the human dignity in the eyes of a homeless man; the musicians and business leaders in an inner-city gang; the light and laughter in the shadows of a shattered life. I have always believed that in each individual, there is a Point of Light waiting to be revealed; in each community, a thousand miracles waiting to happen. And when I assumed this great office, I pledged to do all I could to honor, encourage, and increase volunteer efforts until their light filled every dark corner of our country. We began with a national strategy. first, changing attitudes so that all Americans define a successful life as one that includes serving others; and second, identifying what is already working so that those efforts can be enlarged and multiplied; and third, encouraging leaders to help others become Points of Light; and fourth, reducing volunteer liability, because I believe that it is time that we ought to care for each other more and sue each other less; and fifth and finally, within every community, linking people to ways that they can help. Everything I have done as President has tried to support this strategy. And that is why we have worked together to create the Points of Light Foundation, the Commission on National and Community Service, and then the National Center for Community Risk Management and Insurance. We envision national service not as a Government program, not even as a White House initiative but as a grassroots movement, a movement that makes full use of the many different ways that Americans want to help. This strategy is significant not because it indicates Washington's role but because it illuminates yours. And this is something where it is easy to miss the constellation for the stars. You see, it is not just Points of Light that are important. It is the idea that every community in America could be filled with light. America could become like this room. You are only a fraction of the stories that we have told. And those stories are only a fraction of those that could be told. You know, look around this room and then picture what would happen throughout America if every former gang member discovered the Rodney Dailey within and offered young people good alternatives to life on the streets. Imagine if every member, every member of a club, like the Rotary Readers, filled someone's life with the wonder of reading. Or what if every little girl found the imagination to follow Isis Johnson to clothe the cold and feed the hungry in her little corner of America. Imagine what America would look like.


Regardless of what we believe Government should do, all of us agree that no serious social problem in this country is going to be solved without the active engagement of millions of citizens in tens of thousands of institutions, schools and businesses, churches and clubs, armies of ordinary people doing extraordinary things. Government has a critical role in helping people and so does solid, sustainable economic growth. But people, people, not programs, solve problems. And somewhere in America, every serious social problem is being solved through voluntary service, for therein lies the greatest national resource of all. a job skill, a free hour, a pair of strong arms. And that is what I mean when I say that from now on, any definition of a successful life must include serving others. Let me tell you another story about success. Today, I have recognized the 1,014th Daily Point of Light, the Lakeland Middle School eighth grade volunteers. These remarkable young people from Baltimore have overcome their own challenges to become tutors and role models for younger students in special education. Their special courage reminds me of the words of a poet who said, The generosity is not in giving me that which I need more than you do, but in giving me that which you need more than I do. That courage has made the Lakeland eighth graders into the wonderful and confident young people who grace our lives today. Because I know that America is filled with young people who want to help, I signed an Executive order last October that created the President's Youth Service Award. And as with the President's Physical Fitness Award, young people in voluntary service will be able to receive Presidential recognition in their local communities. I want to thank the boards of the commission, the foundation, and the American Institute for Public Service for their help in implementing this program. What all of us seek in our life is meaning and adventure. And it is through service that all of us can find both. If I could leave but one legacy to this country, it would not be found in policy papers or even in treaties signed or even wars won; it would be return to the moral compass that must guide America through the next century, the changeless values that can and must guide change. And I am talking about a respect for the goodness that made this country great, a rekindling of that light lit from within to reveal America as it truly is, a country with strong families, a country of millions of Points of Light.

Remarks at a Celebration of the Points of Light


I thank you all so much for your steadfast leadership in this important cause. I also want to thank Senator Lott and Senator Daschle in their absence and, indeed, all the Members who are here. And if you would just indulge me in one personal remark, this is probably the largest gathering of Members of Congress anywhere in Washington today, except in the Chambers of the House and Senate. And I would like to take a moment to pay my respects to the memory of our friend Congressman Bruce Vento, who passed away earlier today, a great teacher, a great Representative, a wonderful human being. I also want to join the previous speakers in thanking all those who worked so hard on it, Charlene Barshefsky and Gene Sperling, who accompanied her to China, and they worked on this deal until the 11th hour. We knew it would take until the 11th hour. We only hoped by then they would not be too tired to tell time, so we would be able to finish. I thank Secretaries Glickman, Summers, and Mineta; and Secretary Slater, Secretary Shalala, who are here, John Podesta and Sandy Berger. I cannot thank Bill Daley and Steve Ricchetti enough for the extraordinary job they did to lead our efforts to secure passage of this initiative, along with Chuck Brain and Mary Beth Cahill. I want to thank all the State and local officials, the retired officials and business leaders who helped us, and I would like to acknowledge two great champions of trade who I just saw in the audience, just because I am glad to see them, former Congressman Sam Gibbons and former Congressman and Agriculture Secretary Mike Espy. This is a great day for the United States and a hopeful day for the 21st century world. This signing ceremony marks the culmination of efforts begun almost 30 years ago by President Nixon, built on by President Carter, who normalized our relations with China, pursued firmly by Presidents of both parties to normalize ties with China in ways that preserve our interests and advance our values. During that time, China has grown more prosperous and more open. As the world economy becomes vastly more complex and interconnected, China's participation in it, according to the rules of international trade, has only become more important for America, for Asia, and the world. Today we take a major step toward China's entry into the World Trade Organization and a major step toward answering some of the central challenges of this new century.

Remarks on Signing Legislation on Permanent Normal Trade Relations With China


For trade with China will not only extend our Nation's unprecedented economic growth, it offers us a chance to help to shape the future of the world's most populous nation and to reaffirm our own global leadership for peace and prosperity. I guess I ought to point out that our work's not over when I sign the bill. For China must still complete its WTO accession negotiations and live up to the agreements it has negotiated with us and our partners before it can join. But when it happens, China will open its markets to American products from wheat to cars to consulting services, and our companies will be far more able to sell goods without moving factories or investments there. Beyond the economy, however, America has a profound stake in what happens in China, how it chooses to relate to the rest of the world, and whether it is open to the world, respectful of human rights, upholding the rule of law at home and its dealings with other nations. Of course, opening trade with China will not in and of itself lead China to make all the choices we believe it should. But clearly, the more China opens it markets, the more it unleashes the power of economic freedom, the more likely it will be to more fully liberate the human potential of its people. As tariffs fall, competition will rise, speeding the demise of huge state enterprises. Private firms will take their place and reduce the role of government in people's daily lives. Open markets will accelerate the information revolution in China, giving more people more access to more sources of knowledge. That will strengthen those in China who fight for decent labor standards, a cleaner environment, human rights, and the rule of law. We also will continue to press China to meet its commitments on stopping the transfer of dangerous technology and deadly weapons. We will continue to be a force for security in Asia, maintaining our military presence and our strong alliances. We will continue to support, from the outside, those who struggle within China for human rights and religious freedom. I want to say a special word of thanks to Congressmen Levin and Bereuter. Because of them, we will have both normal trade relations and a good new policy tool to monitor our human rights concern. They made this a better bill, and all Americans are in their debt. There are so many Members here today, I cannot introduce them all, but some who had no institutional mandate to do so also joined us in fighting hard for this bill.


I, in particular, thank those of you who worked so closely with me in this regard, and all the rest of you who fought hard for this. Let me say, in case you have all forgotten, this thing was hard to pass. This was a lot of trouble. And I would just like to close in reiterating something that I often said in these endless meetings we had in that room right up there on the third floor where, ironically, President Franklin Roosevelt had his office during World War II. I do think this is a good economic deal for America. I think it will increase our exports and, over the long run, will strengthen our economic position in the world. But I think, by far, the most important reason to ratify this agreement is the potential it gives us to build a safer, more integrated world. You heard Senator Moynihan talking about the day he joined the Navy. In the last 60 years of the 20th century, we fought three major wars in Asia. We can build a whole different future there now. We concluded a trade agreement with Vietnam. Today a very high official from North Korea came into the Oval Office to bring a message from the leader of North Korea. But nothing-nothing-can enhance the prospects of peace and the prospects of a very different 21st century like having China take the right path into the future. Like all people in the United States, the Chinese people ultimately will have to pick their own path. And they will make their own decisions. We cannot control what they do, but we can control what we do. We overcame fears, misgivings, honest disagreements, to come together in a stunning bipartisan coalition. One Republican House Member shook hands with me today, and the first thing he said is, Well, he said, I am glad to see you, ENTITY. And I thought, Well, if there had to be just one time, this is the time, because we did something together here that gives our children and our grandchildren the chance the live in a world that is coming together, not coming apart. It gives all of us the chance to meet the common threats of the future together as free and interdependent people. Our children will live in a world in which the information technology revolution, the biotechnology revolution, and the increasing globalization of the economy will force them to find ways to meet our common challenges and seize our common opportunities together. It is hard to imagine how that future will work if China is not a part of it.


I think all of you can see before me the results of a tremendous amount of work and cooperation among all those in our Government who are interested in the present and future strength of our Nation's number one economic resource, and that is agriculture. I think it is also accurate to point out that more than has ever been the case in the past, that professional nutritionists and their representatives, private citizens, consumer groups, have been involved in the preparation of this legislation. Another fact that I think would be undisputed is that in the last 40 years, there has never been such a far-reaching and important piece of legislation passed relating to American agriculture. This is an important concept for us all. We are very eager to continue our preeminent position in international agricultural trade circles. Public Law 480, which permits us to dispose of American food products in a beneficial way, is enhanced. Foreign trade with the sale of our own agricultural commodities is enhanced. We have in this bill, too, a new approach to the food stamp question. This has sometimes been considered as an anomaly or an anachronism in a modern day Department of Agriculture. But I think this legislation that has been included in the Food and Agriculture Act of 1977 is a great step forward in providing a simple food stamp system and one that would be easy to administer, one that is more equitable, which eliminates the pervasive threat of fraud. I'd also like to point out that this bill includes many other features--a renewed emphasis and an enhancement of our research program in agriculture that is so important to every family. It, for the first time, makes a major step toward tying target prices to actual production costs. This has been one of the most controversial issues that the Congress has had to face. Obviously, because production costs vary so widely from one community to another, and a bill of this kind has to deal with average prices or cost of production throughout the country, there still remain and will inevitably remain some inequities. But this bill makes a giant step toward tying target prices with production costs, and it also narrows its focus on individual commodities so that there can be more equity insured. This bill also sets up a means for maintaining adequate food reserves. Although we have been blessed recently with bountiful crops, we do not have an excessive reserve supply of crucial food and feed items on hand.

Remarks on Signing Into Law the Food and Agriculture Act of 1977


This bill permits us to maintain adequate reserves, and it also encompasses a provision that is very dear to me, and that is that most of the reserves will be under the control of farmers and that there is a very careful safeguard against the dumping of agricultural products on the market, artificially, to force prices down and, therefore, to damage the economy of farm families. We have moved in this bill to correct a very serious economic problem that exists among the farm communities of our Nation by increasing target and loan prices for the 1977 crop. And I believe that this will certainly be a good investment both this year and in the future. Another aspect of this bill that particularly ,appeals to me is the reduction of Government interference in the agricultural economy. This is always devoutly to be sought, and I think the Congress has very wisely achieved this goal in this current legislation. We have eliminated acreage allotments. Quite often in the past, acreage allotments historically have evolved into a financial measure of the benefit of Government programs, and they are bought and traded like actual property. This bill moves to eliminate those acreage allotments. We have also maintained an important element in the set-aside authority for the Agriculture Secretary. And very shortly now, set-aside regulations will be promulgated by this Department. And I think the cost of this bill, because of its wise drafting, will be less and less as the future years go by. We have an exceptional case at the present time in agriculture, where additional expenditures are required. One of the elements of agricultural legislation and appropriations which is often overlooked is that at least half the costs that are normally attributed to an agricultural bill are actually in the form of redeemable loans. And this is not an expenditure from the Federal Government; it is an investment in a very good and sound commodity. The loan is secured and the loans are repaid, but under our present accounting system, this is identified as an expenditure, and it tends to distort in the public mind the degree of Federal investment in agriculture. I'd like to close by saying that I am very proud of the good work that has been done this year, and in years gone by, by Senator Talmadge, the chairman of the Senate committee and, of course, by Tom Foley and Bob Poage and all those Democrats and Republicans who've worked with them, both within the committee and on the floor of Congress.


During these first days of 1984, I would like to share with you and the people of the world my thoughts on a subject of great importance to the cause of peace-relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. Tomorrow the United States will join the Soviet Union and 33 other nations at a European disarmament conference in Stockholm. The conference will search for practical and meaningful ways to increase European security and preserve peace. We will be in Stockholm with the heartfelt wishes of our people for genuine progress. We live in a time of challenges to peace, but also of opportunities to peace. Through times of difficulty and frustration, America's highest aspiration has never wavered. We have and will continue to struggle for a lasting peace that enhances dignity for men and women everywhere. I believe that 1984 finds the United States in the strongest position in years to establish a constructive and realistic working relationship with the Soviet Union. We have come a long way since the decade of the seventies, years when the United States seemed filled with self-doubt and neglected its defenses, while the Soviet Union increased its military might and sought to expand its influence by armed forces and threat. Over the last 10 years, the Soviets devoted twice as much of their gross national product to military expenditures as the United States, produced six times as many ICBM's, four times as many tanks, twice as many combat aircraft. And they began deploying the SS-20 intermediate-range missile at a time when the United States had no comparable Weapon. History teaches that wars begin when governments believe the price of aggression is cheap. To keep the peace, we and our allies must be strong enough to convince any potential aggressor that war could bring no benefit, only disaster. So, when we neglected our defenses, the risks of serious confrontation grew. Three years ago, we embraced a mandate from the American people to change course, and we have. With the support of the American people and the Congress we halted America's decline. Our economy is now in the midst of the best recovery since the sixties. Our defenses are being rebuilt, our alliances are solid, and our commitment to defend our values has never been more clear. America's recovery may have taken Soviet leaders by surprise. They may have counted on us to keep weakening ourselves. They have been saying for years that our demise was inevitable. They said it so often they probably started believing it. This may be the reason that we have been hearing such strident rhetoric from the Kremlin recently.

Address to the Nation and Other Countries on United States-Soviet Relations


These harsh words have led some to speak of heightened uncertainty and an increased danger of conflict. America's deterrence is more credible, and it is making the world a safer place-safer because now there is less danger that the Soviet leadership will underestimate our strength or question our resolve. We are witnessing tragic conflicts in many parts of the world. Nuclear arsenals are far too high, and our working relationship with the Soviet Union is not what it must be. Deterrence is essential to preserve peace and protect our way of life, but deterrence is not the beginning and end of our policy toward the Soviet Union. We must and will engage the Soviets in a dialog as serious and constructive as possible-a dialog that will serve to promote peace in the troubled regions of the world, reduce the level of arms, and build a constructive working relationship. Neither we nor the Soviet Union can wish away the differences between our two societies and our philosophies, but we should always remember that we do have common interests and the foremost among them is to avoid war and reduce the level of arms. There is no rational alternative but to steer a course which I would call credible deterrence and peaceful competition. And if we do so, we might find areas in which we could engage in constructive cooperation. Our strength and vision of progress provide the basis for demonstrating with equal conviction our commitment to stay secure and to find peaceful solutions to problems through negotiations. That is why 1984 is a year of opportunities for peace. But if the United States and the Soviet Union are to rise to the challenges facing us and seize the opportunities for peace, we must do more to find areas of mutual interest and then build on them. I propose that our governments make a major effort to see if we can make progress in three broad problem areas. First, we need to find ways to reduce, and eventually to eliminate, the threat and use of force in solving international disputes. The world has witnessed more than 100 major conflicts since the end of World War II. In other regions, independent nations are confronted by heavily armed neighbors seeking to dominate by threatening attack or subversion. Most of these conflicts have their origins in local problems, but many have been exploited by the Soviet Union and its surrogates. And, of course, Afghanistan has suffered an outright Soviet invasion. Fueling regional conflicts and exporting violence only exacerbate local tensions, increase suffering, and make solutions to real social and economic problems more difficult.


Further, such activity carries with it the risk of larger confrontations. Would it not be better and safer if we could work together to assist people in areas of conflict in finding peaceful solutions to their problems? But we must recognize that the gap in American and Soviet perceptions and policy is so great that our immediate objective must be more modest. As a first step, our governments should jointly examine concrete actions that we both can take to reduce the risk of U.S.-Soviet confrontation in these areas. And if we succeed, we should be able to move beyond this immediate objective. Our second task should be to find ways to reduce the vast stockpiles of armaments in the world. It is tragic to see the world's developing nations spending more than $150 billion a year on armed forces-some 20 percent of their national budgets. We must find ways to reverse the vicious cycle of threat and response which drives arms races everywhere it occurs. With regard to nuclear weapons, the simple truth is America's total nuclear stockpile has declined. Today we have far fewer nuclear weapons than we had 20 years ago, and in terms of its total destructive power, our nuclear stockpile is at the lowest level in 25 years. Just 3 months ago, we and our allies agreed to withdraw 1,400 nuclear weapons from Western Europe. This comes after the withdrawal of 1,000 nuclear weapons from Europe 3 years ago. Even if all our planned intermediate-range missiles have to be deployed in Europe over the next 5 years-and we hope this will not be necessary-we will have eliminated five existing nuclear weapons for each new weapon deployed. We must accelerate our efforts to reach agreements that will greatly reduce nuclear arsenals, provide greater stability, and build confidence. Our third task is to establish a better working relationship with each other, one marked by greater cooperation and understanding. Cooperation and understanding are built on deeds, not words. Peaceful trade helps, while organized theft of industrial secrets certainly hurts. Cooperation and understanding are especially important to arms control. In recent years we have had serious concerns about Soviet compliance with agreements and treaties. Compliance is important because we seek truly effective arms control. However, there is been mounting evidence that provisions of agreements have been violated and that advantage has been taken of ambiguities in our agreements. In response to a congressional request, a report on this will be submitted in the next few days. We must take the Soviet compliance record into account, both in the development of our defense program and in our approach to arms control.


In our discussions with the Soviet Union, we will work to remove the obstacles which threaten to undermine existing agreements and a broader arms control process. Examples I have cited illustrate why our relationship with the Soviet Union is not what it should be. We have a long way to go, but we are determined to try and try again. We may have to start in small ways, but start we must. In working on these tasks, our approach is based on three guiding principles-realism, strength, and dialog. Realism means we must start with a clear-eyed understanding of the world we live in. We must recognize that we are in a long-term competition with a government that does not share our notions of individual liberties at home and peaceful change abroad. We must be frank in acknowledging our differences and unafraid to promote our values. Strength is essential to negotiate successfully and protect our interests. If we are weak, we can do neither. Strength is more than military power. Economic strength is crucial, and America's economy is leading the world into recovery. Equally important is our strength of spirit and unity among our people at home and with our allies abroad. We are stronger in all these areas than we were 3 years ago. Our strength is necessary to deter war and to facilitate negotiated solutions. Soviet leaders know it makes sense to compromise only if they can get something in return. Well, America can now offer something in return. Strength and dialog go hand in hand, and we are determined to deal with our differences peacefully through negotiations. We are prepared to discuss the problems that divide us and to work for practical, fair solutions on the basis of mutual compromise. We will never retreat from negotiations. I have openly expressed my view of the Soviet system. I do not know why this should come as a surprise to Soviet leaders who've never shied from expressing their view of our system. But this does not mean that we cannot deal with each other. We do not refuse to talk when the Soviets call us imperialist aggressors and worse, or because they cling to the fantasy of a Communist triumph over democracy. The fact that neither of us likes the other system is no reason to refuse to talk. Living in this nuclear age makes it imperative that we do talk. Our commitment to dialog is firm and unshakeable, but we insist that our negotiations deal with real problems, not atmospherics. And that is why I proposed over 2 years ago the zero option for intermediate-range missiles.


Our aim was and continues to be to eliminate an entire class of nuclear arms. Indeed, I support a zero option for all nuclear arms. As I have said before, my dream is to see the day when nuclear weapons will be banished from the face of the Earth. Last month the Soviet Defense Minister stated that his country would do everything to avert the threat of war. Well, these are encouraging words, but now is the time to move from words to deed. The opportunity for progress in arms control exists. The Soviet leaders should take advantage of it. We have proposed a set of initiatives that would reduce substantially nuclear arsenals and reduce the risk of nuclear confrontation. The world regrets-certainly we do-that the Soviet Union broke off negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces and has not set a date for the resumption of the talks on strategic arms and on conventional forces in Europe. Our negotiators are ready to return to the negotiating table to work toward agreements in INF, START, and MBFR. We will negotiate in good faith. Whenever the Soviet Union is ready to do likewise, we will meet them halfway. We seek to reduce nuclear arsenals and to reduce the chances for dangerous misunderstanding and miscalculations, so we have put forward proposals for what we call confidence-building measures. They cover a wide range of activities. In the Geneva negotiations, we proposed to exchange advance notification of missile tests and major military exercises. Following up on congressional suggestions, we also proposed a number of ways to improve direct channels of communications. Last week, we had productive discussions with the Soviets here in Washington on improving communications, including the hotline. Now these bilateral proposals will be broadened at the conference in Stockholm. We are working with our allies to develop practical, meaningful ways to reduce the uncertainty and potential for misinterpretation surrounding military activities and to diminish the risk of surprise attack. Arms control has long been the most visible area of U.S.-Soviet dialog. But a durable peace also requires ways for both of us to diffuse tensions and regional conflicts. Everyone's interest would be served by stability in the region, and our efforts are directed toward that goal. The Soviets could help reduce tensions there instead of introducing sophisticated weapons into the area. This would certainly help us to deal more positively with other aspects of our relationship. Another major problem in our relationship with the Soviet Union is human rights.


Soviet practices in this area, as much as any other issue, have created the mistrust and ill will that hangs over our relationship. Moral considerations alone compel us to express our deep concern over prisoners of conscience in the Soviet Union and over the virtual halt in the emigration of Jews, Armenians, and others who wish to join their families abroad. that the Soviet Union live up to its obligations. It has freely assumed those obligations under international covenants, in particular its commitments under the Helsinki accords. Experience has shown that greater respect for human rights can contribute to progress in other areas of the Soviet-American relationship. Conflicts of interest between the United States and the Soviet Union are real, but we can and must keep the peace between our two nations and make it a better and more peaceful world for all mankind. Our policy toward the Soviet Union-a policy of credible deterrence, peaceful competition, and constructive cooperation-will serve our two nations and people everywhere. It is a policy not just for this year, but for the long term. It is a challenge for Americans; it is also a challenge for the Soviets. If they cannot meet us halfway, we will be prepared to protect our interests and those of our friends and allies. But we want more than deterrence. We seek genuine cooperation. We seek progress for peace. Cooperation begins With communication. And, as I have said, we will stay at the negotiating tables in Geneva and Vienna. Furthermore, Secretary Shultz will be meeting this week with Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko in Stockholm. This meeting should be followed by others, so that high-level consultations become a regular and normal component of U.S.-Soviet relations. It will bring out the best in us. It also calls for the best in the Soviet Union. We do not threaten the Soviet Union. Freedom poses no threat. It is the language of progress. We proved this 35 years ago when we had a monopoly on nuclear weapons and could have tried to dominate the world, but we did not . Instead, we used our power to write a new chapter in the history of mankind. We helped rebuild war-ravaged economies in Europe and the Far East, including those of nations who had been our enemies. Indeed, those former enemies are now among our staunchest friends. We cannot predict how the Soviet leaders will respond to our challenge. But the people of our two countries share with all mankind the dream of eliminating the risk of nuclear war.


It is not an impossible dream, because eliminating these risks are so clearly a vital interest for all of us. Our two countries have never fought each other. Indeed, we fought common enemies in World War II. Today our common enemies are poverty, disease, and above all, war. More than 20 years ago, President Kennedy defined an approach that is as valid today as when he announced it. So let us not be blind to our differences, he said, but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to the means by which those differences can be resolved. Well, those differences are differences in governmental structure and philosophy. The common interests have to do with the things of everyday life for people everywhere. Just suppose with me for a moment that an Ivan and an Anya could find themselves, oh, say, in a waiting room, or sharing a shelter from the rain or a storm with a Jim and Sally, and there was no language barrier to keep them from getting acquainted. Would they then debate the differences between their respective governments? Or would they find themselves comparing notes about their children and what each other did for a living? Before they parted company, they would probably have touched on ambitions and hobbies and what they wanted for their children and problems of making ends meet. And as they went their separate ways, maybe Anya would be saying to Ivan, Wasn't she nice? She also teaches music. Or Jim would be telling Sally what Ivan did or did not like about his boss. They might even have decided they were all going to get together for dinner some evening soon. Above all, they would have proven that people do not make wars. People want to raise their children in a world without fear and without war. They want to have some of the good things over and above bare subsistence that make life worth living. They want to work at some craft, trade, or profession that gives them satisfaction and a sense of worth. Their common interests cross all borders. If the Soviet Government wants peace, then there will be peace. Together we can strengthen peace, reduce the level of arms, and know in doing so that we have helped fulfill the hopes and dreams of those we represent and, indeed, of people everywhere.


Listen, before I want to say something, I am traveling with a guest and a friend who represents thousands of people all across this country who are affiliated with the Democrat Party. My friend has come from Georgia to share a message with you about how we are going to work with Republicans and Democrats and independents to carry the great State of Pennsylvania. I am thrilled to be traveling with him. because we are going to carry Pennsylvania on November the 2d. And that is what I am here to do. I am here to ask for your vote and ask for your help. I am asking that you turn out your friends and neighbors to the polls. I am asking you to continue to make the phone calls and put up the signs. I am asking you to do everything you can because with your help, we will make America a safer country, a stronger country, and a better country for every single citizen. Perhaps the most important reason to put me back into office is so that Laura will be the First Lady for 4 more years. When I asked her to marry me, she said, Fine, just make me a promise. Promise me I will never have to give a political speech. I said, Okay, you got a deal. Fortunately, she did not hold me to that deal. She is giving a lot of speeches, and when she does, the American people see a fine, compassionate, strong First Lady. I am proud of my runningmate, Dick Cheney. I admit it, he does not have the waviest hair in the race. You will be happy to hear I did not pick him because of his hairdo. I picked him because of his judgment. I picked him because of experience. He is getting the job done for the American people. He and Zell serve in the Senate together. I am proud to have Rick Santorum as my campaign manager for the State of Pennsylvania. I am proud to-excuse me-call him friend, and I know you are proud to call him Senator. And I hope you put Arlen Specter back in there. We need to work with him for 6 more years. I am honored to be on the stage with Joe Pitts, Congressman from this area. I want to thank Pat Toomey for the class he showed during the primary campaign. I appreciate his leadership and his service to the Congress. I want to thank all the candidates who are here, people running for office. I wish you all the best coming down the stretch.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


I want to thank my friend Daron Norwood and the Matt Goss Band for singing. Most of all, I want to thank you all. You have lifted our spirits for being here. You are kind with your time, and I want to thank you for coming. This election comes down to some clear choices-- Audience members. This election comes down to some clear choices, clear choices for our families. We have issues of great consequence. The first clear choice is the most important because it concerns the security of your family. All the progress on every other issue depends on the safety of our citizens. It will be the first Presidential election since September the 11th, 2001. Americans will go to the polls in a time of war, an ongoing threat unlike any we have ever faced before. The terrorists who killed thousands are still dangerous, and they are determined to strike again. And the outcome of this election will set the direction of the war against the terrorists. The most solemn duty of the American President is to protect the American people. If America shows uncertainty or weakness in this decade, the world will drift toward tragedy. This will not happen on my watch. Since that terrible morning of September the 11th, 2001, we fought the terrorists across the Earth, not for pride, not for power but because the lives of our citizens are at stake. We have strengthened the protection of the homeland. Tom Ridge, the former Governor of your State, is doing a great job as the Secretary of Homeland Security. We are strengthening our intelligence capabilities. We are transforming our military. We are staying on the offensive. We will strike the terrorists abroad so we do not have to face them here at home. And part of our strategy is to spread liberty. We believe in the transformational power of liberty to change societies. Think what happened in Afghanistan; think about what is happened there. It was not all that long ago that young girls could not go to school, and if their mothers did not toe the line of the ideologues of hate which ran that country, they were whipped in the public square and sometimes executed in a sports stadium. Because we acted in our self-interest, because we acted to destroy Al Qaida's capacity to train in Afghanistan, millions of people went to vote in a Presidential election. The first voter in that election was a 19-year-old woman. Freedom is on the march, and America is more secure for it. Iraq will be having Presidential elections in January.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


That society has come a long way from the days of torture chambers and mass graves. By spreading freedom and liberty, we not only secure ourselves in the short term, we spread the peace that we all long for so our children and our grandchildren can grow up in a hopeful tomorrow. A President has to lead with consistency and strength. In a war, sometimes your tactics have to change but not your principles. Americans have seen how I do my job. Even when you might not agree with me, you know what I believe and where I stand and where I intend to lead our country. On good days and on bad days, whether the polls are up or the polls are down, I am determined to win this war on terror and to protect the American people. And I will always support the men and women who wear their Nation's uniform. I want to thank those who wear the uniform. I want to thank the families of our military. And I want to thank the veterans who are here who have set such a great example. We have a duty to support those in harm's way with all the resources they need, necessary for them to do their job. That is why I went to the United States Congress and asked for $87 billion of supplemental funding to support our troops in combat. And we got good support in the Congress. Matter of fact, the support was so strong that only 12 United States Senators voted against the supplemental funding request, 2 of whom were my opponent and his runningmate. Only four members of the United States Senate voted to authorize the use of force and then voted against providing the funding for our troops in combat-only four, two of whom were my opponent and his runningmate. So they asked him-they asked him-I am sure the people of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, are just as surprised as people all around the country when he gave his famous answer about his vote. He said, I actually did vote for the $87 billion, right before I voted against it. He is given a lot of explanations since then, a lot of them. One of the most interesting ones of all was that it was just a complicated matter. After repeatedly calling Iraq the wrong war and a diversion, Senator Kerry this week seemed shocked to learn that Iraq was a dangerous place full of dangerous weapons. The Senator used to know that, even though he seems to have forgotten it over the course of the campaign. Iraq was a dangerous place run by a dangerous tyrant who had a lot of weapons.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


We have seized or destroyed more than 400,000 tons of munitions, including explosives, at more than a-thousands of different sites, and we are continuing to round up more weapons every day. I want to remind the American people, if Senator Kerry had his way, we would still be taking our global test. Saddam Hussein would still be in power. He would control all those weapons and explosives and could have shared them with our terrorist enemies. Now, the Senator is making wild charges about missing explosives when his top foreign policy adviser admits, quote, We do not know the facts. The Senator is denigrating the action of our troops and commanders in the field without knowing the facts. Unfortunately, that is part of a pattern of saying almost anything to get elected, like when Senator Kerry charged that our military failed to get Usama bin Laden at Tora Bora, even though our top military commander, General Tommy Franks, said, The Senator's understanding of events does not square with reality. And our intelligence reports placed bin Laden in any of several different countries at the time. Our military is now investigating a number of possible scenarios, including that the explosives may have been moved before our troops even arrived at the site. And a political candidate who jumps to conclusions without knowing the facts is not a person you want as your Commander in Chief. When it comes to your security-when it comes to the security of our families, my opponent takes a very different approach. He says that September the 11th did not change him much at all. He says the war on terror is primarily a law enforcement and intelligence gathering operation. Well, September the 11th changed me. I remember the day I was in the-at Ground Zero, on September the 4th, 2001. There were workers in hardhats there yelling at me at the top of their lungs, Whatever it takes. I remember a man grabbed me by the arm, he looked me square in the eye, and he said, Do not let me down. Ever since that day, I wake up every morning trying to figure out how to better protect America. I will never relent in defending America, whatever it takes. The second clear choice in this election concerns your family budget. When I ran for President 4 years ago, I pledged to lower taxes for American families. And I kept my word. We have doubled the child credit to $1,000 per child. We reduced the marriage penalty. The Tax Code should encourage marriage, not penalize marriage.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


We created the lowest-a lower tax bracket of 10 percent so working families would get help. We reduced income taxes for everybody who paid income taxes. We helped our farmers. We helped our ranchers. We helped our small-business owners. After-tax income-that is the money in your pocket- increased by about 10 percent since I became your President. Our economy has been through a lot, and I want you to remind your friends and neighbors about these facts. First, 6 months prior to our arrival in Washington, the stock market was in serious decline, and then we had a recession. Then we had corporate scandals, and then the attacks of September the 11th cost us about a million jobs in the 3 months after that fateful day. By cutting the taxes, we spurred consumption and investment, and our economic policies have led us back to growth. Our economy is growing faster than in any nation in the industrialized world. We have added 1.9 million new jobs since August of 2003. The national unemployment rate is 5.4 percent, which is lower than the average rate of the 1970s, the 1980s, and the 1990s. The unemployment rate in Pennsylvania is 5.3 percent. Home-ownership rate is at an alltime high. The small-business sector of our economy is flourishing. The entrepreneurial spirit is strong, and we are not going to go back to the days of tax and spend. My opponent has very different plans for your budget. He is going to take a big chunk out of it. He voted against all the tax relief that I suggested Congress pass. If he'd had his way, the average family in America would be paying $2,000 more in taxes to the Federal Government. All told, during his 20 years in the United States Senate, he has voted to raise taxes 98 times. I would call that a predictable pattern. When a Senator does something that often, he must really enjoy it. During this campaign, he is proposed $2.2 trillion of new spending. Now, that is a trillion with a T. That is a lot even for a Senator from Massachusetts. So they said, How are you going to pay for it? And he said, Oh, we are just going to tax the rich. Now, you have heard that before. Be wary when you hear, Oh, we are just going to tax the rich.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


My opponent has promised 2.2 trillion, but when you run up the top two brackets, you only raise between 600 and 800 billion. There is a gap between that which he promised and that which he can deliver. And guess who usually fills that gap? The third clear choice in this election involves the quality of life of our families. A good education and quality health care are important to a successful life. As a candidate, I pledged to challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations by reforming our public schools. And as President, I kept my word. We passed education reforms to bring high standards to our classrooms and to make schools accountable to our parents. We are seeing progress all across America. Math and reading scores are on the rise. Achievement gaps, particularly for minority students, are closing all across our country. We are building on these reforms. We will extend them to our high schools so that no child is left behind in America. We will continue to improve our lives. We will expand health savings accounts so small businesses can cover their workers and more families are able to get health care accounts they manage and call their own. We will create association health plans so small businesses can join together and buy insurance at the same discounts that big companies are able to do. We will help families in need by expanding community health centers. We will make sure every eligible child is enrolled in our Government's low-income health insurance programs. And to help the families of Pennsylvania, we will do something about the frivolous lawsuits that are running up the cost of medicine and running good doctors out of practice. Like other States, you have got an issue when it comes to these medical liability lawsuits. I met too many good ob-gyns who have been run out of practice because their premiums have gone up too high. I have met expectant mothers here in Pennsylvania who are worried about whether they and their baby will get the health care they need. You cannot be pro-doctor and pro-patient and pro-personal-trial-lawyer at the same time. You have to make your choice. My opponent made his choice, and he put a personal injury trial lawyer on the ticket. I have made my choice. I am standing with the doctors of Pennsylvania, with the patients of Pennsylvania. I am for medical liability reform-now. My opponent has got a different view when it comes to health care.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


I remember our debate, when he looked right in the camera and he said his health care plan, the Government has nothing to do with it. I could barely contain myself. The Government has got a lot to do with it. Eight out of ten people would be signed up to a Government program. Think about the idea of making it easier for people to sign up for Medicaid. It means small businesses will no longer provide coverage for their employees because the Government will. And people would be moved from private insurance to Government insurance. You see, when the Government writes the checks, the Government starts making the rules. And when it comes to health care, when the Government makes the rules, the Government starts making your decisions. And they start making the decisions for you, and they start making the decisions for the doctors. It is the wrong prescription for American families. In all we do to reform health care, we will make sure the decisions are made by doctors and patients, not by officials in Washington, DC. The fourth clear choice in this election involves your retirement. Our Nation has made a solemn commitment to America's seniors on Social Security and Medicare. When I ran for President 4 years ago, I promised to keep that commitment and improve Medicare by adding prescription drug coverage. I kept my word. Seniors are now getting discounts on medicine with drug discount cards. Low-income seniors are getting $600 of help this year and $600 of help next year to help them afford prescription drugs. And beginning in 2006, all seniors will be able to get prescription drug coverage under Medicare. And we will keep the promise of Social Security for our seniors, and as we do so, we will strengthen Social Security for generations to come. I want you to remember what happened in the 2000 campaign. It is-it is pretty predictable what takes place when it comes to elections. You might remember, they said, If George W. gets elected, our seniors will not get their checks. Well, I want you to remind your friends and neighbors when you are out gathering up the vote that George W. did get elected, and our seniors did get their checks. And our seniors will continue to get their checks under Social Security, no matter what the politicians try to scare you with. Baby boomers like me are in pretty good shape when it comes to the Social Security trust. But we need to worry about our children and our grandchildren. We need to worry about whether the Social Security system will be there when they need it.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


And that is why I think younger workers ought to be able to take some of their own money and put it in a personal savings account, a savings account that will earn a better rate of return, a savings account they call their own, a savings account that the Government cannot take away. My opponent takes a different approach when it comes to Social Security. He declared he will protect Social Security. But I want you to remind people that he voted eight times for higher taxes on Social Security benefits. And when it comes to the next generation, he has not offered anything at all when it comes to strengthening Social Security. The job of a President is to confront problems, not to pass them on to future generations and future Presidents. In a new term, I will bring people together and strengthen the Social Security system for generations to come. In this campaign, I am speaking to the hopes of all Americans. The President's job is not to lead one party, but to serve the entire Nation. I am proud to have lifelong Democrats like Zell Miller by my side, and he is joined by millions of other Democrats across our country who are supporting our ticket. As the citizens of this Nation prepare to vote, I want to speak directly to the Democrats. I am a proud Republican, but I believe my policies appeal to many Democrats. In fact, I believe my opponent is running away from some of the great traditions of the Democrat Party. If you are a Democrat and you want America to be strong and confident in our ideals, I'd be honored to have your vote. The Democratic Party has a great tradition of leading this country with strength and conviction in times of war and crisis. I think of Franklin Roosevelt's commitment to total victory. I think of Harry Truman's clear vision at the beginning of the cold war. I think of John Kennedy's brave declaration of American ideals. President Kennedy said, The rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God. Many Democrats look at my opponent and wonder where the-that great tradition of their party has gone. My opponent takes a narrow, defensive view of the war on terror. As the United States of America hunts down the terrorists and liberates millions from tyranny and aids the rise of liberty in distant lands, my opponent counsels retreat, votes against supporting our troops in combat, downplays the power of democracy, and accepts and adopts a narrow so-called realism that is little more than defeatism.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


I believe American leadership is the hope of the repressed, the source of our great security, and the greatest force for good in this world. I believe the liberation of captive peoples is a noble achievement that all Americans can be proud of. If you are a Democrat who wants America to lead with strength and idealism, I would be honored to have your vote. The Democratic Party has a tradition of support for our public schools. The party of Lyndon Johnson and Hubert Humphrey always stood up for the right of poor and minority children to get the best education America could offer. Many Democrats look at my opponent and wonder where that firm conviction has gone. Just as teachers and principals across America are lifting the sights of our schools and raising the test scores of minority children, my opponent is talking about weakening the standards and going back to the old days of stagnation and excuses for failure. I got into politics and I ran for Governor of Texas because I wanted to challenge that soft bigotry of low expectations. I did not want to stand by and watch another generation of students miss out on the opportunity of our great country. When I came to Washington, I made schools my first domestic priority. We have increased funding to record levels. We are demanding results for our children of every background. If you are a Democrat who believes in strong public schools that teach every child, I'd be honored to have your vote. Americans of both political parties have always had respect and reverence for the institution of marriage. Never in our history has marriage been a partisan issue; it is not a partisan issue today. Yet, many Democrats look at my opponent and wonder, where is his commitment to defending the basic institution of civilization? He says he supports marriage, but he will do nothing to defend it. My opponent even voted against the Defense of Marriage Act, which defined marriage as between a man and a woman. More than two-thirds of Democrats in the Senate supported that act, and President Bill Clinton signed it into law. On the issue of protecting marriage, the Senator from Massachusetts is outside the mainstream of America and outside the mainstream of the Democratic Party. I believe that our society must show tolerance and respect for every individual, yet I do not believe this commitment of tolerance requires us to redefine marriage. If you are a Democrat who believes that marriage should be protected from activist judges, I'd be honored to have your vote. The Democrat Party has also a great tradition of defending the defenseless.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


I remember the strong conscience of the late Democratic Governor from Pennsylvania, Robert Casey, who once said that when we look to the unborn child, the real issue is not when life begins but when love begins. I remember the moral clarity of the late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Democrat of New York, who said that partial-birth abortion is, quote, as close to infanticide as anything I have ever come upon. Many Democrats look at my opponent and see an attitude that is much more extreme. He says that life begins at conception but denies that our caring society should prevent even partial-birth abortion. Preventing partial-birth abortion is an ethical conviction shared by many people of every faith and by people who have no religion at all. I understand good people disagree on the life issue, so I have worked with Republicans and Democrats to find common ground on difficult questions and to move this goodhearted Nation toward a culture of life. If you are a Democrat who believes that our society must always have room for the voiceless and the vulnerable, I would be honored to have your vote. There are Democrats all over America, north and south, east and west, who believe their party's nominee does not share their deepest values. I know the Democrats are not going to agree with me on every issue. Yet on the big issues of our country's security, victory in the war against terror, improving our public schools, respecting marriage and human life, I hope people who usually vote for the other party will take a close look at my agenda. If you are a Democrat and your dreams and goals are not found in the far left wing of the Democrat Party, I'd be honored to have your vote. And next Tuesday, I ask you to stand with me. And I want to thank each and every one of you who have come today for standing with me. I appreciate your support. I appreciate your convictions. I appreciate your good work. I believe in the future of this country. One of my favorite quotes was written by a Texan named Tom Lea. He said this, he said, Sarah and I live on the east side of the mountain. It is the side to see the day that is coming, not to see the day that is gone. During the course of this campaign, my opponent has spent much of the time talking about the day that is gone. I am talking about the day that is coming. We have been through a lot together in the last 4 years.

Remarks in Lititz, Pennsylvania


Scotty Campbell and fellow Government employees, it is a pleasure to be with you. Also, I hope all of us have long years of service in the future in Washington. I have just come back from a very fine visit to New Jersey to see a new steelplant that is exciting for an engineer and a President to observe. This is the most modern steelplant in the world. Each employee produces 1,340 tons of steel per year, including all the executive management. This is the highest productivity per steelworker in the world. They use 30 percent as much energy as the former steelplants used. They make steelrod of the highest quality, and 50 percent of it, you might be interested in knowing, is sold at this time to the People's Republic of China, successfully competing in price half the world away with the Japanese steelplants that are much closer. The dynamism and competence of our own Nation and its free enterprise system, in my judgment, is equaled by the dynamism and confidence and the competence of the public servants like you, who represent the American people in our Federal Government. I came to the Presidency determined to make my own administration and the Government in general more responsive to the American public and at the same time more efficient in the delivery of services to those who look to us for leadership and for service. Since taking office, I have seen repeatedly that the key to the more effective Government, which we all desire, has been our creation of a more productive, more dynamic, and more cost-conscious Federal workforce. In 1978, with the help of many of you assembled here, I was able to sign into law a bill which completely overhauled the civil service system of the Federal Government for the first time in a hundred years. It was Scotty Campbell's concept, which the Congress courageously passed for my signature. It was one of the most significant achievements of my own administration. The Civil Service Reform Act gives Federal managers, like many of you, some of the same management incentives that have proved so effectively to make our private economy and its free enterprise system competitive and the pride of the entire world. It emphasizes performance, not just longevity. It lets us select individual public servants and reward them, and thereby in a positive way encourage others to excel. Today's ceremony is unprecedented, and it is also long overdue, in my judgment. Too often we single out Federal managers only when there is been a problem.

1980 Presidential Rank Awards for the Senior Executive Service Remarks at the Awards Ceremony


We focus attention only on the shortcomings of the Federal bureaucracy and our public servants. This is no way to run a government, nor any enterprise. Federal managers exert an enormous influence on us all. Your responsibilities are often staggering in their scope and complexity and difficulty. Some of you are the most important executives in America. Where we find excellence, we need to acknowledge and reward that 'excellence publicly. I am pleased to be present today for this distinguished executive awards ceremony to 49 men and women who've served our Nation so well. Let me say that your service to our country has been truly distinguished. You are the best of the Government's senior executives; in my opinion the best of the best. I know that the awards have already been issued to you, but I'd like to name just a few that have come to my attention personally and, I think, are representative of the entire group's achievements. Harold Denton of the NRC has won wide praise for his performance following the Three Mile Island accident. I talked to Harold just a few hours after this accident occurred. When I went to the Three Mile Island plant the Sunday following the accident I went into the control room with Harold, and from then on I saw on television every night his calm, professional, reassuring voice letting the American people know that they need have no fear. Chris Kraft of NASA made space travel the safest transportation in the world. He has directed, as you know, and was principal organizer of the Mission Control Center in Houston of Mercury, Gemini, and the Apollo space missions, one of the most notable technological achievements in history. Claude Farinha saved the United States Air Force $28 million through better logistics management, an achievement which would ordinarily not go recognized to the American people. I am sure that Scotty Campbell has already recognized individually what you all have accomplished. But on behalf of 240 million Americans, I want to say from the bottom of my heart, as ENTITY, thank you for what you have meant to our country. These awards today are a solid investment for our country. The millions of dollars that you 49 people have saved, saved the taxpayer, could fund the senior executive bonuses for many decades in the future, even generations. In honoring you I hope to encourage others, all public servants, to higher levels of accomplishment. And I also want to make your excellence known to your employers, the people of America. God bless every one of you.


We hold a statewide festival and mark the day with lei draping ceremonies, parades, hula competitions and other festivities. It is a day to honor Kamehameha the Great, who unified the Kingdom of Hawaii, and to celebrate the rich culture and traditions of the Hawaiian people. Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization. It was a top priority of my immediate predecessors in this body - Senators Inouye and Akaka. For more than three decades they worked together in the Congress to advance priorities important to Hawaii and the nation. They made history at almost every step of their careers - securing dozens of firsts in the House and Senate. But for the indigenous people of the United States - Senators Inouye and Akaka will be forever remembered for their work as members and then chairs of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, and for their advocacy on behalf of American Indians, Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiians. I want to acknowledge their legacy and to thank Senator Akaka for the role that he continues to play in the great State of Hawaii and in the Native Hawaiian community in particular. And, here is the reason that I have chosen to carry forward this fight on behalf of Native Hawaiians. because it is right to seek justice. Native Hawaiians are the only federally recognized Native people without a government-to-government relationship with the United States and they deserve access to the prevailing federal policy of self-determination. Opponents have argued that Native Hawaiians are not Indians as if the word applies to Native people of a certain racial or ethnic heritage or is limited to indigenous people from one part of the United States, but not another. In the U.S. Constitution, it is clear our Founding Fathers understood it was the tribal nations' sovereign authority that distinguished them from others. It was the fact that tribes were Native groups with distinct governments that predated our own, that justified special treatment in the Constitution and under our federal laws. In what is now the United States, European contact with Native groups, began in the 15th and 16th centuries on the East Coast, and the 16th and 17th centuries on the West Coast; while in Alaska and Hawaii, European contact was delayed until the 18th century. Throughout the centuries a myriad of factors influenced how various Native groups were treated. The historical timeframe when policies and programs were applied to various Native groups may have been different.

Schatz Delivers Major Floor Speech On Achieving Fairness for Native Hawaiians


But what was consistent throughout, were the federal policies and actions intended to strip Native Americans of their languages, weaken traditional leadership and family structures, divide land bases, prohibit religious and cultural practices, and break communal bonds. And, these policies were as harmful and unjust to Native Hawaiians as they were to Alaska Natives and American Indians. There was a thriving society that greeted Captain James Cook when he landed on the shores of Hawaii in 1778. Prior to their first contact with Europeans, Native Hawaiians had a population of at least 300,000. They were a highly organized, self-sufficient society and they had their own rules, laws, language and culture. In his journals, Captain Cook referred to the indigenous people of Hawaii as Indians because it was the established English term in the 18th century to describe Native groups -regardless of their race, ethnicity or their governmental structure. But, just like many Native Americans and Alaska Natives on the continent, the name Native Hawaiians chose in their own language was -Kanaka Maoli - The People. From 1826 until 1893, the United States recognized the independence of the Hawaiian Government as a distinct political entity. We extended full and complete diplomatic recognition, and entered into five treaties and conventions with the Hawaiian monarchs to govern commerce and navigation. These treaties are clear evidence that Native Hawaiians were considered a separate and distinct nation more than a century after contact. But, on January 17, 1893, the legitimate government of the Native Hawaiian people was removed forcibly, by agents and armed forces of the United States. The illegality of this action has been acknowledged in contemporary as well as modern times by both the Executive and Legislative branches of our federal government. An investigation called for by President Cleveland produced a report by former Congressman James Blount. U.S. diplomatic and military representatives had abused their authority and were responsible for the change in the government. As a result of these findings, the United States Minister to Hawaii was recalled from his diplomatic post and the military commander of the United States armed forces stationed in Hawaii was disciplined and forced to resign his commission. In a message to Congress in December of 1893, President Cleveland described the events that brought down the Hawaiian Government as an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress. And, he acknowledged that by such acts, the government of a peaceful and friendly people was overthrown.


President Cleveland concluded that a substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character -as well as the rights of the injured people - requires we should endeavor to repair and he called for the restoration of the Hawaiian monarchy. The Provisional Government refused to relinquish power and in July of 1894, declared itself to be the Republic of Hawaii. TheProvisional Government advocated annexation of Hawaii to the United States and began to lobby the Congress to pass a treaty of annexation. Hawaii's monarch at the time, Queen Liliuokalani, presented a petition to the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and a formal statement of protest to the Secretary of State. The petition, signed by more than 21,000 Hawaiian men and women, represented more than half of the Hawaiian census population and was compiled in less than three weeks. It also included the signatures of approximately 20,000 non-Hawaiians who supported the return of the islands to self-governed rule. The Petition Against Annexation was a powerful tool in the defeat of the annexation treaty in 1897. In the next year, however, proponents of annexation introduced the Newlands Joint Resolution, a measure requiring only a simple majority of votes to gain passage. The annexation of Hawaii passed with the much reduced threshold of votes, and was signed into law by President McKinley in July of 1898. For almost two centuries after the founding of our nation, federal policies of removal, relocation, assimilation and termination, decimated Native communities and worsened the socio-economic conditions for American Indians, Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiians. The policy of banning Native language use in the schools was adopted by the territory of Hawaii. Native children were punished for speaking Hawaiian, just as American Indians and Alaska Natives were punished for using their own languages in school. The policy of allotting parcels of land to individual Indians began in 1887, as a way to break up the reservations and communal lifestyles. In 1906, it was expanded to include Alaska Natives. In 1921, it was applied to Native Hawaiians. In an attempt to reverse the damage done by these policies, since the 1920's, the Congress has established special Native Hawaiian programs in education, employment, health care and housing. And, the Congress has extended to Native Hawaiians many of the same rights and privileges accorded to American Indians and Alaska Natives. The Congress has consistently recognized Native Hawaiians as native peoples of the United States on whose behalf it may exercise its powers under the Constitution.


In 1993, the Congress passed, and President Clinton signed, legislation known as the Apology Resolution - a formal acknowledgement and apology by the Congress. This legislation recognizes that the overthrow of the Hawaiian government resulted in the suppression of the inherent sovereignty of the Native Hawaiian people and the deprivation of the rights of Native Hawaiians to self-determination. It has been 20 years since the passage of the Apology Resolution, but the federal government has not yet acted to provide a process for reorganizing a Native Hawaiian governing entity. This inaction puts Native Hawaiians at a unique disadvantage. Of the three major groups of Native Americans in the United States - American Indians, Alaska Natives, and Native Hawaiians -only Native Hawaiians currently lack the benefits of democratic self-government. Indigenous Hawaiians, like tribes on the continental United States, formed a Native community with their own government; this political entity existed before the founding of the United States; and, Native Hawaiians share historical and current bonds within their community. 200,000 acres of Hawaiian Homes Commission Act land and share an interest in the income generated by 1.2 million acres of public trust lands under the Hawaii Admission Act. Although the Congress has passed more than 150 statutes to try to address some of the negative effects of earlier federal actions and policies, data reveal persistent health, education and income disparities. Native Hawaiians experience disproportionately high rates of unemployment and incarceration; and, Native Hawaiian children are over represented in the juvenile justice system. Hawaiian families rank last in the nation in average annual pay and face the highest rates of homelessness. Separate is not equal, and that is why I urge the federal government to treat Native Hawaiians fairly. It is long past time for the Native Hawaiian people to regain their right to self-governance. Two years ago the State of Hawaii passed a historic measure to explicitly acknowledge that Native Hawaiians are the only indigenous, aboriginal, maoli population of Hawaii and to establish a Native Hawaiian Enrollment Commission. My good friend and the former Governor of Hawaii, John Waihee, was appointed Chairman and is leading the effort to register Native Hawaiians. This landmark effort is widely supported by the State of Hawaii, our Congressional delegation and our citizens. I want to acknowledge the Commission, commend its vital work, and urge Native Hawaiians to take advantage of this opportunity to help reorganize a representational government. The actions and commitments of the State of Hawaii and the Roll Commission are crucial.


Well, it is good to see all of you here tonight. I would not be standing here today were it not for people like Ernie Green. And she is got the most adorable kids, and I do not know how she keeps up with everything. But as Michelle said, If you want something done, put a woman in charge. So-- --all right, everybody got--women, you got a little too excited on that. You know, I have been thinking a lot lately about this campaign gearing back up, and obviously, it evokes memories of 2008. And I think back to that night in Grant Park when all the work, all the traveling through Iowa, all the stops by diners and in folks' living rooms and in barns in some cases-- --had all culminated in this incredible moment, a moment that was less about me than it was about the American people and the commitment that we made to each other, that we wanted a country that was true to its founding ideals, but had adapted to a new century, an America that was big in spirit and bold in vision. And I said on that night that this was not the end, but rather, it was the beginning. Because what we understood even then was that our country had reached a crossroads. That we had a series of decisions that were going to help determine the future not just of our children, but our grandchildren and our great-grandchildren. That we were living in an age in which the world had shrunk; it had become more interconnected than ever before. And that if we did not make some critical decisions now, if we stopped just kicking the can down the road, but we decided that we were actually going to seize the moment and transform our education system and finally fix our health care system and deal with our energy policy so that we were no longer subject to the whims of the spot oil market, and if we did not transform our foreign policy to recognize the visions and dreams of billions of people around the world who were yearning to be free--if we did not make some fundamental changes, that we might be the first generation that was passing on an America that was less hopeful, that was less generous, and that all those people who felt the American Dream slipping out of their fingers, that somehow that loss of hope would continue. And I said at the time, this is going to be an uphill climb. None of us did.

Remarks at a Democratic National Committee Fundraiser


It turned out that on that night we had already lost millions of jobs because of the financial meltdown and the recession. And it was not until a few months after my Inauguration that we realized we would ultimately lose 8 million jobs before any of our economic plans had a chance to take effect, the worst recession since the Great Depression. And there are families all across the country that are still suffering from the aftershocks of that. And in some cases, the actions we took were not always popular. But we knew that it was vital for us to act boldly and swiftly to address the crisis. And let us take a look at what we were able to accomplish. An economy that was shrinking by about 6 percent has now grown for five consecutive quarters. An economy that was shedding jobs every month now has seen over 2 million jobs created just in the last 14. An auto industry that some had written off now are making profits again and have hired back all their workers. We got the economy moving in the right direction. And along the way, we did a few other things. Along the way, we did a few other things. We decided that we did not want equal pay for equal work to be just an empty slogan, so we strengthened laws to make sure that our daughters are treated as well as our sons. We decided that in a nation as wealthy as ours, it was unacceptable for people to go bankrupt just because they got sick. And so after 100 years, we finally delivered on the promise of making sure that we had affordable, accessible health care in this country for all people. We made record investments in clean energy, record investments in basic research, and restored science to its rightful place. We made the largest Federal investment in education in our history, but we did not just put more money in. We decided we were finally going to deliver on reform and help catalyze reforms in 40 States all across the country to make sure that schools are doing right by every single student, K through 12. And we also made sure that young people are able to afford to go to college, so we took away billions of dollars of subsidies that were going to banks and put those in the student loan system so that millions more young people were able to go to college without taking on tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars' worth of debt. We appointed a couple more women on the Supreme Court, including the first Latina. We ended the law that said that you could not serve your country because of who you loved.


We made the biggest infrastructure investment in this country since Dwight Eisenhower built the Interstate Highway System. Internationally, we brought 100,000 troops back from Iraq and are ending combat operations. We regained momentum in Afghanistan and are now in the process of transition, where we can bring our troops home. We have gone after Al Qaida relentlessly and made America safer in the process. And we have restored around the world a sense of America as a responsible actor that will uphold the principles of human rights and liberty and democracy. And in between, we have dealt with pirates and-- --do you remember? Remember pirates-- --H1N1 and an oil spill and locusts? And I could not be prouder of our record over the last 2 years. Promises were made during the campaign, and so many promises have been kept. And yet, all across America, folks are still struggling. We have been able to avert the worst possible crises, but a lot of those challenges that we confronted in 2008, those challenges are still out there. Wages and incomes have flatlined for the middle class all across America. The rates of poverty in too many communities are way too high. In too many schools, too many of our children still drop out without hope, without vision for the future. We still do not have an energy policy in this country that is equal to our potential and our greatness. And we are still vulnerable to high gas prices that are just killing families all across America right now. We still have not reformed our broken immigration system. So we have too many people living in the shadows, being exploited by workers, driving down the wages of workers as a consequence, because those employers are not subject to the rules. And families are being broken up in the process. We still have not fully transformed our economy so that we are competitive the way we need to be and are creating jobs at the pace we need and growth at the rate that we need. And so we still got so much work to do. The challenges we confronted were not the work of 1 year or 2 years or even one term. And that is why I am going to need you. That is why, in some ways, this campaign may be even more important and more challenging than 2012. We have to finish what we started. We have to finish what we started, in 2012 and beyond, and that is why I am going to need you, all in.


Part of what made our campaign special was you, going out knocking on doors and organizing, some of you traveling to other States in the middle of winter, occasionally getting doors slammed in your faces. But that energy, that inspiration that you gave me, the commitments you made to each other about the kind of country you wanted to live in, that spirit we need now more than ever. And that is part of the reason why we decided not to have our campaign here in Washington, DC, but to have it based again in Chicago. Because I do not want a campaign that suddenly is all about the insiders, suddenly is all about the pundits and the lobbyists. And I wanted to make sure that we had a campaign that was rooted and grounded in what folks are talking about around the kitchen table and around the water coolers all across America. Because what is at stake right now is not any particular policy; it has to do with a broader vision of where we want to take our country. I gave a budget address a while back, and a lot of people reported on the numbers and the debt and the deficit and why this is so important. And let me tell you, we as Democrats, we as progressives, need to be just as concerned about the debt as anybody else. Because that is how we will be able to move our vision forward--investing in education, investing in infrastructure, investing in clean energy--if we have got a government that lives within its means. So we have got to be concerned about that. But this broader budget debate that is now carrying over and will probably continue all the way until November of next year, it is also about what our vision of the country is. Are we a country that is going to continue to be able to do big things? Are we going to continue to make a commitment that every child, regardless of race or station or region, can achieve their dreams because they have got a school system that is delivering for them? Are we going to continue to be a nation that has the best infrastructure, moving products and services and people and information from place to place, because we have invested not just in roads and bridges and ports and airports, but in broadband lines and smart grids? Are we investing in the future the way previous generations invested in us?


Are we going to continue to make sure that here in the United States of America we are discovering the new great sources of energy that will help us save the planet, even as we are strengthening our economy and are putting our people back to work? Are we still dreaming big dreams in America? And are we going to continue to be a country that makes sure that our senior citizens can retire with dignity and respect and that Medicare is going to be there for them and Social Security is going to be there for them? And as we grapple through these problems, are we going to make sure that the burden is shared by everybody? We are going to have to make tough choices. But are we going to make sure that folks like me, who have been so blessed by this country, that we are doing our part? The other side right now, their only agenda is to provide tax cuts to folks like me. And you know what, we all like tax cuts, but-- --no, I mean, I have never met somebody who said, No, no, no. But you know what, I do not want $200,000 in my pocket if I know that that means that 33 seniors are going to have to pay an extra $6,000 for their Medicare services. I do not want special favors for me if it means that a whole bunch of kids are being cut out of Head Start. See--and the reason I do not want it is not just out of a sense of charity. It is because my life is better when, as I am driving down the street and I pass by a school, I know, you know what, that school is doing a great job for those kids. And if I pass by a senior couple holding hands and I think to myself, you know what, that might be me and Michelle some day. And I like the fact that I live in a country where they have got some security in their golden years. That is the kind of America that I want Malia and Sasha to inherit. That is the kind of America I want all of your children and grandchildren inheriting. That is what this debate is about. That is what this campaign is about. That is what this election is about. So let me just close by saying this. There have been times over the last 2 1/2 years where I know you all have gotten frustrated sometimes. I know all these conversations you are having. Oh, why did Obama compromise with the Republicans on that?


Senator Biden, Senator Hatch, Senator Kennedy, Senator Sarbanes, one of Janet Reno's Senators, Senator Connie Mack. Senator Graham called me last night. He is in Florida today with the First Lady at a health care hearing. And he said he had an excused absence from the Attorney General. The ENTITY and Congressman Edwards are here, and we are delighted to see all of them. I also would say we are delighted to be joined by Mr. Justice White and Mrs. White. Let me say that it is a great honor for me to be able to be here at this ceremony today with Janet Reno, her family, and a few of her many friends. I'd like to say a special word of thanks to Stuart Gerson, who has served ably and honorably as Acting Attorney General since the Inauguration. I think we owe him a round of applause. Somehow I do not think any of my other proposals will pass the Senate by the same vote margin- -that Janet's confirmation did. I especially want to thank Senator Biden and Senator Hatch and the members of the Judiciary Committee for waiving the normal waiting period between hearings and the confirmation vote, making this event possible today and making it possible for us to proceed immediately with the urgent tasks at hand. But more than anything else, I think it is clear that Janet Reno made her own swift confirmation possible, showing the Senate and all who followed the hearings the qualities of leadership and integrity, intelligence, and humanity that those gathered in this room have recognized for a very long time. You shared with us the life-shaping stories of your family and career that formed your deep sense of fairness and your unwavering drive to help others to do better. You showed us that your career in public service, working on the front lines in your community, fighting crime, understanding the impact on victims and on neighborhoods, mending the gritty social fabric of a vibrant but troubled urban area, is excellent preparation for carrying forward the banner of justice for all the American people. You will help to guide the Federal Government to assist State and local law enforcement in ways that really count. You demonstrated that you will be a formidable advocate for the vulnerable people in our society and especially for our children. Most of all, you proved to the Nation that you are a strong and an independent person who will give me your best legal judgment whether or not it is what I want to hear.

Remarks on the Swearing-In of Attorney General Janet Reno


Less than one year has passed since I first stood at this podium, in this majestic chamber, to speak on behalf of the American people and to address their concerns, their hopes, and their dreams. That night, our new administration had already taken very swift action. A new tide of optimism was already sweeping across our land. Each day since, we have gone forward with a clear vision and a righteous mission - to make America great again for all Americans. Over the last year, we have made incredible progress and achieved extraordinary success. We have faced challenges we expected, and others we could never have imagined. We have shared in the heights of victory and the pains of hardship. We have endured floods and fires and storms. But through it all, we have seen the beauty of America's soul, and the steel in America's spine. Each test has forged new American heroes to remind us who we are, and show us what we can be. We saw the volunteers of the Cajun Navy, racing to the rescue with their fishing boats to save people in the aftermath of a totally devastating hurricane. We saw strangers shielding strangers from a hail of gunfire on the Las Vegas strip. We heard tales of Americans like Coast Guard Petty Officer Ashlee Leppert, who is here tonight in the gallery with Melania. Ashlee was aboard one of the first helicopters on the scene in Houston during the Hurricane Harvey. Through 18 hours of wind and rain, Ashlee braved live power lines and deep water to help save more than 40 lives. Ashlee, we all thank you. We heard about Americans like firefighter David Dahlberg. He is here with us also. David faced down walls of flame to rescue almost 60 children trapped at a California summer camp threatened by those devastating wildfires. To everyone still recovering in Texas, Florida, Louisiana, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands - everywhere - we are with you, we love you, and we always will pull through together, always. Some trials over the past year touched this chamber very personally. the legend from Louisiana, Congressman Steve Scalise. I think they like you, Steve. We are incredibly grateful for the heroic efforts of the Capitol Police officers, the Alexandria Police, and the doctors, nurses, and paramedics who saved his life and the lives of many others; some in this room. In the aftermath of that terrible shooting, we came together, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as representatives of the people.

Remarks by President Trump in State of the Union Address


But it is not enough to come together only in times of tragedy. Tonight, I call upon all of us to set aside our differences, to seek out common ground, and to summon the unity we need to deliver for the people. that no people on Earth are so fearless, or daring, or determined as Americans. If there is a mountain, we climb it. If there is a frontier, we cross it. If there is a challenge, we tame it. If there is an opportunity, we seize it. So let us begin tonight by recognizing that the state of our Union is strong because our people are strong. And together, we are building a safe, strong, and proud America. Since the election, we have created 2.4 million new jobs, including -- including 200,000 new jobs in manufacturing alone. After years and years of wage stagnation, we are finally seeing rising wages. Unemployment claims have hit a 45-year low. African American unemployment stands at the lowest rate ever recorded. And Hispanic American unemployment has also reached the lowest levels in history. Small-business confidence is at an all-time high. The stock market has smashed one record after another, gaining $8 trillion, and more, in value in just this short period of time. The great news -- the great news for Americans' 401, retirement, pension, and college savings accounts have gone through the roof. And just as I promised the American people from this podium 11 months ago, we enacted the biggest tax cuts and reforms in American history. Our massive tax cuts provide tremendous relief for the middle class and small business. To lower tax rates for hardworking Americans, we nearly doubled the standard deduction for everyone. Now, the first $24,000 earned by a married couple is completely tax-free. We also doubled the child tax credit. A typical family of four making $75,000 will see their tax bill reduced by $2,000, slashing their tax bill in half. In April, this will be the last time you will ever file under the old and very broken system, and millions of Americans will have more take-home pay starting next month - a lot more. We eliminated an especially cruel tax that fell mostly on Americans making less than $50,000 a year, forcing them to pay tremendous penalties simply because they could not afford government-ordered health plans. We repealed the core of the disastrous Obamacare.


We slashed the business tax rate from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent, so American companies can compete and win against anyone else anywhere in the world. These changes alone are estimated to increase average family income by more than $4,000. Small businesses have also received a massive tax cut, and can now deduct 20 percent of their business income. Here tonight are Steve Staub and Sandy Keplinger of Staub Manufacturing, a small, beautiful business in Ohio. They have just finished the best year in their 20-year history. Because of tax reform, they are handing out raises, hiring an additional 14 people, and expanding into the building next door. One of Staub's employees, Corey Adams, is also with us tonight. He supported himself through high school, lost his job during the 2008 recession, and was later hired by Staub, where he trained to become a welder. Like many hardworking Americans, Corey plans to invest his tax cut raise into his new home and his two daughters' education. I was told that by the man that owns that company that is doing so well. Since we passed tax cuts, roughly 3 million workers have already gotten tax cut bonuses - many of them thousands and thousands of dollars per worker. And it is getting more every month, every week. Apple has just announced it plans to invest a total of $350 billion in America, and hire another 20,000 workers. And just a little while ago, ExxonMobil announced a $50 billion investment in the United States, just a little while ago. This, in fact, is our new American moment. So to every citizen watching at home tonight, no matter where you have been, or where you have come from, this is your time. If you work hard, if you believe in yourself, if you believe in America, then you can dream anything, you can be anything, and together, we can achieve absolutely anything. Tonight, I want to talk about what kind of future we are going to have, and what kind of a nation we are going to be. All of us, together, as one team, one people, and one American family can do anything. We all share the same home, the same heart, the same destiny, and the same great American flag. Together, we are rediscovering the American way. In America, we know that faith and family, not government and bureaucracy, are the center of American life.


The motto is, In God We Trust. And we celebrate our police, our military, and our amazing veterans as heroes who deserve our total and unwavering support. Here tonight is Preston Sharp, a 12-year-old boy from Redding, California, who noticed that veterans' graves were not marked with flags on Veterans Day. He decided all by himself to change that, and started a movement that has now placed 40,000 flags at the graves of our great heroes. Young patriots, like Preston, teach all of us about our civic duty as Americans. And I met Preston a little while ago, and he is something very special - that I can tell you. Thank you very much for all you have done, Preston. Preston's reverence for those who have served our nation reminds us of why we salute our flag, why we put our hands on our hearts for the Pledge of Allegiance, and why we proudly stand for the National Anthem. Americans love their country, and they deserve a government that shows them the same love and loyalty in return. For the last year, we have sought to restore the bonds of trust between our citizens and their government. Working with the Senate, we are appointing judges who will interpret the Constitution as written, including a great new Supreme Court justice, and more circuit court judges than any new administration in the history of our country. We are totally defending our Second Amendment, and have taken historic actions to protect religious liberty. And we are serving our brave veterans, including giving our veterans choice in their healthcare decisions. Last year, Congress also passed, and I signed, the landmark VA Accountability Act. Since its passage, my administration has already removed more than 1,500 VA employees who failed to give our veterans the care they deserve. And we are hiring talented people who love our vets as much as we do. And I will not stop until our veterans are properly taken care of, which has been my promise to them from the very beginning of this great journey. All Americans deserve accountability and respect, and that is what we are giving to our wonderful heroes, our veterans. So, tonight, I call on Congress to empower every Cabinet Secretary with the authority to reward good workers and to remove federal employees who undermine the public trust or fail the American people. In our drive to make Washington accountable, we have eliminated more regulations in our first year than any administration in the history of our country. We have ended the war on American energy, and we have ended the war on beautiful clean coal.