And so rather than retreating, I made the considered judgment to send reinforcements into the country, in a dramatic move that is now called the surge. Fourteen months after I ordered the surge of forces, sectarian killings are down, and Al Qaida is on the defense. U.S. and Iraqi forces have captured or killed thousands of extremists in Iraq, including hundreds of key Al Qaida operatives. Progress in Iraq is fragile, and there is no question, it is going to take strong determination to prevail. Yet even the enemy recognizes they are on the wrong side of events. When things were going poorly in Iraq early last year, Democrats called for withdrawal. Today, the situation has turned around, and Democrats are calling for withdrawal. retreat. You might even say that when it comes to withdrawing from Iraq, the Democrats' policy is, stay the course. If we followed their advice a year ago, Iraq would be far different and a much more dangerous place than it is today, and the American people would be at greater risk. And if we followed their advice now, we would put at risk all the gains our troops have made over the past year. The United States Congress does need to act when it comes to Iraq, and they need to stand with our brave men and women in uniform and give them all the resources they need to do their job. And it when it comes to standing with the United States military, there is no greater supporters than the Republicans in the House of Representatives. The struggle we are engaged in is difficult for the American some Americans to really understand the scope and the nature of the battle. We are involved in an ideological struggle between folks who murder the innocent to achieve political objectives, folks who have got a vision about what they would like to impose on the rest of the world, and particularly in the Middle East, and those of us who believe strongly in the power of liberty. I believe in the trans-formative power of liberty. I believe that if the United States of America does not lose its faith in the power of freedom to transform hopeless societies, that we will see the peace that we all want. I believe in the universality of freedom. I believe there is an Almighty, and I believe a gift of that Almighty to every man, woman, and child is freedom. I love to share the story, and I am sure some of you have heard this before but the story about my friendship with Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan.


Only a few moments ago, I had the first opportunity of my life to look at the Old Man of the Mountain. The natural question asked me was, What did you think of it, ENTITY? Remarkable. what does the Old Man of the Mountain think of us? He has been there through time. In his lonely vigil up at the top of that mountain--let us not try to go back to what he may have been thinking through those ages before our civilization first discovered him--150 years ago he saw great ox carts going through these roads where now we travel in an instant. He saw the fastest means of transportation--the horse. Finally he saw stage coaches. He saw only here and there a habitation, a sparsely settled wilderness. He has seen mankind go from the sailing ship and from the horse and buggy to the jet airplane and the ability to cross the ocean in a few hours. He has seen the great sciences of radio and television come to us. He has seen every American have, with his morning breakfast, the day's news of the world. He has seen the great electronics industry--electric lights, telephones and telegraphy, and all the things by which we live today. All of these changes have come about. But can you believe, as he stands up there, almost in infinite majesty, that he thinks it is of great concern that we travel at a rate that multiplies the speed of our forefathers? I believe he thinks of something deeper than that. When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and assume among the powers of the earth that separate and equal status to which both the laws of nature and nature's God intended them, a decent respect for the opinions of mankind impel them to declare the reasons which have led to their separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights. Among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. These immortal words must mean a great deal to the Old Man of the Mountain. He must contemplate them from time to time. I think we--with him--understand life. We know the instinct of self-preservation, and we know what living means to us, in our separate capacities, in our separate areas.

Remarks at Ceremonies Commemorating the Discovery of the Old Man of the Mountain, Franconia Notch, New Hampshire.


the individual right to do as we please as long as we do not infringe upon similar rights of others. But the pursuit of happiness--he must have noted that those writers did not create this government to give us happiness. Far better they knew than to try to define happiness for any one of us--the pursuit of happiness in liberty each according to his own desires, to the deepest aspirations of his own soul. Now, what have we done about it? Where do we find happiness? Possibly that is what he is wondering today. We know certain things. We know we would like to be at peace. We do not want to send our boys off into the Armed Services to serve in foreign lands. We do not want to dwell in fear. We do not want to contemplate the horrible things that could happen to us in a new war. At home we want to live comfortably. We want to have neighbors around us that we like. But as we pursue happiness, are we thinking only of these material things? Then how do we attain it? If we attain money to do certain things, then we want more money. If we attain a high office, we want a higher one. If there is no higher one we would like to invent it. We always want something more. Maybe the more is to try to discover what others around us find as their idea of the pursuit of happiness, what is it that mankind wants, instead of each of us separately? Can we integrate the desires, the aspirations, the hopes of our community, and then do our part to achieve that? In so doing, I wonder whether the Old Man would not approve of us more than he may at present? Because he well knows, if he has watched us, that each individual is made up of two sets of qualities. courage, readiness to sacrifice, love for our families, respect for others. And he knows also those other qualities, of selfishness and greed and ambition, and things that set men one against the other, and nations one against the other. He recognizes the right of a group, whether it be community, or whether it be nation, to protect itself, to make certain of its own security. a peaceful world in which each of us may continue to develop. Whether we do it through church, or through our schools, through any kind of community enterprise, through the family, through our own reading, we do not seek knowledge for itself.


I look forward to going to the Panama Canal. I am most impressed by the management of the canal. Those who are responsible for the Panama Canal have done an excellent job, and this is beneficial to the world, and I congratulate you for that. And I am really looking forward to seeing it. I am also looking forward to paying our respects to, by laying a wreath. I am also looking forward to seeing some of the Panamanian baseball stars. People around here know how to play baseball, and I am looking forward to seeing some of your stars, Mr. President. We have had a very good discussion, and it is important we have discussions, because we are friends. And one of the matters we discussed was, how do we work together to improve the lives of our respective citizens? And one way is through trade. We are in the midst of negotiating a free trade agreement with Panama. And I told the President this free trade agreement is important for America, as he told me it is important for Panama. And we are close to coming to an agreement, and we will continue to work on that agreement for the good of our respective peoples. I also told him that I was pleased with the leadership of Panama and Argentina. Twenty-nine nations said, loud and clear, It is important for us to continue to advance a trade agenda that is positive for the people of this hemisphere. And I appreciated your Government's stance on that, Mr. President. You are acting in the interest of your people. And speaking about the interest of the people, I do want to say something about the tornadoes that recently hit America. I had the-I called the Governor of Indiana this morning and expressed my deepest condolences for the families who lost lives. I asked him if there was more Federal response needed. He felt like the response that we had given was appropriate at the time. And many Americans are now asking God's blessings on those who suffered through this natural disaster. President, I am fully aware that 25,000 of our citizens live in your beautiful country. I congratulate you for your fiscal reforms. I congratulate you for the strong growth of your economy. I appreciate your transparency. I appreciate your strong commitment to fighting corruption. It sends a clear signal not only to the people of this important country but also to people throughout the region. And it is noble, and it is important that you continue, which I know you will, your very strong leadership.

The President's News Conference With President Martin Torrijos Espino of Panama in Panama City, Panama


Proclaiming Columbus Day is much more to me than just another ceremonial function. Because this event gives me a chance, along with all of my fellow countrymen, to reflect on the beginnings of this Nation-and on the men who began it. It reminds us that every citizen in this land is the descendant of men who were once foreigners--who were once strangers from afar. This is what our great President Franklin Roosevelt was thinking about one day in April when he addressed the Daughters of the American Revolution by saluting them as My fellow immigrants. the first in that long procession of strangers who, over the centuries, have come to enrich our lives, our statesmanship, and our culture here in America. Today we think of Columbus Day as a time for honoring not only that great explorer, but also all of those Italians whose gifts have been freely given to make this Nation great. Enrico Fermi, Frank Capra, A. P. Giannini, Fiorello La Guardia, Max Ascoli, Joe DiMaggio, Johnny Pastore. I would like to call the name of each of you, because you mean that much to me and you have made great contributions. Steve Martini, who cuts my hair here at the White House and has cut the hair of Presidents for several years, is one of my most influential counselors, believe it or not. He is also one of my most recognized comforters in moments of distress and depression. I just cannot resist adding Jack Valenti and Joe Califano, because in the period that I have been here, no two men have given their country greater or more rewarding service. In the past year, I am very proud that by all of us working together we have made it much easier for people of such ability to come here to the United States. You may remember it was on October 3, last year, standing beside the Statue of Liberty, that I signed a new immigration bill that we had been trying to pass for years and we had finally, successfully gotten it through both Houses. That measure ended, I think, once and for all, the discrimination-the discrimination which, for nearly 40 years, handicapped those who wanted to call our land their home. Under the old system, even Christopher Columbus would have found it difficult to come to this country--simply because Christopher Columbus was born in Italy.

Remarks at the Signing of the Columbus Day Proclamation.


Under the old system, a person born in England was 12 times more welcome to America than a person born in Italy, and far more acceptable, Mike, than a Greek or a Portuguese or a Pole. Under that old system, countries like Italy had very small immigration quotas. They had long lists of persons who were waiting to emigrate to the United States. At the same time preferred nations were failing to even fill the very large quotas that were assigned to them. But the Immigration Act of 1965 has not opened the floodgates to immigration as its opponents claimed that it would. In fiscal year 1966 the State Department granted 309,000 visas--only 9,000 more than the year before. The increase is almost invisible when you consider that the internal growth of the United States was over 3 million, while we had an increase of 9,000 coming in. The Immigration Act of 1965 does assign quotas on a basis of equality. What skills can you perform? Italy was granted 9,987 immigration visas in fiscal year 1965. In 1966, under the new law, Italy received 24,967. Portugal was granted 1,798 visas in 1965; 9,017 in 1966. The list goes on through all the countries with citizens desiring to relocate here in America. So in its short life, this Immigration Act of 1965 has brought happiness to many homes, has reunited many families that have been kept apart very cruelly for a good many years. It has brought us capable people that wish to put their skills at the service of the United States. It has earned us the friendship of nations which had resented this unfair treatment under the unjust quota system. It has demonstrated the desire of the people in the United States to end discrimination and to end it in every corner of our national life. For years, America has been a beacon of change and progress to men who wanted to escape old lands, old ways, and old injustices. That is what brought our fathers here; it still brings people here. But to men across the world, we have been the land whose revolution did not end; we have been the land whose eyes are always forward. So today, all around the world, we hear the cry for change. And the cry for change is rising. It is rising in our own country. We welcome it--for we hear, in that sound, the echo of 1776. this echo of 1776, as I meet here with you in the Cabinet Room today to sign this proclamation.


For too long, the people of Darfur have suffered at the hands of a government that is complicit in the bombing, murder, and rape of innocent civilians. genocide. The world has a responsibility to help put an end to it. Last month, I announced that the United States was prepared to take new steps if the Government of Sudan did not allow the full deployment of a U.N. peacekeeping force; if the Government did not begin living up to its many commitments, that the United States would act. I made clear that the time for promises was over, and that President Bashir had to do something to end the suffering. I held off implementing these steps because the United Nations believed that President Bashir could meet his obligations to stop the killing and would meet his obligations to stop the killing. Unfortunately, he has not met those obligations. President Bashir's actions over the past few weeks follow a long pattern of promising cooperation while finding new methods for obstruction. One day after I spoke, the military bombed a meeting of rebel commanders designed to discuss a possible peace deal with the Government. In the following weeks, he used his army and Government-sponsored militias to attack rebels and civilians in south Darfur. He is taken no steps to disarm these militias in the year since the Darfur Peace Agreement was signed. Senior officials continue to oppose the deployment of the U.N. peacekeeping force. The result is that the dire security situation on the ground in Darfur has not changed. And so today, at my instruction, the United States has taken the steps I announced in April. First, the Department of Treasury is tightening U.S. economic sanctions on Sudan. With this new effort, the United States will more aggressively enforce existing sanctions against Sudan's Government. As part of this effort, the Treasury Department will add 30 companies owned or controlled by the Government of Sudan to its list of Specially Designated Nationals. We are also adding an additional company to the list, a company that has been transporting weapons to the Sudanese Government and militia forces in Darfur. All these companies are now barred from the U.S. financial system. It is a crime for American companies and individuals to knowingly do business with them. Second, we are targeting sanctions against individuals responsible for violence. These sanctions will isolate these persons by cutting them off from the U.S. financial system, barring them from doing business with any American citizen or company, and calling the world's attention to their crimes.

Remarks on the Situation in Darfur, Sudan


Third, I am directing the Secretary of State to consult with the United Kingdom and other allies on a new United Nations Security Council resolution. This resolution will apply new sanctions against the Government of Sudan, against individuals found to be violating human rights or obstructing the peace process. It will impose an expanded embargo on arms sales to the Government of Sudan. It will prohibit the Sudanese Government from conducting any offensive military flights over Darfur. It will strengthen our ability to monitor and report any violations. At the same time, we will continue to push for U.N. support, including funding for the African Union peacekeepers, who remain the only force in Darfur that is protecting the people. We will continue to work for the deployment of a larger, hybrid force of AU and U.N. peacekeeping troops. We will continue to support the diplomacy of U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. We will continue to insist on the full implementation of the Darfur Peace Agreement. We will continue to promote a broadly supported and inclusive political settlement that is the only long-term solution to the crisis in Darfur. Since this conflict began, we have provided more than $1.7 billion in humanitarian and peacekeeping assistance for Darfur. We are the world's largest single donor to the people of Darfur. We are working for the day when the families of this troubled region are allowed to return safely to their homes and rebuild their lives in peace. The people of Darfur are crying out for help, and they deserve it. I urge the United Nations Security Council, the African Union, and all members of the international community to reject any efforts to obstruct implementation of the agreements that would bring peace to Darfur and Sudan. I call on President Bashir to stop his obstruction and to allow the peacekeepers in and to end the campaign of violence that continues to target innocent men, women, and children. The United States will not avert our eyes from a crisis that challenges the conscience of the world.


Tomorrow the House of Representatives faces a critical vote on the balanced budget amendment, and right now is the time for some straight talk about our national deficit. With our Federal debt averaging $65,000 for the typical American family of four, I understand why the American people are fed up and why you are looking for change. I share your frustration, and I am determined to see things changed. I am convinced that a balanced budget amendment is the only way to force the Federal Government, both the Congress and the executive branch, to live within its means. In fact, the very first address to Congress I made as President included a call for a balanced budget. I confidently presented a balanced budget constitutional amendment to the Congress. I asked our Nation's elected leaders to put America's best interests first and to join me in reaching a goal whose benefits will be measured in jobs and opportunity for ourselves and for our children. Government spending must be restrained and the budget balanced. Government is too big, and it spends too much. We are treating our national debt like the old fellow who borrowed money to pay off his loans. Inevitably, someone at some time must foot the bill. It is simply wrong to walk away from this mountain of debt and leave it to our kids. Forty-four of our States have some kind of a constitutional requirement for a balanced budget. It is time for the Federal Government to follow their lead. We must balance the Federal budget without shifting the funding burden along to the States. We must pay our own way. Our future is at stake. Now is the time to pass a constitutional amendment mandating a balanced budget. Let me caution Americans not to be taken in by bold blustering. We cannot wheel and deal the deficit away. There is no easy answer that we can jot out on a blank sheet of paper to wipe out a deficit of that magnitude. We should not be willing to risk our grandchildren's future on sound bites that merely sound real. A constitutional amendment mandating a balanced budget is what is needed. Pass this balanced budget amendment. There is no single action that we can take that will be any more important than doing this for our Nation's future. Thank you, and may God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

Address to the Nation on the Balanced Budget Amendment


I COME before you at the opening of the Regular Session of the 73d Congress, not to make requests for special or detailed items of legislation; I come, rather, to counsel with you, who, like myself, have been selected to carry out a mandate of the whole people, in order that without partisanship you and I may cooperate to continue the restoration of our national wellbeing and, equally important, to build on the ruins of the past a new structure designed better to meet the present problems of modern civilization. Such a structure includes not only the relations of industry and agriculture and finance to each other but also the effect which all of these three have on our individual citizens and on the whole people as a Nation. Now that we are definitely in the process of recovery, lines have been rightly drawn between those to whom this recovery means a return to old methods and the number of these people is small and those for whom recovery means a reform of many old methods, a permanent readjustment of many of our ways of thinking and therefore of many of our social and economic arrangements Civilization cannot go back; civilization must not stand still. We have undertaken new methods. It is our task to perfect, to improve, to alter when necessary, but in all cases to go forward. To consolidate what we are doing, to make our economic and social structure capable of dealing with modern life is the joint task of the legislative, the judicial, and the executive branches of the national Government. Without regard to party, the overwhelming majority of our people seek a greater opportunity for humanity to prosper and find happiness. They recognize that human welfare has not increased and does not increase through mere materialism and luxury, but that it does progress through integrity, unselfishness, responsibility and justice. In the past few months, as a result of our action, we have demanded of many citizens that they surrender certain licenses to do as they please, in their business relationships; but we have asked this in exchange for the protection which the State can give against exploitation by their fellow men or by combinations of their fellow men. I congratulate this Congress upon the courage, the earnestness and the efficiency with which you met the crisis at the Special Session. It was your fine understanding of the national problem that furnished the example which the country has so splendidly followed. I venture to say that the task confronting the First Congress of 1789 was no greater than your own.

Annual Message to Congress


I shall not attempt to set forth either the many phases of the crisis which we experienced last March, or the many measures which you and I undertook during the Special Session that we might initiate recovery and reform. It is sufficient that I should speak in broad terms of the results of our common counsel. The credit of the Government has been fortified by drastic reduction in the cost of its permanent agencies through the Economy Act. With the twofold purpose of strengthening the whole financial structure and of arriving eventually at a medium of exchange which over the years will have less variable purchasing and debt paying power for our people than that of the past, I have used the authority granted me to purchase all American-produced gold and silver and to buy additional gold in the world markets. Careful investigation and constant study prove that in the matter of foreign exchange rates certain of our sister Nations find themselves so handicapped by internal and other conditions that they feel unable at this time to enter into stabilization discussion based on permanent and world-wide objectives. The overwhelming majority of the banks, both national and State, which reopened last spring, are in sound condition and have been brought within the protection of Federal insurance. In the case of those banks which were not permitted to reopen, nearly six hundred million dollars of frozen deposits are being restored to the depositors through the assistance of the national Government. We have made great strides toward the objectives of the National Industrial Recovery Act, for not only have several millions of our unemployed been restored to work, but industry is organizing itself with a greater understanding that reasonable profits can be earned while at the same time protection can be assured to guarantee to labor adequate pay and proper conditions of work. Uniform standards of hours and wages apply today to 95 percent of industrial employment within the field of the National Industrial Recovery Act. We seek the definite end of preventing combinations in furtherance of monopoly and in restraint of trade, while at the same time we seek to prevent ruinous rivalries within industrial groups which in many cases resemble the gang wars of the underworld and in which the real victim in every case is the public itself. Under the authority of this Congress, we have brought the component parts of each industry together around a common table, just as we have brought problems affecting labor to a common meeting ground. Though the machinery, hurriedly devised, may need readjustment from time to time, nevertheless I think you will agree with me that we have created a permanent feature of our modernized industrial structure and that it will continue under the supervision but not the arbitrary dictation of Government itself.

Annual Message to Congress


You recognized last spring that the most serious part of the debt burden affected those who stood in danger of losing their farms and their homes. I am glad to tell you that refinancing in both of these cases is proceeding with good success and in all probability within the financial limits set by the Congress. But agriculture had suffered from more than its debts. Actual experience with the operation of the Agricultural Adjustment Act leads to my belief that thus far the experiment of seeking a balance between production and consumption is succeeding and has made progress entirely in line with reasonable expectations toward the restoration of farm prices to parity. I continue in my conviction that industrial progress and prosperity can only be attained by bringing the purchasing power of that portion of our population which in one form or another is dependent upon agriculture up to a level which will restore a proper balance between every section of the country and between every form of work. In this field, through carefully planned flood control, power development and land-use policies in the Tennessee Valley and in other, great watersheds, we are seeking the elimination of waste, the removal of poor lands from agriculture and the encouragement of small local industries, thus furthering this principle of a better balanced national life. We recognize the great ultimate cost of the application of this rounded policy to every part off the Union. Today we are creating heavy obligations to start the work because of the great unemployment needs of the moment. I look forward, however, to the time in the not distant future, when annual appropriations, wholly covered by current revenue, will enable the work to proceed under a national plan. Such a national plan will, in a generation or two, return many times the money spent on it; more important, it will eliminate the use of inefficient tools, conserve and increase natural resources, prevent waste, and enable millions of our people to take better advantage of the opportunities which God has given our country. I cannot, unfortunately, present to you a picture of complete optimism regarding world affairs. The delegation representing the United States has worked in close cooperation with the other American Republics assembled at Montevideo to make that conference an outstanding success. We have, I hope, made it clear to our neighbors that we seek with them future avoidance of territorial expansion and of interference by one Nation in the internal affairs of another. Furthermore, all of us are seeking the restoration of commerce in ways which will preclude the building up of large favorable trade balances by any one Nation at the expense of trade debits on the part of other Nations.

Annual Message to Congress


In other parts of the world, however, fear of immediate or future aggression and with it the spending of vast sums on armament and the continued building up of defensive trade barriers prevent any great progress in peace or trade agreements. I have made it clear that the United States cannot take part in political arrangements in Europe but that we stand ready to cooperate at any time in practicable measures on a world basis looking to immediate reduction of armaments and the lowering of the barriers against commerce. I expect to report to you later in regard to debts owed the Government and people of this country by the Governments and peoples of other countries. Several Nations, acknowledging the debt, have paid in small part; other Nations have failed to pay. One Nation Finland has paid the installments due this country in full. Returning to home problems, we have been shocked by many notorious examples of injuries done our citizens by persons or groups who have been living off their neighbors by the use of methods either unethical or criminal. In the first category a field which does not involve violations of the letter of our laws practices have been brought to light which have shocked those who believed that we were in the past generation raising the ethical standards of business. They call for stringent preventive or regulatory measures. I am speaking of those individuals who have evaded the spirit and purpose of our tax laws, of those high officials of banks or corporations who have grown rich at the expense of their stockholders or the public, of those reckless speculators with their own or other people's money whose operations have injured the values of the farmers' crops and the savings of the poor. In the other category, crimes of organized banditry, coldblooded shooting, lynching and kidnapping have threatened our security. These violations of ethics and these violations of law call on the strong arm of Government for their immediate suppression; they call also on the country for an aroused public opinion. The adoption of the Twenty-first Amendment should give material aid to the elimination of those new forms of crime which came from the illegal traffic in liquor. I shall continue to regard it as my duty to use whatever means may be necessary to supplement State, local and private agencies for the relief of suffering caused by unemployment. With respect to this question, I have recognized the dangers inherent in the direct giving of relief and have sought the means to provide not mere relief, but the opportunity for useful and remunerative work.

Annual Message to Congress


We shall, in the process of recovery, seek to move as rapidly as possible from direct relief to publicly supported work and from that to the rapid restoration of private employment. It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully, without serious dislocation, with only a minimum of injustice and with a great, willing spirit of cooperation throughout the country. Self-help and self-control are the essence of the American tradition not of necessity the form of that tradition, but its spirit. The program itself comes from the American people. It is an integrated program, national in scope. Viewed in the large, it is designed to save from destruction and to keep for the future the genuinely important values created by modern society. The vicious and wasteful parts of that society we could not save if we wished; they have chosen the way of self-destruction. We would save useful mechanical invention, machine production, industrial efficiency, modern means of communication, broad education. We would save and encourage the slowly growing impulse among consumers to enter the industrial market place equipped with sufficient organization to insist upon fair prices and honest sales. But the unnecessary expansion of industrial plants, the waste of natural resources, the exploitation of the consumers of natural monopolies, the accumulation of stagnant surpluses, child labor, and the ruthless exploitation of all labor, the encouragement of speculation with other people's money, these were consumed in the fires that they themselves kindled; we must make sure that as we reconstruct our life there be no soil in which such weeds can grow again. We have plowed the furrow and planted the good seed; the hard beginning is over. If we would reap the full harvest, we must cultivate the soil where this good seed is sprouting and the plant is reaching up to mature growth. I know that each of you will appreciate that. I am speaking no mere politeness when I assure you how much I value the fine relationship that we have shared during these months of hard and incessant work. Out of these friendly contacts we are, fortunately, building a strong and permanent tie between the legislative and executive branches of the Government. The letter of the Constitution wisely declared a separation, but the impulse of common purpose declares a union. In this spirit we join once more in serving the American people.

Annual Message to Congress


I appreciate your enthusiasm. Chris Dodd has that effect on everyone. I really would like to say a special word of thanks to my neighbor Mel Carnahan. He helped me when I ran for President. He helped me even when he was in the midst of a tough primary when it could have done him no good at all to be for anybody running for President. But he survived me, and he got elected and then I got elected. We worked together fighting floods, reforming welfare, doing a lot of things, and I am honored to be his friend and his partner. I want to say a special word of appreciation, too, to the DGA vice chair, Governor Caperton, and Rachel. I have been their friend for a long time, and I am looking forward to working with them. I also want to say a personal word of appreciation to your outgoing chair, Evan Bayh, and to Susan. They did unbelievable work with the help of a lot of you in a very, very difficult year, and I will never forget all the efforts Evan Bayh made. And when the road turns, do not forget that Evan Bayh was there for us when it was tough, and he did his part. I thank Katy Whelan and Mark Weiner for the wonderful work that they have done for the DGA. I am sure glad to see all of you. You know, over New Year's I was talking to a lot of interesting people, and a lady came up to me who was a college president, and she said, You know, I really identify with you. There is a lot of people under you, but nobody's listening. Well, I have had that feeling for the last couple of years from time to time, but I think that also is beginning to change. Lord knows, I gave it a good test last Tuesday night in the State of the Union and it turned out the American people were listening. I want to express my appreciation also to Chris Dodd and to Don Fowler, to Debbie DeLee for leading our Democratic Party. I thank Chris and Don especially for being willing to come on at this time and to help us remember who we are and why we are Democrats and what it is we are supposed to do now, and I thank them. They have done a wonderful job. I loved it. I mean, we also had public housing and security, and people called us by something other than our first names.

Remarks at the Democratic Governors Association Dinner


But nobody ever sprayed the front of the Governor's mansion with an assault weapon or tried to land a plane in my back yard. But most days, I am profoundly happy to have the chance to wage these battles, and every day I am honored for the opportunity and the obligation to do it. You know, it is kind of fashionable now for our colleagues in the other party to quote Franklin Roosevelt. They like his words, you know; it is optimism and hope and everything. And when they do it, they have a little spin on it. They say, Now, Roosevelt was the right person for his time, and the Democrats were right for their time. If you really read between the lines, they basically say, Okay, okay, everything that was worth doing in the 20th century, the Democrats did. I agree with that. But their line is something like, Well, the reason that is so is that in the 20th century we had an industrial age dominated by large, powerful organizations, and we needed a Democratic Party that was the party of National Government to protect the common people and the little children and the elderly and others from abuse by large private organizations. But in the 21st century, the world will be very different. It will be more rapidly changing, more entrepreneurial, less bureaucratic, the age of the PC, not the mainframe. You have heard all that stuff. And therefore, we do not need the Democrats any more. But we like Roosevelt's words. Well, I say to them, I know the world is changing, and I know we need to reduce the size and reach of much of the Federal Government's activities. As a matter of fact, we started that. We are glad to have their help in going forward with it. But the issue facing America is the issue that has faced America from the beginning and, certainly, the issue that has faced America repeatedly in the 20th century, as we stand at the dawn of a new era. Can we really guarantee the American dream for all Americans willing to work for it? And can we find ways with all of our incredible differences to come together as a people to do what we have to do? If you go back through the 219 years of American history since the issuance of the Declaration of Independence, you find those challenges over and over and over again. Will we do what it takes to expand the American dream and keep it alive for all of our people?


Can we find a way, with all of our differences, to come together, because we know that is the only way we are ever profoundly strong? I say to you that there is still something for the Democratic Party to do. Consider what is good about what they want to do and what is good about what we want to do and what is sort of open to question, and you will see where we should go. Because there is no question that if we really want to guarantee the American dream in this new economy for all of our people, what we have to do is to empower people to make the most of their own lives, to find a way to continue to enhance opportunity even as we shrink the bureaucracy, and to strengthen our sense of citizenship and community as a fundamental condition of America's security, opportunity, and responsibility. Yes, yes, yes, we must change the Government. Yes, we have to shrink it. There is 100,000 fewer people working for the Federal Government than there were on the day I became President, and there'll be another 170,000 more leaving if no new laws are passed by this Congress. Which party wanted family and medical leave? Which party wanted to immunize all the children in this country against serious disease? Which party said, We cannot afford to keep wasting money on the college loan program. Let us cut the cost of it, make it available to more Americans, and make it cheaper for students ? The Democratic Party did that. Yes, we should reduce the tax burden on people that are paying all they can afford. You know, that is the only secret I kept from the press the last 2 years. We cut taxes on 15 million working families, kept it a total secret from the American people. I am still trying to figure out how we did it, but it is not too late to let them know. Our middle class bill of rights could more properly be called the bill of rights and responsibilities because you cannot get the tax break unless you are trying to raise your kids or educate them or educate yourselves or take care of your families. In other words, we reward, by reducing the tax burden, people who are carrying on the work of citizenship and making the country stronger for everybody. We lower people's taxes and raise their income in the short run in a way that will also raise their income in the long run. That is why we ought to have a tax deduction for education costs after high school.


That is why we ought to have an IRA that can be drawn on for education or health care or care of an elderly parent. That is why we ought to lower the cost of raising young children. That is why we ought to collapse all these terrible plethora of programs, and instead of letting people sign up for a Government program, give them a chit worth cash that they can take to the local community college when they are unemployed or they need job training. Yes, we have some good ideas. Let us cut the taxes, but let us do it in a way that raises the economic power of America in the long run and helps middle class families to build their lives. And while we are at it, let us not forget that the last time the country got in a total fever over tax cutting, we overdid it, and we wound up with a terrible burden. You can either share the responsibility and say both have to be responsible and move forward, or you can point the finger of blame and hope that everybody can escape responsibility. Well, we tried it the second way, folks, and it did not work out very well. Interest payments on the Federal debt will require the amount equal to 36 percent of your personal income tax. And 27 percent of it, 27 cents, more than a quarter of every dollar you pay to the Federal Government in personal income taxes, will be required to pay interest on the debt run up between 1981 and the day I became President. So yes, it is okay to cut taxes if we do it in the right way, but let us pay for these tax cuts with spending cuts. Let us do not put more debt on our children and more burdens in that budget. to empower people, pass the middle class bill of rights and raise the minimum wage and reform the welfare system so people can go to work. And we have an agenda to reduce Government more. The Vice President's coming back with another round of reinventing Government. Look at the way the emergency management programs work now. I just talked to the homebuilders today in Houston, and I reminded them that Henry Cisneros, since he is been head of the Housing and Urban Development Department, has reduced the size of that Department by 10 percent, eliminated all the regional offices, and cut the time for loan processing from 4 to 6 weeks down to 3 to 5 days. That is a Democratic way of reinventing Government that serves better with less.


Well, maybe it will not , but it is worked pretty well for 2 years. We have almost 6 million jobs more than we had 2 years ago. We have reduced the debt on our families by over $600 billion, about $10,000 a family. We have seen in the last week that 1994 was our best year economically in terms of growth and in terms of personal income increases in 10 years. And we also had the lowest combined rates of inflation and unemployment what President Reagan used to call the misery index the lowest in 1994 it is been in 25 years. But we have a long way to go, because we all know that our rising tide is not lifting all boats. We know that a lot of people are not doing better economically. What is best for the American people? Do what we can to give them a Government that offers more opportunity with less bureaucracy. And finally, let us not forget that for those who are willing to be responsible, this country is best when it works together, when there is a sense of partnership, a sense of citizenship, a sense of community. We have worked with innovative Governors in this room and their predecessors in health care, in welfare reform. We have worked with Governors like Governor Chiles, Governor Kitzhaber, Governor Dean on health care reform, and we are not through with that issue. We plead guilty to wanting to get the 40 million Americans, most of them in working families, who cannot have health insurance we think we ought to have it for them, and we think there must be a way to do it that all Americans can agree on. We plead guilty to believing that when people change jobs, they ought not to lose their family's health insurance. We believe that. That is what we believe. And we can do these things in ways that build our community. Should we require responsibility? Should we just give people a check forever and a day, no matter how they behave or what they do? But the focus ought to be on liberating people, moving them from welfare to work, moving them from having children to being the best possible parent. It should not be on punishing people because they are poor or because they made a mistake. If that were the criteria, a bunch of us were once poor, and all of us have made mistakes, and none of us want to be punished for either one. So, let us approach this welfare debate with a sense of excitement and determination but also a little bit of humility.


If anyone knew the answer to this problem, it would have been fixed by now. our worry that Government does not give us our money's worth; our fear that our profoundest problems are really cultural, not political or economic, that something is amiss in our society and we have got to get our values right again; our deep understanding that we do not really have anybody to waste and when people are not being as productive as they ought to be, it hurts the rest of us and our economic future as well. All of this is there in this debate. Now, Saturday we had a very good meeting with Republicans and Democrats from the Congress, from the Governors, from the local governments around the country. And on Friday, I got ready for that meeting by spending an hour with four women who had worked their way off welfare. And I am telling you, what I heard Friday is what I have heard now for 15 years. The people who know how broke the system is, best, are those who've been on it, who've been trapped by it, who regret it, who've resented it, who struggled and worked and slaved to get out of it. It is that that we should tap into. We are the party of change. We brought the deficit down. We reduced the size of the Government. We put welfare reform and health care reform and aggressive, expansive trade on the world's agenda and on America's agenda. It was our administration that first had a Commerce Secretary like Ron Brown that went around selling American products all over the world, not the Republicans. So I say, let us extend the hand of partnership to those in the other party. Let us say, We hear you. You want to reduce the size of Government? You want to reduce regulation? You want to give more authority to the States? You want to privatize those things which can be privatized? We want to create opportunity, not just bash Government. We want children to have a future no matter where they come from, what their roots are, what their disabilities are by virtue of their birth. We believe that America works best when everybody's got a chance at the brass ring. Thank you, and God bless you all.


One of the wonderful experiences that is enjoyed by the men who've lived in this house and served here is to meet outstanding people from around the world, and particularly from his own Nation. It is not possible to recognize in any tangible way the literally tens of thousands, even more, Americans who serve unselfishly and who serve with distinction and who garner, because of their service, the legitimate debt and thanks of their fellow citizens. A number of years ago President Harry Truman initiated the Presidential Medal of Freedom to single out a few distinguished Americans to represent that superb service. When a few are chosen, it is done without derogation of those not chosen. It is done as an exemplification of honor in a democracy among citizens who are all equal. I have been quite reticent, compared to some of my predecessors, about the number who have been selected. The first ceremony that I had in 1977 I honored Martin Luther King, Jr., and Jonas Salk; later, Arthur Goldberg, Margaret Meade, Ansel Adams, Rachel Carson, Lucia Chase, Hubert Humphrey, Archbishop Lakovos, Lyndon Johnson, Clarence Mitchell, Jr., Roger Tory Peterson, Admiral Hyman Rickover, Beverly Sills, Robert Penn Warren, John Wayne, Eudora Welty, and Tennessee Williams. As you listen to those names, one of the first questions that comes to mind is why were not they honored long ago? And I feel that way about some of those who will be honored today. Four of our honorees cannot be here, and I will explain to you why as their names are called. I would like now for the military aide to come forward to present the certificates to me, and I will read the citation and perhaps say a few extra words. Those who have representatives, come forward in their place, and I will award the medals at that time. These are done not in order of seniority or age, but according to alphabetical listing of the last names. From the government of science to the science of government, Harold Brown has served his country first and his principles always. As an advisor to Presidents, and a president of a community of scholars, he has helped bridge the gap between the world of theory and the world of reality. Adept at translating from the language of science to the language of statecraft, he excels in translating purpose into action. I have worked and served with Harold Brown for 4 years. He is a man of strength and a man of peace.

Presidential Medal of Freedom Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony.


He is brought levelheaded judgment to one of the major departments of our country in times of testing, in times of potential war. But because of his sound judgment and the trust that others have in him, he has preserved our Nation as it should be, strong and peaceful. It is with a great deal of honor that I present the Medal of Freedom to Harold Brown. Zbigniew Brzezinski served his country and the world. An author and architect of world affairs, his strategic vision of America's purpose fused principle with strength. His leadership has been instrumental in building peace and ending the estrangement of the Chinese and American people. But above all, he helped set our nation irrevocably on a course that honors America's abiding commitment to human rights. I doubt that anyone in my own administration has been more controversial than Dr. Brzezinski. And the reason for it is manifold, but I'd like to make two reasons. One is that he is evocative; he is a person who explores constantly better ways to do things. His Eastern European origins have given him an almost unmatched understanding of the interrelationships among the cultural entities of the Soviet Union and the satellite countries. He came here early in his life seeking freedom. I do not know of a single time in the last 4 years when he has ever made a public statement of any kind, privately or publicly which was not compatible with my own policies. The other reason that he has been somewhat controversial is that he has never tried to take credit for a success, nor has he ever tried to blame me as President, or anyone else, for a failure. To me, this is a wonderful evidence of courage, because it is so easy for someone who works within the inner circles of the White House in particular and other places of leadership when something goes wrong, very quietly, very subtly to say, I recommended one thing; ENTITY or the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense did something else. Zbigniew Brzezinski has never done that. I am deeply indebted to him, and I think that the Nation shares that debt with me. It is with a great deal of pride and gratitude that I present the Medal of Freedom to Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski. I look around the room and people who know the alphabet and who work very closely with me are smiling with anticipation about the next award.


I might say that Warren Christopher is in Algiers working as he has for the last 14 months for the freedom of the American hostages. He is listening to my voice through an open telephone line, and I'd like to read this citation. Warren Christopher has the tact of a true diplomat, the tactical skills of a great soldier, the analytical ability of a fine lawyer, and the selfless dedication of a citizen-statesman. His perseverance and loyalty, judgment and skill have won for his country new respect around the world and new regard for the State Department here at home. Last week I was in Plains, and I was invited out to a small French restaurant between Plains and Americus by the press; it is one of the few French restaurants between Plains and Americus. And when I sat at the table eating supper, we had an informal off-the-record discussion, and the members of the press asked me, Of all the public servants with whom you have served as President, who would you rank number one? I said, Warren Christopher. I think that those others who are being honored here today and all those that have worked with me would agree that he is indeed outstanding. I am indebted to him, and so is the Nation, far beyond what the general public knows. And it is with a great deal of pleasure and pride and honor that I present this Medal of Freedom to his lovely wife for Warren Christopher, a distinguished American. For thousands of nights, the eyes and can of millions of Americans have been tuned in to the eyes and ears of Walter Cronkite. He has reported and commented on the events of the last two decades with a skill and insight which stands out in the news world, in a way which has made the news of the world stand out for all of us. There is probably not a single American who does not know Walter Cronkite, and of those tens of millions who know him, I do not believe there are any who distrust him. When our Nation has had great achievements, his voice has explained the significance of it, whether we have achieved peace when it was doubtful or when a man has landed on the Moon. And when our Nation has been in trouble or made mistakes and there was a danger that our public might react adversely or even panic on occasion, the calm and reassuring demeanor and voice and the inner character of Walter Cronkite has been reassuring to us all.


He is a man superb on his own, but who has exemplified in the finest way the profession which he represents. And on behalf of all Americans, I extend my congratulations and my appreciation to a distinguished American, a public servant, Waiter Cronkite. Acclaimed as a screen actor and director here at home, Kirk Douglas has often played a different role abroad. Acting as an ambassador of good will beyond our shores, he has travelled around the world for our State Department and the United States Information Agency. The son of Russian immigrants, he travels, too, for the opportunity to share with other peoples his love of film, and country. I have know Kirk Douglas personally and appreciate his friendship. But more than that, I have known how dedicated he is to using his talent as an actor and a director and the esteem with which he is held by his own people in spreading the good news about this country and explaining our purposes, our ideals, our commitments, and our achievements, our hopes, and our dreams to people around the world. He is done this in a sacrificial way, almost invariably without fanfare and without claiming any personal credit or acclaim for himself. And so, it is with a great deal of pleasure that I give him this recognition and admire his modesty and thank him for what he has meant and what he still means and will mean to the country which he loves. Margaret Craig McNamara saw a need in our society, and filled it. By creating the Reading is fundamental program, which has provided youngsters all over this country with millions of books, she has opened new doors in the minds of our young people and has given fresh meaning to the lives of the parents, teachers and volunteers who have joined her program. The other night, I think in this room, I spoke to a group of people who represented local and State government in an official capacity, and I reminded them that the things that occupy our mind and to which we are dedicated are the simple things of life-things like a mother, a baby, retarded children, love for the elderly, the quality of a classroom, gentleness, love, peace, the purity of air, quietness-those kinds of things are what we try to preserve and enhance. Margaret Craig McNamara has taken this kind of commitment very long ago, when she saw two young men, I believe; talked to them quietly, found that they had never owned a book, were not interested in reading.


And she had just a simple idea of getting books and not lending them to people but letting them own their own. Since then tens of millions of books have been collected through her leadership and given to young people. It has transformed their lives. And she has marshaled tens of thousands of people to help in this program. She is done it quietly, because she loves others. She is dedicated a major part of her life to this effort, a simple thing of through reading, stretching the minds and the hearts of young people who would not otherwise know how great God's world is and would not know much about their fellow human beings. She is the kind of person who is an inspiration to all Americans who love others. And it is with a great deal of pride that I present this Medal of Freedom to Margaret Craig McNamara. Menninger, as you may have anticipated, is busy enhancing the mental treatment qualities of this Nation. He is on the west coast, and honored by this award, of course, he still asked that he be excused so he could continue his work uninterrupted. A not so valuable nephew, Dr. Roy Menninger- -has volunteered to come forward to accept the award for his uncle. And I would like to read the award now. Karl Menninger has taught us much about ourselves and our behavior. An acute observer and social critic, he has put into action what he has put onto paper. As an author and doctor, his works range from popular, written accounts of psychiatry to studies done in his own hospital, from creating homes for parentless children to reforming the penal system.   All of those in this room who have been interested in improving the quality of mental health of this Nation have heard the name Karl Menninger since many years ago. He has been a pioneer, but as the closing phrase of this citation reminds us, he has never looked backward. His entire family has made the Menninger Clinic what it stands for, a powerful factor for a better life for Americans, not just in its own neighborhood but throughout the world. And with his research and with his writing, with his lecturing, with his training of other doctors, psychiatrists, psychologists, and others, he has literally transformed the mental health care attitudes of our great Nation. To Dr. Roy Menninger, I want to express my deep thanks for accepting this award on behalf of his uncle and express my thanks also to the entire Menninger family.


It is with a great deal of pleasure that I present this award to Dr. Roy Menninger for Dr. Karl Menninger. As Senator and Secretary of State, candidate and citizen, Edmund S. Muskie has captured for himself a place in the public eye and the public's heart. Devoted to his nation and our ideals, he has performed heroically in a time of great challenge, with great fortitude in an era of change. If Ed were going to rewrite this citation, he would certainly insert the word Governor. I remember when we had the swearing-in ceremony in this room not too long ago, Ed pointed out that his love for the Governorship equaled my own, and I think those who have served in that position would agree that this is a wonderful opportunity for service before one comes to Washington to serve our whole Nation. Ed Muskie has been a man whom I have admired ever since I have been aware of his public service and been interested myself in going into the political arena. He has performed all of his official functions admirably with a quiet sense of inner strength and demonstrated courage. He has never yielded to temptation to lower his own standards or the standards which make all public servants proud. He is a man who has transcended in all his service any particular delineation of a political party, but has stayed a loyal Democrat at the same time. He is a man admired by all and the admiration is richly deserved. I am particularly grateful to Ed Muskie, because he was willing to leave a sure seat in the Senate to come and serve in a very difficult position as Secretary of State in this time of transition or change. But he did it with conviction that this was the best place for him to give his tremendous talents for the further service of his fellow Americans. He is a personal friend, as many of these honorees are, and personally and as President of our country, I am delighted and proud to award the Medal of Freedom to Ed Muskie. Once government's highest ranking woman, Esther Peterson still ranks highest among consumer advocates. She has advised Presidents and the public, and has worked for labor and business alike, always keeping the rights of all Americans to know and to be treated fairly as her highest priority. Even her staunchest foes respect her integrity and are warmed by her grace and sincere concern. You may be surprised that in the citation the word foes is mentioned in relation to this lovely American, but she has made some foes.


And I would guess, knowing her, that she is prouder of the foes she has made- -if possible, 'than even some of the friends she has. She has never been afraid to address difficult issues even at the expense on occasion of personal harmony with those about whom she cares. She serves others with her entire dedicated life. She is come to the inner circles of the White House in a major position during these last few years to work with me to make sure that the average American is not cheated, that they are told the truth, that they are treated fairly, and that when they go into the marketplace they can have some inner sense of trust in the free enterprise system which she has served so well. She is a delightful person, a person with charm, a person who makes deep friendships and deep commitments. And her deepest commitment has been to those who do not know her and who will probably never see her or maybe not even hear her voice. She serves those who are most deprived and has done that with her whole life. I love her personally, and I congratulate her on receiving this award, the Medal of Freedom of our country. Gerard C. Smith has represented our country in many capacities-as the first U.S. Chairman of the Trilateral Commission, as chief U.S. delegate to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks in 1969. In helping formulate our national security policy, in promoting a better understanding of foreign relations, he has helped us all to perceive that in this nuclear age security and peace are indivisible. In my farewell address the other night, I emphasized one subject perhaps greater than any other, and that is the control of nuclear weapons throughout the world. One way to control nuclear weapons is to have an agreement, a binding agreement, between ourselves and the Soviet Union, the other superpower, to control and to limit and hopefully to reduce, ultimately to eliminate nuclear weapons altogether. The other way is to make sure that the world understands the threat of nuclear weaponry and the threat of a nuclear war and that we can impose a policy of nonproliferation, to prevent the spread of nuclear weaponry to other nations around the world. Gerry Smith has been involved from the very beginning of our Nation's policy of nonproliferation. He is been a teacher of leaders in this country and around the world. He is put forward our own Nation's programs and policies with distinction and commitment and tenacity.


He is a great negotiator, a very successful one, and he is responsible now for the SALT treaty which is binding upon and has been for many years binding upon our Nation and the Soviet Union. Our country is indebted to Gerry Smith. And as President, I am personally indebted to him as well. I want to say at this time that I congratulate him; I am honored to present the Medal of Freedom to a fine American who has served us well, Gerard C. Smith. For Americans politics is the art of the possible. Through intelligence, ability, and the many friendships earned during his service as the leader of his party and his Nation, Robert S. Strauss has refined that art into a science. With diligence, persistence, and wit, he successfully concluded the multilateral trade negotiations at a time when many believed that they were doomed for failure. For strengthening the system of trade which links the nations of our increasingly interdependent world he has earned our gratitude and respect. The first time I went to an international forum to meet with the leaders of other great Western nations-Japan, Canada, Italy, Great Britain, Germany, France-I asked them about the longstanding effort to conclude a multilateral trade agreement that would enhance the quality of life, the productivity, the exchange of goods, the enhancement of peace among all the nations of the Western world. Chancellor Schmidt, President Giscard d'Estaing, at that time Prime Minister Callaghan, all told me this was a fruitless wish, that the Multilateral Trade Negotiations were dead. I decided to ask Bob Strauss to give it a try. Not only did he succeed in bringing the multiple nations together in one of the most complex negotiating efforts that I have ever seen, but he came back and convinced the Members of Congress-Democrats, Republicans, House and Senate that the very complicated agreements that he had negotiated and which, I would guess, many of them never read, were in the best interest of our country, in the best interest of their constituents, and would do them credit on the next election day. And the Multilateral Trade Negotiation Act passed the Congress overwhelmingly. As a matter of fact, it passed so easily, that there were no violent altercations or major debates, and the event almost escaped the notice of the press, even CBS Evening News. But it was a notable achievement, and it was one that utilized the tremendous talents of this good man.


Later, Bob Strauss helped to negotiate peace between Israel and Egypt, pursuing the Camp David accords and the treaty that had been signed. And I think everyone who knows him would say that his understanding of the people of this country, his ability to get along with people of diverse views, and his ability to bring people together in an agreement that enhances the quality of life of all Americans is indeed outstanding. He is a man, as the citation says, of wit and competence and integrity. And I am very proud to present the Medal of Freedom to Robert Strauss. At a time when it was unpopular to do so, he carried out the mandate of Supreme Court decisions and Congressional legislation to end racial discrimination in the Deep South. With steadfast courage and a deep love and understanding of the region, he has helped to make the Constitutional principle of equal protection a reality of American life. Those of us who have lived in the South during the time when racial discrimination was ended by the courts are perhaps the only ones here who can adequately appreciate the courage of a Federal judge like Elbert Tuttle. His decisions not only required the knowledge of the law and courage. They required a character and an earned degree of esteem from his fellow Georgians and his fellow southerners that would add additional weight to his decisions. When the people in my region would read that Judge Elbert Tuttle had ruled this way, we had a natural sense that even though some may not agree, it must be right. I am indebted to him personally. Both I and one of the honorees would probably never be here in the White House on this day had it not been for Elbert Tuttle and men like him. He is a man of brilliant mind. He can handle complex legal decisions easily, but he is a man of simple commitments and ideals. When he was interviewed at the time of his retirement from the Federal bench on national television, the interviewer said, Judge Tuttle, I understand that you have never drunk alcoholic beverages, and Judge Tuttle said, That is right. And the interviewer said, Would you mind telling our television audience why? And Judge Tuttle said, Because my mother told me not to. I have thought about that a lot. And a lot of people in this Nation did what was right because Judge Tuttle said, That is what we ought to do. I am honored to present to him the Medal of Freedom.


Earl Warren led a unanimous court that in turn led the Nation in reversing a century of judicial and social history. Equal Justice For All. As governor, presidential candidate and Chief Justice, he has truly been a citizen for all seasons. As I stood here this afternoon, I tried to think of any man who has served in the White House as President who has benefited our Nation as much or more than Earl Warren-and I cannot think of anybody. There comes a time in the evolution of society when a certain quality of understanding and integrity and leadership is a prerequisite to further progress. When hopeless, perhaps, but courageous people are being frustrated, when the times call for change, but ordinary human beings cannot bring themselves to make the change because they might be criticized by their peers or those whom they would like to please, and when the trend of history must be modified or even reversed, I thank God that Earl Warren was the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in a time like that. And with his decision, he helped to realize the aspirations and ideals expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of our Nation. His predecessors had not adequately done it. He departed from some longstanding decisions that they had made. I say that without criticizing them. But it took a special man to make those difficult decisions that Judge Tuttle and others followed in the administration of justice and the enhancement of equality of opportunity under the law for all the people of our Nation. Miss Nina has come here representing her late husband, and I am honored especially to present the Medal of Freedom to the beloved wife of one of the finest Americans who ever served in any capacity in the Government of our Nation, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Earl Warren. I would like to say before I present the last medal here that Roger Baldwin, a great civil rights leader, is in the hospital in New Jersey. At 3 o'clock this afternoon, the same time as we began our ceremony here, he was presented with a Medal of Freedom by William Vanden Heuvel, Deputy Ambassador to the United Nations, on my behalf. Founder of the American Civil Liberties Union and the International League for Human Rights, Roger Nash Baldwin is a leader in the field of civil rights and a legend in the field of civil liberties. He is a national resource, and an international one as well, an inspiration to those of us who have fought for human rights, a saint to those for whom he has gained them. Andrew Young brought to diplomatic service a lifetime of dedication to human rights.


He helped restore trust in the United States among Third World nations, especially in Africa, demonstrating to them that American foreign policy was based on our firm belief in justice, freedom, majority rule, and opportunity for all people. I first heard about Andrew Young when I read news reports that he was in jail along with Martin Luther King, Jr., and when I saw his photographs in the newspaper seeking, with danger to his own life, to prove that our Constitution and the rulings of Earl Warren and Judge Tuttle ought to be put into effect by human beings. He is a man of quiet demeanor, having served as a United States Congressman from my State. When I was elected President, one of my major goals was to enhance human rights and to strengthen the ties of friendship and understanding and mutual respect between our Nation and the small, sometimes weak, new nations of the world, those whose people might be black or brown or yellow and who in the past had sometimes distrusted our country because there was a lack of understanding on our own leaders' part of them. I asked Andy Young to leave the Congress and to serve as our U.N. Ambassador. He did it reluctantly. But when he went to the United Nations he served our Nation superbly. Sometimes I have to admit I was surprised by some of the statements that Andy made, and I do not agree with all of them and did not then. But if you listen closely to what he says, in the context of his statement, you see the wisdom and the continued purpose of his life expressed not just locally or domestically, but internationally. Throughout the Asian countries, the South American countries, the African countries, and many others, Andy Young is the brightest star in the American firmament. He is the man who represents integrity and understanding, humility, purpose, and who exemplifies the quiet teachings of his Saviour, whom he represents as a preacher of the gospel. He is carried on well along with Coretta and others the heritage of Martin Luther King, Jr., and I am deeply grateful for what Andy has meant to me personally, to me as President, and to our Nation. His beneficial service will help our Nation in many years ahead, and he is done it always with humility and with a quiet sense of calm, because he was sure that what he did was right for others. I have never known a person more unselfish than Andrew Young. And the respect that he enjoys around the world is well-deserved.


The reason this is such a successful event is because people know that Bob Ehrlich will make a great Governor for Maryland. I believe it, and that is why I am here. I believe that is the reason why Democrats and Republicans support this good man-because he is honest, he is hard-working, and he is got a positive vision for everybody who lives in the State of Maryland. I am here because this man is somebody who wants to unite this State, not divide it. I appreciate Kendel, and I know Bob does as well. And I want you to know, I appreciate Laura, too. She is-you know, when I married her, she was a public school librarian. She was living in Texas, and so was I. The truth of the matter is she did not like politics then. And she was not too fond of politicians either. And here she is, married to me. But people, as they have gotten to know Laura, now know the reason why I asked her to marry me. A lot of her buddies are wondering why she said yes. But she does send her best and sends all her support to the Ehrlichs and wishes them all the best and joins me in urging the people of Maryland to give this good man a chance to be the Governor of this important State. I have known the next Lieutenant Governor for a while. He is a good, solid citizen of the State of Maryland. He will work well with Bob. It is an honor to be on the podium with the next Lieutenant Governor of the State of Maryland, Michael Steele. And I had the honor of meeting his good wife, Andrea, and I appreciate Andrea standing by her man during this tough campaign here. They are not easy on a family. But I appreciate- I appreciate her joining Michael in this race. I am honored to be back with former Congressman, soon-to-be Congresswoman Helen Bentley. I figure that when she wins, she will be telling me what to do. And those of you know, who know Helen, know that I'd better listen. It is great to see Helen. I love her spirit. I am also proud to be here with Ellen Sauerbrey, who is the national committeewoman. I want to thank Chairman Louis Pope of the Republican Party. I want to thank all the grassroots activists who are here. I want to thank you for-- I did not ask for any speeches; I just said-.

Remarks at a Reception for Gubernatorial Candidate Robert L. Ehrlich, Jr., in Baltimore, Maryland


Okay, let me tell you what you are going to have to do then. I want to thank you for what you are going to do, which is to turn out the vote. Listen, a lot of you never get thanked enough. I am thanking you. I am thanking you for dialing the phones and putting up the signs and for mailing the letters. I am thanking you for going to your community centers and your coffee shops. I am thanking you for supporting this ticket ahead of time, because they need your help, and they want your work. You have got to talk it up between now and election day. And you have got to find those Ehrlich voters and make sure they go to the polls, and this man will be your next Governor. You need somebody who can manage your government, somebody who knows how to balance the books without raising the taxes on the taxpayers-that is what you need. You need somebody who can make a tough decision who does not need a poll or a focus group to tell him how to think, somebody who stands on principle, somebody who will do in office what he says he will do. And when he says he will not raise your taxes, he will not raise your taxes. I appreciate the fact that Governor Ehrlich will set education as the number one priority for this State. The way I used to put it when I was a Governor, I said, Education is to a State what national defense is to the Federal Government. Education has got to be the number one priority of your Governor, and it will be Bob's number one priority. We share the same philosophy. That is what we believe. See, that is important to have in your Governor's office, somebody who is willing to challenge the soft bigotry of low expectations. You see, if you lower standards, if you lower the bar, you are going go get lousy results. And that is not fair for the children. Governor Ehrlich will raise the standards. He will trust the local people to manage their way to excellence. But he and I agree on this, and that is, we have got to know. See, as a society, we have got to measure to determine whether or not our children are learning to read and write and add and subtract. It is essential that you have a Governor who is strong on accountability.


But in order to make sure no child gets left behind in the State of Maryland, you must have a Governor who uses the accountability system to praise those teachers and principals who succeed on behalf of the children but also someone who is willing to challenge the schools which will not teach and will not change. Bob Ehrlich will be a Governor who will make sure that no child is left behind in the State of Maryland. The job of a Governor is to create an environment in which people can find work and the economy grows. That is why he is insistent upon infrastructure, to be wise about the use of taxpayers' money, to expand the asset base which will encourage private sector growth. I love his vision about the Port of Baltimore and the Baltimore/Washington International Airport. He understands job creation. See, that is what he knows. And it is important to have somebody in the Governor's office who understands how jobs are created. The role of Government is not to create wealth. The role of Government is to create an environment in which the entrepreneur can realize his or her dreams, in which small businesses can grow to be big businesses. That is the kind of Governor you need. He is compassionate, and his record speaks to his compassion. He worked for tax credits for parents who adopt children. He worked hard to make sure there is equal health insurance benefits for the mentally ill. He works to have increased access to individuals in the workplace who may be disabled. See, that is the kind of Governor you want. You want somebody who is tough when it comes to the budget, making sure that it is balanced but compassionate when it comes to helping people who need help. There is no question in my mind that this man, when elected, will make Maryland a safer and stronger and better place for every citizen who lives in this State. And my job as the President is to make sure America is a safer and stronger and better country. A strong country is one in which people can find work. Anytime somebody is looking for work and they cannot find work in America, I think we have a problem. And we have got to do everything we can at the Federal level to make sure our economy grows. I worry about people who have lost value in their 401s. I worry about people looking for work who cannot find work. I worry about uncertainty. We are beginning to make progress because the foundations for growth are strong. The productivity of the American worker is the highest and best in the world.


We have got a lot of strong things going for us. For a while there was a kind of an overhang in our economy because we had some of our citizens who thought they could fudge the books, who forgot what it means to be a responsible citizen, who got caught up in money, not in responsibility. I had the honor of signing, and Bob voted for, the most significant corporate reform since Franklin Roosevelt was the President. Our message to corporate America, to those citizens who think they can cheat, is, Those days are over with. And that is why I worked with Congressman Ehrlich and others to pass a significant tax cut, because I took a page out of this economic textbook. The page said if you let a person keep more of their own money-and notice I said more of their own money; it is not the Government's money, it is your money-if you keep more of your own money, if you have more money in your pocket, you are going to demand a good or a service. And when you demand a good or a service, in this marketplace economy, somebody's going to produce the good or a service. And when somebody produces the good or a service, somebody is more likely to find work. If you are interested in creating more jobs, you let people keep more of their own money. The tax cuts came at the exact right time in American economic history. We slashed the marriage penalty. We believe that the Tax Code ought to encourage families and encourage marriage, not discourage families and marriage. And we did something else to help the entrepreneur and the farmer and the rancher, and that is we put the death tax on the way to extinction. The rules in the Senate are such that that tax relief plan that we all worked so hard to enact goes away after 10 years. For the sake of job creation, for the sake of economic expansion, for the sake of those who want to find work- the Congress needs to make the tax cuts permanent. I worry about hardhats trying to find work. I worry about that. And so-I met, I guess it was yesterday-time flies up there--but I met yesterday with Members of the House and Senate, both parties, to urge them to pass a terrorism insurance bill. There is over $15 billion worth of projects, construction projects, which are not going forward because people cannot get terrorism insurance.


a bill, by the way, which does not reward trial lawyers and does reward working people in America. I want to assure you, we will not rest until people can find work. And I look forward to working with ways to create the environment for economic expansion. I want to work to make America more confident about our future. One way to make sure that Americans are more confident about the future and availability of capital is to make sure Congress does not overspend. And we have a problem in Washington, right around the corner from here. Every idea sounds like a brilliant idea. The problem is, they have all got billions of dollars attached to them as price tags. They could not pass a budget. You can imagine what that means. For the sake of economic vitality, for the sake of making sure people can find work, the Congress must fund our priorities and not overspend the people's money. We must be fiscally sound in Washington, DC, if we want our economy to grow. A stronger America is one in which people can find work. And while I am optimistic about our future, while I understand the spirit of the-the entrepreneurial spirit is strong, we have got work to do. We have got work to do on the economy. And we have also got work to do to make sure America is a safer place. Economic vitality and growth are a really important part of my job and what is on my mind, but nothing more on my mind than protecting the American people. That is my most important job now, is to make sure that the enemy does not hit us again. They are out there because of what we love and what they hate. They are out there because we love freedom. We love the fact that our fellow citizens can worship an almighty God any way he or she sees fit. We love that, and we are never going to relinquish that freedom. We love our diversity. We love the fact that people can realize their dreams in America, regardless of where their mom or dad was born. That is what we love. We love the fact that this great country-in this great country you can speak your mind freely. We love a free press. We love everything about our freedoms. And yet we face an enemy which hates freedom. They hate us because of what we love. We also value life in America. Everybody has worth in this country.


And the enemy is nothing but a bunch of cold-blooded killers who are willing to take innocent life in the name of a hijacked religion. And that is who we fight. This is the first war of the 21st century, but it is a different kind of war. And therefore, I have spent a lot of time explaining to the American people how best we can keep the peace and what we must do to win this new war. It starts with making sure we do everything here at home to organize the agencies involved with the defense of the homeland. Before September the 11th, none of them really had as their number one priority the protection of the homeland. In order to make sure that we change culture and set priority, I have asked Congress to join me in the creation of a Department of Homeland Security. Listen, I readily concede my slogan was not , Vote for George. My slogan--what I want to have happen is, I want the Government to work. I want to be able to better do the job you expect me to do. And there-fore-and therefore, I call upon the Senate to join the House in creating a Department of Homeland Security which enables this President and future Presidents to be able to move people to the right place at the right time in order to protect America. I need the ability to manage the process. I do not need rules and regulations. I do not need micromanagement by the legislative branch. The House passed a good bill, and now the Senate must do so. They must get after it before they go home. I need a good bill, and I will not accept anything less. See, this is a chance to leave-for the Congress to leave a legacy for future people, future Presidents, future administrations, to deal with this real threat we face. But I want you to know, and you need to know, there are a lot of good folks working hard here in America to protect you; there really are. And we are doing a better job. We have got great police and fire, lots of FBI agents and CIA agents working hard. Anytime we get any hint about something might happen, a scintilla of evidence, we are moving on it; we are. We are making progress, all within the confines of the United States Constitution. But the best way to protect the homeland, short term and long term, is to chase the killers down, one at a time, and bring them to justice.


This is the kind of war- we do not face people who have got tanks and destroyers and bombers. That is a different kind of war. Those are wars of the past. This is a war in which we are fighting resourceful, determined people who hide in caves or the dark recesses of certain cities, and then send youngsters to their suicidal deaths. That is the kind of people we fight. And therefore, we are on an international manhunt. And we are making progress. That is just what you have got to know. Sometimes it is hard to tell; it is hard to measure progress. If you are not destroying equipment, it is hard to tell. But we have captured over a couple of thousand of them. I say we -the doctrine that says, Either you are with us, or you are with the enemy, still stands. That doctrine is still a part of American foreign policy. We are sharing intelligence. We are disrupting their finances, and we are hauling them in. The other day we got the fellow-I forgot the guy's name-bin al-Shibh, or whatever his name was. And he popped his head up, and now he is no longer a problem. We are making progress. We are making progress. We are working with our friends. We have got a vast coalition of people who understand the stakes and understand the nature of the war. I said we hauled in a couple of thousand; a like number were not as lucky. Slowly but surely, we are dismantling this particular terrorist network. I want to thank those of you who have got loved ones in the United States military. I am proud of our military. They are making a huge difference. One, anytime our troops go into harm's way, they deserve the best pay, the best training, and the best possible equipment; and secondly, the defense spending should send a clear message to friend and foe alike that the United States of America is in this deal for the long haul, that when it comes to the defense of our freedom, when it comes to defending this country, there is no timeline until we get it right, that we are-that we will stay the course, we will stay-we owe that to our children. We owe it to our children and our children's children to defend freedom and to protect the homeland.


We have new responsibilities in many ways-the same responsibilities, I guess, but new challenges to uphold those responsibilities, because we learned a tough lesson, and that is, oceans no longer protect us. It is a different war, with a different battlefield. And therefore, we must deal with threats as we see them, threats which may in the past have not been so frightening, but now in the new era we have got to deal with them, it seems like to me. In order to do our duty as Americans and leaders, we have got to defend our country and our friends and allies against the real threats that we face. This is a man who has gassed his own people, used weapons of mass destruction on his own citizens. Imagine what his intentions will be about a country that loves freedom like we do. This is a man who has attacked-and by the way, he used weapons of mass destruction in his own neighborhood, too, against countries on his border. This is a man who has attacked two countries in 22 years. This is a man who kills political dissenters in cold blood. This is a man who, 11 years ago, told the world that he would get rid of weapons of mass destruction, and yet, for 11 long years, he has defied resolution after resolution after resolution after resolution out of the United Nations. This is a man who would like nothing more than to team up with a terrorist network, a man who could use a terrorist network perhaps to use the weapons of mass destruction he is developed-and lies about-to harm countries that he cannot stand-America, Israel, countries in his own-immediately around him. And therefore, I thought it was time for us to deal with him, for the sake of freedom. So I went to the United Nations. We want you to succeed as a international body. We can do a better job if we work together through the United Nations, and here is your chance to succeed. You have a choice, and the choice is whether you will be an effective peacekeeping organization or whether you will be like the League of Nations-your choice. I also said to Mr. Saddam Hussein, You said you would disarm-your choice to disarm. He should do what he said he would do.


But for the sake of freedom and for the sake of peace, for the sake of a world that does not fear the world's worst leaders with the first world's weapons- with the world's worst weapons, this country will be deliberate, we will work with others, but we will lead a coalition to disarm Saddam Hussein. And today I was joined on the steps of the Rose Garden with Members of the House and Members of the Senate, Republicans and Democrats alike, who have joined with us to pass-the desire to pass a strong statement to the world about the resolve and determination of the United States. We are going to have a very constructive debate in Congress, and there should be. I told them today, I thought the debate that was going on is going to be one of the most historic debates ever in the Hall of Congress. That sentiment was echoed by not only the Speaker but Richard Gephardt, who was there, not only Trent Lott but Joe Lieberman was there, not only John McCain but Democrat Evan Bayh was there. We love our peace; we want the world to be a better and more peaceful place. If the United States remains strong and tough and focused, we can achieve peace. We can achieve peace here at home. If we speak clearly and renounce terrorism and fight terrorism, we can achieve peace in the Middle East; we can achieve peace in South Asia. No, the enemy hit us. The enemy hit us. But they did not realize who they hit. Oh, they probably thought we'd file a lawsuit or two. But they hit a country which loves freedom, a country based upon solid values, a country which, when we need to be strong, is strong. I believe, sincerely believe, that out of the evil done to America can come incredible good, starting with peace. We can make sure to work- work hard to make sure our seniors get quality health care. For the sake of our seniors, let us modernize Medicare with prescription drugs. But we must remember, here in America, in spite of our plenty, there are pockets of despair-there just are. They wonder whether or not the American Dream means anything to them. And as a society, we must do everything we can to eradicate those pockets of despair. Now, listen-Government can hand out money. We are pretty good at it at times.


But what Government cannot do is put hope in people's hearts or love in people's hearts or a sense of purpose in people's lives. Government cannot do that. That is done when our fellow Americans have heard the universal call to love a neighbor just like you'd like to be loved yourself. If you want to fight evil, do some good. If you want to fight evil, if you want to join in the war against terror, if you want to show the world what we are made out of-help somebody in need. See, our society will change-one heart, one conscience, one soul at a time-when a neighbor loves a neighbor in need. I look forward to working with Governor Ehrlich to unleash the true compassion of each society. I am a strong proponent of the Faith-Based Initiative. I want to unleash the power of love. I want people who go to church and synagogue and mosque, if they want to help a person in need, to be empowered by the Government to do so. Our Governments must not fear faith. We must welcome faith in our society. No, the enemy hit us, but they-in doing so, they have awakened a great spirit, an American spirit. And I want you all to help move that spirit forward. I know many of you already do this-but mentor a child, or help somebody in need. Continue doing the charitable works you do to help the communities in which you live. It will be a better place for all of us. One of the reasons I first ran for office is because I wanted to challenge the culture of our country, which has said, If it feels good, just go ahead and do it, and If you have got a problem, blame somebody else. My dream was to usher in a period of personal responsibility, to be a part of a cultural shift in which each of understands we are responsible for the decisions we make in life. If you are a mom or a dad, your most important responsibility is to love your child with all your heart. You are responsible for helping a neighbor in need. You are responsible for the quality of education in the community in which you live. If you are running corporate America, you are responsible to your employees and shareholders to tell the truth. The responsibility era is happening in America, probably most vividly displayed on Flight 93, when average citizens were flying across the country. They learned their plane was going to be used as a weapon- imagine.