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Thoughts on Georges Soria’s Denunciation of “Trotskyism in the Service of Franco”

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soria_trotskyismby Espresso Stalinist

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Recently I was reading a PDF of the 1938 pamphlet Trotskyism in the Service of Franco: Facts and Documents on the Activities of the P.O.U.M. in Spain by Georges Soria. Soria was a representative in Spain of the French communist paper L’Humanité and also wrote for the International Press Correspondence of the Comintern. The material for the pamphlet was originally published as a series of articles reporting on the situation of the Spanish Civil War.

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Forty years after its original publication, Soria is said to have denounced the work and its contents as a forgery.

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The work has subsequently been dismissed as a fabrication for a number of years. It is now cited by Trotskyists as evidence of a “Stalinist” campaign to smear the P.O.U.M. as fascist agents. Jeffrey Meyers, a biographer of George Orwell, called it “a vicious book” and Orwell himself dedicated lengthy passages in his novel “Homage to Catalonia” to blaming the Communists for similar accusations, and for the loss in Spain as a whole. The pamphlet has become a tool to denounce the heroic role of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) in the Spanish Civil War as counterrevolutionary.

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The copy of the full pamphlet in its 1938 form on the Marxists Internet Archive (MIA) comes with an editor’s note that cites the original author apparently claiming the work and its contents are a complete forgery:

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“Forty years later, in a work about the Spanish civil war (Guerra y revolución en España 1936-1939, III, 78-79), Soria himself stated – without mentioning anything about his own role in disseminating the accusation  – that ‘the charge that the POUM leaders were ‘agents of the Gestapo and Franco’ was no more than a fabrication, because it was impossible to adduce the slightest evidence’ and the whole story was ‘an extension into the international arena of the methods that constituted the most somber aspect of what has since been called Stalinism’” (Marxists Internet Archive).

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It’s worth noting MIA are not the first ones to use these quotes to “disprove” the Soria pamphlet. Many scholarly and non-scholarly books have used them as well.

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As the MIA editor’s note shows, the original source for these quotes from Soria is the book “Guerra y revolución en España 1936-1939.” This source is not available to me. However, I did find another source that details the full unedited quotes by Soria which are being cited as proof his work is a forgery: the book “Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution” by Burnett Bolloten.

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Within this source there is enough information to argue that the way the quotes from Soria are often presented is quite deceptive. Here I will present only what are actual quoted words from Soria, and omit the words and phrases MIA inserted between them. The first quote that is commonly used is that Soria said that:

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“[…] the charge that the POUM leaders were ‘agents of the Gestapo and Franco’ was no more than a fabrication, because it was impossible to adduce the slightest evidence.”

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The second quote, which MIA and others present as being about “the whole story,” (more on this later) meaning about the entire contents of Soria’s pamphlet, says:

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“[…] an extension into the international arena of the methods that constituted the most somber aspect of what has since been called Stalinism.”

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These passages in quotes are the only portions of the editor’s note that were actually said by Soria. Now I will present the full and unedited Soria quotes in their original context as cited in Bolloten’s book. All portions in brackets [ ] without the annotation “E.S.” appeared in brackets in the original Bolloten text. The first full quote reads as follows:

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“Forty years later however, in an attempt to exculpate the Spanish Communists from responsibility for the death of Nin, he [Soria – E.S.] stated that ‘the accusations leveled against Nin in Spain in the form of the couplet: ‘Where is Nin? In Salamanca or Berlin?’ were ‘purely and simply…an extension into the international arena of the methods that constituted the most somber aspect of what has since been called Stalinism.’”

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So Soria was not, in fact, talking about his pamphlet, but rather the story surrounding the disappearance of Andrés Nin, the founder of the P.O.U.M., where he was freed from prison by fascist agents. Soria then blames the NKVD for the death of Nin, which is what he dismissed as “an extension into the international arena of the methods that constituted the most somber aspect of what has since been called Stalinism.”

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Bolloten even goes on to condemn Soria for his “attempt…to exonerate the PCE by shifting responsibility for the crusade against the P.O.U.M. and for the disappearance of Nin to the phenomenon of ‘Stalinism’” (507). So the Soria quote specifically speaks of the charges against Nin and one story of his disappearance.

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The MIA editor’s note however, frames this quote as being about “the whole story,” implying that it’s about his original work and all charges of the P.O.U.M. acting as agents (either de-facto agents or actual spies) of Franco or Hitler:

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“the whole story was ‘an extension…[Soria quote continues as above].”

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As we can clearly see however, in this first quote Soria was not talking about his pamphlet or the “whole story,” but specifically about the alleged liberation of Andrés Nin from prison by fascist agents, which Soria recounts in the pamphlet, though he does not mention the involvement of the Gestapo but rather implies that fascist agents may have been involved.

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Bolloten then cites the second Soria quote used by MIA in the same paragraph, which contains even greater pronounced differences with the MIA citation. The original says:

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“On the one hand, the charge that the leaders of the POUM, among them Andrés Nin, were ‘agents of the Gestapo and Franco’ was no more than a fabrication, because it was impossible to adduce the slightest evidence. On the other hand, although the leaders of the POUM were neither agents of Franco nor agents of the Gestapo, it is true that their relentless struggle against the Popular Front played the game nolens volens of the Caudillo [General Franco]” (Bolloten 507).

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So despite Soria claiming that the charges of the P.O.U.M. leadership, including Nin, being fascist spies was without evidence, he still blamed the P.O.U.M. for taking an ultra-left position and undermining the popular front in Spain, which still rendered de-facto service to the fascists. In other words, even if the Trotskyists and ultra-lefts in the P.O.U.M. were completely innocent of all charges and were not agents of the Gestapo or Franco, they “only” offered de-facto, and not de-jure, service to Franco.

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The phrasing here says that even though he claims there is no evidence of the P.O.U.M. leadership being fascist agents and spies, Soria does not deny the fact that they rendered service to Franco, using the phrase, “nolens volens,” meaning “whether willing or unwilling.”

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The editor’s note on MIA omits this second phrase for obvious reasons. There are a number of other interesting points regarding these full, unedited quotes that are worth pointing out.

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In these quotes Soria does not denounce his original work – merely the specific charge that the P.O.U.M. leadership were spies of the Gestapo and Franco. He does say it was “impossible to adduce the slightest evidence,” which can be said to imply that the documents and sources he cites in the pamphlet are, at least in part, forgeries. However, this is not stated specifically. In fact, Soria does not mention his work at all! This is implicitly stated by the editor’s note on the MIA page, which states that Soria spoke “without mentioning anything about his own role in disseminating the accusation.” His “role,” of course, was the pamphlet!

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To some extent MIA makes a valid point about Soria never mentioning his own “role” in the charges that he claims was a “fabrication…[without] the slightest evidence.” Assuming the work is a complete fabrication, Soria never claimed to have been coerced to write the pamphlet, and never mentions an outside party forcing him to do so. Therefore, even in the case that it is a complete forgery, until there is proof that Soria authored it under the influence of an outside force, the blame must be placed not on the Soviet Union, “Stalinism” or the PCE, but on Soria the author for allegedly forging the evidence in his articles in the first place, and allowing those articles to be published as a pamphlet.

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It’s also worth repeating that though Soria expresses his belief that the charges against the “P.O.U.M. leadership” being fascist spies was false and without evidence, this does not mean everyone in the P.O.U.M. was innocent of such activities, and Soria says explicitly that the P.O.U.M.’s actions still helped Hitler and Franco, even if unwillingly. One must ask then: how does this in any way exonerate the P.O.U.M.?

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Furthermore, why Soria should choose forty years after the publication of the original document, long after such a “confession” of forgery could have had any effect whatsoever on the anti-fascist war in Spain or its outcome is unclear, thought it must be pointed out that these words were said after Soria became sympathetic to the Eurocommunism of the PCF, and during the era of “de-Stalinization,” where the virtues of making slanderous statements and denunciations regarding the Stalin era were looked upon with favor both inside and outside the Soviet Union. The pace for this was set by the many utter falsehoods uttered by Khrushchev at the 20th Congress, and the decades of revisionism that followed.

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CONCLUSION: Until there is more direct evidence that Georges Soria denounced his articles and the documents he cited in them as forgeries, there is no reason to “dismiss” them from consideration as evidence, and though he later claimed the charges against the P.O.U.M. leadership were baseless and there was no evidence for them, implying that at least part of the original work was false and/or mistaken, the conclusion that Soria admitted his work and all of its contents were complete forgeries cannot be supported by the existing facts.

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https://www.marxists.org/history/spain/writers/soria/trotskyism_in_service_of_franco.htm

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+ One response to “Thoughts on Georges Soria’s Denunciation of “Trotskyism in the Service of Franco”

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  1. +
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    + + Vijay Singh + + +
    + +

    Interesting comments. MIA, I am clear, structure their site and their editing to falsify facts about communism.

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  2. +
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  • Comrade Ho Chi Minh

    "Uncle Ho," birth name Nguyen Sinh Cung. Ho Chi Minh translates to "He Who Enlightens." + +Remember the Vietnamese workers who liberated Vietnam from French colonial rule and defeated the U.S. imperialists genocide in Vietnam!
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  • Quotes

    “Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement.”

    +

    -- V.I. Lenin

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    "No force, no torture, no intrigue can eradicate Marxism-Leninism from the minds and hearts of men."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    "If you do not condemn colonialism, if you do not side with the colonial people, what kind of revolution are you waging?"

    +

    -- Ho Chi Minh

    +

    “Every departure from class struggle has fatal results for the destiny of socialism.”

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    "A nation which enslaves another forges its own chains."

    +

    -- Karl Marx

    +

    "Private property must, therefore, be abolished and in its place must come the common utilization of all instruments of production and the distribution of all products according to common agreement - in a word, what is called the communal ownership of goods."

    +

    -- Friedrich Engels

    +

    "The entire party and country should hurl into the fire and break the neck of anyone who dared trample underfoot the sacred edict of the party on the defense of women's rights."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha, 1967

    +

    "Today, in fact, ‘Stalinism’ has become a meaningless term of abuse employed to denote political views with which one disagrees."

    +

    -- Bill Bland

    +

    "If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor."

    +

    -- Desmond Tutu

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    “The class struggle does not disappear under the dictatorship of the proletariat; it merely assumes different forms... The class of exploiters, the landowners and capitalists, has not disappeared and cannot disappear all at once under the dictatorship of the proletariat. The exploiters have been smashed, but not destroyed. They still have an international base in the form of international capital, of which they are a branch. They still retain certain means of production in part, they still have money, they still have vast social connections."

    +

    -- V.I. Lenin, 1919

    +

    "We are marching in a compact group along a precipitous and difficult path, firmly holding each other by the hand. We are surrounded on all sides by enemies, and we have to advance almost constantly under their fire. We have combined, by a freely adopted decision, for the purpose of fighting the enemy, and not of retreating into the neighbouring marsh, the inhabitants of which, from the very outset, have reproached us with having separated ourselves into an exclusive group and with having chosen the path of struggle instead of the path of conciliation. And now some among us begin to cry out: Let us go into the marsh! And when we begin to shame them, they retort: What backward people you are! Are you not ashamed to deny us the liberty to invite you to take a better road! Oh, yes, gentlemen! You are free not only to invite us, but to go yourselves wherever you will, even into the marsh. In fact, we think that the marsh is your proper place, and we are prepared to render you every assistance to get there. Only let go of our hands, don’t clutch at us and don’t besmirch the grand word freedom, for we too are ‘free’ to go where we please, free to fight not only against the marsh, but also against those who are turning towards the marsh!"

    +

    -- Lenin, “What is to be Done?”

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    "I have not brought you liberty, I found it here, among you."

    +

    -- George Kastrioti "Skanderbeg"

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    "[The children's] life will be better than ours; much of what was our life, they will not experience. Their lives will be less cruel. [...] Our generation has succeeded in doing a job of astounding historical importance. The cruelty of our life, forced upon us by conditions, will be understood and justified. It will all be understood, all of it!"

    +

    -- V.I. Lenin

    +

    "There is one, and only one, kind of real internationalism, and that is—working whole-heartedly for the development of the revolutionary movement and the revolutionary struggle in one’s own country, and supporting (by propaganda, sympathy, and material aid) this struggle, this, and only this, line, in every country without exception."

    +

    -- V.I. Lenin, 1917

    +

    "When the enemy attacks you, it means you are on the right road."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    "You'll hang me now, but I am not alone. There are two hundred million of us. You can't hang us all."

    +

    -- Zoya Anatolyevna Kosmodemyanskaya

    +

    "The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was neither a revolution, nor great, nor cultural, and, in particular, not in the least proletarian."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    "Marxism is not only the theory of socialism, it is an integral world outlook, a philosophical system, from which Marx’s proletarian socialism logically follows. This philosophical system is called dialectical materialism.”

    +

    -- J. V. Stalin, “Anarchism or Socialism?”

    +

    "You speak of Sinified socialism. There is nothing of the sort in nature. There is no Russian, English, French, German, Italian socialism, as much as there is no Chinese socialism. There is only one Marxist-Leninist socialism."

    +

    -- J.V. Stalin, 1949

    +

    “Nixon is to go to Peking! We are not in agreement. Therefore I think we should write to the Chinese a letter saying that we are opposed to this decision. Nixon is an aggressor, a murderer of peoples, an enemy of socialism — especially of Albania, which the USA has never recognised as a people’s democratic state and against which it has hatched a thousand plots. The invitation to Nixon will benefit imperialism and world reaction, and will gravely harm the new Marxist-Leninist Parties which have looked upon China and Mao Tse-tung as the pillar of the revolution and as defenders of Marxism-Leninism."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    "It is only the working class at the head of the masses, it is only the working class headed by its real Marxist-Leninist party, it is only the working class through armed revolution, through violence, that can and must bury the traitorous revisionists."

    +

    -- Enver Hoxha

    +

    “There were two ‘Reigns of Terror,’ if we would but remember and consider it; the one wrought murder in hot passion, the other in heartless cold blood; the one lasted mere months, the other lasted a thousand years; the one inflicted death upon ten thousand persons, the other upon a hundred millions; but our shudders are all for the “horrors” of the minor Terror, the momentary Terror, so to speak; whereas, what is the horror of swift death by the guillotine, compared with lifelong death from hunger, cold, insult, cruelty, and heart-break? What is swift death by lightning compared with death by slow fire at the stake? A city cemetery could contain the coffins filled by that brief Terror which we have all been so diligently taught to shiver at and mourn over; but all France could hardly contain the coffins filled by that older and real Terror—that unspeakably bitter and awful Terror which none of us has been taught to see in its vastness or pity as it deserves.”

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    — Mark Twain, "A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court"

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险棋一招彪炳千秋——志愿军赴朝决策经过             +

+ + +
+                             青石
+
+    1950年9月15日,朝鲜战局突变。在美军上将麦克阿瑟指挥下,美军共7万多
+人,在500架飞机、260艘军舰的配合下,于仁川登陆,包抄朝鲜人民军后路。9月1
+6日,洛东江前线美韩军共10个师大举反攻。
+
+    从美军在仁川登陆的第二天,当美国陆战队开始推进到汉江南岸,而美国飞机完全控制
+了朝鲜的制空权时,斯大林沉不住气了。他一面下令国防部长紧急制定一项出动苏联空军去
+保卫平壤的计划,一面致电金日成,强调美国人在仁川的登陆目的在于切断北朝鲜第一和第
+二集团军与北朝鲜后方的联系,朝鲜有必要迅速从南方撤出4个师,在汉城以北和以东建立
+防线。考虑到人民军主力正在对釜山发动新一轮攻势,苏联驻平壤的大使和军事顾问没有认
+真贯彻斯大林的上述指示。
+
+    9月25日,汉城陷落,釜山的进攻战也告失败,美军已开始大举北边。越过三八线的
+人民军主力几乎损失了所有坦克、大炮,部队缺少弹药和燃料,几乎没有补充,面临被围歼
+的严重危险。带着斯大林的撤走命令刚刚到达朝鲜不久的苏联武装部队副总参谋长、化名马
+特维耶夫的苏共特别代表团团长明确认为,必须立即向中国人请求帮助,至少应当请中国朋
+友派遣1500名以上的司机到朝鲜来帮助运送武器弹药和军队。
+
+    斯大林这回相信战争不能再打下去了。27日,他召集了苏共中央政治局会议,会议决
+定指示外交人民委员部责成苏联驻联合国代表马立克,立即寻找机会与美国国务院代表接
+触,寻求和平解决朝鲜问题的办法。同时要苏联军事顾问全力组织北朝鲜人民军的撤退工
+作,但斯大林特别申明,必须采取一切措施,不要让一个在朝鲜的苏联顾问被俘。当然,斯
+大林认为请中国人到朝鲜去是必要的。只是,他在给马特维耶夫的电报中强调,在向金日成
+建议请中国朋友派遣司机时,切记“不要提莫斯科”。
+
+    28日,金日成召集了朝鲜劳动党中央政治局紧急会议,讨论实现莫斯科提议的具体办
+法。但会议最终认定,由于大部分人民军主力未能撤回来,在汉城陷落后己无法阻止美国军
+队越过三八线了;一旦美军越过三八线,剩余的人民军不可能进行有效的抵抗,北朝鲜将不
+可避免地沦为美国的殖民地。因此,政治局领导人一致同意向苏联和中国要求直接的军事援
+助。显然,提出这种请求是令人沮丧的。因为金日成想用自己的力量统一国家。
+
+    10月1日凌晨2时50分,斯大林收到了苏联大使转来的金日成的正式求援信。信中
+恳切地请求斯大林给予直接的军事援助。“如果由于某些原因不可能做到这一点时,请帮助
+我们在中国和其他人民民主国家组织国际志愿部队,给我们的斗争以军事援助。”
+
+    拿到金日成的求援信仅仅不过10分钟,斯大林就口授了他给苏联驻北京大使的电报,
+要求他尽快转告毛泽东或周恩来:“朝鲜同志的情况变得令人绝望。”“根据眼下的形势,
+你们如果认为能用部队给朝鲜人以帮助,那么至少应该将五、六个师迅速推进至三八线,以
+便朝鲜同志能在你们部队的掩护下,在三八线以北组织后备力量。中国师可以以志愿者的身
+份出现。当然,仍由中国的指挥员统率。”为了表现出他纯粹是为了他人着想,丝毫没有强
+加于人的意思,他写道:“关于此事,我没有也不打算透露给我们的朝鲜朋友,但我相信,
+当他们得到这一消息时,无疑会感到高兴。”
+
+    当这封电报送到毛泽东手中时,金日成的特使朴宪永也带着求援信到了中南海。毛泽东
+临时召集书记处领导人周恩来、朱德和刘少奇开紧急会议讨论对策。毛泽东的态度很明确:
+这件事要管;不管,美国侵略者将更猖獗,无论对朝鲜,对中国,对整个东方,都是不利
+的。但是,到了这个地步,谁都清楚,就要冒风险。这个风险究竟有多大,这个问题成了会
+议争论的主要内容。
+
+    首先,战局不仅显示出美国军队在装备及火力上拥有巨大优势,而且表明它在指挥和战
+术上也不可小视。靠抗日战争和解放战争缴获敌人五花八门的各种装备武装起来的中国人民
+解放军,是否就能够达到歼灭和驱逐美国人的目的呢?根据周恩来列举的数字,可知美国一
+个军仅70毫米以上口径的大炮就有1000多门,同时还有坦克近500辆,而解放军平
+均一个军才有这样的大炮36门,东北边防军一个军最多也只有290门,况且还没有坦
+克。再加上美军拥有制空权,解放军的第一批空军最快也要到1951年2月才能有300
+多架飞机可以投入作战。在装备及火力对比如此悬殊的条件下贸然投入对美作战,是否有利
+呢?
+
+    其次,在经过了多年战争之后,人民刚刚得到和平和稳定,国家刚刚开始进入经济的全
+面恢复和建设时期。出兵朝鲜,对美作战,不能不考虑美国向中国宣战的严重可能性,如果
+在朝鲜作战不能很快取得胜利,即使仅仅形成两军相持的局面,美国必定会变本加厉地实施
+对中国大陆的空中打击和海上进犯,结果将不可避免地严重破坏中国已经开始的经济建设计
+划,并引起国内的政治恐慌。
+
+    显而易见,同两个月前相比,朝鲜战局的恶化使得中共中央领导内部对出兵条件的估计
+变得谨慎多了,顾虑也多了。除了毛泽东以外,与会者几乎都对迅速出兵感到没有太多的把
+握。当然,毛泽东仍旧相信,权衡利弊,出兵比不出兵好。关键是苏联能否帮助解决解放军
+与美军装备和火力上的差距。从解放战争的胜利可以看得很清楚,我们后方近、兵力多是一
+个很大的优势,只要苏联的装备能及时运到,空军的掩护问题能够基本解决,就不难打败美
+国军队;如果在朝鲜打胜了,美国还敢对中国大举进攻吗?
+
+    毛泽东的逻辑虽然没有根本解除与会领导人的思想顾虑,但也没有人提出更有力的反对
+出兵的理由了。因此,毛泽东决定第二天召开政治局扩大会议,进一步研究和决定出兵问
+题。接着,他连夜起草了两封电报,一封给东北军区司令员兼政治委员的高岗,和当时负责
+东北边防军的第13集团军司令员邓华,要他们命令东北边防军提前结束准备工作,随时待
+命出动入朝作战;一封给斯大林,明确说明:“我们决定用志愿军名义派一部分军队至朝鲜
+境内和美国及其走狗李承晚的军队作战,援助朝鲜同志。我们认为这样做是必要的。”而入
+朝作战最关键的问题是“中国军队能否在朝鲜境内歼灭美国军队,有效地解决朝鲜问题”。
+这取决于苏联援助装备的情况。毛泽东在列举了美军与解放军在火炮及其它重武器上的差距
+之后,开列了一个长长的清单,要求苏联迅速提供武器装备,争取使每个军能够有500至
+600门火炮。但是,他表示并不准备拖延出兵。他说:在目前的情况下,我们决定将预先
+调集的12个师于10月15日开始出动,到达北朝鲜的适当地区(不一定到三八线),
+“一面和敢于进攻三八线以北的敌人作战,第一个时期只打防御战,歼灭小股敌人,弄清各
+方面的情况;一面等候苏联武器到达,并将我军装备起来,然后配合朝鲜同志举行反攻”,
+争取在实战中,用四倍于敌人的兵力,和一倍半至两倍于敌人的火力,“有把握地干净地彻
+底地歼灭敌人”。
+
+    然而,在10月2日举行的政治局扩大会议上,毛泽东吃惊地发现,几乎所有领导人都
+对现在出兵朝鲜持怀疑和反对的态度。而最重要的是,军队领导人几乎一致对同美军作战表
+示没有把握。战则必胜,胜不了还出什么兵?毛泽东终于也犹豫起来了。
+
+    这时,最主要的军事领导人只有彭德怀还没有到北京,毛泽东明确表示要叫彭德怀来,
+听听他的意见。但连夜起草的电报无论如何不能发了。考虑到必须给斯大林一个答复,毛泽
+东在3日约见了苏联大使罗申,口述了一封电报,内称:“我们原先曾计划当敌人向三八线
+以北推进时,派八个师的志愿军到北朝鲜帮助朝鲜同志,但是,经过全面考虑之后,我们现
+在认为采取这种行动可能会招致极其严重的后果。第一,靠几个师很难解决朝鲜问题(我军
+装备极差,与美国军队作战没有胜利的把握),敌人可能会迫使我们后退。第二,这样做极
+可能导致美国与中国的公开冲突,结果苏联也会被拖进战争,这样一来,问题就变得非常严
+重了。”因此,“中共中央的许多同志认为,对此表示谨慎是必要的。……如果我们派去几
+个师,敌人却迫使我们后退,同时还导致美国与中国的公开冲突,那么,我们整个的和平建
+设计划就会被彻底破坏,这会引起国内很多人的不满(人民受到的战争创伤尚未恢复,我们
+需要和平)。因此,目前最好还是耐心一些,不派出军队,积极准备力量,这样做在把握同
+敌人作战的时机上将比较有利。”当然,毛泽东内心深处对这样做颇感不安。因此,他在电
+报结尾处特别表示:“关于这个问题尚未做出最后决定,这是我们的初步电报,我们希望与
+您商量”。
+
+    毛泽东3日的复电大大出乎斯大林的意料。
+
+    10月5日,苏共中央政治局整整讨论了一整天。所有的与会者都确信,必须不惜一切
+代价避免苏联直接与美国发生冲突,即使是放弃北朝鲜。为了最后劝说毛泽东改变主意,承
+担苏联本应承担的责任,斯大林当天又给毛泽东发去了一封电报。他针对毛泽东的担心逐一
+解释,让毛泽东放心。他断言:美国目前不准备打大仗,日本也没有能力援助美国,因此,
+如果中国参战,美国只好放弃占领朝鲜的计划。如果只是消极等待,不能令人信服地显示中
+国的力量,中国不仅得不到这些让步,而且也别想指望美国会在台湾问题上做出让步。至于
+苏联是否会被拖入战争的问题,他用颇具煽动力的语言鼓动说:既然中苏之间签订了互助同
+盟条约,如果美国对中国宣战,苏联当然会被拖入战争。但是,“这需要害怕吗?在我看
+来,我们不需要惧怕:因为我们联合起来要比美国和英国更强大,而其他欧洲资本主义国家
+没有德国(目前它不可能给美国提供任何帮助)就不是什么重要的军事力量。如果战争不可
+避免,那就让它现在就来吧!”
+
+    其实,毛泽东也并没有完全放弃出兵的努力,问题仅仅在于,军队领导人能不能有信
+心。4日,彭德怀赶到北京,参加了政治局会议。在会后与毛泽东的谈话中,针对毛泽东在
+会上所讲的,“别人处于国家危急时刻,我们站在旁边看,不论怎么说,心里也难过”的
+话,彭德怀承认:“苏联完全洗手,我们装备差得很远,只好让朝鲜亡国,是很痛心。”但
+是,在毛泽东提出“如果苏联援助得多一些,快一些,我们的装备改善得好一些,这场仗是
+不是能打”的问题后,彭德怀反复考虑后肯定地表示:这不是没有可能的,问题在于这种援
+助能够到什么程度,空军能掩护到什么程度,这个问题解决得好,可以同美国军队较量一
+下。得到彭德怀这样的回答,毛泽东显然十分满意。他明确提议,有关苏联援助的问题,由
+周恩来去苏联与斯大林商量解决,出兵的准备继续做,由彭德怀来担任志愿军的司令员兼政
+委。在5日的政治局会议上,彭德怀表示了积极的态度,会议的气氛有了转变。据此,毛泽
+东提议,一方面成立志愿军,做入朝作战的周密准备,一方面派周恩来、林彪前往苏联,说
+明出兵与不出兵的利弊得失,最后征求斯大林的意见。
+
+    7日,毛泽东再度约见了苏联大使罗申,要他转告斯大林,他同意斯大林来电的基本观
+点,并准备过一些时候派9个师入朝作战,只是有关入朝作战和苏联援助的种种问题,还需
+要派周恩来和林彪前往苏联与斯大林迸行详细的讨论。
+
+    8日,毛泽东以军委主席的名义发布了组建中国人民志愿军的命令,并电告了金日成。
+当天,周恩来与林彪也从北京飞抵莫斯科。周恩来当时带去的是两种意见:苏联能够迅速提
+供中方所需的装备。特别是提供空中掩护,就出兵;否则就不出兵。但很显然,周恩来和林
+彪的谈话比较多地谈到了出兵困难的一面,联系到毛泽东准备“过一些时候”出兵的电报,
+斯大林显然对中国方面的意图发生了误会。在反复强调出兵的好处而仍无法说服周恩来之
+后,变得激动起来,大声说:“那么,你们的决定就是不想派军队去朝鲜了,而朝鲜的社会
+主义很快就会崩溃了。”
+
+    10日和11日,周恩来与斯大林进行了将近两天的会谈。他在发给毛泽东的电报中说
+明,斯大林一面肯定愿意提供16个志愿空军团进行空中掩护,一面又对立即出动空军掩护
+表示困难,声明苏联远东空军准备不足,至少要两个月到两个半月的时间才有可能给予掩
+护,因此,斯大林更多地强调可否向中方提供飞机来解决这个问题。而他一再告诉斯大林,
+这样做是行不通的,不仅中方接运困难,而且也没有飞行人员可以利用,何况还有一个由中
+方付款的问题,这在财政上会带来很大的问题,必然极大地影响经济的恢复和建设工作。于
+是,讨论来讨论去,双方最后还是下了决心,在不得已的情况下放弃北朝鲜,让金日成及其
+政权和军队暂时退到中国的东北地区去。据此,他们分别正式通知了北京和平壤方面。
+
+    不管周恩来带去苏联的是几种意见,在毛泽东这边始终还是在做着出兵的准备。在收到
+周恩来关于苏联空军暂时不能出动和决定暂不出兵的通知之后,毛泽东立即下令暂停执行有
+关部队出动的原定计划,并电召高岗和彭德怀来京会商。13日,彭德怀、高岗赶到北京,
+他们虽然对苏联暂时不能给予空军支援也感到意外和不满,但对于让金日成到东北来建立流
+亡政府,把美国人放到鸭绿江边上来的前景,深感不安。这也正是毛泽东的担心所在。在反
+复讨论了这种情况之后,政治局领导人一致认为,出兵朝鲜已经是唯一的选择了。因此,毛
+泽东马上于13、14日接连三电周恩来,说明“与高岗、彭德怀二同志及其他政治局同志
+商量结果,一致认为我军还是出动到朝鲜为有利”,“让敌人压至鸭绿江边,国内国际反动
+气焰增高,则对各方都不利,首先是对东北更不利”。至于作战,在装备较差的情况下,打
+伪军还是有把握的。待苏联的装备到了,我们在空中和地上均占优势时,再取攻势。总之,
+我们认为应当参战,必须参战,参战利益极大,不参战损害极大。”
+
+    13日,苏联大使罗申将毛泽东的决定报告给了斯大林。毛泽东告诉罗申说:中国方面
+的唯一要求只是,“必须有掩护我们的空军,我们希望它尽快到达,无论如何也不应迟于两
+个月”。
+
+    14日,斯大林得到了周恩来的正式通报。这回,斯大林心里的一块石头落了地。一些
+年后,陈毅甚至肯定地说,斯大林当时被感动得掉下眼泪。他十分兴奋地正式通知金日成
+说:“经过摇摆和作出若干临时性的决定之后,中国同志终于下定出兵援助朝鲜的最后决
+心。有利于朝鲜的最终决定终于下定了。”〖摘自1997年3月17、20日《报刊文
+摘》,原载《百年潮》〗
+
+ + +

 白鹿书院 

+

+

+

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