑᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᐃᕖᑎᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᖓᓄ ᐃᓄᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᖅᖢᓂ.


The organization also points to different articles of the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which assert rights over self-determination and use of cultural practices.

ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓰ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᔫᓇᐃᑕᑦ ᓇᐃᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᓗ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᕐᒨᖓᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ.


Language assessments have been completed with NTI’s staff, the organization said.

ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᓂᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐃᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ, ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.


Language proficiency varies across its four offices in Iqaluit, Rankin Inlet, Cambridge Bay and Ottawa.

ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᑎᓴᒪᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᕕᖕᓂ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ, ᑲᖏᖅᖠᓂᖅ, ᐃᖃᓗᒃᑑᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ.


Already, NTI said its Inuit staff have received more than 200 hours in Inuktut training over the last two years.

ᒫᓐᓇᒧᓪᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕋᓂ 200-ᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᓯᒪᓕᕐᐳᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᓕᖅᑑᖕᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᑦ.


Next, employees will receive more focused training, based on their needs and their expertise.

ᑭᖑᓂᑦᑎᐊᖓᒍᓪᓕ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᓛᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕆᐊᖃᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒎᖓᔪᓂᒃ.


That will be delivered to three different groups, based on their language skills—a core group of fluent Inuktut speakers, non-fluent speakers and beginners.

ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓐᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᖓᓱᐃᓕᖓᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᓗᑎᒃ, ᒪᓕᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᑦ—ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓂᑯᓂᒃ.


Language training will be offered by the Piruvik Centre, though NTI did not commit to any timeline.

ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅᑕᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᐱᕈᕕᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᓱᓕ ᖃᖓᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.


In Nunavut’s Inuit Language Protection Act, Inuktut is already defined as a language of work in its territorial institutions; in other words, Nunavummiut have protected rights to speak or write in Inuktut in the workplace.

ᐅᕙᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖓᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅᔪᐊᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᖅᑕᐅᓯᒫᓂᒃᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓴᓇᕝᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ; ᐃᒪᓐᓇᖃᐃ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑦ ᓴᐳᔾᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖃᖅᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒍᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒡᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


A Statistics Canada study released in 2017 found that almost six in 10 workers in Nunavut (59.1 per cent) reported using Inuktut at work.

ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᖏᑦ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓂᑯᑦ 2017-ᒥᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓚᕐᐳᑦ ᖁᓕᑦ 6-ᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑏᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ (59.1 ᐳᓴᓐᑎ) ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.


The act also requires federal departments and the private sector to offer communications and services to the public in Inuktut.

ᐅᓇ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐃᒪᐃᖁᔨᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ.


But NTI said Nunavut’s language legislation hasn’t always been effective.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


“We can no longer wait for governments to deliver on their promises,” said NTI president Aluki Kotierk.

“ᐅᑕᕿᔪᓐᓇᐃᓪᓕᒐᑦᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᐊᓗᑭ ᑰᑦᑐᖅ.


“ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕆᐊᖃᓕᕋᑦᑕ.”


Federal training scheme marginalizes southern Inuit, TI says

ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᒋᔪᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᓂᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᒃ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ


StatCan estimates about 40 per cent of Inuit now live outside Inuit Nunangat

ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ (StatCan) ᐃᓱᒪᔪᑦ ᒫᓂ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑦᑕ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᒃ


A feast organized in Ottawa by Tungasuvvingat Inuit.

ᓂᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᓇᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ.


Statistics Canada now estimates that about 40 per cent of the Inuit population in Canada lives outside Inuit Nunangat.

ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᓕᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓂ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᓕᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑕ ᓯᓚᑎᐊᓂᒃ.


A federal Indigenous training program that Carolyn Bennett, the minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs, promoted in Iqaluit earlier this month “further marginalizes” the Inuit of Ontario, the head of Tungasuvvingat Inuit said yesterday.

ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖓᑦ ᐆᒪ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥ, ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑕᖅᑭ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ “ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᐳᖅ” ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 17.


Bennett “announced” the program this past July 8 at a pre-election photo-op in Iqaluit.

ᐸᓇᑦ “ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᕗᖅ” ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᔪᓚᐃ 8-ᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕐᓇᒥᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ.


The program is called ISET, short for Indigenous Skills and Employment Training, and replaces an earlier scheme called “ASET.”

ᐅᓇ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ISET, ᓇᐃᓈᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐆᒧᖓ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓇᙱᕐᓯᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᖢᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᓂᑯ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ “ASET.”


The Inuit-specific component is worth $161.2 million over five years and $32.6 million a year thereafter.

ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᕿᖃᖅᖢᓂ $161.2ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ$32.6 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒧᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ.


Bennett’s “announcement” in Iqaluit was actually an 18-month-old piece of news that re-hashed a commitment made in her Liberal government’s February 2018 budget.

ᐸᓇᑦ “ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ” ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᔭᐅᓯᒪᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᖑᓕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᖢᓂ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᕕᕝᕗᐊᕆ 2018-ᒥᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔾᔪᑎᒃᓴᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


The federal government has named Tungasuvvingat Inuit as a delivery agent for Inuit training money in Ontario, along with six other agencies located in the various regions of Inuit Nunangat, such as the Iqaluit-based Kakivak Association.

ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᑲᒪᔨᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᓗᑎᒃ 6-ᓂᒃ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᖕᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᑲᑭᕙᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ.


But TI says that although it’s a positive development, they’re receiving no new money in addition to what they’ve already been getting.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒫᓐᓇ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕆᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


And the federal government has not taken into account the explosive growth in the southern Inuit population, and the increased training needs that this creates, TI said.

ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕚᓪᓕᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ.


“Tungasuvvingat Inuit will not receive a single dollar of new money from this additional funding.

“ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᙵᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᐅᑎᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ.


As the population continues to leave Inuit Nunangat and relocate into the Ottawa and Ontario region, it is very clear that our current base funding is completely inadequate to support the current population of Ontario Inuit,” Jason LeBlanc, the executive director of TI, said in a release.

ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓂᒃ ᕿᒪᐃᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑖᖅᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ, ᓇᓗᓇᙱᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᖅ ᒫᓐᓇ ᑐᙵᕕᒋᔭᕗᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ,” ᔭᐃᓴᓐ ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑎᒍᑦ.


To support this, TI cites the latest Inuit population estimates from Statistics Canada.

ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓗᒍ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᑦ.


StatCan’s latest data tables estimate 79,103 people in Canada report Inuit ancestry.

ᓇᐃᔭᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᖓᓂᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ 79,103 ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒦᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓯᕗᕚᖃᖅᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.


Of those, 31,860—roughly 40 per cent of the total—live outside Inuit Nunangat, StatCan estimates.

ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ, 31,860—ᒫᓂᐸᓗᒃ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ—ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᒃ, ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᖃᓂᙵᐃᓯᒪᔪᑦ.


“The fact that no additional monies will be allocated to TI means we cannot serve the community in Ottawa and Ontario that requires this much needed funding,” LeBlanc said

“ᐅᓇ ᓇᓗᓇᙱᓐᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᒃᑲᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᔾᔮᙱᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᕈᓐᓇᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐋᑐᕚᒥᓐ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ,” ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.


After the program’s first five years are completed, Ottawa will contribute $32.6 million per year for Inuit-specific training.

ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᐅᑉ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᖏ ᐊᕐᕌᒍ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᐸᑕ, ᐋᑐᕚ ᑐᓂᓯᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ $32.6 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᑖᓚᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.


But TI said that’s not helpful to them, because the money is “locked in” for 10 years and as the Inuit population outside the Inuit homeland increases, there will be no new money to meet their job training needs.

ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑎᖃᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᒍ ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᑮᓇᐃᔭᐃᑦ “ᑐᕌᖓᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ” ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄᑦ ᖁᓕᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑕ ᓯᓚᑖᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᐱᑕᖃᔾᔮᙱᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ.


“Inuit living away from communities are already vulnerable and TI provides many of the services and programs they use in Ontario.

“ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓃᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᕆᐊᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ.


The lack of direct funding will further marginalize the Inuit of Ontario,” the TI release said.

ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᑲᓐᓂᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ,” ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᒃᑯᑦ.


At the same time, LeBlanc said his organization is grateful for the partnerships that they’ve been able to establish with northern organizations like the Kakivak Association and the Kitikmeot Inuit Association.

ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᖁᔭᓕᓯᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᑲᑭᕙᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕿᑎᕐᒥᐅᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ.