ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᑲᔪᓯᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Because we’re not exactly sure how it’s going to work out,” Savikataaq said.


ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐱᕇᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒧᖓ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑎᐅᔪᒪᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ—ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᕋᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓᑎᑐᑦ ᐅᓇ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐱᕇᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ.

Savikataaq said ITK has told him they don’t want to be a service provider—but Savikataaq said he’s shared his concerns with the prime minister about the money going to ITK.


ᒫᓐᓇᓕ, ᒪᓕᒐᖅᑎᒍᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Right now, by law, the GN is the service provider to everyone in the territory, he said.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᐸᑕ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᑖᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑏᑦ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᕆᐊᖃᓕᕋᔭᖅᐸᑎᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

If the GN is no longer going to be a public government, then you’d have to open the Nunavut land claims agreement, he said.


MMIWG ᐅᓂᒃᑳᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᒧᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓂᒃ

MMIWG report helps build case for more housing money


ᐅᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᕆᓂᐊᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᒃᑲᓐᓂᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᖕᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ, “ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐱᓪᓚᕆᒃᑕᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᕐᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᓂ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Between the GN’s own Blueprint for Action on Housing and the recommendation for more housing in the report by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, “we have a more convincing case for the feds to do something,” Savikataaq said.


ᐅᑯᓄᖓᓕ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᖁᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓪᓗ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᑐᐊᖑᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᒃᑲᓐᓂᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᒐᔭᕐᓂᖅ, ᐅᑯᑎᒎᓇᓕ, ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

As for the MMIWG report, now being looked at by Nunavut’s family services department, Savikataaq said there’s only one way to meet that recommendation for more housing, that is, with more federal funding for it.


“3,000 ᐅᖓᑖᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᑖᕆᐊᖃᕋᑦᑕ.


2019/20-ᒧᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᕋᑦᑕ ᓈᒻᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ 83-ᓂ ᐃᒡᓗᒃᓴᓄᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

For 2019-20 we have enough money to build 83,” he said.


“ᓇᐃᓴᐅᑎᑦ ᑕᑯᓚᐅᕐᓯᐅ: ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ.

“Do the math: we can’t do it on our own.


ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᖃᙱᓗᐊᕋᑦᑕ.”


ᐊᑐᓗᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᒥᓴᐃᓂᖅ, ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᐃᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓱᓕ

At their annual joint meeting, on Thursday and Friday in Dawson City, Yukon, the three premiers also plan to discuss mental health and addictions, climate change and sustainable development, energy, transportation and sustainable infrastructure. The premiers also want to ensure that the territories play a big role in the new Arctic Strategy and Framework, Savikataaq said—which ITK has said it also wants.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᕈᓘᔭᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᕕᐊᓃᓐᓂᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᒃᑯᓕᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖁᕕᐊᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂ.

Addictions treatment, elder care remain priorities Meanwhile, as Savikataaq nears his one-year mark in office, he said he’s proud to be premier and loves his job.


ᐱᐅᒋᑦᑎᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦ.

He’s full of praise for his team of staff, cabinet members and MLAs.


“ᑕᒪᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓱᒃᑲᐃᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖅ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᑎᓐᓄᑦ ᐅᑎᖅᑎᒐᓱᖕᓂᖏᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

It’s a bit slower process than we’d like for the treatment centre and bringing the elders back,” he said.


ᒪᕐᕉᖕᒪᑎ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᒋᔪᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᐱᖅᓱᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐋᒐᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ.

These are two priorities that the premier said he wanted to work on when interviewed last August.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᒪᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᖏ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒐᒃᓴᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᐊᓂᒍᒪᔭᖓᓂᒃ.

But Savikataaq said his government has its mandate and they know what they want to get done.


“ᐱᓕᕆᑯᑖᖕᓇᕐᒪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔪᒪᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“It takes time to get done what we want to do because of the process of budgeting and the financing,” he said.


“ᐱᓕᕆᔪᒍᑦ ᓱᓕ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᕋᕆᔭᐅᔪᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᓪᓗᑎᒍᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᕕᒃᓴᕗᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᐊᓂᙱᑕᕗᑦ ᓱᓕ.”

“We’re still working towards a treatment centre and an elders home and we’re closer than we have ever been, but we’re not quite there yet.”


ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᑖᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᒧᑦ

Qikiqtani Inuit want to reopen benefits agreement with Baffinland


ᐊᖏᔪᒻᒪᕇᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᕗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ

Magnitude of potential impacts revealed during technical meeting in Iqaluit


ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓕᕙᐃ ᐹᓇᐸᔅ (ᑎᓴᒪᖓ ᑕᓕᕐᐱᐊᓂ) ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᓄᓘᔮᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᖓᓄᑦ.

The Qikiqtani Inuit Association’s Levi Barnabas (fourth from right) says the QIA wants to re-open the Inuit impact and benefit agreement for Baffinland Iron Mines Corp.’s Mary River iron mine.


ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔫᓂ 19-ᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᓐ.

Barnabas made the remark on June 19 at the technical meeting in Iqaluit on expansion plans for the mine.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᔭᐃᓐ ᔪᐊᔾ)


ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᐃᓚᖓᑦ ᓕᕙᐃ ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐱᒋᐊᖁᔨᕗᖅ ᒪᑐᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖁᔨᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐ ᓄᓘᔮᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒧᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᑦᓯᐅᕐᕕᐊᓂᒃ.

The Qikiqtani Inuit Association’s Levi Barnabas is calling for the reopening of the Inuit impact and benefit agreement for Baffinland Iron Mines Corp.’s Mary River iron mine.


ᐹᓇᐸᔅ, ᑲᑎᒪᔨᐅᖃᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᐊᓂᒍᑎᖃᓚᐅᖅᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔫᓂ 19-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Barnabas, a director on QIA’s board, offered these parting words on Wednesday, June 19, during a technical meeting of the Nunavut Impact Review Board that was held in Iqaluit this week to review the company’s plans to expand its operations.


ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᑦ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖔᓕᕐᓂᑯ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑕᐅᓂᑯᒥᑦ 2013-ᒥᑦ, ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ.

The current IIBA, which replaced the first agreement signed in 2013, was signed last October.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒪᙵᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑦ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᖅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᒥᑦ ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᙱᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓄᑦ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓘᑉ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᒃ.

But the negotiations for this IIBA took place before Baffinland had filed its revised proposal with the Nunavut Impact Review Board to boost its operations in north Baffin.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᐅᕌᓂᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᓂᖃᕋᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᕙᑎᒋᔭᐅᒧᒥᓐ.

And that deal was reached before the QIA realized how the mining company’s expansion might affect Inuit and the environment.


ᐅᓇ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐆᒧᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒧᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖓ ᐅᑯᑎᒌᓇᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑲᑎᒪᓚᐅᖅᖢᑎᒡᓗ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓯᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ.

This became clearer during the second technical meeting called for this week by the NIRB on Baffinland’s project proposal.


ᕿᓚᒥᕈᓗᒃᑯᑦ, ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᓴᓇᔪᒪᖕᒪᑕ 110 ᑭᓛᒥᑕᓂᒃ ᑕᑭᓂᓕᖕᒥ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᖕᒧᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓘᑉ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᒃ, ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᐅᖓ 12 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑕᓐᔅ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᒥᐊᕐᔪᐊᒃᑰᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᒫᙵᑦ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 15-ᒧᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ 175-ᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᔾᔪᑏᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒥᓐ ᐅᓯᑲᖅᑕᐅᑎᑦ ᐅᒥᐊᕐᔪᐊᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ.

In the short term, Baffinland wants to build a 110-kilometre railway in north Baffin, double its ore production to 12 million tonnes a year and extend the length of its shipping season from July 1 to Nov. 15 to accommodate about 175 transits of big ore-carrying ships.


ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖓ ᓄᓘᔮᑦ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓄᙵᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓕᕋᔭᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ 2021-ᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᕐᑕᐅᕙᒡᓗᓂ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᓂᒃ 200-ᓂ ᐅᓂᐊᒐᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

The railway to the north of Mary River would likely start operating by 2021 and accommodate a total fleet of five locomotives and 200 cars.


ᓴᓇᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ ᐃᓗᑐᖅᑎᕆᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒫᓂ 12.7 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑭᐅᐱᒃ ᒦᑕᔅᓯ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᑖᕐᕕᒃᓴᓂᒃ.

Building it would require multiple quarries and at least 12.7 million cubic metres of rock-fill.


ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᙳᐊᖅ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᒪᔪᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᒥᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ: ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᒧᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎ ᐅᐊᓇᒧᑦ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᕝᕕᐅᓗᓂ ᓄᓘᔮᑦ ᕿᙳᐊᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓ ᓂᒋᕐᒧᑦ Steensby Inlet-ᒧᑦ, ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᓕᕐᓂᐊᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ 30 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᑕᓐᔅ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᒥᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᑕᒪᓐ.

This map shows the full extent of the company’s future expansion plans: one railway running north to Milne Inlet and another running south to Steensby Inlet, with eventual annual production of 30 million tonnes of iron ore per year.


ᑲᑎᒪᖃᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᑲᑕᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᑕᑯᓯᒪᓕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᖓᒍᑦ: ᕿᓚᓗᒐᐃᑦ ᑑᒑᓖᑦ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᖓᓕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᐅᑉ ᐅᖓᓯᒋᔭᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐳᔪᕐᒥ ᐊᑲᐅᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓗᐊᕌᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᒧ ᓴᕿᔮᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᒪᑯᐊ ᖃᐅᓪᓗᖅᑕᐃᑦ ᑎᕆᒐᓂᐊᕐᔪᐃᑦ ᐊᐅᐸᔪᒃᓯᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᐅᐸᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᐅᑉ ᐳᔪᖓᓄᑦ.

Participants at the meeting also shared observations of what they said were impacts due to the mine’s current shipping and mine operations: dislocation of narwhals last summer away from Pond Inlet and dust problems inland that are so visible that a normally white-coloured fox turned pink from red iron ore dust.


ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᑲᔪᓰᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐹᕕᓛᓐᑯᓐᓂᑦ.

Barnabas said the QIA will continue to work with Baffinland.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᑖᕈᑎᒋᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᕕᖃᙱᓗᐊᓕᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖅ.

But he said the technical meeting left him with many concerns and no time left to fully discuss them.


ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᖏᓐᓇᖅᐳᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓄᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᔪᓂ ᑕᒪᑐᖓ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ.

The role of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit continues to be the central concern of the QIA, which presented a report on IQ linked to the area around the mine during the meeting.


ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᖏᑦ “ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐊᓘᖕᒪᑕ,” ᐹᓇᐸᔅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ, ᐅᖃᕆᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᒍᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᓕᕌᖓᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

The use of Inuit knowledge is “vital,” Barnabas said, adding that IQ should be the lens through which Baffinland assesses the mine.


ᐅᓇ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᒪᑐᕙᓪᓕᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᕗᕌᖕᒃ ᑎᐊᔅᑐᒧᑦ, ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᖕᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᐃᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᒪᑐᐃᖅᓯᖁᔨᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐆᒥᖓ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕈᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᒥᑦ.

That was picked up in closing comments from Frank Tester, an advisor to Pond Inlet on the Baffinland project, who said Pond Inlet supports the QIA’s call to reopen the IIBA.


ᑎᐊᔅᑐ, ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᒋᓂᑯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᐅᑉ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑭᕙᓪᓕᕐᒥᐅᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᒋᓗᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒥᓱᕈᓘᔭᕐᓂᒃ.

Tester, a researcher known for his previous studies of the impacts of mining in Nunavut’s Kivalliq region, then delivered a list citing Baffinland’s shortfalls in many areas.


ᑎᐊᔅᑐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ,” “ᑐᑭᓯᔭᐅᓯᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ” ᐊᒻᒪᓗ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ” ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐᑯᓐᓂᒃ.

Tester said IQ is “inadequate,” “poorly understood” and “improperly” used by Baffinland.


ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒌᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᖃᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎ, ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᖓ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᒌᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕿᖃᕈᓐᓇᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.”

He said its social and cultural research, which he called out for a lack of inclusion of women, families and food security, is “inadequate.”


ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᓪᓕ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᑎᐊᔅᑐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ “ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᕙᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ” ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.

As for the cumulative effects assessment, Tester said it was “problematic” and that climate change hadn’t been properly assessed.


ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᖃᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᓇ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᓕᐊᖑᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᓴᖓ.

He also said Pond Inlet had serious concerns about the development of the proposed railway.


ᐊᓯᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐃᓚᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᑕᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᒥᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᒍᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᐅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐃᑦᑕᕐᓂᓴᖃᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒥᑭᓐᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᖃᓂᕐᓴᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

Other issues raised by Inuit around the table in their final comments included the need for better protection and preservation of archeological sites, as well as more contracting opportunities and involvement for the smaller communities closest to the mine.


ᒫᓐᓇᓕ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ ᐱᖓᓱᓂᒃ ᖁᕕᐊᓱᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᑲᑕᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᒪᑯᑎᑐᓇ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᑐᒃᑐᐃᑦ ᐃᑳᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᑯᑖᑉ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᐊᓂᒃ, ᑐᓴᐅᒪᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᔭᐅᔪᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᒪᔭᖅᑐᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖅ 2-ᒥᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Now Baffinland has three months to placate the QIA, resolve outstanding issues, such as how caribou will manage to cross the railway, provide information that various participants at the meeting requested and prepare for the final public hearing on the phase-two proposal.


ᐅᓇ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖅ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᖕᒦᓐᓂᐊᓚᐅᕐᑐᓯ ᓯᑎᐱᕆᐅᑉ ᕿᑎᕐᐸᓯᐊᓂᒃ.

This hearing was to take place in Pond Inlet in mid-September.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓂᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔭᖅᑐᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖅᑕᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ, ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓃᓐᓂᐊᓕᕐᖢᓂ, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ.

But due to the number of expected participants and the shortage of places to stay in the community, the hearing will now take place in both Pond Inlet and in Iqaluit, the NIRB’s executive director said.


ᐅᓪᓗᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᕝᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᑖᑯᓄᖓ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐅᖓᕙᕆᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ, ᐅᕗᖓ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 23-ᒥᑦ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 27-ᒧᑦ ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓯᑎᐱᕆ 30-ᒥᑦ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆ 4-ᒧᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ.

The dates for the two hearings have been pushed back, to Sept. 23 to Sept. 27 in Pond Inlet and Sept. 30 to Oct. 4 in Iqaluit.


ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᓂᒃ.

The hearing in Pond Inlet will focus on participation by local communities and groups.


ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᓂᒃᓴᖅ ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᖃᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑐᙵᓱᒃᑎᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᐃᒡᓗᓕᒃ, ᓴᓂᕋᔭᒃ, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒃ, ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᒃ, ᐃᒃᐱᐊᕐᔪᒃ, ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᖅ.

The hearing in Iqaluit will include additional participants and feature a community roundtable with five representatives invited from each of the communities of Igloolik, Hall Beach, Clyde River, Pond Inlet, Arctic Bay, Resolute Bay and Grise Fiord.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᐳᓛᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓘᔮᓂᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

The NIRB is also planning to make a site visit to the Mary River mine before the hearings.


ᐊᓯᙳᕈᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᑦᑕ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐹᕕᓐᓛᓐ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕈᒪᓂᖓ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓄᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᐱᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᕈᓰᑦ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆ 21-ᒥᑦ.

The changes to the initial plans for the final hearing mean the NIRB’s report with recommendations on Baffinland’s expansion will go to ministers in Ottawa about three weeks after the Oct. 21 federal election.


ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᖏᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖃᑎᖃᖅᐳᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐋᔩᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ

Nunavik Inuit sign deal with Ottawa to launch self-government negotiations


ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑕᐅᓕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ

Health and social services will be a priority in discussions, Makivik says


ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓕ ᕗᐊᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᕐᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᑐᑭᓯᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᒍᑎᒥᒃ ᔫᓂ 18-ᒥᑦ, ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕈᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

Makivik Corp. president Charlie Watt and Crown-Indigenous Relations Minister Carolyn Bennett sign a memorandum of understanding June 18, which acts as a framework for any future negotiations towards self-government in Nunavik.


(ᐊᔾᔨᙳᐊᖅ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᓐᓂᒃ)


ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖃᓕᕈᒪᓂᖏᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

Nunavik’s Makivik Corp. has signed an agreement with the federal government that serves as a framework for negotiations towards an Inuit self-government for the region.


ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐊᐃᑉᐹᓂᑦ, ᔫᓂ 18, ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᒪᑭᕕᒃ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓕ ᕗᐊᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ.

The agreement was signed June 18 by Makivik President Charlie Watt and Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Minister Carolyn Bennett.


ᐅᓇ MOU, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᑭᐊᒃᓵᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᐃᓯᒪᕗᖅ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓱᖃᕐᕕᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᑲᑕᖕᓂᐅᑉ, ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ.

The MOU, in development since last fall, outlines Makivik’s objectives, a timeline for discussions, a work plan, dispute resolution and funding.


ᖃᕋᓴᐅᔭᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓄᑦ, ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ CIRNA-ᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑎᑎᖃᖅ “ᐱᒋᐊᓕᕈᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂ ᐱᓇᓱᒍᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ.”

In an email to Nunatsiaq News, a spokesperson with CIRNA called the document “a starting point for discussions that will cover many topics on self-determination and governance.”


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐅᑭᐅᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓯᒪᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᒃᑯᐊᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᒥᐊᓕ ᓴᐃᒪᓐᒥᑦ, ᐃᒡᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

Earlier this year, Makivik appointed a chief negotiator, Mary Simon, to chair the Nunavik Inuit constitutional task force.


ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒐᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓕᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᐃᑦᑎᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓇᔭᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐱᖃᖅᑎᐅᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᓯᕐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᖃᕐᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥᑦ.

Its mandate is to spell out the creation and role of an Inuit government in Nunavik based on Inuit values, heritage, identity, culture and language.


“ᓂᕆᐅᖕᒪᕆᒃᑐᖓ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᑲᑕᓕᕈᑦᑕ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ,” ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ, ᐊᑎᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ MOU-ᒧᑦ.

“I am very eager to begin the discussions and negotiations,” Simon said, following the MOU’s signing.


ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔪᒪᔪᓂᒃ, ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᑐᖅ, ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓄᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓄᑦ.

Those negotiations will largely be focused at a main table, Simon explained, with sectoral forums to discuss specific issues.


“ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᓚᐅᕋᑦᑕ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᖁᓇᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᓛᖑᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑕᐃᓕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᐅᑕ ᓂᕆᐅᒋᓯᒪᔭᖓᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᕕᖃᕈᑦᓇᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᑕᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐ ᔫᓂ 19-ᒥᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑎᒍᑦ.

“We have agreed to tackle community and family well-being as an urgent topic to ensure that Nunavik Inuit receive the health and social services that all Canadians expect and to provide economic opportunities that we so desperately need,” she said in a June 19 release.


ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓯᒪᓕᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ MOU-ᒥᑦ ᐋᑐᕙᒥᑦ, ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓕᐅᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑯᐸᐃᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Now that Makivik has an MOU in place with Ottawa, its next task will be to enter into a similar agreement with the Quebec government.


ᓴᐃᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᓐ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᖏᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐱᔪᒪᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᑭᓱᑐᐃᓐᓇᓂ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐋᔩᖃᑎᖃᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ “ᐅᑎᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᔭᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᑯᓂᒃ” ᑕᒫᙵᑦ.

Simon said last month that Nunavik Inuit are not asking the government for anything, but rather negotiating “to bring back the authority that has been taken” from the region.


ᐱᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᕙᓪᓕᐊᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᑎᖃᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕕᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᔪᐊᕆᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᓂᒃ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓛᖅᖢᓂ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓕᒫᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᓕᖅᐸᑕ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖅ.

The task force is working to prepare a draft of the Nunavik Inuit government constitution, to be presented to an all-organizations meeting this fall.


ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᕙᓂ 80 ᐃᓕᓴᕆᓯᒪᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔪᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᑲᑕᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᓕᒫᒥᑦ, ᑐᕌᒐᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ “ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᕿᓂᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓇᓱᒍᒪᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ,” CIRNA ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

The federal government is currently working with Indigenous groups at 80 Recognition of Indigenous Rights and Self-Determination discussion tables across the country, with a goal “to explore new ways of working together to advance the recognition of Indigenous rights and self-determination,” CIRNA said.


ᓂᕈᐊᕐᑕᐅᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᓃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ?


ᑕᑯᒋᐊᖅᑳᕐᓗᓯ ᕿᒡᒋᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓂ


ᐱᕕᖃᕐᕕᒃᑕᖃᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᒥ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪ ᐊᓯᐅᔨᓇᔭᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ

There are no options for a directly elected premier in which regular MLAs do not lose power


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᐹᓐ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᑎᑲᑕᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᒪᓇᔭᕐᒪᖔᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯ?

Should Nunavut MLAs choose to hold a plebiscite on whether Nunavut’s premier should be chosen in a Nunavut-wide election?


ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᖕᒪᑕ ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᐸᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᒃᓴᒥᑦ.

Some people believe the best way to improve the quality of territorial government in Nunavut is to start using a direct, public vote to choose the premier.


ᐅᓇᓕ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒡᒍᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐹᓪ ᖁᐊᓴ.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 17, 2017-ᒥ.

Nunavut MLAs gave him the premiership on Nov. 17, 2017.


ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 7-ᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃ, ᔫᓂ 14, 2018-ᒥᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖓᓂᒃ ᐲᕐᓯᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

In just seven months, on June 14, 2018, the same group of MLAs took the job away from him.


ᒫᓐᓇᓕ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᓯᐅᕋᓱᓕᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᒻᒪᕆᓕᕐᓗᓂ, ᐃᒻᒪᖄᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᒻᒪᕆᓕᕐᓗᓂ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᒃ ᐲᕐᓯᔪᓐᓇᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂ.

Now, Quassa is advancing a proposal that could permanently weaken the power of regular MLAs and make it far more difficult, and perhaps impossible, for them to remove a premier in the future.


ᖃᐅᔨᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖑᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᐱᕆᔪᒪᓗᓂᒋᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐲᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖁᓪᓗᓂᒋᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᐊᐱᕐᓱᕈᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᖁᔭᐅᖕᒪᖔᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᓄᑦ.

He’s given notice that this fall, he plans to ask the same MLAs who removed him from the premiership to support a Nunavut-wide plebiscite on the question of whether Nunavut’s premier should be directly elected.


ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖓ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑎᖃᖅᑎᖢᓂᐅᒃ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᓴᖅᑭᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ 1990-ᖏᑦᑕ ᕿᑎᐸᓗᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

In support of this idea, Quassa points to the work of the Nunavut Implementation Commission in the mid-1990s.


ᐅᓇ ᐳᐃᒍᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑐᖃᐅᓕᕐᑐᖅ ᖁᓕᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᒥᐅᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᐹᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᕆᓇᔭᖅᑕᖓᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒋᓇᔭᖅᑕᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᕘᓈᖓᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐳᐃᒍᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑐᖃᐅᓕᕐᒥᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓕᕆᔨᑦ.

That’s the long-forgotten 10-member body that created the first blueprints for Nunavut’s public government, under the terms of a long-forgotten agreement called the Nunavut Political Accord.


1996-ᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᑕᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᐸᒡᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓂᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ.

In 1996, they recommended that a Nunavut premier should be directly elected in a Nunavut-wide vote to be held prior to legislative assembly elections, and that such a premier should have the power to hire and fire their own ministers.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖁᐊᓴ ᑕᒻᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕈᓘᔭᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ.

The Nunavut commission put lot of work into looking at a system for the direct election of a premier.


ᑖᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᓴᖓᑦ ᐱᔭᐅᓂᑯ 12-ᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕋᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

Their favoured option was actually drawn from a list of 12.


ᑲᒥᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᙱᔾᔪᑎᑕᖃᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑎ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

The commission did this because, at that time, there was deep, widespread dissatisfaction with the territorial government everywhere in the Northwest Territories, including within the three regions that later formed Nunavut.


ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᓂᖏᑦ ᓇᓃᑐᐃᓐᓇᕋᓗᐊᕐᐸᑦ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᑦ, ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᓄᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᒻᒪᕆᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᖅᑭᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᓕᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᙱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ, ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᙵᑲᑕᖕᓇᕈᓘᔭᕐᓂᒃ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᒥᐊᓗᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᓱᕈᓯᕐᓂᒡᓗ.

Elected people at all levels, including MLAs, territorial cabinet ministers and officials with Indigenous organizations, were producing multiple gaffes, scandals and outrages, many related to domestic violence, alcohol abuse, and the abuse of women and children.


ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᐃᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥ ᓴᐱᓕᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᕆᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

Voters on either side of the division boundary were deeply frustrated.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᖏᓐᓂᖅ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᒃᓴᕐᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᙱᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᖅᑎᒍᑦ.

The non-partisan consensus system did not appear to offer a way of expressing that dissatisfaction in a general election.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ—ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅ—ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᔪᒥ ᒪᓕᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ.

But the three parties to the Nunavut Political Accord—Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. and the governments of Canada and the Northwest Territories—did not adopt the idea of a directly elected government leader and left the decision to the future Nunavut legislature.


ᐊᑯᓂᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᖏᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

It didn’t take long for Nunavut’s first group of MLAs to make up their minds.


ᒫᑦᓯ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖕᒥᖕᓂᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

In March of 1999, they chose a premier and cabinet from among themselves.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᔫᓂ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᖃᒪᓂᖅᑐᐊᕐᒥᓐ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕈᒪᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

And in June 1999, at a caucus retreat in Baker Lake, MLAs decided to stick with that system.


”ᑳᑎᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᖠᓂᐅᕙᒃᑐᖅ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ,” ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᑎᒍᑦ ᔫᓂ 17, 1999-ᒥᑦ. (ᓴᖑᖓᔪᑦ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂᙶᖅᑐᑦ.)

“Caucus agreed that the current method of selection of the premier will remain in place to ensure that the holder of the position is accountable at all times to the elected members of the legislative assembly,” they said in a statement issued on June 17, 1999. (The italics are ours.)


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑲᒪᓇᙱᓚᖅ.


ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑲᒥᓇᓴᓐᑯᑦ 12 ᐃᓱᒪᒃᓴᖅᓯᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᐃᒪᐃᑎᑦᑎᓇᔭᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᓴᙱᓂᖃᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓗᐊᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

Every one of the Nunavut commission’s 12 options would have seen the regular MLA caucus lose power and influence.


ᐄᓛᒃ, ᐊᓯᒎᖅᕕᒃᓴᖅᑕᖃᕋᔭᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓪᓚᕆᒃᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒧᑦ ᒪᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ—ᐊᒻᒪ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᒥᑭᑦᑐᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ—ᐊᓯᐅᔨᓇᔭᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᖃᖅᑕᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Indeed, there are no options for a directly elected premier in which regular MLAs—and the small Nunavut communities and regions that many of them represent—would not lose power and influence.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐅᓪᓗᒥᒧᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᒍᑎᒋᕙᕗᑦ.


ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓵᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓪᓚᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖏᑦᑕ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐃᓕᒪᓚᐅᕐᑕᖓᓂᒃ 1999-ᒥᑦ, ᐅᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃᑦ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᒪᐅᓇ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ.

Just last month, regular MLAs doubled down on the principle that their predecessors asserted in 1999, insisting the premier and cabinet are accountable to the public only through the work of regular MLAs.


“ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᑑᑎᖃᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᓄᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯᕆᕙᒃᑕᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᔾᔪᑎᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᑎᒍᑦ, ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᑎᑎᖃᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᔮᓐ ᒪᐃᓐᒧᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕐᔪᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ.

“Regular members are responsible for effectively holding the government accountable to the people of Nunavut through our scrutiny of the government’s budgets, business plans, bills and policies,” they said, in a gruff letter of warning signed by John Main, the chair of the regular members’ caucus.


ᐅᓇ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕈᒪᒍᑎ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᑦ, ᖁᐊᓴ ᒪᔪᕋᖅᑐᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓂᒃᓴᖃᖅᐳᖅ.

This suggests that if he wants his colleagues in the legislature to support the idea of an elected premier, Quassa has a tough hill to climb.


ᐅᓇᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᔫ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᐱᐅᒃᓴᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ.

Even Premier Joe Savikataaq says he’s opposed to it.


ᐅᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᕈᑎᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᖁᐊᓴᐅᑉ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍᓗ, ᓇᓗᓇᙱᓚᖅ, ᐱᓪᓚᕆᒃᖢᓂ.

That’s not a judgment on the merits of Quassa’s plebiscite proposal, which he made, obviously, in good faith.


ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᓪᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᕙᒃᑐᑎᒍᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᑎᑕᐅᓇᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ.

It simply means political realities could prevent such a plebiscite from ever being held.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓕᑳᓪᓚᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐆᒥᖓ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖃᑦᑕᕈᒪᓇᔭᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᑦᑎᐊᕐᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒡᓗᑎᒃ.

However, if MLAs, or the cabinet, do decide to leap into a plebiscite on the question of a directly elected premier, they must do so with their eyes wide open.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.

And they absolutely must provide the public with a specific, detailed proposal setting out how such a system would work.


ᐊᐱᕆᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᒪᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᑲᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓇᒻᒪᒐᔭᙱᒻᒪᑦ.

Simply asking people whether or not they want a directly elected premier wouldn’t be good enough.


ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᓛᖑᓇᔭᕐᑐᕐᓕ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᐃᒻᒪᓐᓇ, ᐅᔾᔨᕆᓗᐊᑦᑎᐊᑲᑕᙱᓪᓗᓂ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᐅᔪᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᑎᓴᒪᓄᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑭᓇᒧᑦ ᑭᐅᔨᐅᙱᓪᓗᓂ, ᐱᔭᐅᔪᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᑐᓂᒡᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᓂ.

That’s because the greatest danger posed by a directly elected government leader is that, without sufficient safeguards, the system could create a four-year dictatorship run by an unaccountable, bullying demagogue.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓴᕈᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᓖᑦ, ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᖅ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᓯᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᒪᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔪᒪᔭᒧᑦ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᔪᒥᒃ.

So a description of those safeguards, in the form of a detailed proposal, must be built into any plebiscite question.


ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒋᑦᑎ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓵᓚᒃᓴᖅᑐᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᒃᑯᑦ “ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᓪᓚᕆᐅᒍᓐᓃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ.”

Keep in mind that the winner of such a vote wouldn’t really be a “premier” anymore.


ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᐃᓂᒋᔭᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᒥᒃ, ᐊᔾᔨᐸᓗᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒥᐊᓕᑲᒥᑦ ᒐᕙᓇᕆᔭᐅᔪᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᕙᓪᓕᐊᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Such a system would create a new type of position, similar to that of a U.S. state governor, moving Nunavut towards American-style republicanism.


ᑕᐃᑲᓂᓕ, ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂ—ᐅᓇ ᒐᕙᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᖏᑦ—ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑕᐅᕙᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᔨᔪᐊᕐᒥᓐ.

There, the head of the executive branch of government—the governor and cabinet—do not sit in the state legislature.


ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᙱᓂᕐᓴᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓂᒃ ᐱᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕈᔪᖕᓂᒃ.

It would likely create a stronger executive branch, empowering ministers, deputy ministers and the rest of the bureaucracy.


ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓴᙲᒃᑎᑦᑎᕚᓪᓕᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓂᒃ.

At the same time, it would weaken MLAs and their legislative committees.


ᐅᓇ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᒍ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᒻᒪᐃᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓗᒃᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓴᙲᒡᓕᕚᓪᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒥᑭᓐᓂᕐᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑰᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᕿᑎᕐᒥᐅᑎᑐᑦ.

Given that vote-rich Baffin would likely dominate a Nunavut-wide election, this idea might also weaken and permanently marginalize smaller regions like the Kitikmeot.


ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᖃᐃ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅ ᐱᔪᒪᓪᓚᕆᖕᒪᑕ?

Is that what Nunavut residents really want?


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᓇ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕋᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᙳᕋᓱᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ?

And who would be eligible to run for premier?


ᐃᓐᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑑᕐ?


ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᑐᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ?


ᐅᓇ ᐱᓂᖅᐹᖑᓪᓗᓂ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒥᑦ ᐃᓂᒥᓄᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᓕᕐᓂᕈᓂ?

Above all, how would MLAs get rid of a directly elected premier who abuses their power or engages in unethical behaviour?


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᖓᒃᑯᓪᓕ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᒪᓐ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒧᓐ?

And when would the election for premier be held?


ᒪᐅᓇᖃᐃᑦ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ?

In the period prior to a general election of members?


ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᖅᑕᖃᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ?


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᓪᓗᓂ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᒍᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᖅᑕᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᒥᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᓛᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᑰᖕᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔫᑦ ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓇᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᒪ ᐱᖃᑎᖓ ᓵᒪᖃᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓕᕐᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᙳᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.

Also, it’s essential that such a system provide for a second run-off vote between the top two finishers of the first vote to ensure a candidate gets least 50 per cent of the vote before being declared premier.


ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑭᐅᔪᓐᓇᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑎᓕᐅᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕋᓱᓪᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᑦ.

If the legislative assembly can’t provide detailed answers to these and other questions prior to a plebiscite, then they shouldn’t hold one.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᔪᕐᓇᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᒥᒡᓗ ᑭᐅᔾᔪᑎᑕᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᓕᒫᑦ ᐃᓚᐅᑎᑕᐅᓗᑎᒃ.

Meanwhile, there’s a simpler solution to the question of how to choose a premier on a Nunavut-wide basis.


ᐅᕝᕙᓕ ᒫᓐᓇ ᓇᓕᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᖓᓂ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᕌᒐᕆᔭᖃᖅᑐᑎᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖔᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

And that is to abandon the current non-partisan system and embrace a party system.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ.

But that may not be a good fit for Nunavut either.


ᑕᑯᒋᐊᓚᐅᕐᐸᔅᓗᓯ ᑕᒪᑐᒪ ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑎᒥᙶᖅᑐᒥᓐ ᖃᓂᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ.

Stay tuned for an editorial on that subject soon.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓯᕗᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ, ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥᒃ

Government of Nunavut touts its long-awaited, revised Corrections Act


“ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ”

“It has made for a better bill for the inmate population”


ᓴᓇᕙᓪᓕᐊᓯᕗᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᐆᒥᖓ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᒪᒥᓴᕐᕕᒃᓴᕐᒥᒃ, ᕿᑭᖅᑖᓗᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕕᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᙶᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ.

Construction is now underway in Iqaluit of the new Qikiqtani Correctional Healing Centre, which will replace the controversial Baffin Correctional Centre.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᓴᐃᕋ ᕌᔾᔪᔅ)


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅ ᓴᕿᔮᕐᑐᒃᑰᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᓂ, ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.

The Government of Nunavut says its new corrections legislation is more transparent, Inuit-focused and responsive to the needs of inmates in the territory.


ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ 1, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ, ᐊᖏᖅᑕᐅᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥ.

Bill 1, Nunavut’s Corrections Act, received assent earlier this month.


ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᕐᓕ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᒧᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᑖᒥᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᒃ, ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ.

One of the main pieces of the legislation is the creation of a new investigations officer, responsible for review and oversight.


ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᖃᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᔭᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᒧ (ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᓕᓴᕋᐃᙱᓐᓂᖅ), ᐃᓅᓯᓕᕆᔨᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑰᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓂᒃ.

The legislation also provides for new limits on segregation, counselling for inmates by elders and reporting on disciplinary hearings.


ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᕈᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᐊᓗᒃ ᐅᑕᕿᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ; ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᑰᓪᓗᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓕᕆᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ 1970-ᖏᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ.

Nunavut’s new corrections act was a long time coming; it was originally inherited from the Northwest Territories where it was first drafted in the early 1970s.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 2016-ᒥᑦ ᖃᑎᕐᓱᐃᓇᓱᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᖓᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᔭᖓᓄᑦ.

The GN launched consultations in 2016 to gather input to draft its own act.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᒪᓕᒐᒃᓴᐅᖁᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ 2017-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᓯᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᖅᑲᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓚᐅᓕᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥᑦ.

But once the proposed legislation was introduced to the legislature in 2017, it died on the order paper when the assembly dissolved before the territorial elections that year.


ᑖᓐᓇ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᖅ ᐊᔾᔨᑐᐃᓐᓇᐸᓗᐊ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐅᖓᓪᓕᕐᒥᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓚᐃᕐᑐᓄᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᐅᓪ ᒪᑲᐃ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖓ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

The re-introduced legislation is largely the same bill that was introduced two years ago, with an emphasis on grievance procedures and Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, said Bill MacKay, deputy minister of Justice.


“ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖓ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓚᓯᒪᔭᕗᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ,” ᒪᑲᐃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“The process has taken a while, but we had a lot of input over the course of the last few years,” MacKay said.


“ᐅᓪᓗᖅ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ.”

“At the end of the day, it has made for a better bill for the inmate population and for Nunavummiut as a whole.”


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᑕᕿᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᒥᔪᒍ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᐊᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᑖᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᒃᓴᖅ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᔾᔮᙱᖢᓂ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᖅᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᓂᐊᖅᑕᖓᑕ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᖃᓕᖅᐸᑕ.

But it will take some time to see the results of the new legislation, which won’t come into effect until the new investigations officer and deputy officer roles are filled.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓕᒫᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐊᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᒪᑲᐃ.

That will likely take a year, MacKay said.


ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᒃᓵᒃ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕐᓇᕈᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᒧᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓕᕋᔭᕐᒪᒍ.

Both of those positions will provide oversight independent of the GN, though their decisions will be referred back to the director of corrections to ultimately act on.


ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖃᑦᑕᕋᔭᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐃᒪᓐᓇᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᕝᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᔪᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓴᖅᑐᒦᑦᑕᐃᓕᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᓪᓗ, ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᒻᒪᕆᒃᑲᔭᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

Officers can review and make decisions on inmates in administrative segregation, which can either be imposed by corrections staff or requested by inmates for safety reasons, as well as in cases of disciplinary segregation, which are decided as a result of a hearing.


ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᐱᕆᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᕈᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ.

Inmates can then ask for a review on those decisions.


ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓯᒪᙱᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᑎᒋᔪᖅ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ, ᖃᐅᔨᑎᑦᑎᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕋᑦ 24 ᐃᓗᐊᓂᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᔪᒪᕝᕕᖓᑕ.

While there was previously no set timeline for when that review would have to happen for inmates in disciplinary segregation, notice must now be given within a 24-hour period.


ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᖕᒥᔪᑦ ᐋᕿᒋᐊᕈᑎᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᔪᑦ:

Among the other reforms introduced in the new bill are the following:


• ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔫ ᐃᓱᒪᖓᒍᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕈᑎᖏᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᕐᓂᓪᓚᕆᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ (ᖁᐊᓵᕐᓇᕋᔭᕐᓂᕐᒨᙱᑦᑐᖅ) ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᖏᒍᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᑎᑉᐸᒡᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᓕᕆᔨᓄᑦ

• a requirement to flag an inmate’s mental health issues as a health issue (and not a safety one) and to refer inmates to mental health services


• ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᓚᐃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᑦᔭ


• ᐱᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒧᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐊᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᖃᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑰᕈᑎᓂᒃ

• a requirement to produce annual reports, including information on disciplinary hearings


• ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᐅᔾᔨᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑕᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑐᖃᕈᒪᓐᓇᕈᓂ

• a minimum amount of Inuit-focused programming, including the availability of elders for counselling as requested


• ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓂᒃ, ᑲᑎᒪᔨᒃᓴᑦ ᑎᒃᑯᐊᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᕙᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖓ ᒪᓕᒃᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖁᓪᓗᒍ

• the creation of an Inuit Society Values Committee, whose members would be appointed based on nominations from Inuit organizations, to guide the use of Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit


ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᙶᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᓯᒪᓚᐅᙱᒻᒪᑦ, ᒪᑲᐃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Because the previous legislation came from Northwest Territories, it wasn’t Inuit-focused, MacKay said.


ᒫᓐᓇᓕ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᐃᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᒃᓴᐃᓪᓗ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᓄᑦ.

Now all corrections policies and directives must be reviewed by that committee.


“ᑖᓐᓇ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑐᒪᒐᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᑖᔅᓱᒧᖓ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᒧᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓗᓂ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“We wanted to make sure that it was a key part of this legislation,” he said.


ᐃᖅᑲᓗᐃᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒥᒃ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ

Iqaluit passes motion to develop ban on plastic bags


“ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᒋᔭᐅᕙᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ”

“It’s always been an issue on people’s minds”


ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔩ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒥᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐹᓂᑦ, ᔫᓂ 25, ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᒃᑕᔫᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂᒃ.

Iqaluit city council passed a motion on Tuesday night to develop a ban on single-use plastic bags in the city.


ᑲᐃᐅᓪ ᓴᐳᑦ, ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᖕᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕋᓛᑦ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 2020-ᒥᑦ.

Coun. Kyle Sheppard, who introduced the motion, said he hopes the bylaw will be put into effect by January 2020.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᐃᐊᒪ ᑐᕌᓐᑐ)


ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖃᕐᕕᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᓂᐊᓕᕐᑐᑦ.

Plastic bags in Nunavut’s capital may soon be a thing of the past.


ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏ ᐊᓂᒍᐃᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐹ ᐅᓐᓄᖓᓂ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒥᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕈᓐᓃᖁᓗᒋᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃᓂᑦ.

Iqaluit city council passed a motion on Tuesday night to write a bylaw banning the use of plastic bags in the city’s retail stores.


ᑲᑎᒪᔨ ᑲᐃᐅᓪ ᓴᐳᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥᒃ, ᑖᓐᓇᓗ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ.

Coun. Kyle Sheppard tabled the motion, which passed with unanimous support from council.


ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᖔᕈᑎ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᒥᐅᓄᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖅ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᒪᓕᓚᐅᕐᑕᖓ.

Sheppard says the motion is something Iqaluit residents have expressed interest in for a long time, but the recent community cleanup day inspired him to bring it to council.


“ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᐃᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᓚᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᒐᔭᖕᓂᒃ ᓇᓂᓯᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐃᓗᐊᓂᒃ, ᑯᒐᓛᖕᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕆᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

“Anybody involved in the community cleanup can comment on the number of plastic bags found throughout town, lying in our creeks.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᕐᒪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

It’s always been an issue on people’s minds,” he said.


ᐅᓇ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᕐᐹᙳᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑦᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓂᒃ.

This is not the first time such a bylaw has been proposed by the city.


2008-ᒥᑦ, ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᖑᔭᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕋᓛᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔾᔨᐸᓗᐊᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒥᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᕐᓗᑎ ᐊᑐᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.

In 2008, Iqaluit city council drafted a similar bylaw to eliminate single-use plastic bags.


ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᑎᒍᓪᓕ, ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᕈᓐᓃᖁᔭᐅᓂᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐸᐃᑉᐹᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᑐᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᕌᕐᔪᒃᓗᑎᒃ.

Under that bylaw, retailers would not have been allowed to hand out plastic bags, but could offer paper bags or reusable bags for a fee.


ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᓱᓕ ᓂᕿᓄᑦ, ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᕈᒻᑐᕕᓂᕐᓄᑦ.

Plastic bags could still be used to package meat, fish and produce.


ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᒪᓕᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᖢᑎᒃ $100-ᓂᒃ.

Retailers who violated the ban were to be fined $100.


ᐅᓇ 2008-ᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᖅ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᖏᓐᓄ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓄᖃᖓᑎᑕᐅᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᔪᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓇᓂ.

Although the 2008 bylaw received support from city council at the time, it was held up in third reading and was never put in place.


“ᐋᕿᒋᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕋᓱᒃᑲᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ 11-ᓂ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᑯ,” ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“We’re trying to rectify and revive that process from 11 years ago,” Sheppard said.


ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑑᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᓴᐳᑦ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᒃᐸᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᔾᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕿᐊᕈᕐᒥᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᑕᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᖑᓇᓱᒃᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᒫᓂ.

Beyond the plastic in the city’s streets, Sheppard said harvesters have told him about finding plastics inside the stomachs of animals hunted in the area.


“ᖃᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᒥᐊᖅᑐᕐᖢᓂ ᑕᑯᔪᓐᓇᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᒍᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐃᒪᐅᐊ ᐃᓗᐊᒎᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

“Anytime you’re boating now, you can see plastic bags floating under the water.


ᐃᓱᒪᔪᖓ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᒍᑎᒃ ᐱᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᒃᑕᑯᐃ ᓯᕗᒧᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᖁᓇᒋᑦ.”

I think banning them now would be a good step in preventing some of that waste going forward.”


ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᔾᔨᕆᔫᒐᓗᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᒍᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐅᓇ ᐊᐱᖅᑯᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ: ᖃᓄᐃᒻᒪᓪᓕ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᓕᒫᖅ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ?

Sheppard said he realizes a ban on plastic bags also raises the question: Why not ban all plastic in Iqaluit?


“ᐊᖏᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᓂ, ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᓱᒫᓘᑎᐅᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ. ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᕙᓂ ᓄᓇᑦᑎᓐᓂᑦ ᓱᓪᓗᓕᑯᓗᖕᓂ ᐃᒥᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᙱᓐᓇᑦᑕ.

“In the bigger scheme of things, all plastics are an issue. But locally, we don’t have a straw problem.


ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᕋᑦᑕᓕ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.”


ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

There have been other efforts to curb Iqaluit’s plastic use.


2011-ᒥᑦ, ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᖃᑦᑕᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ 25 ᓴᓐᔅᓂᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᒥᒃ ᐹᒃᓴᒧᑦ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᓱᓕ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᓪᓗᒥ.

In 2011, Northmart started charging customers 25 cents per plastic bag, a policy that still applies today.


ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ 60 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒥ ᐊᑦᑎᒃᓯᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᑐᓂᐅᖅᑲᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᑉᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃᓂᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᒍᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

Northmart saw a 60 per cent reduction in plastic bags handed out in its Nunavut and Nunavik stores after introducing the charge.


ᓄᐊᑦᕕᐊᔅᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦᒥᑦ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᐃᑦ ᐊᑭᓕᐅᑎᒍᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᐅᓪᓛᕈᒻᒥᑕᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂᑦ ᓴᓗᒻᒪᕐᓴᐃᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.

The Northwest Company, which owns Northmart, donated the money collected from bag sales to programs such as school breakfasts, community cleanups and scholarships.


ᐋᑎᒃ ᕙᓐᓱᔅ, ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓘᖕᒥᔪᖅ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᒃ, ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 10 ᓯᐊᓐᔅᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᒧᑦ 2008-ᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᐅᔨᑲᐅᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ 30 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒥᑦ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᒧᑦ ᐅᓄᕈᓐᓃᖅᐹᓪᓕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓂᐅᕕᖅᑐᓄᑦ.

Arctic Ventures, Iqaluit’s other major grocery store, started a 10-cent-a-bag charge in 2008 and immediately saw a drop of 30 to 40 per cent in the number of plastic bags it handed out to customers.


ᑕᒪᐃᓂᒃ ᓄᐊᑦᒫᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕙᓐᓱᔅ ᑐᓂᓯᖃᑦᑕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓂᐅᕕᕆᐊᖅᐸᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᑭᓖᑎᑦᑎᑲᑕᙱᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᑐᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᒪᓪᓗᒋᑦ.

Both Northmart and Ventures handed out free reusable bags to customers before moving to charging them for single-use plastic bags, to encourage people to step away from plastic.


ᕚᕕᓐ ᑳᓄᔅ (Baffin Canners) ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐹᕕᓐ ᐅᕐᓱᐊᓗᒃᑖᕐᕕᒃ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᑦ ᑯᐊᓐᒥᙶᖅᑐᒥᒃ ᓄᖑᔭᑦᑐᒥ ᐴᒃᓴᓂᒃ.

Baffin Canners and the Baffin Gas bar use corn-based biodegradable bags.


ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᑦ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᕐᕌᒍ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖁᔨᔪᓐᓃᕐᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓰᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᔭᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᕆᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓚᒋᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐴᒃᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ 2021 ᑎᑭᑉᐸᑦ.

The federal government also announced its plans earlier this year to ban single-use plastics, including bags, as early as 2021.


ᓴᐳᑦ ᓂᕆᐅᒃᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᖁᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᑕᒪᐅᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔭᐅᓂᖓᒍᑦ.

Sheppard is hopeful the bylaw will pass this time around.


“ᓂᕆᐅᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᖓ.


ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒐᒪ ᑐᓴᕐᓯᒪᓂᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐱᖁᔨᕗᙶᕈᑎ.

I know I’ve heard from a lot of residents before and after the motion was made.


ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᒫᓐᓇᒧᑦ.”


ᓄᓇᓕᐸᐅᔭᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᓯᕗᓕᖅᐹᒥᑦ ᑕᖅᑮᒃ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᐊᓂᒍᕐᓯᒪᓕᕈᑎᒃ, ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

City administration will write the bylaw in consultation with council members and is expected to bring it back for first reading in the next couple of months, Sheppard said.


ᓴᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓂᕆᐅᖕᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᖅ, ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᒃᐸᒃ, ᐊᑐᓕᕐᓂᐊᖁᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 2020-ᒥᑦ.

Sheppard said he hopes the bylaw, if it passes, will be in effect by January 2020.


ᒪᓕᒐᕋᓛᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᖃᑕᓕᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᑲᑎᒪᔩᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ, ᓴᐳᑦ. ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Debate on a bylaw happens after second reading, where council can then make changes or recommendations, Sheppard said.


ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, 76, ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᖅᐳᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ


ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᔭᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ “ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓂᑯ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᒐᓱᒃᖢᒍ”

Veteran MLA remembered as “one of the driving forces behind the creation of Nunavut”


ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ 2016-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.


ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᖅ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᐃᔭ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥᑦ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᓕᖅᖢᓂ 76-ᓂᒃ.

The veteran HIgh Arctic MLA and mayor died on July 1 at the age of 76.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᑉ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᓂᖃᓚᐅᕐᐳᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓛᒥᑦ, ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᔪᓚᐃ 1-ᒥ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᓕᖅᖢᓂ 76-ᓂᒃ, ᐊᑯᓂᕈᓗ ᖃᓂᒪᓪᓗᓂ.

Nunavut and Northwest Territories leaders are paying tribute to one of Nunavut’s longest-serving elected leaders, Ludy Pudluk, who died on July 1 at the age of 76, following a long illness.


ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐃᓅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᔭᓄᐊᕆ 31, 1943-ᒥ, ᓄᓇᓕᕋᓛᒥᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᖃᐅᒫᕐᔪᐃᑦ ᐅᕙᓂ ᓇᐃᕕ ᐳᐊᑦ ᐃᓐᓚᑦᒥᑦ, ᒥᑦᑎᒪᑕᓕᐅᑉ ᖃᓂᒋᔭᖓᓂ.

Pudluk was born on Jan. 31, 1943, at an outpost camp called Qaumarjuit on Navy Board Inlet, near Mittimatalik, or Pond Inlet.


1958-ᒥ, ᓄᒃᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᑖᑕᖓᑕ ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᒧᑦ, ᑕᐃᑲᓂᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᓕᖅᖢᓂ.

In 1958, he moved with his father’s family to Resolute Bay, where he lived for the rest of his life.


ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᕿᑭᖅᑕᓂ ᓱᓕᔪᓄᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᒥ ᐅᑭᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ 16-ᓂᒃ 17-ᓂᓪᓗᑭᐊᖅ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕆᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᖓᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐱᖓᓱᓂᓪᓗᑭᐊᖅ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓪᓗᓇᐅᔭᕈᓐᓇᕐᓯᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖃᖅᑕᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᒃᓴᖃᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

He told the Qikiqtani Truth Commission that at the age of 16 or 17 he attended school for two or three years in Resolute Bay and learned English by doing work at the Royal Canadian Air Force base there.


ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑐᑦ ᐊᑎᕈᓯᖓ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᕙᖕᒥᔪᖅ “Padluk,” ᐅᖃᓪᓚᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓱᓕᔪᓄᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᑯᓐᓄᑦ 2008-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

Pudluk, whose English surname has also been spelled as “Padluk,” gave more than an hour of testimony to the truth commission in 2008. Readers many find the video recording here.


1975-ᒥ 1991-ᒧ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑎᓴᒪᐃᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ, ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᕐᒥᐅᓂᒃ.

From 1975 to 1991, he was elected four times to serve as a member of the legislative assembly of the Northwest Territories, representing the High Arctic constituency.


ᓂᕈᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᖅ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᖅᒧᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ 1991-ᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ 1995 ᑎᑭᖢᒍ.

After the electoral district’s name changed to Quttiktuq, he won re-election in 1991 and served as a territorial MLA until 1995.


ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ, ᔮᓐ ᑯᐊᒃ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᑎᑎᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᖅ, ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒧᑦ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ.

He also served as minister of government services in the Government of the Northwest Territories. John Quirke, now the clerk of the Nunavut legislature, served as Pudluk’s deputy minister at that time.


ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᐊᕙᑎᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓯᒫᓪᓚᓚᐅᖅᖢᓂ, ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᒪᐃᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᖃᐅᓱᐃᑦᑐᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᑲᑕᒃᖢᓂ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᒐᓚᖕᓂ.

Following his 20-year career as an MLA, Pudluk served as mayor of Resolute Bay and participated in other local organizations.


“ᓄᒫᓱᒍᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᐸᕋ ᑐᓴᕋᒪ ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐃᓚᖏᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᒧ (Order of Nunavut) ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ 1975-ᒥᑦ 1995-ᒧᑦ,” ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᖓ ᔫ ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᕙᐃᔅᐳᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᔮᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ.

“I was saddened to hear of the passing of Ludy Pudluk, member of the Order of Nunavut and MLA for the High Arctic in the Northwest Territories legislative assembly from 1975 to 1995,” Nunavut Premier Joe Savikataaq said in a statement posted on Facebook.


“ᐃᓚᑯᓗᖏ ᖃᓄᐃᖁᙱᓚᒃᑲ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᐅᒪᕙᒃᑲ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒋᓯᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᒥ,” ᓴᕕᑲᑖᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“I’m wishing his loved ones peace and remembering his contributions to Nunavut today,” Savikataaq said.


ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᒌᒃᖢᑎᒃ, ᐅᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᒥ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᒥᔫᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᑐᒥ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ.

In a joint statement, the Speakers of the Nunavut and N.W.T. legislatures also say they mourn Pudluk’s passing.


“ᒥᔅᑕ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᐳᖅ ᐅᖃᖅᑎᐅᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒧᑦ, ᓴᙱᔪᒥᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᓕᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ,” ᔮᒃᓴᓐ ᓛᕗᑎ, ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐅᖃᕐᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᐊᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

“Mr. Pudluk was a dedicated spokesperson for the North, was a strong climate change activist, and made significant contributions to the creation of Nunavut,” Jackson Lafferty, the Speaker of the N.W.T. assembly, said in the statement.


ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑎ, ᓯᒥᐅᓐ ᒥᑭᙳᐊᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᐸᓗᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕆᕗᖅ.

Nunavut’s Speaker, Simeon Mikkungwak, expressed similar sentiments.


“ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᑖᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓅᓯᖓᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓅᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

“Ludy Pudluk received the Order of Nunavut last year in recognition of his lifetime of public service.


ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᒃᑲ ᐅᕙᖓᓗ ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓂ ᐃᓚᐅᕗᒍ,” ᒥᑭᙳᐊᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

My colleagues and I join his family, friends and former constituents in mourning his passing,” Mikkungwak said.


ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᓴᓂᑐ ᑕᓂᔅ ᐹᑐᓴᓐ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᒃᓯᕚᖃᑦᑕᓚᐅᖅᑐᓂᒃ, ᐆᑐᓇᖅ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᒫᒃ ᐃᕙᓗᐊᕐᔪᒃ, ᐊᐃᐱᓕ ᕿᓚᐸᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᔫ ᐋᕐᓗᒃᑐ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒐᓴᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ.

Nunavut Senator Dennis Patterson, along with other Nunavut MLAs who sat in the N.W.T. legislature, like the late Mark Evaluardjuk, Ipeelie Kilabuk and Joe Arlooktoo, worked with Pudluk for many years.


“ᐅᓪᓗᒥ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᕙᕗᑦ ᐃᓅᔪᓐᓃᕐᓂᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᖃᑕᐅᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᖅ, ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᒪᔨᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒥᑦ ᓄᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ 1995-ᒥᑦ, ᑕᓪᓕᒪᐃᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᖁᑦᑎᒃᑐᕐᒥᐅᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ.

“Today we mourn the death of one of Nunavut’s foremost elder statesmen, who was known as the dean of the assembly at the time of his retirement in 1995, for his five terms representing the High Arctic in the Northwest Territories,” Patterson said in a statement.


“ᓘᑎ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᑦᑎᐊᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᓕᒫᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᖕᓂᖓᓄᑦ, ᐃᓄᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᓴᙱᔪᒥᒃ ᑕᐅᑐᙳᐊᒐᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑎᔅᓯᓇᕐᓴᕋᐃᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᖢᓂ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“Ludy was respected by all his colleagues as a wise, humble man with a strong vision for Nunavut and an ever-present sense of humour,” Patterson said.


ᐊᕐᕌᓂ, ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᑦ ᐸᓪᓗᕐᒥ ᐃᓕᓴᕐᓯᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᒥᑦ ᐱᑖᕐᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ.

Last year, the Nunavut legislature honoured Pudluk by inducting him into the Order of Nunavut.


ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᓂ ᐸᓪᓘᑉ ᐃᓕᓴᕆᔭᐅᔾᔪᑎᖓᓄᑦ ᖁᕕᐊᓲᑎᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ, ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐸᓪᓘᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓂ ᐱᒃᑯᒋᔭᖃᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑕ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥᑦ.

In a speech he gave last year at Pudluk’s investiture ceremony, Patterson praised the work of Pudluk and other members of the Nunavut caucus of the N.W.T. legislature.


“ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓄᓪᓕ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒃᒦᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑎᒍ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕈᓘᔭᑲᑕᖕᓇᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᙱᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᓐᓇᕋᔭᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ.

“Those of us who were in the N.W.T. legislative assembly during those critical years know that without the support of the N.W.T. assembly, Nunavut would never have happened.


“ᑲᑐᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᑎᓕᐅᕆᓯᒪᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᖅ ᐊᕕᖁᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ 1993ᔾᒥᑦ,” ᐹᑐᓴᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“It was the combined pressure from TFN [Tungavik Federation of Nunavut] but also the elected legislative assembly of those years, which pushed Ottawa to agree to divide the N.W.T. in 1993,” Patterson said.


“ᓘᑎ ᐸᓪᓗᖅ, ᓯᕗᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᓚᐅᕐᓃᑦ ᐅᐱᒋᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᐸᕋ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᒻᒪᕆᖕᓃᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᖃᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᓂᖓᓄᑦ.”

“Ludy Pudluk, I salute you for your leadership and your endurance as one of the driving forces behind the creation of Nunavut.” On the day of Pudluk’s memorial service, flags will be lowered to half-mast at the legislative assembly building in Yellowknife.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐅᖓᕙᕆᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᕗᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯ Gladue ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ

Nunavut judge pushes back against Supreme Court’s Gladue doctrine


Gladue ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᖏ ᐊᑐᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᕐᒥᓐ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐹᓪ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᐳᖅ

Gladue principles don’t apply to bail hearings, Justice Paul Bychok rules


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᕗᖅ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ Gladue (ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᕐᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᒧᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ) ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᑲᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

A Nunavut judge has ruled that the Supreme Court of Canada’s Gladue decision does not apply to bail hearings.


ᐃᓚᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᓄᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᔭᐅᓯᒪᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐅᓇ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐹᓪ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᐅᑕᖅ ᐃᒪᓐᓇᖔᖅ ᐅᖃᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᕕᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᒻᒪᕆᒃᑕᖓᑦ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ.

Contrary to what some judges in other parts of the country have found, Justice Paul Bychok of Nunavut ruled last November that the Supreme Court of Canada’s famous Gladue decision does not apply to bail hearings.


“ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑕᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᓇ Gladue ᖃᓄᐃᒍᑎᕕᓂᖓ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᒻᒪᕆᒃᑎᒍᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᓪᓚᕆᒃᓯᒪᙱᖢᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“As I have stated, extending the spirit of Gladue to pre-trial bail is not supported by statutory law or properly grounded judicial precedent,” Bychok said.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 29, 2018-ᒥ, ᐅᓇ ᑯᕆᔅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ, 38, ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᖕᒥᐅᑕᖅ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᓯᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᑎᒥ ᐱᓇᓱᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

He issued the ruling on Nov. 29, 2018, after Chris Jaypoody, 38, of Clyde River, who then faced a second-degree murder charge, had applied for bail.


ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᒍᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑲᐅᓯᐅᒋᐊᖃᙱᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᑲᒃᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ.

Bail hearings are usually covered by a temporary publication ban.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᖅ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ, ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᕗᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᒍᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᑉ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

That means that while a case is before the court, it’s illegal for media to report things that are said at the bail hearing, including the judge’s reasons for making a bail decision.


ᐆᒧᖓᓕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᖓᓄᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᑎᑎᕋᐅᓯᖃᖅᑕᐃᓕᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᔪᖅ ᔫᓂ 27-ᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐊᓯᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒥᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᓲᓴᓐ ᑰᐳ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓂ ᑎᓴᒪᓂ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᓯᒪᓂᖓᓄᑦ.

In Jaypoody’s case, that ban was lifted this past June 27, when a different judge, Justice Susan Cooper, sentenced Jaypoody to four years in prison on a manslaughter conviction.


ᑕᕝᕙᓂᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐅᓪᓗᕐᒥ, ᑖᓐᓇ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᑕᐃᓕᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᓕᒫᖑᓂᑯᓂᑦ ᒪᒃᐱᒐᓕᖕᓂᑦ 25-ᓂ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

On the same day, with the ban no longer in place, the Nunavut court released the full text of Bychok’s 25-page bail decision.


ᑕᕝᕙᓂ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᑦ ᐊᖏᕐᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᕿᒫᒐᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑲᓐᓂᕋᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.

In it, Bychok agreed that Jaypoody is neither a flight risk nor at risk of re-offending.


ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐋᒃᑳᖅᑐᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓄᑦ, ᓴᐳᔾᔨᔨᓄᑦ


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐋᒃᑳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ, ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᓂᐅᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᒍᓂ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓃᕋᔭᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓗᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒻᒥ.

But he denied Jaypoody’s bid for bail, on the grounds that releasing him would damage public confidence in the administration of justice, especially within Clyde River.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕐᖢᓂ, ᒪᓕᓚᐅᙱᓚᖅ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᙳᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᓗᐊᐃᔭᓂᒃ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᐊᖏᖃᑎᒌᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓄ.

In doing so, he rejected submissions from Crown and defence lawyers, who agreed Jaypoody ought to be released while awaiting trial and posed no threat to public safety.


ᐃᒪᓐ ᓂᐅᒪᓐ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᕐᑎᖓ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ, ᐱᔪᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᐅᑉ 56-ᓂ ᐅᑭᐅᓕᒃ ᐊᓈᓇᖓᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ 70-ᓂ ᐅᑭᐅᓕᒃ ᐊᑖᑕᒃᓴᖓᓄᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐊᑭᓖᔨᐅᓇᔭᖅᖢᑎᒃ.

Ilan Neuman, Jaypoody’s defence lawyer, proposed Jaypoody be released into the supervision of Jaypoody’s 56-year-old mother and his 70-year-old stepfather, who would act as sureties.


ᑖᕝᕘᓇ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᖏᕐᕋᖓᓃᓐᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ.

Under that plan, Jaypoody would live with them at their home.


ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔪᖅ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓂᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᓂ ᐅᓪᓗᕐᒥ, ᒧᕆᐃ ᕗᐃᐊᔅ, ᐊᑭᕋᖅᑐᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓯᕐᓯᒪᓕᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᓂᒃ 9-ᒥ ᐅᓐᓄᒃᑯ 7-ᒧᑦ ᐅᓪᓛᒧᑦ ᖃᐅᑕᒫᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᑲᒪᔨᐅᓂᐊᖅᑑᒃ ᐊᑭᓖᓗᑎᒃ $1,000-ᓂ.

The lawyer representing the Crown that day, Moray Welch, did not oppose Jaypoody’s pre-trial release, and suggested a curfew from 9 p.m. to 7 a.m. every day, and that each surety post $1,000.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐆᒧᖓᓕ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃᒧᑦ, ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᓄᑦ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᔭᐃᐴᑎ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᒃᐸᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓄᑦ ᑲᒪᖏᔭᐅᓇᔭᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᑲᖏᖅᑐᒑᐱᒻᒥᐅᑕᓄᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ “ᑕᐃᒪᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᒡᒍᖕᒪᑦ ᑕᒫᓂ.”

And, according to Bychok, the Crown lawyer said releasing Jaypoody into the community would not shock the people of Clyde River, because of “the scale of what transpires in this territory on a regular basis.”


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᑭᐅᑲᐅᑎᒋᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑖᔅᓱᒥᖓ “ᑐᐸᖕᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᓚᒌᓄᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒐᔪᖕᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ.

But Bychok shot back, calling that a “startling assertion,” saying domestic and family violence in Nunavut should not be normalized because of its frequency.


“ᒪᑯᐊ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᓗᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᖅ—ᐅᑯᐊ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᖓ ‘ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᒐᔪᒃᑐᖅ’—ᒪᑯᓂᖓ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᑎᓐᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᖅ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᕙᖕᓂᖅ, ᐊᖏᕐᕋᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᙱᔾᔪᑎᒻᒪᕆᐅᕗᑦ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“The staggering frequency of domestic and family violence—what Crown Counsel called ‘regular’—does not make domestic and family violence, indeed homicides, in our homes somehow unremarkable,” he said.


“ᐃᓱᒪᒋᖃᑎᒋᙱᓚᕋ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᑎᑦᑎᔨᐅᑉ ᐋᖅᑭᒃᓯᒪᔭᖓ ᐅᓇ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓚᒌᓄ ᐊᒃᑐᐊᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᓯᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.

“I do not share the prosecution’s perspective on domestic and family-related homicides in Nunavut.


ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᓐᓂ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᕋᓕ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᑐᓴᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᐆᒥᖓ ᒥᔅᑕ ᔭᐃᐴᑎᒥ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᕙᙱᓐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒡᓗ ᓲᕐᓗ ᑭᓲᖏᓐᓂᐅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐅᓪᓗᓂ.”

In my respectful view, news of any pre-trial release for Mr. Jaypoody would seriously undermine reasonable public confidence that the justice system takes domestic and family violence seriously.


Gladue ᐊᒃᑐᐃᓂᖃᙱᓚᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᓵᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ

Gladue does not apply to bail, judge says


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓚᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒍᑎᖏᓐᓅᖓᔪᓂᑦ ᒪᒃᐱᖓᕐᓂ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓂᒃ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᙱᒻᒥᔪᖅ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᑎᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᒥᑦ ᓗᐊᐃᔭ ᓂᐅᒪᓐᒥᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ.

And in a section of his judgment that goes on for at least five pages, Bychok also rejected a submission from defence lawyer Neuman asserting that judges should consider Gladue principles at bail hearings.


ᐅᕙᓂᓕ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓂᑯᑦ 1999-ᒥ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᒍᓯᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

In the Gladue decision, which dates to 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada said that in sentencing Indigenous offenders, courts must take their special circumstances into account.


ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒡᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ “ᓄᑖᒥ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥ.”

Bychok said that when the Supreme Court did this, they did not create “new law.”


ᑐᑭᓕᐅᕆᑐᐃᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓴᖅᑭᔮᕌᓂᒃᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓕᕌᖓᑕ ᒪᓕᒃᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᐸᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᖅ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᑎᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ 1996-ᒥᑦ.

They simply interpreted an existing law on sentencing principles for Indigenous people that Parliament had added to the Criminal Code in 1996.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᖅ, ᑕᐃᔅᓱᒪᓂ, ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᔪᓄᑦ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

But Parliament, at that time, chose not to apply those principles to bail hearings, Bychok said.


ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᕈᓐᓇᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥᓐ


“ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᑯᓪᓕ, ᐱᕕᖃᕈᓐᓇᙱᒻᒪᑕ—ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖃᙱᖢᓂ—ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᑕᒪᐅᓇ.

“In my view, there is no jurisdiction—or authority—for judges to override Parliament’s will in this area.


ᐅᖃᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖓᒍᑦ. ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᖏᒻᒪᑕ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᔭᕆᐊᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓇᓂᓯᓂᕐᒥᒃ Gladue-ᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔾᔪᑎᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᓂᒃ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

Stated differently, there is no legal foundation on which judges may assume and find that Gladue sentencing considerations apply to pre-trial bail law,” Bychok said.


ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᒃᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒋ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᔾᔨᓇᓱᒃᖢᑎᒃ “ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒧᑦ-ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᐊᓵᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᔾᔮᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᑐᖅ.

Even though some judges have tried to extend the reach of the Gladue decision by injecting “new judge-made considerations into the statutory pre-trial bail framework,” Bychok said he won’t do that.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᑐᒃᓯᕋᐅᑎᖓ ᐆᒥᖓ “ᓄᑖᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᒧᑦ-ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᒥᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᓂᐊᓵᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᒍᓐᓇᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ” ᐊᑐᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᖅ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

So Neuman’s request for “a new set of judge-made pre-trial bail considerations in Nunavut” won’t fly, Bychok said.


“ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕈᓐᓇᙱᓐᓇᒪ.


ᐃᓱᒪᖏᔭᒃᑯᓪᓕ, ᐅᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᐅᖕᒪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓅᙱᑦᑐᖅ,” ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

In my respectful view, this is a task for Parliament and not the judiciary,” Bychok said.


ᐊᐱᕐᓱᖅᑕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᐅᒃ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖓ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᖃᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᐊᓯᖏᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

In an interview, Neuman said he respects Bychok’s decision, but he also said other judges have expressed different opinions.


“ᓈᒻᒪᒋᙱᓪᓗᒎᙱᑕᕋ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨ ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᑐᒧᖓ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒍᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ,” ᓂᐅᒪᓐ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“I am not criticizing Justice Bychok, but there have been other views as to how to approach it,” Neuman said.


ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᕈᑎ ᐅᖃᓕᒫᒐᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂ ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᐱᐊᒥ, ᐃᓗᓕᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᓂᑯᓂᒃ ᓗᐊᐃᔭᒥᑦ ᔮᓇᑕᓐ ᕈᑎᓐ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᑐᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒥ, ᐅᖃᐅᔨᓯᒪᖕᒪᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ Gladue ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓄᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

For example, a guidebook published by the Legal Services Society of British Columbia, which contains material contributed by lawyer Jonathan Rudin of Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto, advises people to get a Gladue report to help them get a favourable bail decision.


ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75 ᐊᓯᔾᔩᕗᖅ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᓚᐅᑲᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᒃᑲᓗᐊᕐᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᖓᓂᖓ Gladue ᒥᒃᓵᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋ ᐊᓂᓯᒪᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᑯᒍᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓃᓛᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᕗᑦ.

Meanwhile, Bychok’s position on Gladue and bail hearings may soon become irrelevant.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᔾᔪᑎᓕᒡᓕ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75, ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕈᑎᒐᓚᐃᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑯᐃᓐᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᓂᒍᖅᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᔫᓂ 21-ᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᓐ.

That’s because of Bill C-75, a set of changes to the Criminal Code that received royal assent this past June 21.


ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕈᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᖅᐸᒡᓗᑎᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓕᕌᖓᑕ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ.

One of those changes effectively requires that judges take Gladue principles into account when making bail decisions.


ᓇᐃᓈᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓂᖓ ᓄᑖᓂ ᐃᓚᓕᐅᑎᓂᒃ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᐊᑐᓕᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᐊᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐅᑭᐊᒃᓵᖅ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒋᑦ ᐊᓂᔪᒪᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᒍᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

A summary of the new provisions, which will come into force this fall, says that in bail decisions, judges must pay attention to the circumstances of Indigenous accused persons.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᑦ ᒪᑯᓂᖓ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ “ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᐅᕙᙱᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᕋᔭᒃᑐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᕝᕘᓇ.”

And judges must also pay special attention to those who “belong to a vulnerable population that is overrepresented in the criminal justice system and that is disadvantaged in obtaining release under this Part.”


ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅC-75 ᐃᓗᓕᖃᕐᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂ ᐃᓚᒌᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖃᑦᑕᐅᑎᖃᑦᑕᙱᓐᓂᖏᑦ: “ᐃᒡᓗᖔᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᓴᑦ” ᑕᒪᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᙱᓗᐊᖅᑐᓂ.

At the same time, Bill C-75 contains a provision that could work against accused persons in Nunavut, given Nunavut’s high rates of family violence: a “reverse onus” requirement for those accused of intimate partner violence.


ᐅᓇ “ᐃᒡᓗᖔᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᒃᓴᖅ” ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔪᖅ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᕐᓗᓂ ᖃᓄᐃᒻᒪ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᓚᐅᑲᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᖅᑎᓐᓇᒍ.

A “reverse onus” means it’s up to the accused person to show cause for why they should be released on bail.


ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᓗᐊᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᓄᑦ ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᐅᔾᔪᑎᓄᑦ, ᐸᓯᔭᒃᓴᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

With lesser offences, it’s the Crown that must show cause.


ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓ ᐋᕿᖏᐊᕈᑎ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ C-75 ᖁᕝᕙᕆᐊᕈᑎᐅᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᓇ ᐃᓗᓕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖏ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᒋᐊᖅᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᐱᕋᔭᐃᓐᓇᔭᓗᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

Another amendment in Bill C-75 that could raise Nunavut’s incarceration rates is a provision that increases sentences for those convicted of repeat offences involving intimate partner violence.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᖁᑦᑎᖕᓂᖅᐹᖑᔪᖅ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᖅᐸᙱᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᕋᔭᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ.

Nunavut has the highest per capita rate of violent crime in Canada.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑎᓪᓗᒍ, ᐳᐊᐃᓴᒃ ᐃᓄᑑᙱᓚᖅ ᐊᑐᕈᒪᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᒥᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᓂᑦ.

Meanwhile, Bychok is not the only person who has resisted the expansion of Gladue principles in the courts.


ᖃᖓᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓕ, ᓈᒻᒪᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᑯᓇᓂ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ, ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᐸᐅᒃᑑᑎᒃᑯᑎᑐᑦ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕᑕ Gladue ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᓂᖓ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓂᖓᓂ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᐃᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᙱᑎᑦᑎᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᖑᑎᓄᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᕐᓱᐃᕙᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ.

In the past, activists within Indigenous women’s groups, such as Pauktuutit, have alleged the Gladue decision produces lenient sentences for Indigenous men convicted of assaulting or abusing Indigenous women.


ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᕐᓗ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐊᕕᓃᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᖕᓂᒧᑦ ᐊᓯᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐊᕐᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᓪᓗ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᓇᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᓚᐅᕐᒪᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᐊᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ.

And the recent report of the National Inquiry on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls contains potentially conflicting messages for policy-makers.


ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᒍᑎᐅᔪᖅ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ, ᐳᕌᕕᓐᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᓂ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓕᓴᕐᓯᓯᒪᓗᑎ ᐅᓇ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓂᑯ Gladue ᐅᓂᒃᑳᑦ “ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ.”

In one recommendation, they call upon federal, provincial and territorial governments to recognize the production of Gladue reports as “a right.”


ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᓂᑯ, ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ, ᐳᕌᕕᓐᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖏᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᐊᑦᑎᐊᖁᓪᓗᒋ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᒍᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐆᒧᖓ Gladue ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ “ᐊᒃᑐᐊᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐱᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᕐᓇᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕕᐊᕐᓵᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ 2SLGBTQQIA ᐃᓄᖕᓂ.”

But in another recommendation, they call upon federal, provincial and territorial governments to thoroughly evaluate the impacts of Gladue principles “as it relates to violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people.”


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, 55 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᓯᒪᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᖅᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᓂᒃ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᓂᑎᑕᐅᑲᐃᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᙱᑦᑐᑦ.

In Nunavut, 55 per cent of incarcerated people are remanded prisoners who can’t get bail.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑕᑯᓂᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᒃᓴᐅᕗᒍ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑦᑎᐊᓵᖅ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᒥᒃᖠᕚᓕᕈᑎᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᐅᓗᑎᒡᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑎᒍᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

So it remains to be seen whether all these recent changes will reduce or increase Nunavut’s high incarceration rates.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᑭᓕᕐᓱᐃᔪᓐᓇᕋᔭᕐᐹ?

Can Nunavut afford to pay for political parties?


ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖃᑦᑎᐊᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᖅᐳᖅ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ

Cash-poor Nunavut could be vulnerable to sleaze and corruption


7-ᐅᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᐃ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐱᖓᔪᖓᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ 2008-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐅᑕᖅᑭᕗᑦ ᐊᖏᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᕕᐱᕆ 19, 2008-ᒥ.

The seven-member Nunavut cabinet chosen at the start of the third legislative assembly in 2008 wait to be sworn in on Nov. 19, 2008.


ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕐᔪᐊᑦ 8-ᒋᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 2009 ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

The assembly chose an eighth minister in early 2009.


ᑕᐃᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᖃᓕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᓐ, ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐃᒪᓐᓇᐅᙱᖔᖅᑐᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓗᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᓄᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᔪᒃᓴᐅᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᒍᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.

For those who believe Nunavut’s ready to choose a premier by way of a direct, pan-territorial public vote, instead of a vote held only among MLAs, there are likely many ways to bring that about.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᒥᓴᓐ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓇᓱᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖓᑦ 1996-ᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ, ᖃᖓᓕᓴᐅᒐᓗᐊᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᒥᓱᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᑯᑦ ᓱᓕ ᐊᑐᕈᑎᖃᖅᐳᑦ.

The Nunavut Implementation Commission investigated the issue in 1996, and, though dated, many of their observations are still valid. You can find their report embedded at the bottom of this editorial.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᓯᐊᒎᕈᑎᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᔭᕆᑐᔪᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᕐᓯᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂ ᐅᓇ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓯᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓄᑦ, ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᓄᑦ.

But all those options would require complicated sets of changes to the rules and conventions under which the Nunavut legislature defines the relationship among MLAs, the premier and the executive council.


ᐅᓇ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕋᔭᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐃᓚᖏᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᖕᒪᑕ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑭᐅᑎᔪᓐᓇᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.

But some believe there’s an easier way to get there.


ᐅᕘᓇᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᒃᑯᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᐅᑎᑦᑎᒍᓂ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᖃᓕᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

And that is for Nunavut to encourage and embrace a system of territorial political parties.


ᑖᓐᓇᓕ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᓗᐊᕋᔭᙱᑕᖓ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᖠᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

That wouldn’t be quite the same as choosing a premier in a direct territory-wide vote.


ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᖕᒪᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᑯᑎᒎᓇᕐᓕ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᖕᒪᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

But that’s how it’s perceived, and in matters of political legitimacy, it’s often perception that counts.


ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ, ᐊᒥᓱᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᐅᑕ ᐅᒃᐱᕈᓱᒃᑐᒃᓴᐅᓚᐅᕐᒪᑕ 2015-ᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓂᐊᕈᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᔭᔅᑎᓐ ᑐᕉᑑᒥ ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᒻᒪᕆᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ.

For example, many Canadians likely believe that in 2015, they elected Justin Trudeau to serve as prime minister.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᑦ.


ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ 338 ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᔭᔅᑎᓐ ᑐᕉᑑ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ.

They elected 338 MPs and Justin Trudeau was only one of them.


ᑲᓇᑕᒧᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᙳᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᑎᒍᑦ.

He became prime minister for two reasons.


ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ, 2013-ᒥ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᐹᑎ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒋᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂᔾᔪᒃ.

One, in 2013 a private political organization called the Liberal Party of Canada chose him as their leader.


ᐊᐃᑉᐸᖓ, 2015-ᒥ, 184 ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᐊᖏᓐᓇᐅᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒪᑕ, ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᓄᓛᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ 338-ᓂᒃ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ.

Two, in 2015, 184 people loyal to that party were elected, representing a majority of the 338 seats in the House of Commons.


ᑕᐃᒪᓖ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᐅᓄᓛᖑᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᒥ—ᒫᓐᓇ 177-ᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᕐᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ—ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᓪᓗ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᖢᓂ, ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓛᖅᑐᒧᑦ.

And it’s that Liberal majority in the House of Commons—now comprising 177 MPs—to whom Trudeau owes his job, at least until the next national election.


ᑎᑎᕋᖅᓯᒪᙱᒃᑲᓗᐊᖅᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᔪᐊᒃᑯᑦ, ᑐᕉᑑ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓕᔅᓯ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓅᙱᑦᑐᖅ.

Under the unwritten conventions of the Constitution, Trudeau governs because of their support and not because of yours.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᒍᑎᐅᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑐᕉᑑᒥ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᐳᖅ.

But the party system makes people feel as if they chose Trudeau to lead the national government, and it’s that perception that matters.


ᑕᐃᒪᓗ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᐊᖔᕐᓗᑕ, ᑕᒫᓂ ᐱᑕᖃᙱᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᑐᓗᕐᑕᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒨᖓᔪᓄᑦ.

Which brings us to Nunavut, where there are no legal or constitutional barriers standing in the way of a party system.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᔪᒪᒍᔅᓯ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ, ᐊᑏ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᑦᑎ.

So if you want to create a territorial political party for Nunavut, go right ahead.


ᑲᑎᕐᓱᐃᓗᓯ 22-ᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔪᒪᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᕝᕕᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᒃᐱᕆᔭᕐᓄᑦ ᑭᖑᓪᓕᕐᒥ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓕᕐᐸᑦ.

Round up 22 candidates willing to run under your party banner in the next territorial election.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᓕᖃᓕᕋᔭᖅᐳᑎᑦ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓗᖕᒥᑦ.

But early on, you’ll run into a big problem.


ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑭᓕᕋᔭᕋᕕᐅᒃ?


ᐱᓗᐊᕐᑐᒥ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᐊᑭᓖᓇᔭᕋᕕᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᒐᓱᓕᕐᑎᓪᓗᑎ?

In particular, how would you pay for an election campaign?


ᖃᓄᖅ ᐊᑭᓕᕐᓱᐃᓇᔭᕋᕕᑦ ᖃᕋᓴᐅᔭᒃᑯᑦ ᓴᕿᔮᒐᓂᒃ, ᐅᖄᓚᐅᑎᓄᑦ ᐃᑐᓂᐊᑦᒧᑦ, ᐊᑭᓐᓇᒥ ᐊᔾᔨᙳᐊᓂᒃ, ᑎᑎᖃᓂᒃ, ᖃᑭᖅᑯᐊᓂᒃ, ᐅᖃᓕᒫᒐᕋᓛᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓂᓴᐅᑎᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ?

How do you pay for websites, telephones, internet, posters, signs, buttons, brochures and advertisements?


ᐅᓇᓗᐊᕐᓕ, ᖃᓄᕐᓕ ᐊᑭᓖᓇᔭᕐᐱᑦ ᐊᑭᑐᔪᐊᓗᖕᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎ ᐳᓚᕋᑲᑕᒃᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓚᐃᓐᓇᖏᓐᓄᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ?

Above all, how do you pay for the enormous cost of mounting a party leader’s tour throughout all or most of Nunavut’s communities?


ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐃᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᒪᑭᑕᒍᑎᖓᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅ, ᑮᓇᐅᔭᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖅᑯᓯᐊᖏᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᒐᓴᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ.

For every political party in Canada at every level, their lifeblood is money, money given to them by large numbers of individual persons, corporations and unions.


ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᑐᕈᓐᓇᕐᑐᒥᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᙳᐊᕈᑎᒥᑦ ᒪᓂᒻᒪᐅᔪᖅ. ᐄ, ᐃᓕᖁᓯᖃᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓇᓃᓐᓂᖓᒍᑦ, ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᔾᔨᒋᙱᑕᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ.

The Yukon territory offers a useful comparison. Yes, culturally and demographically, Yukon does not resemble Nunavut.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ, ᒫᓂ 40,000 ᐅᖓᑖᓄᑦ, ᐊᔾᔨᓪᓗᐊᐸᓗᒋᕚ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᕝᕕᖓ 19-ᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᐅᖅᑎᖃᖅᖢᓂ, ᐅᓄᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ.

But the size of its population, about 40,000 or so, is roughly equal to Nunavut’s, and its legislature is made up of only 19 MLAs, even fewer than Nunavut’s.


ᔫᑳᓐ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᖏ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

The Yukon’s legislators are organized into political parties.


ᐅᓇ ᑐᑭᓕᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᒧᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᖏᑦ, ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ, ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔾᔪᑎᒋᐸᓗᒍᓐᓇᖅᐸᕗᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᓂ ᐊᑐᕋᔭᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᓗᓂ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑎᐅᕆᑑᕆᒥ ᑖᓐᓇ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᖢᒍ ᓇᓕᒧᐸᓗᐊ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑎᑐᑦ.

This means their financial disclosures, released by Elections Yukon, give us a rough idea of how much it costs to run partisan election campaigns in a territory that’s roughly comparable in population size and capacity to Nunavut.


ᑭᖑᓪᓕᖅᐹᒥ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ 2016-ᒥ, ᔫᑳ ᓕᐳᕈᒃᑯᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᕗᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓪᓗᑎ 11-ᓄ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᓄᑦ 19-ᓂᑦ.

In Yukon’s last territorial election, in 2016, the Yukon Liberal Party gained power by winning 11 of 19 seats.


ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑐᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᖢᑎᒃ$254,774.93,ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

To do that, they spent $254,774.93, Elections Yukon reported.


ᑐᒡᓕᕆᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ 6-ᓂ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᖅᑖᖅᖢᑎᒃ, ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ $215,139.14-ᓂ.ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑖᖕᓄᑦ ᓵᓚᖃᕐᖢᑎᒃ, ᐱᖓᔪᒋᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᓂᐅ ᑎᒧᑯᕌᑎᒃ ᐹᑎ ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ $229,455.77.

The second-place Yukon Party, which took six seats, spent $215,139.14. To win two seats, the third-place Yukon New Democratic Party spent $229,455.77.


ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᐅᓄᙱᑦᑐᑯᓗᐃ ᔫᑳᓐᒧᑦ ᒍᕇᓐ ᐹᑎᑯᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᙱᑦᑐᑦ, ᐊᑐᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ $4,118.50.

The tiny Yukon Green Party, which won no seats, spent only $4,118.50.


ᐅᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᒍᑎᒋᕙᕗᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᕐᒥ ᐃᓄᖃᖅᑐᒧᑦ 40,000-ᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂᒃ ᐱᕈᖅᑎᑦᑎᒋᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᐳᑎᑦ ᒫᓂᑦ $200,000-ᓂᑦ$250,000-ᓄᑦ.

This tells us that to run a credible territorial election campaign for a population of around 40,000 people, you’ll have to raise at least $200,000 to $250,000.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖃᓄᖅ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᒪᓕᒐᓕᕆᔨᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᕈᖅᑎᑦᑎᔪᓐᓇᓚᐅᕐᐸᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ?

So how did Yukon’s political parties raise that money?


ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑎᒍᑦ—ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᑎᒍᑦ ᐅᓄᙱᑦᑐᑯᓗᖕᓂ ᒪᓕᒐᕐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

Through donations of course—within a system that imposes very few rules.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓇᖕᒥᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᑐᓂᓯᔭᕆᐊᖃᙱᑦᑐᑦ $2,500 ᐅᖓᑖᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᔪᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

In Nunavut, no person, business or group may contribute more than $2,500 to a territorial election candidate.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ, ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᓯᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒦᒃᑯᑎᒃ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ.

Also, such donors must be based only in Nunavut.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᐅᙱᑦᑎᐊᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᑦ.

Out-of-territory contributions are forbidden.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᔫᑳᓐᒥ, ᑕᒪᐅᓇ ᒪᑐᐃᖓᑦᑎᐊᖅᑐᖅ.


ᓲᕐᓗ ᐃᒪᓐ, ᕚᓐᑯᕗᒥ ᑐᙵᕕᓕᒃ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓴᖅᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑲᒻᐸᓂ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᑳᐳ ᓄᐊᑦ ᐅᔭᕋᒃᓯᐅᕐᕕᒃ ᑯᐊᐱᕇᓴᓐ, ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᔫᑳᓐ ᓕᐳᕈᑯᓐᓄᑦ $50,000ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ 2016-ᖑᑎᓪᓗᒍ.

For example, a Vancouver-based mining company called Copper North Mining Corp. gave the Yukon Liberals a $50,000 donation in 2016.


ᑖᓐᓇ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅ ᓲᕐᓗ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᐅᓕᖓᒍᓂ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᑖᒃᓇᙵᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓂᕐᒧ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᑯᖓ.

That single donation accounts for nearly one-fifth of the party’s election spending that year.


ᐊᓯᒃᑲᓐᓂᖓᓕ ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᒥᐊᒥ ᑐᙵᕕᓕᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᒃ, ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᕕᒃᑑᕆᐊ ᒎᓗ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐ, ᑐᓂᓯᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᓄᑦ$10,000-ᓂ.ᐅᑯᖓ ᔫᑳᓐ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᓕᕆᔩ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᑦ $6,400ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᓵᐳᔅ ᑐᕋᒃ ᒫᑦ ᐄᔭᒐᖅᑖᕐᕕᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ.

And another B.C.-based firm, called Victoria Gold Corp, gave the Yukon Party $10,000. The Yukon Party also received $6,400 from Shoppers Drug Mart Pharmaprix, based in Toronto.


ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᔫᑳᓐ ᐊᓐᑏᐲᑯᑦ, ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓚᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᐊᖏᔪᕈᓗᖕᓂ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ: $10,000ᐅᑯᓇᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᓐᑐᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ UNIFOR, $7,000 ᐋᑐᕚᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᑲᑎᒪᔨᕐᔪᐊᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ $5,000ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᓴᕕᕋᔭᒃᓴᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᕙᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐴᓇᐱ, ᐳᕆᑎᔅ ᑲᓚᒻᐱᐊᒥ.

As for the Yukon NDP, they received sizeable donations from unions: $10,000 from Toronto-based UNIFOR, $7,000 from the Ottawa-based Canadian Labour Congress and $5,000 from the United Steelworkers, based in Burnaby, B.C.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑦ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᓂᒃ.

In Nunavut, all those contributions would be illegal.


(ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᒐᔭᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᑎᒍᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᒪᐃᑎᑦᑎᓕᕐᒪᑕ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᖃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᒪᐅᖓ $1,600 ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᓄᑦ.)

(They would also be illegal at the federal level, because Elections Canada now imposes a $1,600 limit on all contributors to federal parties and candidates.)


ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ, ᑐᕌᖓᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᒍ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᓅᖓᙱᑦᑐᓄᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᓄᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᒐᓱᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᕕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

The Elections Nunavut rules, of course, apply only to individual non-partisan candidates contesting individual constituencies.


ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅᔪᐊᖓᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖃᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐋᕿᒃᓯᒪᒍᑎᐅᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ—ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᑦᑐᖅᑕᖃᙱᑦᑐᖅ.

The Nunavut Elections Act doesn’t regulate territorial political parties—because there aren’t any.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᖏᑦ ᓱᖅᑯᐃᓇᑦᑎᐊᕐᒪᑕ: $2,500-ᒥ ᐃᓱᖃᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᕆᐊᖃᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᙶᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

But the Nunavut rules are clear: a $2,500 limit and no contributions from outside the territory.


ᐱᒻᒪᕆᖕᒥᑦᑕᐅᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᐊᖃᕐᓇᕐᒪᑦ.


ᔫᑳᓐᒥ ᐃᓄᒋᐊᖕᓂᖏᑦ, ᐱᒋᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᓯᐱᕆ 2018-ᒥᑦ, ᒫᓃᐸᓗᖕᒪᑦ 40,700. ᓲᕐᓗ ᑎᓴᒪᓂ ᐱᖓᓱᐃᑦ ᕗᐊᐃᑦᕼᐅᐊᔅᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓂᒋᔭᖏᓐᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ.

Yukon’s population, as of December 2018, stands at 40,700. About three in four of those people, 31,800, live in Whitehorse and its various neighbourhoods.


ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂᐸᓗ ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᐊᖅᑯᑎᒃᑯᑦ ᑎᑭᑕᒃᓴᐅᔪᐃᓐᓇᐸᓘᓪᓗᑎᒃ.

Almost all other communities are reachable by road.


ᐊᖅᑯᑎᖃᙱᑦᑐᑐᐊᕐᓕ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᑦ ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐅᐸᒐᒃᓴ ᐅᓇ ᐆᑦ ᑯᕉ, ᔫᑳᓐ ᐅᐊᖕᓇᖓᓂᑦ.

The only off-road, fly-in community is Old Crow, in the north of the territory.


ᑖᓐᓇᓕ ᑐᑭᓕᒃ ᐅᓇ ᓕᐳᕈᓪᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᓵᓐᑎ ᓯᐅᕗ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᔫᑳᓐ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᑎᐅᕈᓪ ᐸᔅᓛᔅᑭ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐳᓚᕋᑲᑕᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ 2016-ᒥᑦ, ᓄᓇᓯᐅᑎᒥᓄᑦ ᐃᑭᒐᒥᒃ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᑲᑕᒃᖢᑎᒃ.

This means that when Liberal leader Sandy Silver or Yukon Party leader Darrell Pasloski did their campaign tours in 2016, all they had to do was jump into their SUVs and drive around.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐊᕕᑐᕐᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᔪᑦ ᐊᑭᑐᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᒦᑐᖅ ᐆᑐᓇᖅ ᔫᑳᓐᑎᑐ ᐊᑭᖃᕈᓂ ᒫᓂ $250,000-ᓂᒃ, ᖃᔅᓯᑐᕋᔭᕐᐸᓕ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓗᓂ ᐊᑭᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ?

But if a political party’s election campaign in a comparatively low-cost jurisdiction like Yukon costs around $250,000, how much more would such a campaign cost in Nunavut?


ᖃᐅᔨᒫᓂᙱᓗᐊᕋᑦᑕ ᐅᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᓯᒪᔪᓐᓇᓪᓚᕆᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᓇᐃᓴᐅᑎᓂᒃ.

We don’t know enough to be able to offer a precise estimate.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᓇᕐᓂᖓ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑉ ᐃᖏᕐᕋᕝᕕᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓵᑕᒐᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐊᑭᖏᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᖁᑦᑎᖕᓂᕐᓴᒻᒪᕆᐊᓘᔪᒃᓴᐅᕗᖅ.

But given the well-known costs of scheduled and charter air service, it’s likely much, much higher.


ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᔫᑳᓐᓂ ᐅᓂᒃᑳᓕᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᑕᒪᕐᒥ ᔫᑳᓐᒥᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔪᑦ, ᑲᑎᖢᑎᒃ, ᑐᓂᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ $641,023.78 ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕐᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ 2016-ᒥᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᒥᓐ.

Elections Yukon reported that all territorial political parties in Yukon, together, received a total of $641,023.78 in revenues during the 2016 election year.


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐊᑭᑐᓂᕐᓴᒥᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ, ᐃᓱᒪᓇᕐᐳᖅ ᐱᖓᓱᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᐅᔨᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᒫᓂᑦ $1 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᓂᑦ $2 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᓄᑦ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᑦᑕᕆᐊᖃᕋᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕐᓇᐅᓕᕌᖓᑦ.

So in higher-cost Nunavut, it’s conceivable that a viable three-party system could require between $1 million and $2 million in donations in any given election year.


ᐅᓇ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᓪᓗᒍ ᐊᔪᕐᓴᕐᓂᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᖅ, ᓇᑉᐸᓪᓗᐊᖏᓪᓗ ᐃᓄᖏᑦᑕ ᐃᒡᓗᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒃᓱᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᑉ ᐃᓗᐊᒍᑦ ᐃᓄᓕᕆᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᒃᓴᑦ ᓇᑭᙶᕋᔭᕐᒪᑕ?

Given the crushing poverty that afflicts Nunavut, where about half the population is dependent on subsidized social housing and, for at least part of the year, income support, where will these political contributions come from?


ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕐᓂᕐᓴᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᕐᓂᑦ.

Party politics may not be as easy as you think.


ᐃᑲᔫᑎᓪᓚᕆᒃᑕᖃᙱᒃᑯᓂ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᑐᕆᐊᓕᖕᓄᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓂᒃ, ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᒪᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᓕᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.

Without strict contribution and spending rules, a political party system in Nunavut could be extremely vulnerable to sleaze and corruption.


ᑭᓇᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ, ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᖃᕈᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐊᖏᔪᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᔪᐊᑦ, ᐃᓚᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᑯᖏᑦ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓇᓱᒃᑐᒥ ᓂᐅᕕᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

No one, except those with vested interests, wants a system where big unions and big corporations, including royalty-rich Inuit corporations, could buy themselves an election.


ᐃᓱᒪᓇᕐᐳᕐᓕ, ᐋᕿᒃᓱᕐᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᙱᓗᐊᕈᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑕᓕᒫᑦ ᓂᕈᐊᕈᓐᓇᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᖓ ᓯᕗᓕᐅᕐᑎᒃᓴᒥᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᔾᔪᑎᐅᓇᔭᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓱᕋᐃᒍᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᓂᒃ.

Incidentally, a poorly designed system for the Nunavut-wide direct election of a premier would likely create similar exposure to sleaze and corruption.


ᐃᓱᐊᒍᓪᓕ, ᓂᕈᐊᖅᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑭᒡᒐᖅᑐᐃᔨᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᒐᕙᒪᖓᓄᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐅᕆᔨᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ.

In the end, it’s up to the elected representatives who run Nunavut’s public government who have to make the final decisions.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᐅᔾᔨᕈᓱᑦᑎᐊᕆᐊᖃᕐᐳᓯ.


ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕋᑦᑕ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᑦ, ᑕᑯᒋᐊᓚᐅᕐᓗᓯ ᕿᒡᒋᓚᐅᙱᓐᓂᔅᓯᓐᓂ.

As we said last month, look before you leap.


ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᑲᑎᒐᓱᖕᓂᖏᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓇᓱᖕᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ

Arctic airline merger could take 18 to 24 months to complete, CEO says


“ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᕈᓘᔭᕐᓇᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᖅ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᖃᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᒻᒪᕆᖕᓇᕐᓗᓂ”

“Integrating our two companies will require a tremendous amount of planning, coordination and hard work”


ᐱᔭᕆᑐᕈᓘᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᓂᖅ ᑲᑎᑦᑎᓇᓱᖕᓂᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᑎᓪᓗᒋ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᙳᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔨᙳᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒃᓴᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖅ, ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᔅᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 10, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᖅᖢᓂ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᖅᑎᐅᔪᓂᒃ.

The complex work of fusing First Air and Canadian North into a single pan-Arctic airline will take between 18 and 24 months, the new airline’s incoming CEO and president, Chris Avery, said on Wednesday, July 10, in a message to stakeholders.


ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᓕᒫᒥᑦ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᓂᑦ 24-ᓄᑦ ᐊᑯᓂᐅᑎᒋᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ, ᐅᓇ ᓄᑖᒧᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔨᐅᓕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒋᓂᐊᕐᑕᖓᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᕆᔭᐅᓗᓂ, ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑎᒍᒥᐊᖅᑎᓄᑦ ᐱᖓᔅᓯᕐᒥ, ᔪᓚᐃ 10.

The complex work of fusing First Air and Canadian North into a single pan-Arctic airline will take between 18 and 24 months, the new airline’s incoming CEO and president, Chris Avery, says in a message to stakeholders.


ᐃᖏᕐᕋᔾᔪᑎᓕᕆᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ, ᒪᓕᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᓕᐊᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᒥᓂᔅᑕᖏᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᖏᓚᐅᕐᐳᑦ ᑲᑎᑦᑐᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑕᖅᑭᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᓐ, ᒪᓕᒋᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎ ᐅᓄᕈᓘᔭᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᒪᓕᒋᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑎᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᓂᒃ ᓴᖅᑭᑐᐃᓐᓇᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ.

Transport Canada, following a decision by the federal cabinet, approved the merger last month, subject to a long list of terms and conditions aimed at protecting northern consumers from the monopoly that the merger will create.


ᐊᐃᕗᕆᐅᑉ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᒥ, ᒪᑭᕕᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᖃᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥᑦ, ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᓯᓚᐅᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐋᕿᓱᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᓇᖕᒥᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂᒃ.

Avery’s message, issued on Wednesday, July 10, said the owner of First Air, Makivik Corp., and the owner of Canadian North, the Inuvialuit Development Corp., have completed the transaction that’s required to merge the two businesses.


ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖅ


ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᐳᖅ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᓐᓇᕐᓯᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᔭᕆᑐᓕᒑᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓴᓇᕝᕕᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖁᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᕐᕕᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕝᕕᒋᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᓐᓄᑦ.

That means they’re now ready to start the complicated tasks required to integrate their workforces, facilities, aircraft fleets, flight reservation systems, flight schedules and other parts of their businesses.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᑐᐃᓐᓇᐅᙱᓐᓂᖓ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᒥᓱᓄᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᒋᕙᒃᑕᑦᑎᓐᓄᑦ, ᑲᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᒫᕐᕉᖕᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᓯᐅᑲᑕᒋᐊᖃᓪᓚᕆᖕᓂᐊᕐᒪᓐ, ᑐᑭᒧᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒡᓗ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᒃᓱᕈᕐᓗᓂ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᐊᖁᓪᓗᒍ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᒍᑎᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ,” ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

“Because of the complex nature of the airline industry and the many essential services we provide, integrating our two companies will require a tremendous amount of planning, coordination and hard work, to be completed within distinct phases,” the message said.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᖕᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᑖᒃᑯᐊᒃ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᓱᕋᒃᓯᒪᑎᑦᑎᑦᑕᐃᓕᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᕆᕙᒃᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖏᑦ ᑲᑎᑕᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖑᓇᔭᖅᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒥᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓂᕐᒥᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᑎᑖᕋᓱᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᒥᔪᑦ.

And it could take up to two years before the merger partners will have unified their maintenance operations and consolidated their fleets to enable them to transition towards obtaining a single air operator certificate from the federal government, the message said.


ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᑐᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒌ ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ “ᓄᓇᓖᑦ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᐅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ” ᐃᓱᒪᖃᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐅᓇ ᐱᒻᒪᕆᖕᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᐅᑉ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᖓᓂᒃ.

Throughout that process, the merger partners will take a “communities first” approach in light of the vital role they play in northern Canada.


“ᑐᑭᓯᓯᒪᑦᑎᐊᖅᐳᒍᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᕗᑦ ᐅᕙᑦᑎᓐᓂ ᐊᑐᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓅᓯᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ, ᖁᐊᕐᓵᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᐃᓐᓇᖅᑐᒥᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕆᐊᖃᖅᐳᒍᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᙵᓕᒫᖅ.”

“We fully understand that our customers depend on us for every aspect of their lives and that in order to fulfill this crucial role, we must maintain safe and sustainable operations at all times.”


ᑯᕆᔅ ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓪᓗᓂ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓕᒑᔪᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᙳᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ ᓄᑖᒥ ᑲᑎᓕᒑᔪᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᑭᕕᒃᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᒃᓱᖅᑕᖓᓂᒃ.

Chris Avery, now the CEO and president of First Air, is the incoming CEO and president of the new merged airline that Makivik Corp. and the Inuvialuit Development Corp. are creating.


ᐊᐃᕗᕆ, ᐃᓇᖏᕐᓯᓂᑯ ᕗᕌᒃ ᕗᕇᓴᓐ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᕐᒥ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂ ᐅᒃᑑᐱᕆᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᒥ, ᑕᐃᔭᐅᓯᒪᓕᕐᐳᖅ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᓂ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᖅᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕐᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ.

Avery, who succeeded Brock Friesen as boss of First Air this past October, has been named incoming head of the merged airline.


“ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖑᓂᐊᕐᓗᖓ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᐅᓂᐊᕐᓗᖓ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒋᔭᑦᑎᓐᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒥ, ᓂᕆᐅᒃᐳᖓ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᕐᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔨᑦᑎᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᔪᒃᑰᕐᑎᓪᓗᑕ, ᐃᓚᓕᐅᔾᔨᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᔪᙱᓐᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒡᓗᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᑦᑕ,” ᐊᐃᕗᕆ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“As incoming president and CEO of the merged Canadian North, I look forward to leading our teams through this exciting transformation, incorporating the unique strengths and abilities of our dedicated and caring team members,” Avery said.


ᔮᓂ ᐋᑕᒻᔅ ᓄᓇᕕᒥᐅᑕᖅ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓄᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᓂᐊᕐᒥᔪᖅ ᑲᑎᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪ ᐹᑐᕆᒃ ᒍᕉᒐᓐ, ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐃᓄᕕᐊᓗᐃᑦ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᑯᐊᐳᕇᓴᓐᑯᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᒧᑦ, ᐃᒃᓯᕙᐅᑕᐅᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᕆᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂᒃ.

Johnny Adams of Nunavik, currently the executive chairman of First Air, will serve as executive chairman of the merged airline, and Patrick Gruben, the current chairman of the Inuvialuit Development Corp. and chairman of Canadian North, will assume the role of vice-chairman.


ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᔪᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕈᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᓄᑖᒥ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖅᑕᖃᕐᓂᐊᓕᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᓗᓂ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᙳᐊᖅ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂ ᑕᕐᓴᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᖢᓂ.

The statement confirmed that the new airline will be branded as Canadian North, but will continue to use First Air’s inuksuk-themed logo.


ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖃᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᔪᖃᕐᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ


ᐅᓇ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐᖅ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᙳᕐᓂᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓂ ᐊᓯᐅᔨᔾᔪᑎᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᖢᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᖅ ᐱᖁᑎᖏᑦ ᒪᑯᐊ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃᑯᕖᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᖃᕐᕖᑦ ᑲᑎᑕᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

The statement from First Air doesn’t say whether merging the two work forces will lead to job losses, and the airlines give no details on how they will merge facilities like hangars and cargo warehouses.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕᓄᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᖁᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒐᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᕆᐊᓕᖕᓂ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᒥᒃᖠᒋᐊᖅᐸᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕐᒥ ᐱᓕᕆᐅᖑᔪᓐᓇᖅᑐᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦ ᓄᖃᕌᖓᑕ ᐃᓇᙱᖅᑕᐅᕙᙱᓪᓗᑎᒃ.

However, the cabinet order setting out terms and conditions for the merger says any reduction in job numbers in the merged entity’s operations in Nunavut and the Northwest Territories should be achieved primarily through attrition.


ᑖᒃᑯᐊᒡᓗ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᓕᖅᑑᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᖅᑏᑦ ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᔭᕆᐊᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ “ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕚᓪᓕᖁᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᑎᒍᑦ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᔪᐃᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᖏᑦᑎᑦ,” ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

And the merged entity must create an Inuit training and development program “to increase Inuit representation across all parts of the merged entity’s operation and management,” the federal government said.


ᐃᒪᐃᓕᖓᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᔩᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᖓᑦ.

Here’s how the merged airline’s aircraft will look.


ᐊᑐᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ ᐊᑎᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕘᔅᑎ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᒐᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ.

They’ll use Canadian North’s name and First Air’s inuksuk-themed logo and livery.


ᐅᑯᐊᓕ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᖏᑦᑎᒍᑦ, ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᒥᒃ.

For its part, the companies say they will continue to focus on recruiting Indigenous people.


“ᑐᕌᒐᕗᓪᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᑦᑎᒍᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦᑎᑦᑎᐊᕙᐅᓛᖑᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᒃᓴᑦᑎᐊᕙᖕᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ,” ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ.

“Our goal will be to lead our industry as a top employer, with continued focus on recruiting Inuit and other Indigenous team members for excellent careers within the aviation sector,” their message said.


ᑖᒃᑯᐊᓗ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔫ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᐊ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᒃ.

And the two companies do say they’ll use a phased approach to merge the two airlines.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇᓕ ᑐᑭᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓇᐃᑦᑐᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᒪᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᐊᕐᓗᑎᒃ:

That means that in the short term they will:


• ᑲᔪᓯᓯᒪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑰᖓᔪᑎᑐᑦ ᑲᒻᐸᓂᐅᔪᓂᒃ, ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᑎᑐ.

• Continue to operate as two separate companies, serving customers as two separate brands.


• ᑲᔪᓯᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᓕᐅᕈᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᖃᖓᑕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓪᓚᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᖕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᓇᐅᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᓯᙳᖅᑐᖃᙱᓪᓗᓂ.

• Allow scheduled services customers to continue booking, flying and shipping cargo with either airline with no significant changes.


• ᐱᔪᓐᓇᖅᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᓵᑕᕐᓯᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ, ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᕝᕙᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᓂᐅᕕᕐᕕᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᓴᓇᖃᑎᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᓕᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

• Allow charter clients, partners or vendors to continue working with the staff and departments they’re familiar with.


ᐊᑯᓂᐅᓂᕐᓴᕐᓕ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᓄᑖᖅ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᙳᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᕐᑐᖅ:

For the longer term, the new airline will:


• ᐋᕿᒃᓱᐃᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᑎᕐᖓᔪᒥᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓄᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕝᕕᐅᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᓂᒃ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᕘᔅᑎ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᓪᓘᓐᓃᑦ.

• Develop a combined flight schedule to enable customers of both airlines to book any flight operated by Canadian North or First Air.


• ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᖏᒡᓕᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦᑯᑦ ᐊᕉᕋ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᕈᑎᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓂᒃᓴᖃᕐᕕᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᕙᒃᑐᓄᑦ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᓐᓂᒃ, ᑕᒪᒃᑯᐊ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᖅᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᐃᓐᓂ ᐊᕉᕋ ᑐᓐᓂᖁᓯᐊᖃᕈᓐᓇᕈᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᐅᕈᐸᓛᓐ ᒪᐃᐅᔅ ᐅᑎᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᓐᓇᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑭᖃᙱᑦᑐᒥ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

• Work to expand Canadian North’s Aurora Rewards loyalty program to all scheduled flights operated by First Air, so that customers of both airlines have the ability to earn Aurora Rewards points and Aeroplan Miles that can be redeemed for free flights.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᑐᒪᓂ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐅᖓᑖᓄᓪᓗ, ᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᐊᕐᑐᑦ:

And later this year and beyond, they will:


• ᐋᕿᒃᓯᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᑎᖃᑎᒌᒃᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ “ᑲᓃᑎᐊᓐ ᓄᐊᑦ” ᑕᕐᓴᒃᓴᒥᒃ, ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᕘᔅᑦ ᐃᐅᑯᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᓱᒐᙳᐊᖅ ᑕᕐᓴᖓᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ, ᓇᓗᓇᐃᒃᑯᑎᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐱᖁᑎᓂᒃ.

• Roll out a unified “Canadian North” brand, featuring the First Air’s inuksuk logo on their livery, signage and other materials.


• ᑲᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᒪᕐᕉᐃᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᓱᒃᑲᐃᓪᓗᑎ ᐃᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᕙᓪᓕᐊᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᒪᐅᓇ ᖃᖓᑦᑕᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᑭᓕᒐᒃᓴᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᑐᓕᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ, ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑎᒍᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓴᓇᕝᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

• Merge the two workforces in a gradual process that will be done “hand-in-hand” with work on flight reservations systems, fare products, operational processes, fleets and facilities.


• ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖃᕐᓗᑎ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒪᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᓵᑕᓂᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᓂᒃ.

• Do more diversification by expanding activities like their charter business.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ ᐅᖃᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᒋᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᑲᑎᓐᓂᕐᒧᑦ.

And their message repeats their oft-state rationale for the merger.


“ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᐸᒃᑐ ᐅᑯᐊ ᒪᕐᕉᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓲ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᓂᖏᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᐸᓗᒃᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᔪᒪᓂᕐᒧ ᐱᓗᐊᖅᐸᒃᖢᓂ ᖄᖏᐅᑎᓯᒪᓗᐊᖃᑦᑕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᖃᖓᑕᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᖁᑎᑦ ᐊᑭᒋᕙᒃᑕᖏᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᕐᓂᕗ ᐊᑐᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᕙᒃᖢᓂ ᐱᐅᓯᕚᓪᓕᕈᑎᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᓂᑦᑎᒍᑦ.”

“The highly inefficient status quo of two airlines operating overlapping flight schedules with aircraft capacity that far exceeds demand on most of our routes has contributed to higher airfares and cargo rates and impeded our ability to invest in improving our operations.”


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑲᑎᑎᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᖓᑕᓲᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑕᐅᓇᔭᖅᑐ ᓈᒻᒪᓈᕐᓯᒪᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐃᓂᕐᓴᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᓕᒫᓂᒃ ᐱᐅᓂᕐᓴᒃᑯᑦ, ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᖅ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ.

But the merged airline will operate more efficiently and serve everyone better, the message said.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑎᑦᑎᔨᖓᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᐳᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ

Nunavut birthright org commits to becoming an Inuktut-first workplace


“ᐊᑕᐅᓯᖅ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᒻᒪᕆᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓛᖑᓗᓂ”

“One of the aspirations for Nunavut was for Inuktut to remain the majority language”


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓴᐃᒪᑎᖓᑦ (ᐊᐅᓚᖁᑎ) ᐊᓄᕌᕐᕕᐅᕗᖅ ᓂᐊᖁᙴᒥᑦ.

A Nunavut flag blows in the wind in Apex.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.

Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. marked Nunavut Day with a pledge to become an Inuktut-language workplace.


(ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕆᔨ ᓴᐃᕋ ᕌᔾᔪᔅ)


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᓚᐅᕐᐸᖓ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᓪᓗᖓᓂ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓᑕ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨᒻᒪᕆᖏᑦ ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑖᒃᑯᓂᖓ ᐸᕐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓇᐅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᖁᒡᓗᖅᑑᒥᑦ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 9-ᒥ.

NTI officials announced those plans at an event held in Kugluktuk on Wednesday, July 9.


“ᐃᓚᖓᓕ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᒧᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᓛᖑᓗᓂ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᖕᓂᑦ, ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᕕᖕᓂᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑕᒫᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓᑕ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᑉ ᑐᒡᓕᖓ ᔭᐃᒥᓯ ᐃᑦᑐᓗᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ.

“One of the aspirations for Nunavut was for Inuktut to remain the majority language and its use in workplaces, schools and the public,” said NTI’s vice-president James Eetoolook in a news release.


“ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᒋᓂᐊᕋᑦᑎᒍ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕐᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐱᓇᓱᒻᒪᕆᒡᓗᑕ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓗᒍ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ.”

“We are leading by example and commit to being an Inuktut-first workplace.”


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐱᒋᐊᕐᑎᓐᓂᐊᕐᓗᒍ, ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᖅᑕᐅᔪᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᐃᓐᓇᑐᖃᕐᓄᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

To launch the process, the organization has sought the guidance of elders, NTI said.


ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑐᓕᕆᓂᖓ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑎᑑᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐅᐃᕖᑎᑐᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑕᐃᒪᐃᓐᓂᖓᓄ ᐃᓄᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᙱᓐᓂᕐᓴᐅᓕᖅᖢᓂ.

NTI said the territory’s education system is rooted too strongly in English and French and that has resulted in a decline in Inuktut.


ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᕐᓯᓚᐅᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓰ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᔫᓇᐃᑕᑦ ᓇᐃᓴᓐᑯᑦ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᖏᓐᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ, ᑕᐃᒪᓐᓇᓗ ᐱᔪᓐᓇᐅᑎᓂᒃ ᐱᔪᒪᓂᕐᒨᖓᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐃᓕᖁᓯᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᑐᖅᑕᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ.

The organization also points to different articles of the United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which assert rights over self-determination and use of cultural practices.


ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᓂᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᐃᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᓐᓄᑦ, ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ.

Language assessments have been completed with NTI’s staff, the organization said.


ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒍᓐᓇᕐᓂᖅ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᐅᕗᑦ ᑎᓴᒪᓂᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᕐᕕᖕᓂ ᐅᕙᓂ ᐃᖃᓗᐃᑦ, ᑲᖏᖅᖠᓂᖅ, ᐃᖃᓗᒃᑑᑦᑎᐊᖅ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ.

Language proficiency varies across its four offices in Iqaluit, Rankin Inlet, Cambridge Bay and Ottawa.


ᒫᓐᓇᒧᓪᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᑲᕐᕋᓂ 200-ᓂ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᓯᒪᓕᕐᐳᑦ ᐊᕐᕌᒎᓕᖅᑑᖕᓂ ᒪᕐᕉᖕᓂᑦ.

Already, NTI said its Inuit staff have received more than 200 hours in Inuktut training over the last two years.


ᑭᖑᓂᑦᑎᐊᖓᒍᓪᓕ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᓛᕐᒥᔪᑦ ᒪᓕᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕆᐊᖃᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖏᑦᑎᒎᖓᔪᓂᒃ.

Next, employees will receive more focused training, based on their needs and their expertise.


ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᖅᑎᑕᐅᓐᓇᔭᖅᑐᑦ ᐱᖓᓱᐃᓕᖓᓕᖅᑎᑕᐅᓗᑎᒃ, ᒪᓕᒡᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᕐᓂᖏᑦ—ᐱᒋᐊᕈᑎᐅᔪᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᖅᑐᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐅᖃᕈᓐᓇᓗᐊᙱᑦᑐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓂᑯᓂᒃ.

That will be delivered to three different groups, based on their language skills—a core group of fluent Inuktut speakers, non-fluent speakers and beginners.


ᐅᖃᐅᓯᕐᒥ ᐃᓕᓐᓂᐊᕐᑎᑦᑎᓂᖅᑕᖃᕐᓂᐊᖅᑐᑦ ᐅᑯᓇᙵᑦ ᐱᕈᕕᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ, ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᖏᑦᑐᑦ ᓱᓕ ᖃᖓᐅᓂᐊᕆᐊᒃᓴᖓᓂᒃ.

Language training will be offered by the Piruvik Centre, though NTI did not commit to any timeline.


ᐅᕙᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖓᓂᒃ ᓴᐳᔾᔨᓯᒪᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᖅᔪᐊᓂᒃ, ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᖅᑕᐅᓯᒫᓂᒃᑐᖅ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᓴᓇᕝᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ; ᐃᒪᓐᓇᖃᐃ, ᓄᓇᕗᒻᒥᐅᑦ ᓴᐳᔾᔭᐅᓯᒪᓂᖃᖅᐳᑦ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᒍᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒃ ᑎᑎᕋᕈᓐᓇᕐᓗᑎᒡᓘᓐᓃᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

In Nunavut’s Inuit Language Protection Act, Inuktut is already defined as a language of work in its territorial institutions; in other words, Nunavummiut have protected rights to speak or write in Inuktut in the workplace.


ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕈᑎᖏᑦ ᓴᕿᑕᐅᓂᑯᑦ 2017-ᒥᑦ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᐅᓚᕐᐳᑦ ᖁᓕᑦ 6-ᖑᔪᑦ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᖅᑏᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᒥᑦ (59.1 ᐳᓴᓐᑎ) ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔭᕐᕕᒃᒥᑦ.

A Statistics Canada study released in 2017 found that almost six in 10 workers in Nunavut (59.1 per cent) reported using Inuktut at work.


ᐅᓇ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐃᒪᐃᖁᔨᓯᒪᖕᒥᔪᖅ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᖏᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᒻᒥᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᐅᔪᑦ ᐱᓇᓱᖁᔭᐅᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐅᖃᓪᓚᖃᑎᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᑭᒃᑯᑐᐃᓐᓇᕐᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᒃᑐᑦ.

The act also requires federal departments and the private sector to offer communications and services to the public in Inuktut.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃ ᑎᒥᖓ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᖁᔭᕐᔪᐊᖅ ᐊᑐᕐᓂᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᓯᒪᙱᓐᓂᖓᓂᒃ.

But NTI said Nunavut’s language legislation hasn’t always been effective.


“ᐅᑕᕿᔪᓐᓇᐃᓪᓕᒐᑦᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᑐᓕᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᐊᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ,” ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ ᓄᓇᕗᑦ ᑐᙵᕕᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᖓ ᐊᓗᑭ ᑰᑦᑐᖅ.

“We can no longer wait for governments to deliver on their promises,” said NTI president Aluki Kotierk.


“ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕆᐊᖃᓕᕋᑦᑕ.”


ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᒍᑎᒋᔪᒪᔭᖏᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᓂᐅᕗᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᒃ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ

Federal training scheme marginalizes southern Inuit, TI says


ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ (StatCan) ᐃᓱᒪᔪᑦ ᒫᓂ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᕐᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑦᑕ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᒃ

StatCan estimates about 40 per cent of Inuit now live outside Inuit Nunangat


ᓂᕆᕕᒡᔪᐊᕐᓇᖅ ᐋᕿᒃᑕᐅᔪᖅ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ.

A feast organized in Ottawa by Tungasuvvingat Inuit.


ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᓕᕐᑐᑦ ᒫᓂ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᓄᓇᖃᓕᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑕ ᓯᓚᑎᐊᓂᒃ.

Statistics Canada now estimates that about 40 per cent of the Inuit population in Canada lives outside Inuit Nunangat.


ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖓᑦ ᐆᒪ ᑭᐅᕈᓕᓐ ᐸᓇᑦ, ᒥᓂᔅᑕ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᓐᓄᑦ-ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᓪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᓕᕆᓂᕐᒥ, ᓴᖅᑭᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᑕᖅᑭ ᐱᒋᐊᓕᓵᕐᓯᒪᑎᓪᓗᒍ “ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᖅᐳᖅ” ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐊᖓᔪᖅᑳᕆᔭᐅᔪᖅ ᐅᑯᓄᖓ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᐱᖓᑦᓯᕐᒥᑦ, ᔪᓚᐃ 17.

A federal Indigenous training program that Carolyn Bennett, the minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs, promoted in Iqaluit earlier this month “further marginalizes” the Inuit of Ontario, the head of Tungasuvvingat Inuit said yesterday.


ᐸᓇᑦ “ᑐᓴᖅᑎᑦᑎᕗᖅ” ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᔪᓚᐃ 8-ᖑᓚᐅᕐᑐᒥᒃ ᓂᕈᐊᒐᒃᓴᐅᓂᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᔾᔨᓕᐅᕐᓇᒥᑦ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂᑦ.

Bennett “announced” the program this past July 8 at a pre-election photo-op in Iqaluit.


ᐅᓇ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖅ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ ISET, ᓇᐃᓈᕐᓯᒪᔪᖅ ᐆᒧᖓ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑳᖅᑐᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓇᙱᕐᓯᒪᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᖢᓂ ᓯᕗᓂᐊᒍᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᐅᓂᑯ ᑕᐃᔭᐅᔪᖅ “ASET.”

The program is called ISET, short for Indigenous Skills and Employment Training, and replaces an earlier scheme called “ASET.”


ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂ ᐃᓚᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐊᕿᖃᖅᖢᓂ $161.2ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ$32.6 ᒥᓕᐊᓐ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒧᑦ ᑭᖑᓂᐊᒍᑦ.

The Inuit-specific component is worth $161.2 million over five years and $32.6 million a year thereafter.


ᐸᓇᑦ “ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖓ” ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓂ ᑐᓴᐅᒪᔭᐅᓯᒪᓕᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑕᖅᑭᓂᒃ 18-ᖑᓕᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᒃᑲᓐᓂᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᖢᓂ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᖅᑕᐅᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᓕᐳᕈᓪ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᕕᕝᕗᐊᕆ 2018-ᒥᑦ ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔾᔪᑎᒃᓴᕆᓚᐅᕐᓯᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

Bennett’s “announcement” in Iqaluit was actually an 18-month-old piece of news that re-hashed a commitment made in her Liberal government’s February 2018 budget.


ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᑕᐃᓯᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᑲᒪᔨᐅᓗᑎᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ, ᐃᓚᖃᖅᓗᑎᒃ 6-ᓂᒃ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᔾᔨᒌᙱᑦᑑᑎᓂᒃ ᐊᕕᒃᑐᖅᓯᒪᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᕝᕕᖕᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᐃᖃᓗᖕᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᑲᑭᕙᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ.

The federal government has named Tungasuvvingat Inuit as a delivery agent for Inuit training money in Ontario, along with six other agencies located in the various regions of Inuit Nunangat, such as the Iqaluit-based Kakivak Association.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᔪᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐊᑐᒻᒪᕆᖕᓂᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕐᓯᒪᙱᑦᑐ ᐊᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᒫᓐᓇ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᕆᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

But TI says that although it’s a positive development, they’re receiving no new money in addition to what they’ve already been getting.


ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᒐᕙᒪᑐᖃᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᖃᕐᓯᒪᙱᒻᒪᑕ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕚᓪᓕᒻᒪᕆᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓃᑦᑐᓂᒃ, ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᓴᕿᑎᑦᑎᒃᑲᓐᓂᕈᑎᐅᓪᓗᓂ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᑦ.

And the federal government has not taken into account the explosive growth in the southern Inuit population, and the increased training needs that this creates, TI said.


“ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᖅᑖᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᑕᕝᕙᙵᑦ ᓄᑖᒥᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᒃᑲᓐᓂᐅᑎᑕᐅᔪᓂᒃ.

“Tungasuvvingat Inuit will not receive a single dollar of new money from this additional funding.


ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᓂᒃ ᕿᒪᐃᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓄᓇᑖᖅᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐋᑐᕚᒥ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ, ᓇᓗᓇᙱᒻᒪᕆᒃᐳᖅ ᒫᓐᓇ ᑐᙵᕕᒋᔭᕗᑦ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᑦ ᓈᒻᒪᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᒫᓐᓇ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᑦ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒦᑦᑐᓂᒃ,” ᔭᐃᓴᓐ ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ, ᐊᐅᓚᑦᑎᔨ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᑎᒍᑦ.

As the population continues to leave Inuit Nunangat and relocate into the Ottawa and Ontario region, it is very clear that our current base funding is completely inadequate to support the current population of Ontario Inuit,” Jason LeBlanc, the executive director of TI, said in a release.


ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᑲᔪᕐᓗᒍ, ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᔅᓯᐅᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᒃᑯᓐᓂᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥᑦ.

To support this, TI cites the latest Inuit population estimates from Statistics Canada.


ᓇᐃᔭᐃᔨᒃᑯᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᑭᖑᓕᖅᐹᖓᓂᒃ ᓇᓗᓇᐃᔭᕐᓯᒪᔭᖏᓐᓂᒃ 79,103 ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒦᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂ ᓯᕗᕚᖃᖅᓯᒪᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

StatCan’s latest data tables estimate 79,103 people in Canada report Inuit ancestry.


ᑖᒃᑯᓇᙵᑦ, 31,860—ᒫᓂᐸᓗᒃ 40 ᐳᓴᓐᑎ ᑲᑎᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ—ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑦ ᓯᓚᑖᓂᒃ, ᓇᐃᓴᐃᔨᑦ ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᑕᒪᑐᒥᖓ ᖃᓂᙵᐃᓯᒪᔪᑦ.

Of those, 31,860—roughly 40 per cent of the total—live outside Inuit Nunangat, StatCan estimates.


“ᐅᓇ ᓇᓗᓇᙱᓐᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᒃᑲᓂᕐᓂᒃ ᑐᓂᔭᐅᔾᔮᙱᓐᓂᖏᑦ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᕈᓐᓇᔾᔮᙱᑦᑐᒍᑦ ᓄᓇᖃᖅᑐᓂᒃ ᐋᑐᕚᒥᓐ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ ᐃᑲᔫᓯᐊᖅᑖᕆᐊᖃᒻᒪᕆᒃᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ,” ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ ᐅᖃᖅᑐᖅ.

“The fact that no additional monies will be allocated to TI means we cannot serve the community in Ottawa and Ontario that requires this much needed funding,” LeBlanc said


ᐱᓕᕆᐊᒃᓴᐅᑉ ᓯᕗᓪᓕᖅᐹᖏ ᐊᕐᕌᒍ ᑕᓪᓕᒪᑦ ᐱᐊᓂᒃᐸᑕ, ᐋᑐᕚ ᑐᓂᓯᓇᔭᖅᑐᖅ $32.6 ᒥᓕᐊᓐᑖᓚᓂᒃ ᐊᕐᕌᒍᒥ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᑐᕌᖓᔪᓂᒃ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓄᑦ.

After the program’s first five years are completed, Ottawa will contribute $32.6 million per year for Inuit-specific training.


ᑭᓯᐊᓂᓕ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑕᒪᓐᓇ ᐃᑲᔪᕈᑎᖃᙱᓐᓂᕋᖅᖢᒍ ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓ, ᓲᖃᐃᒻᒪ ᑮᓇᐃᔭᐃᑦ “ᑐᕌᖓᓂᖏᓐᓄᑦ ᐊᑕᐅᓯᕐᒧᑦ” ᐊᕐᕌᒍᓄᑦ ᖁᓕᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑕ ᓯᓚᑖᓃᑦᑐᑦ ᐅᓄᕐᓯᕙᓪᓕᐊᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ, ᑕᐃᒪᓕ ᓄᑖᓂᒃ ᑮᓇᐅᔭᓂ ᐱᑕᖃᔾᔮᙱᒻᒪ ᐃᖅᑲᓇᐃᔮᓄᑦ ᐊᔪᕈᓐᓃᕐᓴᕈᑎᒃᓴᓂᒃ.

But TI said that’s not helpful to them, because the money is “locked in” for 10 years and as the Inuit population outside the Inuit homeland increases, there will be no new money to meet their job training needs.


“ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓃᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᐃᑲᔪᕆᐊᖃᖃᑦᑕᕐᒪᑕ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᐊᒥᓱᓂᒃ ᐱᔨᑦᑎᕋᐅᑎᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᑎᒃᓴᖃᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᑐᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ.

“Inuit living away from communities are already vulnerable and TI provides many of the services and programs they use in Ontario.


ᐃᑲᔫᑎᒃᓴᖃᙱᓗᐊᕐᓂ ᐊᔾᔨᐅᙱᑎᑦᑎᑲᓐᓂᕋᔭᖅᑐᖅ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᒃ ᐋᓐᑎᐅᕆᐅᒥ,” ᑐᙵᓱᕝᕕᖓᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᖏᑦ ᐅᖃᕐᓯᒪᓚᐅᕐᑐᑦ ᑐᓴᒐᒃᓴᓕᐊᒃᑯᑦ.

The lack of direct funding will further marginalize the Inuit of Ontario,” the TI release said.


ᑕᒪᐅᓇᑦᑕᐃᓐᓇᖅ, ᓚᐸᓛᖕᒃ ᐅᖃᓚᐅᕐᑐᖅ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᑦ ᖁᔭᓕᓯᒪᓂᕋᖅᖢᓂᒋᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᒋᖃᑦᑕᖅᑕᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐅᑭᐅᕐᑕᖅᑐᕐᒥᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖑᔪᓂᒃ ᐅᑯᑎᑐᓇᖅ ᑲᑭᕙᒃ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᓂᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᕿᑎᕐᒥᐅᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑲᑐᔾᔨᖃᑎᒌᖏᓐᓂᒃ.

At the same time, LeBlanc said his organization is grateful for the partnerships that they’ve been able to establish with northern organizations like the Kakivak Association and the Kitikmeot Inuit Association.